biron - birkbeck institutional research online kaufmann, eric p. ( ) nativist cosmopolitans: institutional reflexivity and the decline of “double-consciousness” in american nationalist thought. the journal of historical sociology ( ), pp. - . issn - . downloaded from: http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/id/eprint/ / usage guidelines: please refer to usage guidelines at https://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/policies.html or alternatively contact lib-eprints@bbk.ac.uk. http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/id/eprint/ / https://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/policies.html mailto:lib-eprints@bbk.ac.uk birkbeck eprints: an open access repository of the research output of birkbeck college http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk kaufmann, eric ( ). nativist cosmopolitans: institutional reflexivity and the decline of “double- consciousness” in american nationalist thought. the journal of historical sociology ( ) – . this is an author-produced version of a paper published in the journal of historical sociology (issn - ). this version is a pre-print (pre- refereeing) and does not include the publisher proof corrections, published layout or pagination. the definitive version is available at: http://www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/abs/ . / - . all articles available through birkbeck eprints are protected by intellectual property law, including copyright law. any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. citation for this version: kaufmann, eric ( ). nativist cosmopolitans: institutional reflexivity and the decline of “double-consciousness” in american nationalist thought. london: birkbeck eprints. available at: http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/archive/ citation for the publisher’s version: kaufmann, eric ( ). nativist cosmopolitans: institutional reflexivity and the decline of “double-consciousness” in american nationalist thought. the journal of historical sociology ( ) – . http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk contact birkbeck eprints at lib-eprints@bbk.ac.uk http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/ http://www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/abs/ . / - . http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/archive/ http://eprints.bbk.ac.uk/ mailto:lib-eprints@bbk.ac.uk nativist cosmopolitans: institutional reflexivity and the decline of "double-consciousness" in american nationalist thought ever since tom paine declared that "europe, not england is the parent country of america," there has been a strong tendency for scholars to perceive the united states as the world's first universal nation, an entity formed without reference to a pre-modern ethnic core. (kaufman : ) this argument tends to assert that the anglo-protestant elites who founded the united states assumed a liberal-universalist "cultural idiom" of nationhood. this exceptionalist view of the american nation came to be widely promulgated by the "consensus" school of historiography between the 's and the early 's. (higham ; solomon ; kohn ; fitzgerald : - ) though its popularity has waned in recent decades, the exceptionalist argument underlies the work of many contemporary social thinkers. recent examples include seymour martin lipset ('being american…is an ideological commitment'), wilbur zelinsky ('american nationalism has been international in character from the outset'), liah greenfeld ('the ideal nation') and arthur schlesinger, jr. ('the future was america'). (zelinsky ; greenfeld : ; schlesinger : ; lipset : ) against the grain of the exceptionalist argument, a second avenue of historical- sociological investigation has appeared, predicated on the claim that american national discourse has been shaped by a hegemonic white, anglo-protestant cultural elite. this line of enquiry could first be detected just prior to world war i in the writings of pluralists like horace kallen or randolph bourne. (bourne [ ] : ; kallen : , - ) it later attained popularity among "new political historians" like lee benson and joel silbey, or critical sociologists like c. wright mills and e. digby baltzell. (benson ; mills ; baltzell ; silbey ) more recently, david roediger, rogers smith, ashley doane and reginald horsman, among others, have backed the contention that varieties of "ascriptive americanism" have been used to safeguard the cultural, economic and political privileges of a dominant, "wasp" or white ethnic group. (horsman ; roediger ; r. smith ; doane ) this paper grants that both the exceptionalist and ethnoculturalist interpretations of american nationalism are well-supported by historical evidence. however, few players in this highly-charged debate have acknowledged the pervasive dualism which runs through the writings of most of the individuals cited in the historical literature. fewer still have sought to investigate the nature of this paradox. the tradition established by gunnar myrdal's an american dilemma ( ) provides no exception. that important work led to a fertile debate concerning the dissonance between white (and, to a far lesser extent, anglo-protestant) american thought and action on the race issue, but paid scant attention to the logical and rhetorical dualism present within dominant group discourse itself. this essay seeks to address this gap in the literature using historical evidence which illustrates that partisans from each side of the current debate often adopt discursive evidence from the same individuals. our enterprise will therefore be one of clarification and analysis. clarification, in that we shall present empirical evidence for a pattern of pervasive dualism in the historical record. this will be followed by an analysis which unwinds and isolates the complex causal strands which gave rise to what ralph waldo emerson referred to as american "double-consciousness." the advent of "double-consciousness" the art of american double-consciousness, according to emerson, lay in balancing notions of "race" and "rights," in other words, (anglo-protestant) ethnicity and universalist liberty. (goldman : ) even so, emerson was clearly not the first practitioner of this cultural style, whose origins may be traced to the mid-eighteenth century. the revolutionary generation the pattern of dualism which is a hallmark of american thought on the question of nationality had already emerged prior to the american revolution. benjamin franklin, for example, as early as , explicitly defended the englishness of the american colonies, emphasizing that it was hardly: necessary to bring in foreigners to fill up any occasional vacancy in a country; for such vacancy...will soon be filled by natural generation…and since detachments of english from britain sent to america, will have their places of home so soon supply'd and increase so largely here; why should the palatine boors [germans] be suffered to swarm into our settlements, and by herding together establish their language and manners to the exclusion of ours? why should pennsylvania, founded by the english, become a colony of aliens, who will shortly be so numerous as to germanize us instead of our anglifying them, and will never adopt our language or customs, any more than they can acquire our complexion. (franklin [ ] : , ) franklin later added that "[our] land owners will have no cause to complain if english, welsh and protestant irish are encouraged to come hither instead of germans." (kerman : - ) commenting on the same matter in , franklin continued to castigate the germans, remarking that "unless the stream of their importation could be turned from this to other colonies...they will soon outnumber us." however, at the conclusion of this very same passage, he appears to change his tune, suggesting that: i am not for refusing entirely to admit them into our colonies: all that seems to be necessary is to distribute them more equally, mix them with the english, establish english schools where they are now too thick settled...i say i am not against the admission of germans in general, for they have their virtues, their industry and frugality is exemplary; they are excellent husbandmen and contribute greatly to the improvement of a country. (franklin [ ] : , ) thomas jefferson concurred with this liberal view in , writing that he wished to keep the doors of america open, so as to: consecrate a sanctuary for those whom the misrule of europe may compel to seek happiness in other climes. this refuge once known will produce reaction on the happiness even of those who remain there, by warning their taskmasters that when the evils of egyptian oppression become heavier than those of the abandonment of country, another canaan is open where their subjects will be received as brothers and secured against like oppression by a participation in the right of self- government. (kohn : ) jefferson was also known to exclaim: "i like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past," or, in writing to joseph priestley in , " [the] gothic idea that we are to look backwards instead of forwards...and to recur to the annals of our ancestors for what is most perfect in government, in religion & in learning, is worthy of those bigots in religion & government, by whom it has been recommended, & whose purposes it would answer." (gossett : ; kohn : - ) yet is precisely the force of jefferson's futuristic liberalism that renders his anglo-saxonism so surprising. here it may be seen that jefferson's liberal cosmopolitanism was part of a dual consciousness shared with an american anglo- protestant nationalism. this is evident in his utterance: "has not every restitution of the antient saxon laws had happy effects? is it not better now that we return at once into that happy system of our ancestors, the wisest and most perfect ever yet devised by the wit of man, as it stood before the th century?" (horsman : ) on the immigration question, he was also capable of sustaining a highly defensive argument, musing that european immigrants would infuse the american republic with "their spirit, [and thereby] warp and bias its direction, and render it a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass." (spalding : ) the "race-rights" tension similarly did not escape alexander hamilton, another key founding father, who at once supported the civic nationalist idea of attracting respectable europeans who "would be on a level with the first citizens," while expressing his reservations about non-british immigration by comparing foreigners in america to foreigners in rome: among other instances, it is known that hardly anything contributed more to the downfall of rome than the precipitate communication of the privileges of citizenship to the inhabitants of italy at large....and how terribly was syracuse scourged by perpetual seditions, when, after the overthrow of the tyrants, a great number of foreigners were suddenly admitted to the rights of citizenship. (spalding : ; jones [ ]: ) hamilton's ethno-cultural sentiments emerge yet again with his injunction for the powers that be "to render the people of this country as homogeneous as possible, [which] must lead as much as any circumstance to the permanency of their union and prosperity." (knobel : ) the mid-nineteenth century literati the literary phenomenon known as the "american subversive style," already in place by the 's, foregrounds the tension between dominant ethnicity and universalist liberalism which we have been discussing. (reynolds : ) the new liberal- individualist spirit infused the work of mid-nineteenth century writers like edgar allan poe, ralph waldo emerson, walt whitman, henry wadsworth longfellow, herman melville and, later, the james brothers, henry and william. figures such as these, though they dealt with american themes, were attracted to self-exploration and technical experimentation. (crunden : , ; porsdam ) poe, melville, longfellow and thoreau, for instance, while interested in fostering an american literature , were equally adamant about the need for a spiritual, individual- centred creative process, and were often ambiguous in their portrayal of american subject matter. (marshall : - , - ) the introverted spirit of these writers gives us the first glimpse of the modernist anti-nationalism which would later be directed at anglo-saxon cultural hegemony. perhaps longfellow's character churchill in the novel kavanagh ( ) was clearest in this regard: "nationality is a good thing to a certain extent," he says, "but universality is better." accordingly, churchill prefers "what is natural" to what is national. (kammen : ; marshall : - ) the pseudo-modernist spirit in longfellow led him to avoid a communally- oriented literature of collective representation, but any re-casting of america on purely cosmopolitan lines would have been unthinkable to longfellow or virtually anyone else in the nineteenth century. henry james' cosmopolitan individualism, for example, had little impact on his disdain for the "vast contingent of aliens" whom he saw as debasing anglo-american culture in the late nineteenth century. (greenfeld : ) william dean howells, james' contemporary, expressed similar sentiments. (glazer [ ]: ) their ambiguity on this subject comes across in the same kind of double- consciousness that the founders displayed. for example, herman melville waxed poetic about americans as "not a nation, so much as a world...the heirs of all time...on this western hemisphere all tribes and peoples are forming into one federated whole...." (hollinger : ) yet when melville was in a less ebullient mood, he would retreat from futurism into a "gothic" nostalgia and look favourably upon no-popery as an expression of popular culture. walt whitman displayed a similar ambiguity, speaking of america's universal humanism while admiring maria monk's no-popery invectives and claiming to be influenced by its populist content. (kohn : ; reynolds : , - ) in analagous fashion, the lineaments of double-consciousness were exposed by the debate over the roots of english. for example, whitman, influenced by anglo- saxonist philology, wrote in leaves of grass ( ) that "the anglo-saxon stock of our language [is]… the most important part, the root and strong speech of the native english for many centuries," later adding that "i think the saxon has an element no other language has." (bernbrock : , ) these statements were in keeping with his 's query: "what has miserable inefficient mexico...to do...with the great mission of peopling the new world with a noble race?" (horsman : ) like so many others, however, whitman could display a more generous, cosmopolitan frame of mind, as when he speculated about the evolution of the english language. "like the american nation, it [english] gathers to itself the elements of power from the four corners of the globe," whitman wrote. "the colonies of plymouth-rock and jamestown have grown into a mighty nation; and one of the forms of growth, has been the adoption of the citizens of other nations. so the anglo-saxon has grown into the present english by the free adoption of words from other languages." (bernbrock : ) horace greeley, a contemporary of whitman's who was both a fourierite individualist and republican radical, might be expected to have solidly backed a liberal- universalist position toward ethnic and racial minorities. he certainly gave indication of this when he pressed the republican leadership in not to nominate a know- nothing, william johnson, for vice-president - as this would alienate the foreign-born. greeley also supported equal suffrage for new york's blacks in against the overwhelming majority of opinion both inside and outside his party. (foner : , - ) even so, greeley was still capable of expressing his opinion of the irish as "deplorably clannish, misguided and prone to violence." he also fell into the practice of calling on northern blacks to prove themselves economically before devoting their energies toward securing political equality and criticized the activism of black political leaders. (silbey : ; foner : ) the same "restricted liberalism" characterized iconoclastic personalities like charles anderson. in addressing the new england society of cincinnatti in , he combined his view that there was "an actual greatness, perhaps decided superiority, in these british families of men" with the counter- opinion that "this idea of any 'destiny,' or of any inborn or primitive superiority appertaining to ours, or to any other division of the human race, constitutes, in my judgment, a double error…." (hall : ) despite ample evidence of dualism on the "race-rights" question before his time, it is ralph waldo emerson's pronouncements that provide us with the richest lode of evidence for the existence of double-consciousness (a term emerson coined) in the anglo-american psyche. with regard to immigration, for instance, emerson is known to have remarked: how much more are men than nations....the office of america is to liberate, to abolish kingcraft, priestcraft, caste, monopoly, to pull down gallows, to burn up the bloody statute book, to take in the immigrant, to open the doors of the sea and the fields of the earth...this liberation appears in the power of invention, the freedom of thinking, in readiness for reforms. on the subject of the nation's identity, he was just as emphatic, calling the united states [in ] "the asylum of all nations...the energy of irish, germans, swedes, poles and cossacks, and all the european tribes, of the africans and polynesians, will construct a new race...as vigorous as the new europe which came out of the smelting pot of the dark ages." (curti : - ) emerson's exuberance is noteworthy, especially in view of the fact that he wrote at about the same time that: it cannot be maintained by any candid person that the african race have ever occupied or do promise ever to occupy any very high place in the human family...the irish cannot; the american indian cannot; the chinese cannot. before the energy of the caucasian race all other races have quailed and done obeisance. a thorough reading of emerson shows that these pronouncements were hardly exceptional in the ante-bellum period. the beginnings of this line of thought can be traced to , when emerson declared: i believe that nobody now regards the maxim 'that all men are created equal,' as any thing more than a convenient hypothesis or an extravagant declamation...for the reverse is true,--that all men are born unequal...the least knowledge of the natural history of man adds another important particular to these: namely, of what class of men he belongs to--european, moor, tartar, african? because nature has plainly assigned different degrees of intellect to these different races, and the barriers between are insurmountable...." (goldman : - , emphasis added) emerson's reaffirmation of the genealogical link between england and america continued into the 's, when he concisely argued that immigrants did not affect the ethnic composition of the united states: so far have british people predominated. perhaps forty of these millions [in the empire] are of british stock. add the united states of america, which reckon (in the same year), exclusive of slaves, , , people...and in which the foreign element, however considerable, is rapidly assimilated, and you have a population of english descent and language of , , , and governing a population of , , souls. (emerson [ ] : - , emphasis added) what makes emerson unique is less his contradictory beliefs (which were the norm in his day) than his valiant attempt to explain the contradiction, which gives us a unique window into the psyche of the nineteenth century american liberal elite. as anita goldman explains, emerson often conflated race with culture and advocated liberal and ethnic nationalist theories in tandem: although rights and race represent contradictory views of the self and nation, the two concepts are not at cross purposes in emerson's writings. neither rights nor race alone is sufficient to represent emersonian double-consciousness, and the two concepts gain justification and force by the fact of their juxtaposition. the incessant elaboration upon this condition of double-consciousness in emerson's writings--his affirmation of ties which are both distinctively racial and which express his commitment to liberal ideals--has clear applicability in the field of american nationalist thought, where the social significance of "race" has often gone unaccounted for in the compromised extension of rights. (goldman : ) the preceding discussion of secular double-consciousness in american thought during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries illustrates how anglo-american thinkers expressed the latent tensions between their dominant ethnicity and their commitment to liberal-egalitarian principles. we shall now examine how the thinking of religious and secular figures in the latter half of the nineteenth century tended to run along the same dualistic paths that had been carved out by their predecessors. double-consciousness and american organized protestantism the conflation of "race" and "rights" in the prose of mid-nineteenth century literati also characterizes the writing of anglo-protestant religious elites. the arena of church-state relations illustrates this well: protestant leaders of the late nineteenth century, especially baptists and methodists, continually rejected calls to write protestant religiosity into the constitution, yet they emphatically asserted that "the government of these united states [is] necessarily, rightfully, and lawfully christian." (handy : ) here again we see the tension implicit in the pattern of double-consciousness: anglo- protestants wanted their tradition to be supreme, but their universalist liberal commitments would not countenance boundary-defending measures of legislative origin. witness the lack of enthusiasm for the national religious association's christian [constitutional] amendment displayed by many prominent churchmen in the 's. such a move would have been too explicit, smacking of both religious establishment, which evangelicals historically feared, and of a lack of faith in the power of the gospel. however, though they rejected the efforts of the nra, the american protestant elite sympathized with their motive to make the united states a "christian" nation. beneath the respect for a separation of church and state, therefore, was the undeniable zeal to transform the infidel into the (protestant) christian. to this end, protestant leaders used every instrument at their disposal to ensure that social pressure was brought to bear on legislators and opinion-makers. in effect, a protestant "voluntary establishment" was being unleashed, which led to conformity at the civic level, influenced political and legislative discourse and shaped practices in the nation's public schools. but, as robert handy explains, "the goal of a protestant civilization was to be realized by persuasion only-so most protestant leaders sincerely believed." (handy : ; handy : ; goodheart : - ) the emphasis on individualism and voluntarism that characterized the evangelical position on church-state relations also held with respect to the relationship between anglo-protestant ethnicity and the american nation. immigrants, even if catholic, should not be excluded by legislation, but rather were to be converted to "true" christianity and transmuted into (anglo) americans by the new nation's liberal democracy, free land, public schools and anglo-protestant culture. the roots of this voluntarist posture were certainly in place by the 's, when large-scale catholic immigration led to a strong spirit of cooperation among various protestant denominations, as symbolized by the formation of the evangelical alliance for the united states in . protestant leaders, though vehemently opposed to catholicism, nevertheless eschewed immigration restriction, their hands stayed by their liberal inheritance. buoyed by a sense of divine election, these clergymen confidently predicted that they could effect a new reformation on american soil and convert the immigrants to the "american" faith. (billington : ; jordan : - ) the public school was assigned a leading role in the fight for the ethnic transmutation of the immigrant. thus samuel bowles, in an editorial in the springfield (mass.) republican, declared in that: "the only true and, in the end, effective engine against popery is enlightened education. for the education of a well-balanced mind cannot be satisfied with the senseless forms, which go to make up all that popery is." (demerath & williams : ; may [ ] : ) at the denominational level, evangelical protestants maintained a similar optimism: the catholic immigrant would see the light and convert to the "national" religion. (moorhead : ) protestant optimism flowed seamlessly into anglo-saxon optimism, for in the same manner as the "education" of catholic immigrants would lead them to the true faith, it would subsume them in the anglo-saxon race. this was confirmed at a meeting of the evangelical alliance in , when samuel harris, the episcopal bishop of michigan proclaimed, to rapturous applause, that: the consistency of the divine purpose in establishing our evangelical civilization here is signally illustrated in the fact that it was primarily confided to the keeping of the anglo-saxon race…endowed with a certain race conservatism and a certain consistency of race type, it has sturdily maintained itself, even to the present time. refusing to depart from its own type, it has compelled other people to conform to that type and constrained them to accept its institutions, to speak its language, to obey its laws. in conclusion, harris reinforced the pattern of liberal ethnicity that had come to be so firmly established by his time, writing that while "it has come to pass that…our nation is composite, it continues to be homogeneous, obeying the laws of alfred and speaking the language of shakespeare and milton." (handy : - , emphasis added) harris was merely recycling thoughts brought to the fore by the congregationalist leader josiah strong a few years earlier. strong, alarmed at catholic immigration, had insisted that, "during the last ten years [ - ] we have suffered a peaceful invasion by an army more than four times as vast as the estimated number of goths and vandals that swept over southern europe and overwhelmed rome." on the other hand, strong reaffirmed the optimistic convention that "the anglo-saxon race is to be, is, indeed, already becoming, more effective here than in the mother country. the marked superiority of this race is due, in large measure, to its highly mixed origin." (strong [ ] : , ) for other protestant figures, the adaptability of the anglo-saxon ethnie to new environments and the universalist possibilities inherent in the english language made the anglo-americans christianity's chosen servants: "in politics and morals," wrote o.b. super in the methodist review in , "the anglo-saxon, especially the american, seems destined to be the teacher of the world." (moorhead : ) here again, a universalist claim (universal possibilities of the english language) is balanced by a particularist one (anglo-saxons as teachers of the world), reinforcing an established pattern of duality a final pillar of traditional american protestant ideology was that diverse immigration provided evidence of american election, and that the world's tribes would gather in the united states for the new millennium. "in the gathering of all nations and races upon our shores," exclaimed baptist home missionary society superintendent hubert c. woods in , "do we not witness the providential preparation for a second pentecost that shall usher in the millennial glory?" (davis : - ) in making this triumphalist assertion, woods was indulging an american anglo-protestant proclivity for millennial thinking - a rhetorical device that in no way precluded a deeper belief in the sanctity of the united states as an ethnic, anglo-saxon nation. this combination of cosmopolitan millennialism and dominant ethnicity thereby imparted a unique flavour to the protestant clergy's variant of double-consciousness. double-consciousness and american historiography the position of the clerical anglo-saxonists discussed above neatly harmonized with secular currents of thought ascendant at the time, illustrating how closely intertwined the two traditions were in american life. with regard to the latter, john higham observed, the anglo-saxonists were pro rather than con. during an age of confidence almost no race-thinker directly challenged a tolerant and eclectic attitude toward other european groups. instead, anglo-saxon and cosmopolitan nationalisms merged in a happy belief that the anglo-saxon has a marvelous capacity for assimilating kindred races, absorbing their valuable qualities, yet remaining essentially unchanged. (higham [ ]: ) the early pages of theodore roosevelt's winning of the west give us a sense of this optimistic, voluntarist, dominant ethnicity: "some latter-day writers deplore the enormous immigration to our shores as making us a heterogeneous instead of a homogeneous people; but as a matter of fact we are less heterogeneous at the present day than we were at the outbreak of the revolution. our blood was as much mixed a century ago as it is now." (roosevelt i: ) historians like roosevelt are important because they hold a key position in the community, responsible for creating its ethno-history, a narrative that tells a story, inspires the people and provides them with a sense of shared ancestry. (smith : - ) such ethno-histories may employ universal techniques and theories, but tend to do so within the particularist framework of collective memory. the nature of anglo-american historical narrative changed somewhat between and , but it was not until the 's that a new generation of historians began to interpret the united states as a truly cosmopolitan melting pot. historiography during the - period was therefore completely reflective of the "double-consciousness" paradigm. hence, as edward saveth notes, the anglo-protestant historians who dominated the american academy combined the ethno-cultural belief "that the united states was essentially an anglo-saxon country and [must be] preserve[d]…as such" with "the [universalist] idea of the united states as a refuge for the oppressed of europe…[and] a composite nation." (saveth : - ) to reiterate, it is necessary to understand that liberal and anglo-protestant attitudes were not opposing viewpoints, but part of the same myth-symbol complex of dualistic beliefs. (higham [ ] : , ; r. smith : - ) double-consciousness and the frontier thesis elite narratives of american national identity in the late nineteenth century were centred around the anglo-saxon myth, an anglo-american version of the teutonic germ theory, which traced the origin of democracy and liberty to primitive tribes in the forests of germany. employing a mix of teutonism and social darwinism, herbert baxter adams, john fiske, john w. burgess and james k hosmer drew parrallels between ancient anglo-saxon institutions and those of the village life of contemporary new england, such as the town meeting or "folk-mote." meanwhile, the most popular nineteenth-century american historians, george bancroft, william prescott, john motley and francis parkman, helped popularize the myth among a wider audience. (ross : ) an indication of the theory's popularity in is the view of one observer that "so wide has been its acceptance, and so strongly installed is it in the minds both of students and readers that it may seem more bold than discreet to raise the question regarding the soundness of the theory." (saveth : ) anglo-saxonist historians regularly blended both ethnocentric and universalist passages in their pronouncements on the matter of american identity. however, what is less well-known is that their environmentalist successors performed an identical cognitive feat. the key figure in this process, of course, was frederick jackson turner. drawing on the work of future presidents theodore roosevelt and woodrow wilson, turner pushed the environmental interpretation to its conclusion and attempted to refute the teutonic origins theory, thereby undermining a principal cornerstone of american anglo-saxonism. according to turner's new "frontier thesis" presented in , "in the crucible of the frontier the immigrants were americanized, liberated, and fused into a mixed race, english in neither nationality nor characteristics." he conceived of american society as a melting pot in which "all gave and all received and no element remained isolated." (saveth : ) in large measure, though, turner's pronouncements differed little from those of emerson or any other proponent of double-consciousness. the best evidence for this lies in the specifics of turner's writing. for instance, despite talk of americans as a "new product which held the promise of universal brotherhood," turner repeatedly singled out the anglo-saxon, scotch-irish and german elements as central to the national enterprise and the frontier experience. (turner : , , , - , , , ) in addition, turner occasionally slipped into the habit of referring to the anglo-saxons as the "native stock," though turner's definition of the nation had definitely expanded to include the previously marginalized germans. turner's work proved a major break in the paradigm shift from anglo-america to universalist america, but turner himself did not successfully make that break, turning his back on the "large immigrations of the eighties" of southern/eastern europeans to the cities. (turner : ) turner's inspiration was western regionalism and his scientific tools were lamarckianism and environmentalist theories of race formation. the desire to see a unique american ethnic type, different from the briton and based on the western experience, led turner to interpret the frontier environment as a race-shaping one. however, turner's lack of deeply felt liberal universalism meant that his cosmopolitan americanism tended to evaporate in the light of its practical correlates. for example, many of turner's later writings indicate that he envisaged an essentially anglo-protestant, rural america, albeit with a more inclusive definition of dominant ethnicity than his anglo-saxonist colleagues. in many ways, therefore, turner helped narrate the new distinction between the "old" stock, of northern and western europe, and the "new" immigration. hence, by , he was explicitly criticizing the newer immigration, both for its diversity and its urbanity, claiming that the closing of the frontier and the new immigration had "effects upon american social well-being [that] are dangerous in the extreme" and deploring the "peaceful conquest of the old stock by an international army of workers." (saveth : , ) evidently, turner had merely emphasized one part of his inherited american mythomoteur (frontier, liberty, agrarianism) without jettisoning the other symbols (protestantism, nordic whiteness). indeed, as turner's statements reveal, the turnerian revolution should be viewed less as a victory for universalism than as a refinement of american dominant ethnicity, which rendered it a more native american product. consequently, on the eve of the twentieth century, an established pattern of ethno-national/universalist-liberal duality, or "double-consciousness," operated as the prevalent idiom of nationalist discourse among the american cultural and political elite. the twentieth century: age of reckoning the vitality of the dualist juggernaut began to falter towards the end of the nineteenth century, a process which was substantially complete by the 's. emerging from this process was a new well-defined split between ethno-nationalist and liberal- universalist social actors. on the ethno-nationalist side of the ledger, one could count the foundation of the immigration restriction league in , the near-passage of a literacy test for immigrants in , the rise of the second ku klux klan in the 's and the passage of the johnson-reed act in . (higham [ ] ; king ) similarly, liberal universalists coalesced behind the tenets of liberal progressivism after , predicated on the beliefs of john dewey and william james that the anglo-saxon element was merely one ingredient in a global, american melting- pot. (lissak : ) from this point, in the first decade of the twentieth century, the contradictions inherent in american dualism were exposed, forcing individuals to take sides. no longer could one be both an ardent cosmopolitan and a romantic anglo-saxon nationalist. instead, one either had to support the white, anglo-conformist vision of the nation or a cosmopolitan, post-wasp variant of americanism. exactly what was the stake that had been driven into the heart of double-consciousness? this is the problem with which we shall next concern ourselves. interrogating the phenomenon of double-consciousness the dualist cultural idiom employed by american elites in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries - which simultaneously extolled the virtues of american universalism while affirming a romantic anglo-protestant americanism - and the subsequent decline of this dualist idiom, can only be sufficiently explained by employing a multi-causal strategy. the most prominent explanations include the following: ) the inclusive character of anglo-american ethnic nationhood ) the dualistic heritage of anglo-american protestantism ) the changing degree of institutional reflexivity in the united states let us consider each in turn. the inclusive character of anglo-american ethnic nationhood the first explanation rests on the notion that anglo-american elites were ethnic nationalists, but maintained a liberal posture toward immigration, provided it came from northwestern europe. this generated an aura of universalism whose rhetorical stamina was as limited as the era of northwestern european immigration. fredrik barth's emphasis upon the importance of ethnic boundaries highlights the fact that ethnic groups are not hermetically sealed bagfulls of racial or cultural "stuff." rather, ethnicity admits of a high degree of demographic permeability - so long as symbolic boundaries (including phenotype) are maintained over time. (barth : - ) accordingly, we might imagine nineteenth-century anglo-protestant dominant ethnicity in the united states to be a highly assimilative construct which nevertheless maintained its symbolic exclusivity. since nearly all american immigrants prior to the 's came from canada or northern europe, phenotype was not an issue. instead, it is plausible that american elites sincerely believed that german, irish and scandinavian immigrants would recombine into american englishmen, just as saxon, celt and norman had in the old world. the correlate of this position holds that the contradictions between a liberal immigration policy and the maintenance of ethnic boundaries were exposed through praxis. specifically, as soon as the supply of immigrants shifted away from the nordic northwest of europe toward the southeast of that continent and asia, anglo-american elites sensed a threat to their ethnic boundaries. the chinese exclusion act ( ), and the train of immigration restrictionist socio-political ferment between and is therefore to be attributed to the greater social distance between anglo-protestants and the post- immigrants. (higham [ ] : ) there is a large measure of truth in this explanation, and it likely underlay the thought-process of many anglo-american writers. theodore roosevelt made the connection between english and american social processes particularly explicit in the late 's when he compared the american assimilation of german and celt to the english absorption of saxon, briton and dane. (roosevelt i: ) emerson revealed the same sentiment when he gave thanks that the united states had been spared the "black eyes, the black drop, the europe of europe." (higham [ ] : ) even so, the logic of liberal, anglo-conformist assimilation only appears to account for a portion of "race-rights" dualism, there being numerous chinks in its armor. to begin with, such an explanation fails to properly account for variation in the timing of nativism during the supposedly uncontentious era of northwestern european immigration. for instance, there was considerable anti-catholic agitation during - , but less during - . (higham [ ]; knobel ) more important, the chinese exclusion act of was a labour-driven bill that was widely condemned by the leading anglo-american cultural, political and economic voices, who wished to maintain a free flow of immigration from china. hence a founder of the connecticut republican party declared in , "with our flag over me, and the new testament in my hand, i say let them [chinese] come!" (ny tribune – / / ) a large part of their openness stemmed from the economic utility of the chinese, but it was also rooted in the universalist belief that the coming of the chinese represented god's will and confirmed the central role of the united states in world history. (seward : ; davis : , - ; gyory : ) second, once this elite began to accept the need for restrictions to be placed on immigration (in the late 's), its arguments focused more strongly on the "old" immigration from ireland and germany than on the new. namely, the catholicism, intemperance and political acumen of many of the "old" immigrants and their children was perceived to be a more pressing affair than the racial exoticism of the southern/eastern european "new" immigrants. (davis : - ; jones [ ]: - ; knobel : ; strong [ ]: ) large-scale catholic immigration had been a fact of life since the 's. consequently, we must explain why the volume of anti-catholic rhetoric rose after . this points to an internal (i.e. growth of institutional reflexivity), rather than external (i.e. new sources of immigrants) dynamic of elite attitude change. one other, more serious, objection to the "liberal, anglo-confomist" argument also bears mentioning. namely, that anglo-american elites' liberal attitude to pre- immigration from northern europe cannot conceivably explain the presence of numerous universalist exhortations. these universalist pronouncements constitute the kernel of dualist discourse - embracing peoples from the "four corners of the world." such utterances clearly fall outside the ambit of anglo-conformist assimilation, and cannot be woven into any story involving an analogy between england and the united states. to explain this universalism therefore requires an explanation which transcends the notion of assimilative ethnicity. we shall therefore have to entertain arguments which focus more narrowly on the cognitive structures which might have generated double- consciousness. the dualistic heritage of anglo-american protestantism. one such cognitive apparatus is religious. it is well-known that american protestantism developed a more radical, decentralized, "low-church" structure than its british or anglo-canadian counterparts. (o' toole ; handy ) though regionally diverse, american protestants had been subject to new england's influence as a result of the two great awakenings ( - , - ) and through the growth of protestant voluntary associations like the ecumenical evangelical alliance. indeed, the vibrancy of this network of associations has led some to comment that there arose a protestant "voluntary establishment" during the nineteenth century. (hutchison : , ) and while it is undeniable that new england protestantism had divested itself of calvinism by the nineteenth century, this does not invalidate the contention that calvinist cultural idioms had crystallized an important, dualistic, american habit of mind prior to that period. this mental reflex can arguably be traced to the old testament, so central to the calvinist tradition. for instance, the old testament tends to name the jews as a people chosen by god: now therefore, if ye will obey my voice indeed, and keep my covenant, then ye shall be a peculiar treasure unto me above all people: for all the earth is mine. and ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests, and an holy nation. (exodus : - ). yet, despite the predominantly ethnic tone, the selective reader can tease out some universalist passages, such as: know ye therefore that they which are of faith, the same are the children of abraham. and the scripture, foreseeing that god would justify the heathen through faith, preached before the gospel unto abraham saying, in thee shall all nations be blessed. so then they which be of faith are blessed with faithful abraham (gal. : - ). (o'brien : - ) the new testament is considerably more universalist in tone, and the combination of pre and post-christian influences arguably reinforced the sense of double-consciousness on the "race/rights" question among nationalists in christian nations. (hastings : - , ) anglo-american elites of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as heirs of the free-church and calvinist traditions, would be expected to display a particularly prominent form of this dualism. one relatively simple test of the aforementioned argument is to examine the writings of prominent writers on the matter of nationhood who hail from outside the american protestant tradition. this tactic foregrounds the limitations inherent in our second, "low church" explanatory scheme. for example, a closer perusal of the writing of several french and english figures demonstrates that double-consciousness is clearly a broader, trans-atlantic phenomenon. the french-born settler hector st. john de crèvecoeur, for example, is often quoted to provide examples of america's cosmopolitan nationhood. this is unsurprising, for crèvecoeur waxed eloquently in about americans' "strange mixture of blood, which you will find in no other country." (kohn : ) the archetypal american apparently left "behind him all his ancient prejudices and manners," while on american soil, "individuals of all races are melted into a new race of men, whose labours and posterity will one day cause great changes in the world." notwithstanding the effusiveness of his rhetoric, crèvecoeur's enthusiasm for the new mixed-origin american was a posture conditioned by both romantic millennialism and crèvecoeur's outsider status in his adopted homeland. (daniels : - ) behind the rhetoric, crèvecoeur was only too well aware of the anglo-protestant nature of america. first of all, he employed the anglo-saxon pseudonym hector st. john for his letters, rather than his real name, michael-guillaume-jean de crèvecoeur, illustrating the anglo-conformist pressures prevalent at the time. we would likewise do well to remember that crèvecoeur, according to liah greenfeld, "was as firmly convinced of the englishness of america as any american of british descent." indeed, he remarked that an english traveler in america would feel pride that his fellow nationals "brought along with them [to america] their national genius, to which they [americans] principally owe what liberty they enjoy and what substance they possess." (greenfeld : - ) some fifty years later, another frenchman, alexis de tocqueville, fell prey to the same kind of thinking. at times, tocqueville appears to be exhorting his readership to behold a new futuristic nation: imagine, my dear friend, if you can, a society formed of all the nations of the world...people having different languages, beliefs, opinions: in a word, a society without roots, without memories, without prejudices, without routines, without common ideas, without a national character, yet a hundred times happier than our own. however, in most other instances, we see a different side to tocqueville's futuristic americanism: there is hardly an american to be met with who does not claim some remote kindred with the first founders of the colonies; and as for the scions of the noble families of england, america seemed to be me to be covered with them. (tocqueville i: - ) tocqueville also repeatedly referred to the americans as the "english race in america" or the "anglo-americans," indicating that, like crèvecoeur, he felt the terms basically interchangeable. like those before him and many after him, it seems tocqueville's cosmopolitan view of america was merely a rhetorical tool used only in his more visionary moments. a similar pattern suffuses lord acton's oft-quoted essay, "nationality," penned in . in its pages, acton, an englishman, appears to champion the mixture of ethnic groups in one society: "christianity rejoices at the mixture of races, as paganism identifies itself with their differences, because truth is universal and errors various and particular." accordingly, nation-states "in which no mixture of races has occurred are imperfect; and those in which its [ethnic diversity's] effects have disappeared are decrepit." (acton [ ]: , ) however, several paragraphs later, acton performs an apparent volte-face which makes it clear that ethnic mixture which is not territorially segregated results in an undesirable state of affairs: the vanity and peril of national claims founded on no political tradition, but on race alone, appear in mexico. there the races are divided by blood, without being grouped together in different regions. it is, therefore, neither possible to unite them nor to convert them into the elements of an organized state. they are fluid, shapeless and unconnected, and cannot be precipitated, or formed into the basis of political institutions…. (acton [ ]: ) furthermore, acton was quick to emphasize that his multiculturalist prescriptions should not be translated into a belief in the equality of cultures. on the contrary, in multi- national states, "inferior races are raised by living in political union with races intellectually superior…nations in which the elements of organisation and the capacity for government have been lost...are restored and educated anew under the discipline of a stronger and less corrupted race." (acton [ ] in birch : ) acton's contemporary, john stuart mill, was no less vexing in his dualism. hence in , mill argued that a "feeling of nationality," which requires the effect of "race and descent," is necessary for the proper functioning of representative government. (goldman : ) on the other hand, mill famously declared that tradition and nation could serve as sources of stagnation. "where, not the person's own character, but the traditions or customs of other people are the rule of conduct," mill wrote, "there is wanting…the chief ingredient of individual and social progress…the despotism of custom is everywhere the standing hindrance to human advancement." (mill [ ] : , ) even count arthur de gobineau, that apostle of nordic superiority and race- thinking, had his dualistic moments, as in the 's, when he qualified his beliefs by adding that "it would be unjust to assert that every mixture is bad and harmful…artistic genius, which is equally foreign to each of the three great [race] types arose only after the intermarriage of white and black....although the whites are the most beautiful of the original races, the most beautiful people of all have come from the marriage of white and black." (gossett : - ) in summary, the claim that americans were uniquely prone to double-consciousness in matters of nationalism because of their low-church heritage of dualism, is at best a limited conclusion. the role of institutional reflexivity the liberal nature of anglo-american ethnic nationhood, and its subsequent collision with "unassimilable" newcomers, offers us some insight into the startlingly contradictory statements we have reviewed, and their gradual disappearance after . likewise, the dualistic "second language" of identity conferred upon anglo-americans by their brand of protestantism sheds some light on the patterns observed. nevertheless, having run the phenomenon of american double consciousness through the gauntlet of our first two paradigms, it is apparent that a significant portion of our documentary evidence remains unexplained by "native american" hypotheses. in order to bridge this gap, we require a macro-theory, that of reflexive modernization, that transcends the american context. according to anthony giddens, institutional reflexivity refers to the process whereby the analysis and discussion of society, situated in major societal institutions and often conducted by experts, in turn shapes that society. methods of surveillance and record-keeping, which greatly developed during the nineteenth century, are integral to the effectiveness of institutional reflexivity. (giddens : - , ) as a corollary of his position, giddens envisions institutional reflexivity as a diachronic process - the degree, or density of reflexivity increases over time. specifically, we may isolate two ingredients in the development of institutional reflexivity: an improvement in surveillance/information gathering and a growth in the efficacy of the rational bureaucratic structures that process this new data. one important site of growing reflexivity in the late nineteenth century was the academy. american universities were beginning to lose their reliance on religious sponsorship, beginning in the 's with nonsectarian, albeit protestant, institutions like cornell. (kraut : ) the growth of academic professional associations, outside the orbit of organized religion, issued from the same social forces. (persons : - ; bass : - ; jarausch ) these expanding secular networks helped broaden the bandwidth of scientific enquiry and intensify the rate with which academics could exchange information. the new critical mass of intellectual exchange helped sharpen conceptual boundaries, accentuate the degree of specialization, refine scientific techniques and hasten the spread of new ideas. the replacement of religious and romantically-inspired narrative histories with document-driven, "scientific history" in the late nineteenth century provides but one example of the effects of the reflexivity juggernaut. (plumb ; kennedy ; ross ) in a similar manner, the reflexive feedback of scientific knowledge pervaded the influential institutional realm of american protestantism. for example, the social gospel movement, which gained ground in the late 's, largely based its criticism of laissez- faire (including free immigration) on the findings of empirical social science. unchecked capitalism, urbanism and expansion were singled out for criticism, as were traditional, individual-centred approaches to social improvement. one outcome of the social gospel's recognition of the importance of institutional solutions to social problems was a critique of the optimistic, pro-immigration, "divine providence" doctrine. this connection appears most strongly in the persona of josiah strong, an important social gospel figure who influenced protestant opinion in favour of immigration restriction in the 's and 's. for strong, "political optimism" was singled out as "one of the vices of the american people....we deem ourselves a chosen people, and incline to the belief that the almighty stands pledged to our prosperity…such optimism is as senseless as pessimism is faithless." (strong [ ]: - ; gossett : - ; jordan : - , - ) the impact of reflexive modernization registered an analagous influence in the province of the natural sciences. its influence on the discipline of human biology is particularly germane to our discussion. anglo-americans had been able to indulge in both romantic ethno-nationalism and universalist liberalism partly because they conflated biological "race" and anthropological culture. (higham [ ] : ). since the laws of heredity had yet to be uncovered in the nineteenth century, it was often believed that cultural change could facilitate racial change. accordingly, theories that set forth christianity, enlightenment education and climate as agents of racial "whitening" occupied a central place in eighteenth and nineteenth century race thinking in both europe and the americas. (eze : ) these ideas were reflected in the prevailing discourse on american national identity. lamarck's belief in the inheritance of acquired characteristics, for example, greatly influenced frederick jackson turner's frontier thesis. (billington ) likewise, physician benjamin rush, signatory to the declaration of independence, believed that blackness was a disease, like leprosy, that could be cured with proper treatment. (perea : ) savannah doctor eugene corson subscribed to a similar theory, propounding the idea, in , that black americans would throw off their "ill-adapted" skin colour with education, a process he likened to "the running of a dirty stream into a pellucid lake which eventually clears leaving no trace of mud." (harper : ) similar tendencies could be observed in turn-of-the-century brazil, where, in an age in which genetics was in its infancy, "whitening" emerged as the paramount ideal of the intellectual elite. (skidmore : ) the growth in sophistication of the discourse on race gained amplification and precision with the eugenics movement. the term eugenics was not coined until , but by , an american eugenics record office had been established at cold spring harbor, new york, under the directorship of biologist charles davenport, funded by both the carnegie institute and philanthropist mrs. e. harriman. (king : ) eugenics rapidly became the common currency of discussion about race and nationality, and its findings directly impinged on the immigration policy debates of the 's and 's. for instance, dr. harry laughlin of the cold spring harbor laboratory established strong connections with the state department and with senator albert johnson, who co- sponsored the johnson-reed act which instituted the national origins immigration quota system. president calvin coolidge similarly adopted the new scientific terminology, asserting that "biological laws tell us that certain divergent people will not mix or blend." (gossett : ; king : ) it matters little that eugenics was based on shoddy science. what is important is that eugenic findings were legitimated by scientific methods and reflexively transmitted via the expanding print media toward the opinion-forming and policy-making centres of american society. developments in biological science which fueled the eugenics movement no more caused nativism than did the advances in social science which gave rise to social gospel christianity. however, these forces constituted the debates of the day and forced apart the concepts of race and culture, eclipsing the ambiguous space in which double-consciousness had always existed. this compelled individuals to take sharply-defined sides as either ethnic nationalists or universalists. such changes occurred rapidly - almost always in the ethno-nationalist direction - in the 's, and have often been misinterpreted as a -degree value shift, a historic betrayal of traditional american universalism. far from being conjured out of thin air, however, fin de siècle nativism drew on underlying symbolic resources. closer analysis thereby reveals that individuals did not simply switch from universalism to ethno- nationalism, as many seem to suggest. instead, they merely placed the emphasis on the ethnic side of their inherited anglo-american double-consciousness complex. for instance, in , boston statesman and future nativist senator henry cabot lodge, flashing the cosmopolitan side of his dualistic americanism, eagerly welcomed that year's influx of , immigrants and showered glowing praise on the american school system, "with its doors wide open to the children of all races and of every creed." deriding "any political divisions resting on race and religion", he condemned attempts to "divide our people according to origin and extraction." however, just a few years later, lodge, citing lebon, registered his belief that there was a "limit to the capacity of any race for assimilating and elevating an inferior race." similarly, as late as , dr. richmond mayo-smith was outlining a definition of race that was more cultural than biological. several years later, he restricted his definition to the biological realm and advocated eugenic measures. (solomon : , , , ) even dwight spencer, formulator of the concept of america's divine universal mission, like his baptist missionary colleagues, changed his attitude from universalism to restrictionism between and . (davis : , ) to repeat: these individuals were not born-again nativists, but, under the impact of heightened reflexivity, found themselves forced to confront the duality of their inherited beliefs. in these cases, as in most, it was their ethnic, rather than universalist values which exercised a greater attraction. the linkage between scientific research and society, discussed above, was further accentuated by the increasing reflexivity of the american nation-state, which now provided better social data, available from a more centralized, bureaucratic infrastructure. the decennial census of was the first to compile data on the literacy of immigrants, and the census allowed statisticians to compute the proportion of the foreign-born population unable to speak english. (easterlin : - ) this not only aided ethnically-conscious anglo-protestant legislators, but actually helped to constitute their legislation, as with the first drive for a literacy test ( - ) to limit immigration from "undesirable" sources. (higham [ ] : ) the same pattern appears twenty years later with the dillingham commission's -volume report of , which presented the first full-scale study of the ethnic characteristics of the american population. this report, which cost over a million dollars, helped lay the groundwork for more restrictive legislation constituted on the basis of ethnic origin, in and . (king : - ) once again, new scientific findings fed directly into the reflexive demarcation of the nation's ethnic boundaries. "there was very little of a national center in the first several decades of the second american republic," remarks keith fitzgerald of the post- period. only with the tightening of federal administration of immigration control through acts of , and was this rectified. the result was a national, administrative focal point, which could be targeted by both liberal and nativist social movements. these in turn depended on the activities of newly-formed, national, voluntary associations. for the nativists, these included the sons ( ) and daughters ( ) of the american revolution and the american legion. for the liberal universalists, the federal council of churches ( ) and immigrant protective association ( ) figured prominently. (zelinsky : ; cavert : - ; fitzgerald : , , , ) as our theory would predict, this trend was not confined to the united states. just as nation-states only developed sharp demarcations of their territorial boundaries after the late eighteenth century, the ethnic boundaries of their populations were only clearly defined in the early twentieth. (brubaker : ; giddens [ ] : , ) this explains why immigration to britain, france, canada, switzerland and germany remained essentially uncontrolled until the first world war, after which restrictions appeared in all these countries. (hollifield : ; martin : ; jost ; holmes ) thus far, much has been mentioned about the way in which growing institutional reflexivity in the united states prompted the nation to pursue an ethno-nationalist course. the undoubted influence of the new scientific literature on america's restrictive immigration policy of the 's has led many to suggest that these forces generated a rise in nativism. however, a more plausible suggestion, given the evidence, is that enhanced institutional reflexivity merely structured the debate by demarcating the lines of opposition between contending concepts, the pitch of nativism rising and falling for other reasons. thus it is the case that the era of double consciousness did not give way to single-minded nativism, but rather bifurcated as modern reflexivity split the coin of dualism into its logically-consistent halves. hence scientific arguments were employed by both the restrictionist majority and a liberal-cosmopolitan minority. the earliest figures to refine pure, cosmopolitan universalism from the rhetoric of double-consciousness were felix adler and william james. adler, for example, first applied a rigorous logical framework to the formerly opaque tenets of reform judaism, whose form of double-consciousness had endorsed the twin ideas of jews' universal mission and their old testament election. thus adler, himself a jew, asserted in that once the jews had brought their universal truth to the four corners of the globe (the providential result of their forced dispersion), they would lose their particularity within a universal humanity: the perpetuity of the jewish race depends upon the perpetuity of the jewish religion...so long as there shall be a reason of existence for judaism, so long the individual jews will keep apart and will do well to do so…when this process [of evangelization] is accomplished...the individual members of the jewish race [will] look about them and perceive that there is as great and perhaps greater liberty in religion beyond the pale of their race and will lose their peculiar idiosyncrasies, and their distinctiveness will fade. and eventually, the jewish race will die. (kraut : - ) adler's consistent, rigorous interpretation of reform jewish universality led him to be ostracized from the new york jewish community, a consequence of his reflexive exchange with other american radical liberals. (kraut : ) nevertheless, his ideas found a fertile audience among fellow travelers like william james and john dewey. in fact, it was dewey's interpretation of adler's ideas that resulted in the first consistent vision of america as a universal melting-pot in which the anglo-saxon is eclipsed while "all give and all receive." this ferment in turn shaped the thinking of israel zangwill, whose play, the melting pot ( ) exposed these ideas to a wider audience. (lissak : ; gleason : - ) the reflexive tentacles of this newly refined cosmopolitanism, securely rooted in the chicago-based liberal-progressive movement after , first appeared on the political stage in the form of the immigrant protective association, or ipa ( ). the ipa was an outgrowth of liberal progressivism which acted as a benevolent association for immigrants and was the first american organization to combine a thoroughgoing egalitarianism with a pro-immigration stance. furthermore, the activity of the ipa had an immediate effect on the congressional debate because it legitimated (in progressive terms) the legislative agenda of pro-immigration business interests. president taft even claimed that the testimony of ipa spokesperson grace abbott, in , convinced him to veto a bill advocating a literacy test for immigrants. (davis : ) the liberal progressive caucus was also represented within the ranks of federal americanization committees, where its members, like jane addams, unsuccessfully attempted to counter the anglo-conformist tendencies of the americanization project. (lissak : ) the cosmopolitan paradigm likewise reached into the racist-dominated realm of human biology. in this field, its most illustrious exponent was franz boas, a german- jewish immigrant and university of chicago anthropologist whose work, like that of many eugenicists, was sponsored by the dillingham commission. boas, however, was an early relativist who took issue with many of the eugenicists' central claims. (king : - ) boas' detailed cranial measurements showed that, due to environmental factors, the american-born children of immigrant parents physically diverged from their parents while converging with their native-born peers from other ethnic backgrounds. (hyatt : ) boas' relativist perspective had incubated in liberal-progressive circles, and the rising influence of this cosmopolitan "new social science" perspective was no less of a child of reflexive modernity than the eugenics movement. (baltzell : - ; szasz : ; bass : ) cosmopolitan forces eventually gained the upper hand against their anglo- saxonist opponents for reasons other than those mentioned here. accordingly, the period between and witnessed a relaxation of anglo-conformity, a repeal of the national origins quota immigration act, and the rise of more liberal attitudes toward race and ethnicity. this, however, has not eliminated the voice of ascriptive americanism from the american pantheon. the two camps are now discrete entities firmly separated by a conceptual ocean. hence, under the influence of institutional reflexivity, ethno- nationalism and liberal universalism have broken from their dualistic embryo to serve as ideological polarities between which individuals can situate themselves. endnotes reference to cultural idioms can be found in the work of rogers brubaker ( ) and margaret archer ( ). even those exceptionalists who have acknowledged the presence of american dominant ethnicity have tended to explain it as a transient phenomenon, present only as a series of brief "nativist" upsurges against a background of liberal openness, the result of economic deprivation or racist ideology. see higham ([ ] ) or kohn ( ) for the clearest exposition of this viewpoint. longfellow, for example, has been described by michael kammen, as "self-consciously and confidently" promoting american national myths and traditions. (kammen : ) even william james, who was arguably the most progressive in this regard, spoke eloquently of "our anglo-saxon race" as late as . (hollinger : ) "christian," when used by protestant writers, usually referred to protestantism, which was considered the most pure form of christianity, a standard against which the "papist" fell short. (handy : ) this subtle intertwining of church and state occurred most prominently at the state level, with of states acknowledging the authority of god in their constitutions. (handy : ) the term 'melting pot' was used prior to the s, but usually referred to the melting of a limited number of northern and western european peoples in a one-way direction toward a ‘wasp' mould. where the utterances were truly cosmopolitan, they were dualistic - thus affirming the retention of anglo-protestant purity. mainstream american historiography did not propound a uniformly cosmopolitan variant until the s, though zangwill gave it expression as early as . (harper ; gleason ) john armstrong first used the term in reference to the myth-symbol complex of territorialized ethnic groups in his nations before nationalism. (armstrong : ) for anthony smith, the term is used to denote the "constitutive myth of the ethnic polity." (smith ) the johnson-reed act ( ) established a framework for immigration quotas directed toward the maintenance of the british and northern european-dominated ethnic composition of the american population. this is exactly the argument put forth by milton gordon, who asserted that the united states functioned as an anglo-conformist "transmuting-pot" for ethnic assimilation. (gordon : ) of course, pre- nationalism was never as liberal as some have suggested. thus neither the founders, nor the most radical of antebellum republicans (such as william seward or william lloyd garrison) envisioned the marital assimilation of blacks. this therefore set an early limit to any universalist model of assimilation. (foner : , - ) nominally catholic nations, meanwhile, were viewed as a source of personnel, but never as a source of cultural influence. a french nobleman who came to america to fight alongside montcalm on the plains of abraham, crèvecoeur settled in upstate new york and later joined the loyalist cause. having twice picked a losing side, and having been forced to flee by the victorious patriots, crèvecoeur penned his classic letters from an american farmer ( ) in , which was well-received and abetted his return as french consul to the united states - where he lived for just seven more years before permanently joining his compatriots in france. robert bellah speaks of self-reliant individualism as americans' "first language", a discourse which is nevertheless accompanied by the "second languages" of biblical and republican communal narrative. (bellah : ) giddens, however, envisions this as a discontinuous rather than evolutionary process. (giddens [ ] : ) many eighteenth century enlightenment figures believed that racial differences were conditioned by climate, such that racial diversity within a particular climactic zone would tend to disappear over the generations. "there are many reasons for presuming," offered the comte de buffon, "that as…colour is originally the effect of a long continued heat, it will be gradually effaced by the temperature of a cold climate; and consequently, that if a colony of negroes were transplanted into a northern province, their descendants of the eighth, tenth, or twelfth generation would be much fairer, and perhaps as white as the natives of that climate." (buffon [ - ], quoted in eze : ) the arguments of gossett ( ) or kohn ( ) most closely approximate this contention, though aspects of it also appear strongly in the writing of higham ( ). originally a supporter of anti-catholicism and immigration restriction, ecumenical protestantism became neutral by and pro-immigrant by . (cavert : - ) zangwill's connection to the liberal progressive reformers is demonstrated by the frequency with which zangwill's ideas were employed by settlement reformers at chicago's hull house. (lissak : ) this social movement emerged from the confluence of the ideas of pluralist thinkers from the university of chicago, notably john dewey and w.i. thomas, and settlement reformers, particularly jane addams of hull house in chicago. adherents of what digby baltzell called the new social science, like franz boas in anthropology, john dewey in philosophy, thorstein veblen in economics or charles horton cooley in sociology, pushed a post-darwinian set of ideas that were revolutionary for their day. stressing the importance of environment over heredity and preaching a gospel of cultural relativism, these turn of the century thinkers paved the way for the decline of anglocentrism in america. (baltzell : - ) such forces include the institutionalization of universalist ideas in the social sciences (by ) and federal executive (by the 's) and the rise of mass university education in the 's and 's. for more on ascriptive americanism, see r. smith . the constituency of anglo-saxon or "anglo" ethnic nationalists arguably encompasses both extremist organizations like the christian identity movement and the populism of pat buchanan's america first campaign. one recent polemic in this tradition is peter brimelow's alien nation, which argues for the maintenance of a white, anglo-dominated ethnic core for the american nation-state. (brimelow : ) references primary acton, lord harold. [ ] . "nationality," in gopal balakrishnan (ed.), mapping the nation, introduced by benedict anderson (london & new york: verso), pp. - . bourne, randolph s. [ ] . 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format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. please consult the full durham e-theses policy for further details. academic support o�ce, durham university, university o�ce, old elvet, durham dh hp e-mail: e-theses.admin@dur.ac.uk tel: + http://etheses.dur.ac.uk http://www.dur.ac.uk http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/ / http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/ / http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/policies/ http://etheses.dur.ac.uk lftop: an lf based approach to domain specific reasoning by jianmin p a ng the copyright of this th le rests with the author or the university to which it was submitted , no quotation from it, or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author or university, and any information de rived f rom it should be acknowledged. submitted in conformity with the req uirements fo r t he deg ree of ph .d department of computer science un iversity of durha m copyright © by jianm in p ang - feb abstract specialized vocabulary, notations and inference rules tailored for the description, analysis and reasoning of a domain is very important for the domain. for domain-specific issues researchers focus mainly on the design and implementation of domain-specific languages (dsl) and pay little attention to the reasoning aspects. we believe that domain-specific reasoning is very important to help the proofs of some properties of the domains and should be more concise, more reusable and more believable. it deserves to be investigated in an engineering way. type theory provides good support for generic reasoning and verification. many type theorists want to extend uses of type theory to more domains, and believe that the methods, ideas, and technology of type theory can have a beneficial effect for computer assisted reasoning in many domains. proof assistants based on type theory are well known as effective tools to support reasoning. but these proof assistants have focused primarily on generic notations for representation of problems and are oriented towards helping expert type theorists build proofs efficiently. they are successful in this goal, but they are less suitable for use by non-specialists. in other words, one of the big barriers to limit the use of type theory and proof assistant in domain-specific areas is that it requires significant expertise to use it effectively. we present lftop - a new approach to domain-specific reasoning that is based on a type-theoretic logical framework (lf) but does not require the user to be an expert in type theory. in this approach, users work on a domain-specific interface that is familiar to them. the interface presents a reasoning system of the domain through a user-oriented syntax. a middle layer provides translation between the user syntax and lf, and allows additional support for reasoning (e.g. model checking). thus, the complexity of the logical framework is hidden but we also retain the benefits of using type theory and its related tools, such as precision and machine-checkable proofs. the approach is being investigated through a number of case studies. in each case study, the relevant domain-specific specification languages and logic are formalized in plastic. the relevant reasoning system is designed and customized for the users of the corresponding specific domain. the corresponding lemmas are proved in plastic. we analyze the advantages and shortcomings of this approach, define some new concepts related to the approach, especially discuss issues arising from the translation between the different levels. a prototype implementation is developed. we illustrate the approach through many concrete examples in the prototype implementation. the study of this thesis shows that the approach is feasible and promising, the relevant methods and technologies are useful and effective. acknowledgements i would like to thank everyone who has helped me with my research. in particular, i am very grateful to my supervisors paul callaghan and zhaohui luo. they have provided a great many suggestions for research topics, and without the foundation of their works on computer assisted reasoning my thesis would have been very different. they also gave me many support when i met problems in research and life. i missed the discussions while we had barbecues in your backyard. i would like to thank my ph.d proposal examiners, professor malcolm munro and dr. alex coddington, for their valuable advice in the beginning of my research. thanks also go to james mckinna, steven bradley, conor mcbride, yang luo, xingyuan zhang, edwin brady, robert pollack and all other members of the carg group, durham. you are all great! i would like to thank my elder sister, ying pang, and the rest of my family who have provided encouragement, love, and support throughout. finally, my greatest thanks go to my wife, bin wang. she takes care of my daily life and my lovely daughter so that i can focus on my research. without her love, encouragement, and confidence in me, the ups and downs of the research would have been a harder ride. this thesis is dedicated to her with all my love. thanks also to durham university and the department of computer science for the financial support through the durham university studentship. ii declaration i declare that this thesis was composed by myself, and the work reported herein is my own unless explicitly declared otherwise. some parts of the work have already been published in [pang et al., a; callaghan et al., ; pang et al., b; pang and zhao, ; pang et al., a; pang et al., b]. copyright notice the copyright of this thesis rests with the author. no quotation from it should be published without their prior written consent and information dervied from it should be acknowledged. iii contents introduction . domain-specific reasoning . . . . type theory, lf and generic reasoning . . motivation of this thesis . the major contribution . related work ... . . theorem prover based approach . . non theorem prover based approach . the structure of the thesis . statement of problem . aim : the analysis of requirements of domain-specific reasoning . . basic assumptions of our research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . aims of the lf based domain-specific reasoning approach . aim : the analysis of lf and plastic as a basis to support domain-specific reasoning .................... . . aim : the theoretical aspects of the approach preliminaries . typed lambda-calculus . type theory ...... . . . objects, types, and rules . . the principle of propositions-as-types . the logical framework and its application . . logical framework (lf) .... . . specifying type theories in lf . . the type theory utt . . . . . . . . internal logic sol and definition of it . . . inductive types . . . . universes .... iv . . distinction between dependent product kind and it-types . . a new version of logical framework pal+ . implementations of type theory . model checking . . . . . . . . . . theorem proving . . . . . . . . . some basic concepts formalized in lf . . . a brief introduction to plastic . . . the syntax of plastic . . . syntactic sugar in plastic . . . . coercive subtyping implementation in plastic. . . . modules ............... . . . . inductive type and family in plastic . . . inductive relations ........ . . . . inductive relations with large elimination . . . development of proofs in plastic . . sets and relevant constants and operators . . fix points and their properties summary ......... . the outline of the approach . our approach .............. . . . . . . . an architecture of the approach . . a methodology ......... . the techniques we use in this approach the common things for different domains in this approach the role of type theory and its framework discussion . . . . . . . . case study: concurrency . domain analysis . . . . . . process algebra . . . ccs: calculus for communicating system. . . lts: labelled transition system . . t-t-calculus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . previous logics . . . . . . . . a brief introduction to t-t-calculus . . . a positive version of t-t-calculus with tagging fixed points . . . semantics of t-t-calculus : . congruences and reasoning in ccs . . congruences for ccs v . . . . . . . . . trace equivalence . . . . bisimulation equivalence observational equivalence for ccs . formalization of the domain . . . formalization of ccs . . formalization of -calculus . user level reasoning system .... . . rules that do not involve the process operators. . . rules for the process operators. . user level syntax ......... . . translation between different levels . . the translation from user level to lf level . . . the translation of ccs concepts . . . the translation of lts concepts . . . the translation of jj-calculus concepts . . the translation from lf level to user level . some examples . . . . . ticking clock . . simple communication protocol . . example with infinite state space . . . some observations from the examples . discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar . the need for explicit substitutions . capture of sharing . domain analysis . . . syntax of the language . . . operational semantics of the language . special features of this domain . . . . . . . . . an implementation of lazy-pcf +shar in lf . . translation from lazy-pcf+shar expressions and types to lf expressions . . . inductive definition of the syntax of lazy-pcf+shar . . . translation of operational semantics rules . . . an example . discussion ..... vi the interface . design principle . . . general principle for designing domain user interface . . . principle for designing a reasoning interface based on lf . ulpip: a protocol for communications between user-level and plastic-level . . usage of extensible markup language (xml) . . dtd for xml documents . . dtd for the protocol .. . implementation issues in our design . . . some considerations on the implementation issues . . an interface in proof general style discussion . . . translation issues . some problems in translations ....... . . the translation from user level to lf level . . the case of concurrency ...... . . . . the translation of the predefined actions . . . the translation of the list of hidden actions . . . . the translation of the list of relabelling . . . the translation of processes . . . the translation of -l-calculus . . . the translation of propositions . . . the translation of ccs and -l-calculus rules . . the translation of definitions . . . the translation of declaration . . the translation from lf level to user level . . the case of concurrency ...... . . . . the translation of actions . . . . the translation of processes . . the translation of some forms of propositions . the properties of the translations . . . the proof of the adequacy property . discussion . . . . . . . . . . conclusion and future work . stocktaking .. . evaluation ... . future research a the proofs of the subject reduction theorem vii list of figures . the inference rules of lf from [luo, ]. . ....... . . the correspondence of lf syntax and plastic syntax from [callaghan and luo, ] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the architecture implied by the approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . call-by-name and call-by-value . the syntax of lazy-pcf+shar . type rules ............ . . the operational semantics of lazy-pcf+shar . . a screenshot of the interface in proof general style . . mapping between domain-specific object language and a subset of lf viii list of tables . proof procedure for ticking clock (part i) . proof procedure for ticking clock (part ii) . proof procedure for simple protocol (part i) . proof procedure for simple protocol (part ii) . proof procedure for counter's property ix chapter introduction the last thing one knows in constructing a work is what to put first. -blaise pascal, french thinker, mathematician, and scientist . domain-specific reasoning specialised vocabulary, notations and inference rules tailored for the description, analysis and reasoning of a domain is very important for the domain. first, the role of notations and rules is cognitive in nature as they provide support for basic describing and reasoning tasks. second, notations also have an important social role as communication interfaces between different, and possibly diverse, technical specialities involved in the domain. in addition to using specialised vocabulary and notations for description and analysis, reasoning tasks are becoming prominent tasks in some domains. the domain users hope that computer can be used not only for computing and editing, but also for reasoning. there are many common characteristics in the aspect of reasoning even for different domains. based on the common characteristics a good engineering approach is required for supporting domain- specific reasoning. for users who do reasoning and verification work in their domain, a good computer- supported reasoning system should be powerful and convenient, i.e. the system should be domain oriented, easy to learn and use, can do all things which can be done by domain users with pen and paper, and a lot more that they can't. it should also be 'believable' in the sense that developments are rigorously checked by machine. this is especially important in domains where safety or security are key properties. till now, for domain-specific issues researchers focus mainly on the design and implemen- tation of domain-specific languages (dsl) and pay little attention to the reasoning aspects. we believe that domain-specific reasoning is very important to help the proofs of some prop- erties of the domains and should be more concise, more reusable and more believable. it chapter . introduction deserves to be investigated in an engineering way. . type theory, lf and generic reasoning type theory provides good support for generic reasoning and verification. many type the- orists want to extend uses of type theory to more domains, and believe that the methods, ideas, and technologies of type theory can have a beneficial effect for computer assisted rea- soning in many domains. proof assistants based on type theory are well known as effective tools to support reasoning. but these proof assistants have focused primarily on generic no- tations for representation of problems and are oriented towards helping expert type theorists build proofs efficiently. they are successful in this goal, but they are less suitable for use by non-specialists. there are many model checkers which do not support reasoning strongly (such as edinburgh concurrency workbench) applied in domain-specific areas, while the development of domain-specific reasoning techniques in the area of proof assistant has been remarkably slow. but we can't require that all domain users (e.g. potential users in domains which could benefit from type-theory based reasoning) are expert type theorists or that they should learn type theory first. i.e. one of the big barriers to limit the use of type theory and proof assistant in domain-specific areas is that it requires significant expertise to use it effectively. lf is a simple type theory which allows particular type theories to be specified clearly in it. the version of lf we use is presented in [luo, ], which introduces the type theory utt by specifying it in lf. (note: this kind of lf is different from edinburgh lf [harper eta!., ].) lf provides a definition mechanism and the four basic concepts required in a type theory: types, objects in types, families of types, and objects of families of types. it makes a distinction between the types, which are required for a specific application, and kinds, which are part of the framework. lf is extended by declaring new constants and computation rules involving those constants. for example, inductive types can be added by declaring a type name, constructors, an elimination operator, and rules for computation. luo [luo, ] gives a schema which allows the addition of a large class of inductive types. these features allow lf as a suitable framework to be based on. . motivation of this thesis we believe that reasoning systems can be built using type theory technology as a framework, but which can be used via a domain-specific interface. such an interface would provide functionality recognizable to an expert in the domain, and would support reasoning work in that domain. but the correctness of the functionality would be supported by the underlying type theory technology. in particular, we propose that this kind of system can be developed with a general purpose 'framework' type theory, in which the domain is first formalized (by chapter . introduction an expert) and an interface built on top of it. so in reasoning of domain-specific properties a hidden underlying support from a proof assistant (which is an implementation of the 'framework' type theory) is available and does not put extra burden on domain users, i.e. we envisage the following scenario: an implementation of a logical framework (lf) provides the core reasoning functionality and works as a server. a type theory expert encodes the type theory needed for an application domain in lf, formalizes the domain in the type theory, and gives a mapping between lf syntax and a concrete syntax for the application domain. a domain user who is an non-expert in type theory can then use the resulting system by working in the new interface which operates as a client, whilst being exposed to the minimum amount of details about the underlying type theory system. we advocate the use of this approach to provide a composition mechanism that retains the benefits of both domain-specific and generic proof assistants approaches. this is one of the motivations of our research. lf has been implemented in plastic [callaghan and luo, gb], a form of a proof assistant. but there is no big application based on the lf based proof assistant till now. is it suitable to big applications? this is another one of the motivations of the research of this thesis. . the major contribution the major contribution of this thesis is that we present and investigate a sound and practical approach to domain-specific reasoning based on lf, achieving this through theoretical work, actual implementation and evaluation. the following are some major steps which lead to the substantiation of this claim. . the presentation of the approach • the description of the approach • the methodology about the approach • the structure of the approach . the prototyping implementation of the approach • the interface design • the design of the protocol for the communications between user-level and plastic- level. . the case studies • the case study on concurrency. the formalisation of the relevant concepts of concurrency in lf. the formal proving of related axioms, inference rules, lemmas and theorems. chapter . introduction - the prototyping implementation of the domain-specific interface. • the case study on lazy-pcf+shar . the formalisation of the relevant concepts of lazy-pcf+shar in lf. the formal proving of related axioms, inference rules, lemmas and theorems. the description of the reason why we use plastic directly other than to design a new interface. • the whole work can be seen as an experiment with use of a restricted type theory (here we mean lf). . related work for the computer assisted verification of domain-specific properties, there are two main approaches, distinguished by their use (or not) of a theorem prover. . . theorem prover based approach as its name, theorem prover based approach is an approach which is based on a theorem prover. the following is a list of the major systems which belong to this kind of approach. • isabelle [paulson, ] [paulson, ] provides a theorem prover based approach for users to specify concrete theory by providing a few declarations of abstract and concrete syntax, primitive proof rules and the support to user defined macros and translation functions in ml. isabelle/isar [wenzel, ] aims to a versatile envi- ronment for human-readable formal proof documents, but doesn't explicitly consider domain-specific issues. our approach is different from this approach by using a concise but powerful type theoretic logical framework lf and by constructing an interface for the domain users. our approach presents both support to user convenience and strict type theoretic style correctness. • in fact, users can use type theoretic proof assistants such as coq [project, ] and lego [pollack, ] to construct their proof directly by embedding the domain con- cepts in them. the syntax extensions mechanism of coq can help users to set up their favorite syntax, but in my opinion, this mechanism is mainly a syntax sugar or abbre- viation mechanism, the user level command is limited to tactics of coq, so it cannot use the theorems and lemmas of the domain in a natural way. meanwhile coq or lego theory may include extra features that the domain does not have, e.g. universes. lazy-pcf+shar is a lazy version of the functional language pcf(programming language for com- putable functions) extended by adding explicit substitution in order to formalize the semantics of lazy evaluation. chapter . introduction • yu [yu, ; yu and luo, ] takes a hybrid approach, investigating the integra- tion of model checker and proof assistant (lego) in a number of domains. however, the relation between the model checker and proof assistant is loose, because domain users operate on lego directly, in a way which does not reflect domain-specific proof procedure. • pvs[owre et al., ] allows to specify and to verify systems using higher-order logic and presents an integration of tables, types and model checking. a relevant tool tame [archer and heitmeyer, ] is designed to support "human-style" reasoning in a particular mathematical model (lynch-v aandrager timed automata) through an appropriate mechanism from top layer to pvs. it concentrated on how to design the underlying theorem proving support for it, rather than a high-level interface. in other words, tame focused on developing pvs strategies for proof steps that closely resemble the steps in hand proofs and not concern about the forms of the expressions in user layer. • z/eves [saaltink, ] is an interactive system which can be used to develop or analyze a z specification. it is based on the eves system, and uses the eves prover to carry out its proof steps, but without the knowledge of eves or its language (verdi). z/eves has focus on the z-interface implementation above eves, not focus on the generic way of building domain-specific interfaces as our lftop approach. z/eves cannot guarantees that any result on eves can be translated back to z. but some restrictions are imposed to operations to ensure that the result can be translated back to z. [saaltink, ] page . . . non theorem prover based approach most systems of this approach are based on model checkers, and used in a single domain. for example, the system truth (truth/slc) [leucker and noll, ] is a design and verification platform for concurrent systems. its aim is to offer a modular verification system which can be easily adjusted to different settings. it is implemented in haskell directly and does not depend on any existing theorem prover. it presents some level of user convenience, but loses the support from theorem prover. in our opinion, the proof which is done under this system is less convincing than a proof which is done under a theorem prover or proof assistant with the power of proof term generation. for example, soundness depends on a large body of code, which is infeasible to check for errors. . the structure of the thesis this thesis is divided into nine chapters. the present chapter introduces the material of this thesis, provides some background concepts and presents the motivations of the thesis. chapter . introduction the rest of the thesis makes extensive use of the logical framework lf and its imple- mentation plastic. chapter concentrates on the statement of problem, the aims of the thesis and the preestablished criteria for the aims. chapter introduces the preliminary concepts, relevant theories, their implementations and some basic concepts formalized in lf. in chapter we give the outline of the system supporting domain specific reasoning. architectures, methodologies, techniques and the common things for reasoning in different domains are studied in this chapter. in chapter we present a case study in concurrency. we first analyze the domain, choose ccs as the specification language, lts as the semantic model, j..t-calculus as the specification logic and formalize them in lf. then we design the user level syntax for the reasoning system for the domain, i.e. design and implement the rules and the user level interface. in chapter we present another case study in lazy-pcf +shar. a similar but concise discussion is provided in this chapter. the main difference of this case study from the case study in chapter is that we use the interface of plastic directly. this is due to the observation on the suitability of the direct application of plastic to this domain. in chapter we study the issues about interface. we focus on the aspects of the design principle, the protocol and implementations. especially we design a protocol called ulpip for the communications between user-level and plastic-level. in chapter we discuss translation issues in this thesis. we study the translation between different levels, prove some properties of the translations. finally in chapter we conclude our work and review the work left open by this thesis. chapter statement of problem the important thing in life is to have a great azm, and the determination to attain it. -johann wolfgang von goethe, german poet and dramatist this chapter presents the problems and aims of this thesis. some criteria for their achievement are outlined also. . aim : the analysis of requirements of domain- specific reasoning . . basic assumptions of our research as indicated in chapter , reasoning tasks are becoming prominent tasks in some domains. the domain users hope that computer can be used not only for computation, but also for reasoning. there are many different ways to support the reasoning work in many domains by computer system. for example, a lot of specific reasoning tools which are direct imple- mentations of formal systems of specific domains and generic reasoning tools such as proof assistants are already used for reasoning. we present a new approach and want to investi- gate the approach to support the domain-specific reasoning under some assumptions. the basic assumptions for our research are: • we want to benefit from the research results of type theory, so we use a type theory based proof assistant for the underlying reasoning instead of design a domain-specific reasoning system from scratch for each domain. • we want domain users to work in their domain-oriented way with familiar syntax and semantics instead of being a type theory expert first. chapter . statement of problem • we do not exclude using type theory directly by some domain users, because type theory is exactly suitable for some domains. of course the use is through an interface which we recommend proof general. • the requirements of domain users who want to do the domain-specific reasoning are different from the requirements of type theory experts with more general interests; so it doesn't follow that we need the same techniques for both of them. from above we can see that this isn't a matter of providing forms of sugaring for expert users, but a serious attempt to study and understand the issues behind producing computer assisted reasoning tools in a variety of domains, which will in time lead to well-engineered systems and a methodology for producing them. . . aims of the lf based domain-specific reasoning approach under the above assumptions, we present an lf based approach. we are interested in the following problems: • is it a feasible approach? • what should we do in this approach in order to realize our intention? in fact, this is one of the motivations of the research of this thesis. vve summarize the aims as follows: . to analyze the characteristics of domain-specific reasoning. . to get better understanding on the issues behind producing computer assisted reason- ing tools in a variety of domains. . to provide an architecture of the presented approach and investigate the feasibility of this approach. . to provide a relevant methodology (i.e. methods, process etc.) of the approach. . based on the above architecture and methodology, to do case studies in some domains and implement a prototype system based on the case studies. . through the case studies, to investigate the suitability of the approach and analyze the advantages and disadvantages of this approach. the criteria for above aims are as follows : . an analysis of the characteristics of domain-specific reasoning which includes domain- specific notation, higher-level abstraction, design reuse etc. . to have learnt from the case studies some of the issues behind producing domain- specific computer assisted reasoning tools. chapter . statement of problem g . an architecture of the approach and the analysis of feasibility of it. . the existence and suitability of a relevant methodology and process. . some case studies for concrete domains including the work of formalization, parser, communication protocols and translations between different levels; implementations of the prototype systems based on the case studies. . an analysis of suitability of the approach and the validation of it through case studies. . aim : the analysis of lf and plastic as a basis to support domain-specific reasoning lf has been implemented in plastic [callaghan and luo, b], a form of a proof assistant. but there are no big applications based on the lf based proof assistant till now. is it suitable for big applications? this is another one of the motivations of the research of this thesis. so we have these aims to complete: . to analyze the issues of lf as an underlying basis for domain-specific reasoning. . 'fry to implement some big applications to make sure that this kind of system is suitable for big applications. . 'fry to get feedback from direct application of this system to answer the questions such as which are the theoretical and practical benefits and defects of using it instead of other proof assistants. the criteria for the above aims may be as follows: . an analysis of lf's suitability related to be an underlying reasoning basis. . some big applications implemented in the system as a proof of the capability of the system. . a summary about the benefits and defects of using lf. but these works can be seen as the formalization works in aiml for some domains. especially the case study in chapter can be seen as the proof of the capability of lf and plastic. so there are no strict separation between aiml and aim . . aim : the theoretical aspects of the approach there will be some theoretical aspects related to the approach and these will be studied during the work. the criteria for this aim is the relevant presentations of the corresponding analysis and proofs. chapter preliminaries histories make men wise; poems witty; the mathematics subtle; natural philoso- phy deep ; moral grave ; logic and rhetoric able to contend . - francis bacon , british philosopher the main purpose of this chapter is to introduce the notations used throughout the thesis, and make the thesis more self-contained. . typed lambda-calculus as presented in [barendregt, ], the lambda calculus was originally conceived by church [church, ] as part of a general theory of functions and logic, intended as a foundation for mathematics. although the entire system turned out to be inconsistent, as pointed out in kleene and rosser [kleene and rosser, ], the subsystem dealing with functions only became a successful model for computable functions. this system is called now the lambda calculus. representing computable functions as >.-terms, i.e. as expressions in the lambda calculus, gives rise to so-called functional programming. there are also typed versions of the lambda calculus. curry [curry, ] introduced a typed variant of the lambda calculus, called combinatory logic. church [church, ] gave his formulation of the simple theory of types. the two original papers of curry and church introducing typed versions of the lambda calculus give rise to two different families of systems. in the typed lambda calculi a la curry terms are those of the type-free theory. each term has a set of possible types. in the system a la church the terms are annotated versions of the type-free terms. each that is derivable from the way the term is annotated. the curry and church approaches to typed lambda calculus correspond to two paradigms in programming. in many important systems, especially those a la church, it is the case that terms that do have a type always possess a normal form. by the unsolvability of the halting problem this implies that not all computable functions can be represented by a typed term [barendregt, ]. chapter . preliminaries the >.-calculus with its , -reduction rule is very useful for formalizing mathematics and computing expression. it is also a useful tool for expressing semantics of programming language. and , -reduction satisfies the church-rosser (diamond) property. however, for untyped (or type-free) >.-terms, some of them cannot be reduced to normal forms, this means they have infinite reduction sequence [s rensen and urzyczyn, ]. this is one reason why we need simply typed >.-calculus. in simply typed a-calculus system (i.e. >. ---> ), the properties such as church-rosser, subject reduction, and strong normalization hold [s rensen and urzyczyn, ]. this means every well-typed a-term can be reduced to a normal form, keep its type, and reduce to the same normal form no matter which way it is reduced. therefore we can easily figure out whether two typable terms are , -equal by just reducing the terms to their respective normal forms and comparing them. . type theory type theory is designed originally as a basis for formalising constructive mathematics. but scientists have found a lot of applications of it in computer science. type theory offers a coherent treatment of two related but different fundamental notions in computer science: computation and logical inference. this makes it possible for one to program, to understand and to reason about programs in a single formalism. meanwhile type theory can provide nice abstraction mechanisms which support conceptually clear development of specifications, programs, and proofs. the gap in other specification languages between the programming language and the specifications vanished. so we can say that type theory is a very use- ful theory to support the technology for computer assisted reasoning, such as formalized mathematics or program verification. our description here is based on the work of martin-lof, in particular martin-lof's book [martin-lof, ] and nordstrom, petersson and smith's book [nordstrom et al., ]. but we call the entities "types" where martin-lof calls the entities in his theory "sets". . . objects, types, and rules type theory can be viewed as a formal language based on a conceptual organization of objects. a type is a collection of objects with some common property or structure. in type theory we are interested in the validity of some property or whether some object has a property. we are also interested in whether different expressions denote the same object in a type. type theory contains rules for making judgements of the following four forms: • a is a type. • a and b are equal types. • a is an object of the type a. chapter . preliminaries • a and a are equal objects of the type a. among the objects of a type, some are called canonical objects, which are the values of objects of the type under computation. a canonical object is in a form that the outermost constructor is an introduction constant. this form is called canonical form. the notion of computation is a basic concept in type theory, which generates an equivalence relation, the computational equality between the basic expressions in the language of type theory. in order to guarantee the harmony between the different uses of the entities in the type theory, the computation should have the property that every object has a unique value under computation and the objects which are computationally equal have the same value. there is a common pattern in the rules for introducing types in type theory. each type will be defined by giving rules in each of four general categories: • the formation rules for a describe under which conditions we may infer that a is a type and when two types a and b are equal. • the introduction rules define the type a in that they prescribe how the canonical objects are formed and when two canonical objects are equal. the constructors for the type are introduced in these rules. • the elimination rules are a kind of structural induction rules. they allow us to define functions or programs on the type. the function, which is a primitive non- canonical constant associated with the type, is introduced in this kind of rule. it is the function which makes it possible to do pattern-matching and primitive recursion over the objects in the type. • the equality rules describe the equalities which are introduced by the computation rules for the function associated with the type. they relate the introduction and elimination rules. they show how the function defined by the elimination rule behaves on the canonical objects of the type. . . the principle of propositions-as-types the principle of propositions as types is based on the observation by curry and howard [curry and feys, ] [howard, ] of the close correspondence between systems of natural deduction for intuitionistic logical inference and type systems. it can be viewed as a fundamental idea in the justification of type theory as a foundation for constructive mathematics or as a basis for specification and verification of programs. the basic idea of this principle is that any proposition p corresponds to a type prf(p), the type of its proofs, and a proof of p corresponds to an object of type prf(p). furthermore, one can assert a proposition to be true if and only if one has a proof of the proposition, that is, an object of the type of its proofs. so the truth of a proposition is understood by the inhabitance of the type of proofs of the proposition. the notion of canonical objects for type chapter . preliminaries prf(p) gives a notion of canonical or direct proofs of proposition p, while the non-canonical objects of type prf(p) may be called indirect pmofs of proposition p. there is a fundamental distinction between propositions which are formulas describing properties and facts, and judgements, which are assertions of whether formulas are true. on the basis of this distinction, a type theory with sufficient logical type structures has an internal logic and presents a logical language rather different from that of set theory or that of logic programming. the system studied by curry and howard were systems for which there was an equiv- alence between propositions and types. this equivalence holds for various logics and type theories: for example, an extension of the simply typed lambda calculus corresponds to full intuitionistic first-order propositional logic, as developed by howard [howard, ]; and system f corresponds to second-order propositional logic, as the former type theory and the equivalence were studied by girard [girard, ]. for this reason the propositions-as- types principle is also referred to as an isomorphism. according to the propositions-as-types principle, we have mapped proofs of a proposition to objects of the type of proofs of the proposition. the judgements of type theory must therefore be decidable, so that we can tell from the form of a judgement m : a that m is indeed an object of the type a. an alternative view is that although type theory provides a framework in which to understand both logical inference and computation, we need not identify these two things. we can treat propositions as types, but not vice versa. zhaohui luo [luo, ] lists several reasons for viewing the identification of propositions and types as unnatural: firstly, the logic of our system should be independent of the objects studied in it; secondly, certain types such as the natural numbers do not intuitively correspond to propositions; thirdly, type theory is often considered open to the addition of new types representing new computational or mathematical objects, but the addition of these objects should not change the way we reason in the logic. furthermore, results about the conservativity of type theories which identify propositions and types over their related logic [berardi, ; luo, gb] show that this identification does not correspond to the traditional way of formulating logics. . the logical framework and its application . . logical framework (lf) a logical framework may be used in various ways. the edinburgh logical framework [harper et a!., ] has been studied for formalisation of logical systems based on the idea of judgements-as-types. martin-lof's logical framework(see part iii of [nordstrom et a!., ]) has been proposed by martin-lof to present his intensional type theory. the logical framework (lf) which we are interested here is martin-lof's lf with type labels on all binders (i.e.,[x : k]k rather than [x]k). the extra type labels ensure that type checking is decidable for this lf, where as for martin-lof's lf it is only decidable for a subset of terms chapter . preliminaries [barthe and s rensen, ][callaghan and luo, b]. we can use lf as a meta-language to specify type theories. lf is a simple type system with terms of the following forms: • type • el(a) • (x: k)k' • [x: k]k' • f(k) where the free occurrences of variable x in k' and k' are bound by the binding operators (x : k) and [x : k], respectively. there are five forms of judgements in lf: • r valid, which asserts that r is a valid context; • r - k kind, which asserts that k is a kind; • r - k: k, which asserts that k is an object of kind k; • r - k = k' : k, which asserts that k and k' are equal objects of kind k; and • r - k = i(, which asserts that k and k' are equal kinds the rules in lf are given in figure . . we can use it to customize a specific type theory, or use it as a small type theory directly. there are several reasons to be interested in lf. • theoretically, it allows a clearer and more satisfactory presentation. specifically, there is a clear distinction between an object language (to be used for reasoning and program- ming) and the meta-level mechanisms which are used to define the object language. • as lf itself is a concise type theory, so its implementation system (plastic) does not have much inherent properties which are not easy to be waived. luo introduces lf as a meta-language for specifying a type theory (e.g. utt(unified type theory)) . . specifying type theories in lf to specify a type theory we just need to do two kinds of things. firstly, we should declare new constants. secondly, we should give computation rules(usually about the new constants). formally, declaring a new constant k of kind k by writing k:k, is to extend the type theory(specified by means of lf) to which the constant is introduced by the following inference rule: chapter . preliminaries contexts and assumptions r f- k kind x if_ fv(r) r, x:k, r' valid () valid r,x:k valid r,x:k,r' f- x: k general equality rules r f- k kind r f- k = k' r f- k = k' r f- k' = k" r f- k = k r f- k' = k r f- k = k" r f- k : k r f- k = k' : k r f- k = k' : k r f- k' = k" : k r f- k = k : k r f- k' = k : k r f- k = k" : k equality typing rules r f- k : k r f- k = k' r f- k = k' : k r f- k = k' r f- k: k' r f- k = k': k' substitution rules r, x:k, r' valid r f- k: k r, [k/x]r' valid r,x:k,r' f- k' kind r f- k: k r, [k/x]r' f- [kjx]k' kind r,x:k,r' f- k' kind r f- k = k': k r, [k/x]r' f- [kjx]i<' = [k' jx]k' r, x:k, r' f- k' : k' r f- k: k r, x:k, r' f- k': k' r f- k = k : k r, [k/x]r' f- [kjx]k': [kjx]k' r, [kl/x]r' f- [kl/x]k' = [k jx]k': [kl/x]k' r,x:k,r' f- k' = k" r f- k: k r,x:k,r' f- k' = k": k' r f- k: k r, [k/x]r' f- [kjx]k' = [k/x]k" r, [kjx]r' f- [kjx]k' = [kjx]k" : [kjx]k' the kind type r valid r f- type kind r f-a: type r f- el(a) kind r f- a = b : type r f- el(a) = el(b) dependent product kinds r f- k kind r,x:k f- k' kind r f- (x:k)k' kind r f- k = k r,x:k f- k~ = k~ r f- (x:k!)ki = (x:k )k~ r,x:k f- k: k' rf-k =k r,x:k f-k =k :k (~) r f- [x:k ]k = [x:k ]k : (x:k!)k r f- [x:k]k : (x:k)k' r f- ! : (x:k)k' r f- k : k r f- f(k): [k/x]k' r,x:k f- k': k' r f- k: k (( ) r f- ([x:k]k')(k) = [kjx]k' : [kjx]k' r f- ! = !' : (x:k)k' r f- k = k : k r f- f(kl) = j'(k ) : [kl/x]k' (tj) r f- f: (x:k)k' x if_ fv(f) r f- [x:k]f(x) = f: (x:k)k' figure . : the inference rules of lf from [luo, ]. chapter . preliminaries r valid fl--k:k and, for a kind k which is either type or of the form el(a), asserting a computation rule by writing k = k':k for ki:ki(i = , ... ,n), is to extend the type theory by the following equality inference rule, r -- ki:ki(i = , ... , n) r -- k:k r -- k':k r -- k = k':k the special kind type in lf corresponds to the conceptual universe of types in the type theory to be specified. let t be any type theory specified in lf. then, at- context is a context of the form x :el(a ), ... , xn:el(an), and t has the following five forms of judgements (where r is any t- context): • r valid, which asserts that r is a valid t- context; • r -- a:type, which asserts that a is a type; • r -- a:el(a), which asserts that a is an object of type a; • r -- a= b:el(a), which asserts that a and bare computationally equal objects of type a in the sense that they compute to the same value; and • r -- a = b:type, which asserts that a and b are equal types in the sense that they have the same objects. a judgement in a type theory specified in lf is derivable if it is derivable in the system of lf extended by the constants and computation rules specifying the type theory. once a type theory is specified, the user uses the type theory rather than the lf language, except that he may use lf as a definitional mechanism which may be implemented in a proof development system, e.g. plastic. in such a use of logical framework as a meta- language, one does not use the meta-logic embedded in lf to reason about objects in the type theory, but should use the internal logic in the specified type theory for reasoning. an inductive schema is introduced to lf. the essential idea is that each finite sequence of inductive schemata specifies a collection of introduction rules (each schema in the sequence determines one of them) and hence generates an inductive data type whose meaning is given by the introduction rules, the associated elimination and computation rules. we use lfe to express the lf with inductive schema. . . the type theory utt the type theory utt is specified in lfe. it consists of an internal logic, a large class of inductive data types, and universes. chapter . preliminaries . . . internal logic sol and definition of ii the internal logic( called sol) consists of a universe prop of logical propositions and their proof types. the logical universe prop is impredicative since universal quantification can be formed for any type a and (meta-level)predicate p over a. similar to ecc [luo, a], many of the usual logical operators can be defined by means of the impredicative universal quantification. however, the internal logic sol of utt by itself is only a second-order logic (hence the name). there are no types of internal predicates or internal relations in sol over which universal quantification may be possible. the internal logic is introduced by declaring the following constants: prop type prf (prop)type v (a:type)((a)pmp)prop a (a:type)(p:(a)prop)((x:a)prf(p(x)))prf(v(a, p)) ev (a:type)(p:(a)prop)(r:(prf(v(a, p)))prop) ((g:(x:a)prf(p(x)))prf(r(a(a, p, g)))) (z:prf(v(a, p)))prf(r(z)) and asserting the following computation rule: ev(a, p, r, j, a( a, p, g))= f(g):prf(r(a(a, p, g))). then, the usual application operator can be defined as app =df [a:type][p:(a)prop][f:prf(v(a, p))][a:a] ev(a, p, [g:prf(v(a, p))]p(a), [g:(x:a)prf(p(x))]g(a), f), which satisfies the equality (the ,b-rule for a and app ): app(a, p, a( a, p, g), a)= g(a):prf(p(a)). in lf, we can introduce dependent product types by declaring the following constants: ii : (a:type)((a)type)type >.: (a:type)(b:(a)type)((x:a)b(x))ii(a, b) chapter . preliminaries en : (a:type)(b:(a)type)(c:(it(a, b))type) ( (g:(x:a)b(x) )c(>.(a, b, g))) (z:it(a, b) )c(z) and asserting the following computation rule: en(a,b,c,j,>..(a,b,g)) = f(g): c(>.(a,b,g)). for it-types, the application operator can be defined as follows: app =dt [a:type][b:(a)type][f:it(a, b)j[a:a] en(a, b, [g:it(a, b)]b(a), [g:(x:a)b(x)jg(a), f) sol together with the it-types is essentially a formulation of the calculus of constructions [coquand and huet, ] in lf. . . . inductive types inductive types in utt are based on the notion of inductive schemata. any finite sequence of inductive schemata specifies a collection of introduction rules( each schema in the sequence determines one of them) and hence generates an inductive type whose meaning is given by the introduction rules ( and the associated elimination and computation rules). the similar idea has been considered by gentzen [gentzen, ], prawitz [prawitz, ; prawitz, ], etc. for traditional logical systems, and by martin-li:if[martin-li:if, ], backhouse [backhouse, ], dybjer [dybjer, ], and coquand and mohring [coquand and paulin- mohring, ] for type theories. for example, a type nat of natural numbers can be defined as nat =df m[ ], where represents the kinds of the constructors- in this case, kinds x and x -> x where x is a placeholder for the name of the inductive type. the associated introduction operator are zero =dt ~t[ ]:n at and succ =dt ~ [ ]:n at -> nat. the elimination operator and computation rules are as the following: enat =df e[gj : (c:nat-> type)(c:c(zero)) (f:(x:nat)c(x)-> c(succ(x)))(n:nat)c(n), enat(c, c, j, zero)= c enat(c, c,j, succ(x)) = f(x, enat(c, c, f, x)). . . . universes the universes in utt are the impredicative universe prop and the predicative universes type;(i e w) in tarski style. in this style types in universes are represented by codes (i.e., names) and a decoding function which maps such names to appropriate types. this is contrasted against russell style, where codes and the types they represent are identified. the theory ecc contains a hierarchy of universes in russell style. a typical example of using universe is to prove the distinctness of constructors of in- ductive types [smith, ]. callaghan gave a proof in plastic for the boolean type, i.e. chapter . preliminaries true f=bool false; see section . . of [callaghan and luo, b] for details. such distinct- ness cannot be proved without universes [smith, ]. utt also has the nice meta-theoretic properties such as subject reduction and strong normalisation. goguen had proved these properties in his ph.d. thesis [goguen, ]. . . distinction between dependent product kind and it-types dependent product kind and it-types are two different notions which often cause confusion. we can list the following differences between dependent product kind and it-type: o the notion of dependent product kind is one in the meta-framework, while it-type is a notion of some object type theories. • the dependent product kind provides parameterisation mechanisms which can be used to define a type theory, while a it-type is an inductively defined construct representing the type of dependent function in an object language. o an important difference is that there is a notion of elimination for it-types but not for dependent product kinds. for example, an object of dependent product kind (a:type)(b:(x:a)type)type is a family of types parameterised by a type a and a family of types b indexed by objects of type a. representing such a family by means of an "internal" it-type is inappropriate and leads to possible misunderstandings in use of type theory. . . a new version of logical framework pal+ in fact, a clearer explanation for distinguishing meta and object concepts is from a new version of logical framework pal+[luo, ] . pal+ is a lambda-free logical frame- work which takes parameterisation and definitions as the basic notions to provide schematic mechanisms for specification of type theories and their use in practice. it is also a logi- cal framework for specification and implementation of type theories, such as martin-lof's type theory or utt. as in martin-lof's logical framework [nordstrom et al., ] and the above lf, computational rules can be introduced and are used to give meanings to the declared constants. however, pal+ only allows one to talk about the concepts that are intuitively in the object type theories: types and their objects, and families of types and families of objects of types. in particular, in pal+, one cannot directly represent families of families of entities, which could be done in other logical frameworks by means of lambda abstraction. just as implied in its name, pal+ can be seen as a successor of de bruijn's pal for automath [de bruijn, ]. compared with pal, pal+ allows one to represent in fact n is declared as a constant of this kind in utt chapter . preliminaries parametric concepts such as families of types and families of non-parametric objects, which can be used by themselves as totalities as well as when they are fully instantiated. such parametric objects are represented by local definitions (let-expressions). pal+ is a correct meta-language for specifying type theories (e.g., dependent type theories), as it has the advantage of exactly capturing the intuitive concepts in object type theories, and that its implementation realises the actual use of type theories in practice. luo [luo, ] studies the meta-theory of pal+ by developing its typed operational semantics and shows that it has nice meta-theoretic properties. as a complete implementation of pal+ has not been done yet, so we still use lf and its implementation system plastic as the basis of our research. . implementations of type theory several systems which are based on type theories have been implemented. an early im- plementation of type theory with many important contributions is de bruijn's automath project [de bruijn, ].in this project de bruijn introduced the idea of using type theory as a system which can serve as a framework for implementing logics, by giving a system which formalizes the underlying principles which mathematicians agree upon. lego [luo and pollack, ] implements several different type theories: the edinburgh logical framework [harper et al., ]; ecc [luo, a] and the pure calculus of con- structions [coquand and huet, ]. coq [project, ] is a proof assistant based on the calculus of inductive construc- tions. alf [magnusson and nordstrom, ] is a structure editor for martin-li:if's type theory in the logical framework, including a window-based user interface. nuprl [con- stable et al., ] implements a variant of martin-lof's polymorphic and extensional type theory, and unlike some other type theories, type checking in nuprl is not decidable, so the elements of propositional types should not be interpreted as proofs but merely represents the computational contents of the associated proposition. isabelle [paulson, ] is an interactive theorem prover that supports a variety of logics, such as higher order logic (hol), zermelo fraenkel set theory (zf), and constructive type theory ( ctt). plastic [callaghan and luo, b] is an implementation of typed lf with coercive subtyping and universes. it is different from lego and coq because it is not intended to be used directly by expert users but as the underlying layer for other systems. our further study will be based upon plastic. chapter . preliminaries . model checking a model checking problem is a problem of checking whether a given model satisfies a given property: m f= /j where, the model ni represents a design, and the property /j represents its correctness criteria. in general, as a popular automatic verification technique, model checking has focused on automatic decision procedures for solving its verification problem. the basic idea is to determine whether a model satisfies a property expressed as a temporal logic formula by searching the state space of the model thoroughly. therefore, to guarantee the termination, the model is often restricted to a finite state system, and properties are expressed in a propositional temporal logic like ctl or ltl, for which finite-state model checking is known to be decidable. the main obstacle encountered by model checking is the so-called state explosion problem that the size of the state transition graph grows exponentially while the size of the system grows linearly. but it is important to understand that model checking problem is not limited to finite state systems or propositional logics, symbolic model checking [mcmillan, ; mcmillan, ] can be used to deal with the state explosion problem. acm awarded the acm kanellakis award for theory and practice to randal e. bryant, edmund m. clarke, jr., e. allen emerson, and kenneth l. mcmillan for their invention of "symbolic model checking", a method of formally checking system designs widely used in the computer hardware industry. the technique has shown significant promise when used for software verification and in other areas. symbolic model checking is one of the most important formal techniques used in the computer and semiconductor industries today, and the smv program, originally developed by kenneth mcmillan as part of his ph.d. program, is one of the most widely used verifi- cation tools. these industries face a complexity explosion of near-crisis proportions, with six-month design cycles in which products of unprecedented complexity have to be "right" the first time for companies to survive. symbolic model checking offers design teams shorter time to market and increased product integrity, which explains the rapid adoption of this technology by all leading semiconductor companies. model checking is a technique for verifying finite state concurrent systems such as se- quential circuit designs and communication protocols. it has a number of advantages over traditional approaches that are based on simulation, testing, and deductive reasoning. in particular, model checking is automatic and usually quite fast. also, if the design contains an error, model checking will produce a counterexample that can be used to pinpoint the source of the error. the method has been used successfully in practice to verify real indus- trial designs, and many companies are beginning to market commercial model checkers. we want to include model checking technology in our approach to deal with some suitable domain-specific problems. chapter . preliminaries . theorem proving unlike model checking, theorem proving utilizes the proof inference technique in some proof system for solving the general validity of a problem. debruijn's automath project was an early and influential investigation into techniques for mechanically proof-checking mathematics [de bruijn, ]. van jutting [jutting, ] formalized all of a foundational text on elementary analysis- landau's "grundlagen" - in automath. recently, more mathematics has been formalized in the mizar system [try- bulec, ].mizar is based on classical first-order predicate logic, extended with second order schema, and tarski-grothendieck set theory. roughly speaking, this set theory is like zermelo-fraenkel set theory, extended with uncountably many inaccessible cardinals. till july , over two thousands of definitions of mathematical concepts and thirty thousands of theorems are included in the mizar database. all work done in mizar is grouped into articles. articles are published in a journal of formalized mathematics which is largely au- tomatically type-set from information in the mizar database. the subjects of the articles have been mostly in the fields of analysis, topology and algebra (including some universal algebra and category theory). i think that the keys to mizar's success are as follows: • it started with a set theoretic framework which is known to be theoretically adequate for all of mathematics, including category theory. • a rich type theory was layered on top of the set theory. the type theory allows for the definition of subtypes and parameterized types, and has a structure facility for the definition of algebraic classes. the system copes automatically with set subtyping relationships between elements of classes that have different underlying signatures. • much effort has been put into the organization of articles in the mizar database to ease and speed cross-referencing between articles. in terms of applying theorem provers to hardware and software verification, the nqthm system of boyer and moore [boyer and j s. moore, ; boyer and j s. moore, ] is fruitful. accomplishments include the checking the rsa public key encryption algorithm [boyer and moore, ] and the verification of microprocessor designs [hunt et al., ]. nqthm has also been used to formalize godel incompleteness theorem [shankar, ]. the generation of proofs in nqthm is highly automated. the user commonly only guides proofs by perhaps giving a few high level hints and suggesting useful lemmas. nqthm automatically guesses how to do inductions and how to prove the subgoals of inductions. nqthm also has a linear arithmetic decision procedure tightly integrated in with the the prover program. but nqthm's logic is weak: it is quantifier free and includes a theory of recursive functions over lisp like s-expressions. its strength is roughly that of primitive recursive arithmetic (pra). this logic is too weak for abstract algebra: there is no way to chapter . preliminaries define algebraic classes of objects and reason with them in ways common in algebra, though 'functional instantiation' extensions do allow some basic algebraic reasoning. the hol system [gordon and melham, a]is a tactic based interactive theorem prover with a classical logic similar to church's simple theory of types [church, ] but with the addition of a type polymorphism scheme similar to that found in the ml functional programming language. this theory is slightly weaker than zf set theory. hol has mostly been used in domains related to hardware and software verification, though its foundational theories are quite general purpose and some success has been had with more abstract math- ematics. recently, many works about formalization of network protocols in hol have been done [steve bishop and eta!., ]. we pay more attention to the theorem provers which are based on intuitionistic type theory and using "proposition as type" principle. they include alf [magnusson and nord- strom, ], lego [luo and pollack, ] [pollack, ], coq [project, ] and plastic [callaghan and luo, gb] etc. alf is a proof editor based on martin-li:if's type theory and explicit substitution. coq uses the calculus of constructions [coquand and huet, ]. lego uses ecc [luo, a] and plastic uses lf. they are lcf-style theorem provers [gordon et a!., ]. usually the problem itself is represented as a sequent. the sequent used in natural deduction is in the form of r f- f. we say a sequent holds when it satisfies its intended semantics. in general, theorem provers cannot prove theorem without guidance of users, i.e. they are interactive system and only experienced experts can use them effectively. from now on we'll focus on the applications of plastic. . some basic concepts formalized in lf . . a brief introduction to plastic plastic is an implementation of lf with inductive types, universes and coercive subtyping. it is a proof assistant with a similar style as lego and coq. plastic is implemented in functional language haskell. it is best used with aspinall's proof general interface for xemacs. currently plastic uses a script-based model of interaction. . . . the syntax of plastic the following figure . shows the correspondence of lf syntax and plastic syntax. currently plastic maintains a simple linear context. its context may contain hypotheses (or assumptions), declarations of inductive types, and global definitions. plastic provides a form of meta-variable to fill in information which is inferrable with simple unification techniques. new meta-variables may be added to the context at any time by claiming a name of a given type. fresh meta-variables can appear in a term as either named (e.g. ?lemma , where chapter . preliminaries lf syntax plastic syntax explanation (x:k)k' (x:k)k' dependent products k---+k' k -> k' non-dependent products [x:k]k [x :k] k .-\-abstractions f(a, b) f a b function application v fa universal quantification a ll a constructor, which builds proofs of quantifications over propositions. ev e...fa the elimination operator of v figure . : the correspondence of lf syntax and plastic syntax from [callaghan and luo, ] lemma is a name chosen by the user) or unnamed (e.g. symbol ?). if the meta-variables are not solved by constraints within the term, then they are added to the relevant context. . . . syntactic sugar in plastic binders in specified type theories (eg sol) are not easy to use, so a few things are imple- mented in plastic to make it more palatable. there are three forms: by arrow regard an arrow as an infix operator between two terms, which produces a non- dependent binding. converted to an application of a non-dependent binder to the two terms. ega -> b by symbol follow the general pattern left_bracket id : term right_bracket term. a selection of bracketing symbols is available. eg { x :a} b by identifier look like a functional operation binding except the opening square bracket is preceded by the name of the binder. eg fa [x: a] b for example, tautology can be written as below. braces denote "for all" binding, and => denotes propositional implication. tautology {p:prop}p => p tautology fa [p:prop] imp p p tautology fa prop([p:prop] imp p p) --expanded version. . . . coercive subtyping implementation in plastic the notion of coercive subtyping is first inducted into lf in [luo, ]. since then many studies on it are done in [luo and soloviev, ; luo, ]. coercive subtyping is viewed as a mechanism of abbreviation of the meta-language (lf), not a part of a particular object chapter . preliminaries type theory. the mechanism of subtyping is expressed as a fundamental part of lf. so object type theories can make use of it by virtue of their definition in lf. a coercion is a function c:k -> k', which lifts an object of kind k to kind k'. the coercive definition rule is as follows: f:(x:k)k' ko:ko ko to the list [a , ... , an]. • coercion between parameterised inductive types: general schematic rules are provided to represent natural propagation of the basic coercions to other structured (or param- eterised) inductive types. for example, i::( a, b) is a subtype of e(a', b') if a is a subtype of a' and b is a subfamily of b'. plastic can be used to test ideas on coercive subtyping. plastic implements parameterised and dependant coercions, non-dependent subkinding, and the lifting of coercions over induc- tive types [callaghan and luo, ]. the coercions are implemented by coercion insertion during type checking. it is justified by the coercion completion results [soloviev and luo, ]. the relevant parameters are calculated by using the meta-variable mechanism. . . . modules a plastic program consists of a collection of modules. its form is as follows: > module modulename where; > import importedmodule ; > import importedmodulen; %%declarations, definitions and proof scripts chapter . preliminaries technically speaking, a module is a sequence of declarations, definitions and proof scripts which begins with the keyword module. concrete examples can be seen in the following subsections. . . . inductive type and family in plastic the syntax for definition of simple inductive type is as follows: > inductive [d:type] > constructors > [c :m ] > [cn:mn] where d is the name of the new defined type and mi (i= , ... n) is a term in the form of (xi: n ) ... (xm: nm) d or d. n , ... nm are existed types or d itself. we can see that the syntax is similar to lego. for example, natural number type nat is introduced like this: > inductive [nat:type] > constructors > [zero: nat] > [succ: (n:nat)nat] the constants nat, zero, and succ are declared in the current context, and the elimina- tion rule e_nat is defined as per luo's scheme. inductive families are introduced similarly, with dependent product kinds instead of just type: > inductive > > [vec:(n:nat)type] > > constructors > [vnil:vec(zero)] > [vcons:(m:nat)(x:a)(l:vec(m))vec(succ(m))] are options which affect what is generated for the inductive family. are declarations which are in force for the inductive family, and (by default) discharged after it is created. . . . inductive relations plastic supplies lego-style inductive relations. to define an inductive relation the relation flag in the declaration is needed. the only difference in handling from conventional inductive chapter . preliminaries types is that prf must be included everywhere it is required and a prop is yielded for the relation. for example: for natural numbers, the "less than or equal" relation: >inductive [le:(x,y:el nat)el prop] relation > constructors > > [leo [les (m:el nat)prf(le zero m)] (m,n:el nat)(ih:prf(le m n))prf(le (succ m) (succ n))]; because there is no syntactic sugar for handling props, so prf must be added explicitly. the resulting elimination operator is this (el is omitted in this output): hyp e_le : (c_le:nat -> nat -> prop) ((m:nat)(prf (c_le zero m))) -> ((m:nat) (n: nat) (prf (le m n)) -> (prf (c_le m n)) -> (prf (c_le (succ m) (succ n)))) -> (x: nat) (y: nat) (prf (le x y)) -> (prf (c_le x y)) . . . inductive relations with large elimination as an extension to the above, relations may be given large elimination, that is: instead of producing props, it may produce (larger) types. it is triggered with the flag relation_le (replacing the plain relation flag). this follows what lego does, and allows equality to be defined as an inductive relation with more useful elimination behavior, as shown below. > inductive [a:type] > [eq : (x,y:el a)el prop] > relation_le > constructors > [eqr:(a:el a)prf(eq a a)]; hence the elimination operator is this: e_eq : (a :type) (c_eq:el a -> el a -> type) ((a:el a)el (c_eq a a)) -> (x:el a)(y:el a)el (prf (eq ax y)) -> el (c_eq x y) chapter . preliminaries . . . development of proofs in plastic in the style of lego and coq a goal-directed proof state controls which subgoals the user must prove next. expert users like this style. plastic used a more flexible model, where user can work on any unsolved meta-variable in the current linear context. further, user need not completely solve a meta-variable before attempting another meta-variable. this flexibility is identified as being useful to applications like mathematical vernacular [callaghan and luo, ]. meta-variables are the central notion: proof is the process of developing instantiations for them. a claim for the kind which represents the goal is the first line for a proof. the proof commands may act on that claimed meta-variable, which could introduce further meta-variables (i.e. sub-goals). the following are some of the main commands: refine t: this is a command similar to lego's corresponding command. it computes a term t to instantiate a meta-variable (e.g. m) of known type. it is implemented in terms of the meta-variable preprocessor. cut is applied to m using the computed term t, and any new meta-variables arising (i.e. sub-goals) are inserted in the context immediately before m. in other words, the evaluation of a refinement command of the form refine t proceeds as follows: • first, the system tries to check whether the term t is well-typed in the current context. if it is not well-typed, the system should report error message, otherwise do the next step. • second, the system tries to unify the current goal with the type of the refinement term t. there are several possibilities: . the unification succeeds: that means the current goal is proved. . the unification fails: then, the system tries to specialize the refinement term t by applying it to a new meta-variable of the right type. there are two possibilities: if the specialization succeeds, then several new goals are gener- ated in order to prove the current goal. if the specialization fails, then the refinement step fails. intros: when used on a meta-variable m:(x:k)k', the context appearing after and includ- ing m is replaced with a hypothesis x:k and a new meta-variable !vf':k'. this creates a branch in the context. return: it marks closure of an intros, i.e. all meta-variables introduced by (and since) the intros have been solved. the action is to abstract the solution for m' by x:k and cut the result into the context existing prior to the corresponding intros command. returnall: it closed all opened lntros, namely, all meta-variables introduced by all intros have been solved. it releases all hypotheses. chapter . preliminaries we shall give some concrete proofs and examples of applications in following sections and chapters. . . sets and relevant constants and operators set theory and the theorem of fixed points are very useful to give a clear semantic interpreta- tion of formal systems. there are different representations of set. we use logical predicates to represent set in this thesis. although there are many papers which pay more attention to setoids [barthe et al., ], which are more suitable to support extensional concepts such as quotients and subsets, but we don't want to use setoids here and we think that a simple treatment to set is enough. at first, we define some special sets and operators in >.-notation as follows: pred full set emptyset meet union not minus subset eqset single >.a:type.a -> prop >.a:type.>.x:a.tautology >.a:type.>.x:a.absurd >.a:type.>.b, c:pred(a).>.x:a.(b(x) and c(x)) >.a:type.>.b,c:pred(a).>.x:a.(b(x) or c(x)) >.a:type.>.b:pred(a).>.x:a.(not b(x)) >.a:type.>.b, c:pred(a).meet a b (not a c) >.a:type.>.b, c:pred(a).'v'x:a(b(x)-> c(x)) >.a:type.>.b, c:pred(a).and (subset a b c)(subset a c b) >.a:type.>.x:a.eq x then, we give some relevant predefined elements (pi_, la_, ap_ ) which are defined in a system module called function in plastic. the following is an episode for the definitions: %---------------------------------------------------------------- > module function where; function spaces (non-dependent) > inductive > [ a,b: type ] > [pi_ : type ] > constructors > [ la_ : (f: (x:el a) el b) pi_]; now, the means to use a pi type. >claim ap_ : (a,b:type)(f:pi_ a b) -> (_:a)b; chapter . preliminaries > intros a b pi a; >refine e_pi_ ? ? ([_:pi_ a b]b) ? pi; > intros f; > refine f a; > returnall; %---------------------------------------------------------------- in addition, tautology and absurd are defined in higher-order logic as follows: p =;- q =dt v x: prf(p).q tautology =dt v p :prop. p =} p absurd =dt v p :prop. p in plastic they are defined in a system module (called solbasics) for second-order logic, the following is an episode for the definitions : %---------------------------------------------------------------- > module sol_basics yhere; definitions of common logical constants > import sol; %---------------------------------------------------------------- tautology. > [tautology= {p:prop}p=>p :prop]; > claim prf_tautology : prf tautology; > refine ll; > intros p· . > refine ll; > intros p; > refine p; > returnall; %---------------------------------------------------------------- absurd. > [absurd = {a:prop}a : prop ] ; > > [not [a:prop]a =>absurd prop-> prop]; chapter . preliminaries >claim e_absurd prf (absurd=> {n:prop}n); > refine ll; > intros x; > refine x; > returnall; %---------------------------------------------------------------- finally, we can define set and related constants and operators in plastic as follows: %---------------------------------------------------------------- > [pred = [a:type](pi_ a prop)]; > [fullset = [a:type](la_ a prop [x:a]tautology)]; > [emptyset = [a:type](la_ a prop [x:a]absurd)]; > [meet= [a:type] [b:(pred a)] [c:(pred a)](la_ a prop > [x:a](and (ap_ a prop b x) (ap_ a prop c x)))]; > [union= [a:type] [b:(pred a)] [c:(pred a)](la_ a prop > [x:a] (or (ap_ a prop b x) (ap_ a prop c x)))]; > [pnot = [a:type] [b:(pred a)](la_ a prop > [x:a](not (ap_ a prop b x)))]; > [minus= [a:type] [b:(pred a)] [c:(pred a)] > > [subset > > [eqset > > [single meet a b (pnot a c)]; [a:type] [b:(pred a)] [c:(pred a)](fa a [x:a]((ap_ a prop b x) => (ap_ a prop c x)))]; [a:type] [b:(pred a)] [c:(pred a)]( and (subset abc) (subset a c b))]; [a :type] [x: a]( la_ a prop ([y: a](eq ax y)))]; %---------------------------------------------------------------- from the above definitions we can see that the definitions are longer than the corre- sponding definitions in lego. the reason is that plastic has no !ego-like implicit syntax and thus requires most things to be made explicit. chapter . preliminaries . . fix points and their properties the theory of fixed points is very useful for giving denotational semantics of programming languages. it can also be used in program analysis and verification of program properties, etc. in this subsection, based on the above definitions, we give some formalization of the theory and theorems which are formally proved in plastic. in the following definitions we assume that ¢> is a monotonic function from power set of e to power set of e. definition (prefixed point.) a subset s ~ e is a prefixed point of¢> if ¢>(s) ~ s definition (postfixed point.) a subsets~ e is a postfixed point of¢> if s ~ ¢>(s) definition {fixed point:) a subset s ~ e is a fixed point of¢> if s is both a prefixed point and a postfixed point of¢>. definition (greatest fixed point:) a subset s ~ e is a greatest fixed point of¢> if s is a fixed point and for any fixed point t of¢>, t ~ s. definition (least fixed point:) a subset s ~ e is a least fixed point of¢> if s is a fixed point and for any fixed point t of¢>, s ~ t. the following are main formal definitions related to the above definitions: > [mono = [a:type] [f: pi_ (pred a) (pred a)] [c,d: (pred a)] > (( subset a c d) => (subset a (ap_ (pred a) (pred a) f c) > (ap_ (pred a) (pred a) f d)))]; > [f_mono:(a:type)(f: pi (pred a) (pred a)) > (c,d: (pred a))( prf(mono a f cd))]; > [prefixp = [a:type] [f:(pi_ (pred a)) (pred a))] [p: pred a] > ( subset a (ap_ (pred a)) (pred a) f p) p)]; > [postfixp = [a:type] [f:(pi_ (pred a) (pred a))] [p: pred a] > ( subset a p (ap_ (pred a) (pred a) f p))]; > [lfixp [a:type] [f:(pi_ (pred a) (pred a))] (la_ a prop [x:a] > ({p: (pred a)}((prefixp a f p) => (ap_ a prop p x))))]; > [gfixp [a:type] [f:(pi_ (pred a) (pred a))](la_ a prop [x:a](ex (pred a) > ( [p: (pred a)] (and (postfixp a f p) (ap_ a prop p x))))) ] ; chapter . preliminaries we have proved the relevant properties of set and fixed points using plastic. these form our bases for defining j.l- calculus. the following are main theorems related to fixed points we have proved, but we just show a proof of one theorem: • theorem . . (tarski(tarski, /)let e be a set, p(e) be the power set of e and il>:p(e) -+ p(e) be a monotonic function (i.e. vs, s' e p(e)(s ~ s' ---> il>(s) ~ il>(s'))), then i > has a least fixed point j.ls.il>(s) and a greatest fixed point vs.il>(s) given by j.ls.il>(s) = n{s' ~ elil>(s') ~ s'} vs.il>(s) = u{s' ~ eis' ~ il>(s')} j.ls.il>(s) is the least prefixed point since it is the meet of all the prefixed points. vs.il>(s) is the greatest postfixed point since it is the union of all the postfixed points. • theorem . . for every prefixed point p, least fixed point is a subset of p,i.e.: vp.prefp(f, p)-+ lfp(f) ~ p • theorem . . least fixed point is a prefixed point, i.e.: prefp(f, lfp(f)) proof the following is our proof of this theorem in plastic: %---------------------------------------------------------------- least fixpoint is a prefixed point >claim lfixp_isprefixp: (fi:(pi_(pred(a)) (pred(a)))) > (prf(prefixp fi (lfixp fi))); > intros fi; > refine ll; > intros x; > refine ll; > intros h· ' > refine ll; > intros xi; > refine ll; > intros hi; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? hi); >refine app?? ( app?? (app?? (f_mono a fi (lfixp fi) xi)) x); > refine app ? ? lfixp_lessp; > refine hi; > refine h; > returnall; chapter . preliminaries > lfixp_isprefixp; %---------------------------------------------------------------- q.e.d. the reason why we give this example here is to show the reasoning style of plastic in this area, other theorems can be proved similarly. • theorem . . least fixed point is a postfixed point, i.e.: postfp(f, lfp(f)) • theorem . . every post fixed point p is a subset of greatest fixed point, i.e.: vp.postfp(f, p)--> p <;;; gfp(f) • theorem . . greatest fixed point is a prefixed point, i.e.: prefp(f, gfp(f)) • theorem . . greatest fixed point is a postfixed point, i.e.: postfp(f, gfp(f)) • theorem . . (reduction lemma (kazen, ; winskel, ]} vp.p <;;; gfp(f) <--> p <;;; f(gfp(>.q.(p u f(q)))) • theorem . . (least fix point fold and unfold) vp.p <;;; lfp(f) <--> p <;;; f(lfp(f) up) • theorem . . (greatest fix point base) vp.p <;;; p'--> p <;;; gfp(>.q.(p' u f(q))) • theorem . . (greatest fix point fold and unfold) vp.p <;;; gfp(f) <--> p <;;; f(gfp(f) up) . summary we present preliminaries of the thesis in this chapter. based on these basic concepts we can expand our study on the goals of the thesis. higher order logic and inductive data type are two important features in lf (compared with some non-theorem prover approach) which help us to formalise the required concepts very easily. from the above we can see that the power of expressive higher order logic simplifies the encoding of several concepts such as set, predicate and fixed points. we can also see that the inductive data type is very useful to formalise data types. their concrete application will be discussed in following chapters of the thesis. chapter the outline of the approach something attempted, something done. -henry wadsworth longfellow, american poet this chapter presents the outline of our approach. we emphasize the difference of our approach and other approaches from architectures, the underlying theories and methodolo- gies. . our approach for the computer assisted domain-specific reasoning, there are two main approaches, dis- tinguished by their use (or not) of a theorem prover. we know that theorem prover based approaches lack strong support for domain-specific syntax and proof style; systems of the non theorem prover based approaches lack the certainty of proof and genericity. our ap- proach aims to reduce the weakness of the above approaches and help the domain users who are not type theoretic experts to do proof in a familiar syntax, and with the support of an exactly customized type theory. it aims at a balance between user convenience and certainty of proof. there are new advantages too, since type theory provides clear methods, useful tools and good ideas about how to do computer assisted formal proof. in particular, induction is an important and powerful technique in type theory. we expect that providing reasoning tools which offer good support for induction, via the underlying type theory basis, will lead to a better appreciation of proofs and to wider use of such tools in many domains. the key feature of our approach is its use of lf and its associated reasoning techniques to formalize a problem domain and to present a domain-oriented interface suitable for use by people who aren't experts in type theory. we just need to do some work for formalizations, translations and communications to implement a reasoning system for each domain. that chapter . the outline of the approach formalized in plaslk: plastic syntax or proor term plastic fonnallzed in plastic server figure . : the architecture implied by the approach saves much work. i.e. the formalization and translation work are the main work in this approach other than the concrete reasoning system. . . an architecture of the approach an architecture implied by the approach is shown in figure . . it is a client-server structure, where the implementation of lf is a 'server' which handles the important reasoning steps. clients use this reasoning functionality, and present a simplified version of it to users. there are three layers: • the upper layer is a domain oriented interface which is operated by the domain user. for a specific domain, it gives access to the domain language, specification logic, semantic model and the reasoning system by using notations which are familiar to the domain users. these notations are customized in our new interface (called lftop), so domain users need not use the underlying lf notations directly. • in the bottom layer, every component in the upper layer is represented by its corre- sponding formalization in lf. because we use plastic [callaghan and luo, b] as the implementation of lf. so the format of the formalization follows plastic (see chapter for more details). • the middle layer provides a bridge between the upper layer and the bottom layer. it includes tools such as parsers and translators. these tools implement the automatic transformation from domain-specific syntax and proof terms to plastic syntax and proof terms. following aspinall [aspinall, ], we have designed an xml-based protocol ulpip for communications between the various layers. this encodes the dialogues that can occur between the various layers. this may be extended with domain-specific features. chapter . the outline of the approach . . a methodology using this approach for each specific domain we should do all or some of the following steps: • formalize the domain-specific specification language, logic and semantic model in lf. • compare the original syntax and the formalized syntax. implement parsers and trans- lators to do the translation automatically. • design the reasoning system and commands which can be used by domain users in the interface. • find the corresponding command, group of commands or prove new lemmas in plastic to simulate the effect of each user command in the interface. • implement the translations of user level commands to plastic commands. • design and implement a concise protocol for communications between user level inter- face and the underlying plastic system. • design and implement gui related issues. we shall follow the above steps in our case studies of chapter and . we can see them as the applications of this methodology. . the techniques we use in this approach many technologies should be used in this approach. we list them as follows: • functional programming technology: we use functional programming language haskell to implement our system. we get a lot of benefit from the features of high order, list comprehension and lazy evaluation [pang and zhao, ; pang et al., b; pang et al., b] in it. as plastic is implemented in haskell, so the combination of our implementation and plastic implementation is convenient. • parser technology: we use happy [gill and marlow, ] as a generator of the parser. we just need to present the bnf format of the domain specific language, happy can generate the corresponding haskell modules as the parser. • translation technology: using grammar-directed translation technology the work of translation and parsing is done at the same time. the translations are clear for un- derstanding. • model checking technology: we intend to use model checking technology to solve some subproblems which have finite states. but this was not attempted in this thesis. chapter . the outline of the approach • communication technology: how to deal with the problem of communications between the layers? we can design some protocols for communication. we can also use the framework of proof general [aspinall, a]. • lf based computer assisted reasoning technology: we use lf based computer assisted reasoning technology in the bottom layer. a lot of benefits are gotten in a way which domain users need not have the knowledge of lf in detail. we use the above technologies in our approach. the details will be given in the following chapters. . the common things for different domains in this approach there are many common things even for different domains in this approach. the following are the main common things. • the communication protocols: different domain can use same communication proto- cols. we design communication protocols called ulpip for this purpose. we describe these protocols in haxml. meanwhile the framework of proof general can be used directly. • the underlying type system: in our approach we use plastic (the implementation of lf) as the underlying type system for all domains. • the similar translation modules: we use grammar-directed translation technology, the translation modules are similar both in skeleton and strategy. the reuse of the above items provides a good way for us to implement the relevant things. . the role of type theory and its framework type theory and the relevant logical framework (lf) are the basis of this approach. the formal reasoning is carried out in a system (here we mean plastic) which is an implementation of the logical framework. the benefits from type theory and the logical framework can be obtained naturally. research results from type theory (such as proof assistants) can be used without any difficulty. especially, the correctness guaranteed by type theory increases the credibility of the work done in the approach. in fact, we can view the approach as programming the formal system in a better programming language (ie, writing the key parts in type theory rather than inc/java/haskell). chapter . the outline of the approach . discussion in this chapter we give an outline of our approach. the approach tries to inherit all the advantages over non-type-theory based approach from type theory based approach in a way where the users need not have a lot of knowledge of type theory. in our design we use three layers of the interface to attain this effect. for example, it can inherit the proof terms which is one of the major differences between type theory based theorem provers with other non- type-theory based theorem provers and automatic verifiers. proof terms are a.-terms of which the correctness can be checked by type checking algorithms implemented in a type theory based proof assistant. therefore proof terms give us more confidence on the proof. the proof checking of plastic helps to ensure the correctness of the reasoning in our approach in a way that is not noticed by domain users. all these features are benefit from the structure of the approach. however the structure of this approach is more complicated than most other approaches. but this should be balanced against the positive features, and we believe the balance is in our favor. for this kind of system, the overheads in a multi-layer approach are relatively small, so 'efficiency' is not a big problem here. chapter case study: concurrency if you want to understand today, you have to search yesterday. -pearl buck, american female writer this chapter presents a specific domain -concurrency- as a domain for the case study. building on yu's work in lego [yu, ; yu and luo, ], we choose concurrency as the domain of interest for this case study. this domain is relatively complex, requiring the interaction of three formal systems, hence a demanding case study. some issues of this work has been published in [pang et a!., a]. firstly, this chapter introduces the basic relevant concepts of concurrency and then we give a deep study of it. . domain analysis concurrent systems are quite different from ordinary sequential systems. instead of focus- ing on input-output behavior and termination of the sequential systems, they focus on the interactions and communications between components. usually the interactions and com- munications are described by competing for access to shared resources which is corresponding to shared variable model or exchanging messages which is corresponding to message pass- ing model. process algebra represents a mathematically rigorous framework for modelling concurrent systems of interacting processes. . . process algebra the term process algebra includes a collection of theories that support mathematically rig- orous (in)equational reasoning about systems consisting of concurrent, interacting processes. the field grew out of a seminal book due to milner [milner, ] and has been an active area of research since then. in particular, researchers have developed a number of different chapter . case study: concurrency process algebraic theories in order to capture different aspects of system behavior; however, each such formalism generally includes the following characteristics: . a language, or algebra, is defined for describing systems. . a behavioral equivalence is introduced that is intended to relate systems whose be- havior is indistinguishable to an external observer. . equational rules, or axioms, are developed that permit proofs of equivalences between systems to be conducted in a syntax driven manner. some formalisms include a refinement ordering, in this case, the theories allow one to determine if a system is "greater than or equal to" (i.e. refines) another. the relevant literature typically refers to each theory as a process algebra; so the field of process alge- bra contains many process algebras. process algebras derive their motivation from the fact that a system design often consists of several different descriptions of the system involving different levels of detail. the behavioral equivalence or refinement relation provided by a process algebra may be used to determine whether these different descriptions conform to one another. more specifically, higher-level descriptions of system behavior may be related to lower-level ones using the equivalence or refinement ordering supplied by the algebra. related systems may be used interchangeably inside larger system descriptions; this facili- tates compositional system verification, since low-level designs of system components may be checked in isolation against their high-level designs. this section surveys some of the main features of process algebra. the next subsection introduces ccs, the process algebra that we use throughout the chapter to illustrate the principles we cover in the case study. calculus for communicating systems (ccs) is a good example of the message passing model. the application of the approach lftop in this domain involves three formal systems and their associated technology. these are: • specification language: the state system under consideration is described in a spec- ification language which usually is a kind of process algebra, such as calculus for communicating systems (ccs), or communicating sequential processes (csp). we choose ccs as our specification language and focus on pure ccs [milner, ] in this chapter. • semantics: the specification is transformed into a representation which is a semantic model, e.g. lts (labelled transition system),or timed automata. we use lts as the semantic model to give the relevant operational semantics. • logic: properties to be checked are given as formulas of a specification logic, such as j.l-calculus, propositional linear temporal logic (pltl), or computation tree logic (ctl). we choose j.l-calculus as the logic here: it is sufficiently powerful for our purposes, and other temporal logics can be defined as abbreviations of j.l-calculus. chapter . case study: concurrency . . ccs: calculus for communicating system the calculus for communicating system is an algebraic theory intended to describe commu- nications between, and computations of, abstract processes. it is an algebra for specifying and reasoning about concurrent systems. as an algebra, ccs provides a set of terms, op- erators and axioms that can be used to write and manipulate algebraic expressions. the expressions define the elements of a concurrent system and the manipulations of these ex- pressions reveal how the system behaves. the operators in the set may be used to construct system descriptions from definitions of subsystems. the basic building blocks of these descriptions and system definitions in all existing process algebras are actions. intuitively, actions represent atomic, uninterrupted execution steps, with some actions denoting internal execution and others representing po- tential interactions with its environment that the system may engage in. in ccs, both communication and computation are abstractly represented by actions. in other words, ac- tions represent either inputs/outputs on ports or internal computation steps. the former are sometimes called external, as they require interaction from the environment. to formalize these intuitions, let a = l u { t} be a set of actions, t be a distinguished action called 'silent' action which models internal or invisible or idling actions. l is a set of labels having two disjoint subset: l + is a set of names, and l- is a set of co-names. we let a, b, c range over names, a, b, c range over co-names, and a, f range over a. if l e l, then its complement action l e l, and we have l = l. then an action in ccs has one of the following three forms. • a, where a e l +, represents the act of receiving a signal on port a. • a, where a e l +, in other words, a e l- , represents the act of emitting a signal on port a. • t is a distinguished action called 'silent' action which models internal or invisible or idling actions. the syntax of the pure ccs version can be expressed as follows: e:: =nil i x i a.e i e + e i e ie i e\l i e[f]lrec x.e where • nil (called empty process) represents stopped or deadlocked computation, so it cannot perform any actions. • x is a process variable. • a.e (called prefix) can perform action a and then behave as e. • e + e (called summation) represents choice- the process can evolve either as e or as e . chapter . case study: concurrency • e ie (called parallel composition) represents the parallel independent performing of et and e or communicating through complement actions of them. • e\l (called restriction) represents a process which behaves like e but cannot perform actions in l or their complement actions. • e[f] (called relabelling) behaves like e, but the actions are renamed by a bijection f:l ---> l, where f has the property that f(z) = f(l); we can extend the domain off to a and let f(r) = t. o rec x.e (called recursion) represents a recursive process which behaves like the process e applied to rec x.e. value-passing ccs is a process calculus in which actions consist of sending and receiv- ing values through communication ports, and the transmitted data can be tested using a conditional construct. the syntax form of the value-passing version is as follows: e:: =nil i x i p(x).e i p'(e).e i t.e i et +e i e ie i e\l i e[f]l if b then e i rec x.e we just need to describe the different expressions from pure ccs as follows: • p(x).e (called input prefix) behaves as a process which can receive a value, say v, over channel p, and bind the result to a variable x, binding results in substitution [v jx] of the formal parameter x by the actual parameter v; • p'(e) (called output prefix) behaves as a process which send value e over channel p; • if b then e behaves as e when b is true, otherwise no action is done. . . lts: labelled transition system labelled transition system (lts) is very useful in representing operational semantics of formal systems such as ccs. its definition is as follows. definition a labelled transition system t is a triple (s, l,--->), where sis a set of states, l is a set of transition labels and ---><:;; s x l x s is a transition relation. normally we writes~ s' for (s,a,s') e--->, and~ for the relation {(s,s')ls ~ s'}. when lts is used to describe the operational semantics of concurrent systems the labels are interpreted as actions which can take place in the system. the system is considered as being in one particular state at any given time, changing states by performing actions in accordance with the transition relation. in an lts, if we set a state as a start state, then the lts is called rooted lts. it is a quadruple (s, l, --->,p), where p is the start state (also be called root), the others are the same as in the above triple. chapter . case study: concurrency . . j.l-calculus . . . previous logics for previous logics j. bradfield and c. stirling gave a good introduction in [bradfield and stirling, ]. many explanations in the following paragraphs are extracted from theirs for self-containment of this thesis. hennessy-milner logic(hml) [hennessy and milner, ] is a primitive modal logic of actions. in addition to the boolean operators the syntax of hml has a modality < a > ¢, where a is a process action. a structure for the logic is a labelled transition system. the constants tt and f f are two atomic formulas of the logic. the meaning of < a > ¢ is "it is possible to do an a-action to a state where¢ holds". by inductively defining when a state (a process) of a transition system has a property, the formal semantics are given; for example, e i= < a >

"lj) and < f > "lj) as subformulas of < n u f > "lj), < f > "lj) as a subformula of < n; f > "lj); and < n > "lj) as subformula of< n* > "lj). the size of r is proportional to i ). it shows that the filtered model is indeed a model, in that [e] f= "lj) iff e f= "lj) for "lj) e r. consequently if ¢is a satisfiable pdl formula, then it has a model with size ( < > ), and in fact < > suffices- see [fischer and ladner, ] for more details. although ctl, ctl* and modal ~-t-calculus all have the finite model property, the filtration technique does not apply. if one filters t through a finite set r containing \ffq unintended loops may be added. for example if tis e; ~ ei+ for :=::; i < n and q is only true at state en then e; f= \ffq for each i. but when n is large enough the filtered model will have at least one transition ej ~ e; when i :=::; j < n , with the consequence that e; ¥ \f fq . the initial approach to showing the finite model property utilises semantic tableaux where one explicitly builds a model for a satisfiable formula with small size. but this technique is very particular, and subsequent more chapter . case study: concurrency sophisticated methods based on automata are used for optimal results. . ctl model-checking: apart from the common things, ctl has some obvious differ- ences from pdl. at first, although it is a state-based logic, but it uses path operators internally- evaluating the formula v[¢>u /i] at a state involves considering all paths from that state. thus, at first glance, one might expect to lose the obvious exponential upper bound on model-checking. however, this turns out not to happen, and in fact ctl is not difficult to model-check. this was shown in [clarke et al., ] by a direct construction; it also follows from the fact that ctl is a simple fragment of the modal p.-calculus. the model-checking procedure of [clarke et al., ] is an example of a global technique. this procedure proceeds by model-checking subformulas from the bottom up, doing a full pass over the state space for subformulas before considering the superformula. here is an english outline of the algorithm in the original paper: • to check tt, -.¢>, ¢> /\¢> , check the subformulas and perform the boolean operation; • to check < a > ¢>, [a]¢, check the subformula ¢>, and then apply the semantic definitions; • to check [¢>u /jj, check the subformulas, then find the states at which / holds, and trace backwards along paths on which ¢> holds; • to check v[¢>u /ij, check the subformulas, then make a depth-first traversal of the system, doing the following: if a state satisfies /j, mark it as satisfying v[¢>u /jj; otherwise, if it fails ¢>, mark it as failing v[¢>u /j]; otherwise, after processing the successors, mark it as satisfying v[¢>u /j] iff all its successors do. in fact, ctl can be translated into modal p.-calculus. the relevant algorithms include global, backward-looking model-checking algorithms, and local forward-looking algorithms. from today's perspective, it is interesting to see that this previous ctl algorithm has elements of both: the code for [¢>u /j] is doing exactly the computation by approximation of the p.-calculus translation; but the code for v[¢>u /i] is doing tableau model-checking. . . . a brief introduction to p.-calculus the use of fixedpoint operators is an important defining feature of p.-calculus. using them in program logics goes back at least to d. park [park, ]. however, using them in modal logics of programs dates from work of pratt, emerson, clarke and kozen. pratt's version [pratt, ] used a fixedpoint operator like the minimization operator of recursion theory, and this has not been studied further. fixedpoint operators were added by emerson and clarke to a temporal logic to capture fairness and other correctness properties [emerson and clarke, ]. kozen [kozen, ] introduced the modal p.-calculus which we still use today, and established a lot of basic results. the expressive power of modal p.-calculus is intimately connected to finite-state automata on infinite trees [vardi and wolper, ]. classically, chapter . case study: concurrency a j.t-formula denotes a predicate on states. typical properties to be expressed and analyzed are safety and liveness assertions. the formula vx. < a > x, for example, denotes the set of all states allowing for an infinite sequence of a-actions. especially, the modal operator < a > (for action a) constructs a property of the actual state from a property of a next state. thus, it relates present to a (possibly infinite) future. for detailed explanation of various modal (and temporal) logics consult, e.g., colin stirling in [stirling, ]. . . . a positive version of j.t-calculus with tagging fixed points considering that we are based on an intuitionistic type theory, we choose a positive version of j.t-calculus with tagging fixed points [winskel, ]. it is enough to express all the temporal properties we need. because formulas with negation operators can be transformed to some normal forms with negation operators occurring only before atomic formulas [walukiewicz, ]. the data irrelevant version of the tagged j.t-calculus is as follows: cl>:: = z i cl>vcl> i cl>acl> i ci> i [k]ci> i j.lz.uci> i vz.uci> where u is a tag which is a subset of states, k ranges over subset of labels and z ranges over a set of assertion variables. the tag-free fixed points j.lz.ci> and vz.ci> are special cases with empty tag. the formula true is defined as tt =def vz.z, and the formula false is defined as ff =def j.lz.z. . . . semantics of j.t-calculus : we use labelled transition system ( s, l, { _!_. :l e l}) to give the operational semantics of j.t-calculus. here s is a set of states, l is a set of transition labels, and for each l e l a transition relation_!_. is a subset of s x s, i.e. _!_.~ s x s. the semantics of formula¢> is repre- sented by [¢>~p (where [¢>~p ~ s) and it is given by induction on the structure of¢> as follows. [z~p [ci> v \[j~p [ci> \ \[j~p [< k > ci>~p [[k]ci>~p [j.tz.uci>~p [vz.uci>~p p(z) [ci>~p u [w~p [ci>~p n [w~p {s e sl o: e k. s' e s.s ~ s' and s' e [cl>~p} {s e siva: e k.vs' e s.s ~ s' implies s' e [cl>~p} {s e sivp ~ s.[ci>[pjz]~pju ~ p implies s e p} {s e si p ~ s.p ~ [ci>[p/z]~p u u and s e p} where the environment p assigning a subset of s to each assertion variable z. properties of concurrent system are usually represented by assertions which are formulas of j.t-calculus. the judgement that a state s satisfies a property ci> is now defined by : s f- ci> iff s e [ci>~p for all p. chapter . case study: concurrency . congruences and reasoning in ccs . . congruences for ccs a congruence for an algebra is an equivalence relation with the following extra substitution property: equivalent systems can be used interchangeably inside any larger system. we can explain this property formally. define a context c[] to be a system description with a "hole", [ ]; given a system description pi, then, c[p ] represents the system obtained by "filling" the hole with pl· then an equivalence ~ is a congruence for a language, if whenever p ~ p , then c[p ] ~ c[p ] for any context c[] built using operators in the language. from the above description we can see that relations that are congruences for some languages maybe not for others. congruence is an important concept in analysis of the relevant systems. in process algebras a notion of behavioral congruence [cleaveland and smolka, ] often be used as a basis for system analysis. in this subsection we define a relation that relates systems with respect to their "observable" behavior and study congruences for ccs. we first define an equivalence relation on states in an arbitrary lts in each case; since ccs may be viewed as an lts, these relations may then be used to link ccs system descriptions. the suitability of the equivalence from the standpoint of the observable behavior is considered. furthermore whether or not the relation is a congruence for ccs is studied. . . . '!race equivalence language equivalence is a well-studied equivalence in state machine theory, where two ma- chines are equivalent if they accept the same sequences of symbols. individual ccs system descriptions may be converted into rooted lts's. but rooted lts does not contain accepting states, and consequently we cannot use the notion of language equivalence from finite-state machine theory directly. however, if every state in a rooted lts is accepting state, then the language of the machine contains the execution sequences, or traces, that a machine may engage in. so, to relate two descriptions of a system exactly when the machines for them have the same traces might be a reasonable attempt at defining a behavioral equivalence for ccs. definition let (p, a,->) be a lts. . let s = ao ... an- e a* be a sequence of actions. then p .!... p' if there are states po, ... ,pn such that p = po,p; ~ pi+l for ~ i < n, and p' = pn . . s is a strong trace of p if there exists p' such that p .!... p • we use s(p) to represent the set of all strong traces of p. . p ~s q exactly when s(p) = s(q). chapter . case study: concurrency the reason to use the term strong traces is that the definition given above does not distinguish between internal and external actions (i.e. all may appear in a strong trace). in contrast, t action is treated in a special manner in the traditional definition of traces. since ccs is an lts whose states are system descriptions, so the definition of ;:.:-;s might be used to ccs systems. unfortunately, since ccs permits the definition of nondeterministic systems, ;::.:-; suffers from severe deficiencies which is illustrates as in the following examples. . let pi =df a.pi and p =df a.p + a.nil. then pi ;:.:-;s p , however p can reach a "deadlocked" state (i.e. nil) after an a-transition while pi cannot. . let p be a.b.nil+a.c.nil and q be a.(b.nil+c.nil). then s(p) = s(q) = {e, a, ab, ac}, sop ;::.:-; q. however, after an a-transition q can perform both a b and a c, whereas p must reject one or the other of these possibilities. from the above examples we can see that even though two nondeterministic systems have the same traces, they may go through inequivalent states in performing them i. in particular, trace equivalent systems can have different deadlocking behavior. so this kind of trace equivalence is not adequacy for nondeterministic systems such as ccs. . . . bisimulation equivalence the observation in the previous paragraph suggests that a nondeterministic system such as ccs needs an equivalence which has a recursive flavor: execution sequences for equiva- lent systems ought to pass through equivalent states. this intuition leads the definition of bisimulation, or strong equivalence. definition let (s, a,-->) be an lts. a relation r ~ s x s is a bisimulation if, whenever < p, q > e r, then the following conditions hold for any a e a and p', q' e s. . if p ~ p', then q ~ q' for some q' such that< p', q' >e r, . if q ~ q', then p ~ p for some p' such that < p', q' > e r. from the above definition we can see that if two systems are related by a bisimulation, then it is possible for each to simulate the other's behavior. for a relation to be a bisimu- lation, related states must be able to match transitions of each other by moving to related states. next we shall give bisimulation equivalent for two states. two states are bisimulation equivalent exactly when a bisimulation relating them is found. definition systems p and q are bisimulation equivalent, or bisimilar, if there exists a bisimulation r containing< p, q >. we write p,..., q whenever p and q are bisimilar. as ccs may be viewed as an lts, so we can use ,..., to relate ccs processes. the following examples show some differences of bisimulation equivalent with trace equivalent. this situation cannot occur in deterministic systems. chapter . case study: concurrency . a.b.nil + a.c.nil ""a.(b.nil + c.nil) . a.b.nil + a.b.nil,..... a.b.nil bisimulation equivalence has a lot of pleasing properties. . for any lts it is indeed an equivalence; i.e. the relation ,..... is reflexive, symmetric and transitive. . "' implies ';:::',s and if the lts is deterministic in the sense that every state has at most one outgoing transition per action, then ,..... coincides with ';:::',s. . it can be shown in a precise sense that two equivalent systems must have the same deadlock potential. . "' is a congruence for ccs, in other words, if p "' q, then p and q may be used interchangeably inside any larger system. however, for the process algebras which allow asynchronous execution such as ccs, ,..... does suffer from a major flaw: it is too sensitive to internal computation. in particular, the definition does not take account of the speciality of the action t. for example, the systems a.r.b.nil and a.b.nil are not bisimulation equivalent, even though an external observer cannot detect the difference between them. nevertheless, ,..... has been studied extensively in many literatures, and for process algebras in which internal computation in one component can affect the behavior of other components indeed, it is a reasonable basis for verification. but this flaw is an inducement to consider other equivalence to suit ccs. . . . observational equivalence for ccs from above subsubsection we can see that bisimulation is too sensitive to internal computa- tion. this subsubsection presents a coarsening of bisimulation equivalence that is intended to relax the sensitivity of the former to internal computation. the introduction of weak transitions starts a further progress in new equivalent relations. definition let (p, a,--->) be an lts with t e a, and let p e p. . if s e a •, then s e (a - { t}) * represents the action sequence obtained by deleting all occurrences oft from s. . let s e (a - { t} )*' then p ~ p' if there exists s' such that p ~ p' and s = s' from the above definition we can see that s returns the visible content (i.e. non-r el- ements) of sequences; in particular, if a= t then a= c; if a e a- {r} then a= a. in addition, if a sequence of r-transitions leads from p top' then p ~ p'. we now define weak bisimulations as follows. chapter . case study: concurrency definition let (p, a,->) be an lts with t e a, then a relation r c::;; p x p is a weak bisimulation if, whenever < p, q >e r, then the following hold for all a e a and p', q' e p: . if p ~ p', then q ~ q' for some q' such that< p , q >e r . if q ~ q', then p ~ p' for some p' such that< p', q' >e r states p and q are observationally equivalent, or weakly bisimilar, or weakly equivalent, if there exists a weak bisimulation r containing < p, q >. in this case we write p ~ q as ccs is an lts whose action set contains t, the definition of~ may be used to relate ccs system descriptions. we have the following observations. . for any process p, t.p ~ p . a.r.b.r.nil ~ a.b.nil consequently weakly bisimilar would appear to be a viable candidate for relating ccs system descriptions. but unfortunately it is not a congruence for ccs. to see the reason, consider the context c[ j given by [ j + b.nil. let p be r.a.nil, q be a.nil, then we know that p ~ q. however, c[p] ';f c[q]. to see this, note that c[p] . a.nil. this transition must be matched by a weak e:-labelled transition from c[q]. but the only such transition c[q] is c[q] ~ c[q]. however, a.nil ';f c[q], since the latter can engage in a b-labelled transition that cannot be matched by the former. this shortage of ~ arises from the interplay between + and the initial internal com- putation that a system might engage in, in particular, the only ccs operator that breaks the congruence-hood of~ is +. milner [milner, ; milner, ] solved this problem by adopting a way which is to focus on finding the largest ccs congruence ~l that implies~. such a largest congruence is guaranteed to exist [hennessy and milner, ]. definition let (p, a,->) be an lts with t e a, and let p, q e p, then p ~l q if the following hold for all a e a and p , q' e p. . if p ~ p', then q ~ q' for some q' such that p ~ q'. . if q ~ q', then p ~ p for some p' such that p ~ q'. we have the following remarks about the above definition. . it should be noted that for p ~l q to hold, any r-transition of p must be matched by a =*-transition of q. in particular, this weak transition must consist of a non-empty sequence of r-transitions. . the definition is not recursive; the targets of initial matching transitions need only be related by ~. chapter . case study: concurrency . ~l is a congruence for ccs indeed and is the largest ccs congruence entailing ~, i.e. p ~l q implies p ~ q, and for any other congruence r such that prq implies p ~ q, prq also implies p ~l q. consider the following examples. . t.a.nil r:j:jl a.nil, since the . transition of the former cannot be matched by a ~ transition of the latter. . a.t.b.nil ~l a.b.nil . for any p,q, if p ~ q, then r.p ~l r.q. . formalization of the domain . . formalization of ccs the formalization is based on the system plastic which is an implementation of lf. the plastic system is a concise system with very few predefined types. we use the predefined type nat as the basic type to help us in the formalization of actions. the formalization of actions is as follows: > [base= nat]; > inductive > [actb:type] > constructors > [base:(b:el base)actb] > [comp:(b:el base)actb]; > inductive > [act: type] > constructors > [tau:act] > [act:(a:el actb)act]; > [comp = [x:el actb] e_actb ([b:el actb] actb) ([a:el base](comp a)) > ([al:el base](base al)) x:el actb -> el actb]; we formalise processes in an inductive type like the following: > [var = nat] ; chapter . case study: concurrency > inductive > [process:type] > constructors > [nil:process] > [var:(v:el var)process] > [dot:(a:el act)(e: process)process] > [choice:(e : process)(e : process)process] > [par:(e : process)(e : process)process] > [hide:(e: process)(l:el (list actb))process] > [ren:(e: process)(£: el (list (pair base base)))process] > [rec: (e: process)process]; the operational semantics of ccs processes can be given by a labelled transition system with s to be the set of process, l to be the set of actions and the transition relations to be defined by the following transition rules: dot: a a.e-> e e ~e' choicer: -------,-- et +e ~ e' e ~e' parr: ------ etie ~ etie' et ~ e~ e ~ e~ tau : etie .!... e~ ie~ hidet: e .!... e' e\l.!... e'\l e[(rec x.e)/x] ~ e' rec: rec x.e ~ e' et ~e' choicel: ------,::--- et +e ~ e' et~e' parl: ---=---- etie ~ e'ie taul: hide: et ~ e~ e ~ e~ e ie .!... e~ie~ e~e' i e\l ~ e'\l (a, a ¢. l) e~e' rename: e[/] /~) e'[!] we define the transition relation as an inductive relation with large elimination. the above rules are corresponding to the constructors of the inductive relation. > inductive > [trans:(a:el act)(e :el process)(e :el process)el prop] relation_le > constructors > [dot:(a:el act)(p:el process) prf( trans a (dot a p) p)] chapter . case study: concurrency > [chol:(a:el act)(p:el process)(pi:el process)(p :el process) > (t:prf(trans a pi p))prf(trans a (choice pi p ) p)] > [chor:(a:el act)(p:el process)(pi:el process)(p :el process) > (t:prf(trans a p p))prf(trans a (choice pi p ) p)] > [parl:(a:el act)(p,pi,p :el process)(t:prf(trans a pip)) > prf(trans a (par pi p ) (par p p ))] > [parr:(a:el act)(p,pi,p :el process)(t:prf(trans a p p)) > prf(trans a (par pi p ) (par pi p))] > [taui:(n:el base)(pi,p ,qi,q :el process) > (ti:prf(trans (act (base n)) pi qi)) > (t :prf(trans (act (comp n)) p q )) > prf(trans tau (par pi p ) (par qi q ))] > [tau :(n:el base)(pi,p ,qi,q :el process) > (ti:prf(trans (act (comp n)) pi qi)) > (t :prf(trans (act (base n)) p q )) > prf(trans tau (par pi p ) (par qi q ))] > [hide:(a:el actb)(p,q:el process)(l:el (list actb)) > (t:prf(trans (act a) p q)) > (pi:el (prf(is_false (or (member (actb) eq_actb a l) > (member (actb) eq_actb (comp a) l))))) > prf(trans (act a) (hide p l) (hide q l))] > [hidet:(p,q:el process)(l:el (list actb)) > (t:prf(trans tau p q)) > prf(trans tau (hide p l)(hide q l))] > [ren:(a:el act)(p,q:el process)(£: el (list (pair base base))) > (t:prf(trans a p q)) > prf(trans (rename f a )(ren p f)(ren q f))] > [rec: (a: el act)(pi,p : el process) > (t: prf(trans a (subst pi (succ zero) cree pi)) p )) > prf(trans a cree pi) p )] chapter . case study: concurrency where (subst t n s) means to replace the variables in term t which are equal ton with s, i.e. we use de bruijn's index for expressing substitutions. so (subst pl (succ zero) (rec pl)) is pl[(rec pl)/x]. this method to express substitutions bring some difficulties in translation issues. we shall do more explanation in section . . . it is dangerous if we use inductive relation with large elimination without careful con- sideration about avoiding paradox. adams [adams, ] pointed out that using large elimination without limitation may lead to paradox . but our formalization is safe, be- cause we did not use the dangerous features. meanwhile, in order to make sure its safety we have used the corresponding formalization of this transition (i.e. the above trans) in lego with ordinary inductive relation. there is no such kind of paradox in lego, because there is no universe type which is its own type. . . formalization of m-calculus we use plastic's second order logic to formalize it-calculus with the help of our previous formalization and proof of properties of set and fixed point. the details are as follows: > [label = act :type]; > inductive > [modality :type] > constructors > [modal: (l:el (list label))modality] > [nmodal: (l:el (list label))modality]; > [state = process] ; > [mtrans > [k: modality] [sl: state] [s : state](ex label ([a: label] (and (eq bool (modal_check a k) true) (trans a sl s ))))]; > [ form = pred state] ; > [ tag = pred state ] ; > [muvarf pi_ var form] ; > [muor = [a,b: form] (union state a b)]; dr. callaghan will issue his modified version of plastic to avoid this kind of paradoxes. chapter . case study: concurrency > [muand [a,b: form] (meet state a b)]; > [mudia = [k: modality] [f: form]( la_ state prop ([s: state](ex state > ( [s : state] (and (mtrans k s s ) (ap_ state prop f s ))))))] ; > [mubox > [k: modality] [f: form] (la_ state prop ([s: state](fa state ([s : state] ((mtrans k s s ) => (ap_ state prop f s ))))))]; > [mutagnu = [t: tag] [f: (pi_ form form)]( la_ state prop ([s: state] > (ex form ([p: form] (and (subset state p (union state > (ap_ form form f p) t ))(ap_ state propps))))))]; > [mutagmu = [t: tag] [f: (pi_ form form)]( la_ state prop ([s: state] > (fa form ([p: form] ((subset state (minus state > (ap_ form form f p) t ) p) => (ap_ state prop p s))))))]; the above formalization of syntax and semantics give us a basis for representing the domain concepts and properties. on lf level we can prove some useful lemmas which are corresponding to the rules on the user level. meanwhile these give an another way to validate that the rules are correct. . user level reasoning system the basic reasoning steps which a user can make are given by a user-level reasoning system. this can be described via several groups of rules, derived from the standard rules of j-l- calculus and ccs, and augmented with several useful lemmas. we divide the rules into the following groups. . . rules that do not involve the process operators. these rules do not depend on ccs components. • rules related to basic logic: this is a simple logic including the basic operators for and(/\), or(v) etc. they are mainly used to express and prove the side conditions which appear in some of the chapter . case study: concurrency p,-calculus rules and combined assumptions. here we just list the and-relevant rules as follows: cf> \ w fst: cf> cf> \ w snd: w • rules related to set: these are basic rules which deal with set membership. singlein: --{-} a e a • rules related to p,-calculus: s e v inr: u v s e u s e u inl: se uuv the following show a subset of the rules related to tagged p,-calculus. true:-,- s r tt a s-+s exintro with a: -k-(a e k) s ---+ s' dia with s': f- cf> (s.!!.. s') sf-cf> ., ld sf-cl>[vz.(uu{s})cf>/z](sdu) v_un.o : sf- vz.u cf> l" where notation s ~ s' means (s, s') in the transition relation ~ and s !!.., s' means ::ja e ks~s'. . . rules for the process operators. the following are a subset of the rules for pure ccs. the rules with prefix lnv _ are not standard rules in ccs, but are lemmas added to the reasoning system for user convenience. dot: a.e~e r e[(rec x.e)/x] ~ e' ec· · recx.e~ e' i rec x.ej ~ e nv_rec: a e![rec x.ei/ x] -+ e inv_dot: a.e ~ e users can apply commands which are corresponding to the above rules in the system to prove relevant properties. . user level syntax we design the user level syntax of the concepts of this domain by trying to keep their original form. the following is the description of the syntax of the user level in bnf: chapter . case study: concurrency ids .. letter .. - digit .. quasiletter .. - nontauact .. act .. - topcmd .. proc .. muform .. - k .. - tag .. cmd .. - letter quasiletter* a i ... i z i a i ... i z o i ... letter i digit i - i ' ids i ids- nontauact i tau ids : process ' -' muform i ids : process - act - > process i ids : allnat act proc nil i ids i act . proc i proc + proc i proc 'i' proc i proc \ {nontauact, ... ,nontauact} i proc [nontauactjnontauact, ... ,nontauactjnontauact] i rec ids proc ids i muform 'ii' muform i muform & muform i < k > muform i [k] muform i mu ids.tag muform i nu ids.tag muform - i {act, ... ,act} i -{act, ... ,act} {-} i {ids, ... ,ids} fst ids i snd ids i rdia ids i rrec i rdot i rpair i rsinglein i rtrue i rexintro ids i rend i rnuunfold i rvpair i rbox ids ids i rnubase i rinr i rinl i rhypchange ids ids ids i rinverdotl ids ids i rinverrec ids ids ids ids i rinverchoi ids ids ids ids i rinverpar ids ids ids idsl req i rmodule ids i rlmport ids i rundo i rchol i rchor i rparl i rparr i rtaul ids i rtau ids i rhide i rhidet i rren i rlndn act proc ids i rhyp ids in the above bnf description, "act" represents act of ccs, "topcmd" represents target or goal we want to prove, "proc" represents process of ccs, "muform" represents the formula of j.l-calculus, "k" represents a set of acts, "tag" represents tags of the j.l-calculus and "cmd" represents commands which user can use in the interface. in addition, the quoted parts by ' ' (such as ' -' and 'ii') are used for distinguishing them from the meta-symbols. users will use the above syntax to define their concurrent system and prove the properties of this system. obviously the syntax is very similar to the domain users. . translation between different levels the translation between different levels is very important in this approach. it realizes an important step of the implicit support of the proof assistant plastic. using grammar-directed technology, the translation can be implemented automatically. . . the translation from user level to lf level to implement the translation from user level to lf level is to implement the transformation from the user level grammar to lf level grammar. we just present the outline of the chapter . case study: concurrency translation in this chapter, concrete discussions will be given in chapter . . . . the translation of ccs concepts the translation of ccs concepts includes the translation of the ccs grammar of the concepts to the corresponding formalised parts of them in lf. this work is fulfilled by the parser and translator of the ccs automatically. we just need to customise the parser and the translator. the concrete parts of them, especially the translation of the relevant parts, will be given in chapter . . . . the translation of lts concepts the translation of lts concepts includes the translation of the lts grammar of the concepts to the corresponding formalised parts of them in lf. this work is fulfilled by the parser and translator of the lts automatically also. we just need to customise the parser and the translator. the concrete parts of them, especially the translation of the transition relation, will be given in chapter . . . . the translation of jj.-calculus concepts the translation of jj.-calculus concepts includes the translation of the jj.-calculus grammar of the concepts to the corresponding formalised parts of them in lf. this work is fulfilled by the parser and translator of the jj.-calculus automatically also. we just need to customize the parser and the translator. the concrete parts of them, especially the translation of the relevant parts, will be given in chapter . . . the translation from lf level to user level the translation from lf level to user level is the reverse process of the the translation from user level to lf level. more details please to refer to chapter . in fact, we may not do this translation thoroughly, as when we use commands on user level, from the view of domain users, it just needs to do the transformation on user level. we can keep this transformation and then translate the result of the transformation to lf level, furthermore check the result to see whether this is consistent with the result of the lf level. . some examples the following examples have been chosen to illustrate the approach and issues that arise from it, in particular for translation, rather than to show new functionality enabled by the approach. chapter . case study: concurrency . . ticking clock firstly, we use an example of ticking clock to show the basic aspects of this approach. this example also shows a translation problem which we'll discuss in detail in chapter . this example was taken from [stirling, ; yu, ] and discussed in [pang eta!., ]. cl =def tick.cl this process can just perform only one action tick and it will tick forever. we can use the ccs syntax rec x. tick.x to express the process . the ticking clock process has a simple property: the clock is able to tick. we can express the goal of proving this property in the following form: abletick: cl - < {tick} > tt where the judgement p: s - means that we want to prove that process s satisfies the property and use the name p to memorize the property. the table . and table . show our proof on the two different levels. the rows with goal in the first column show the relevant parts of the proof state, and rows with cmd show the command issued by the user. the user-level column shows what the user should expect to see, whilst the plastic column shows the corresponding lf form or the equivalent command sequence for plastic. in our prototype, we can complete the proof by issuing just the user-level commands, and the prototype is able to translate the more complex lf terms back to their simple user-level forms. from table . and table . we can see that the goals and commands on the user-level are more concise and user oriented, one step on the user-level proof usually corresponds to several steps in plastic. on the user-level steps some information about the real parameters should be given for translating the interface command to plastic commands. in fact, the plastic level proof can be hidden from the user and the group of commands in plastic which corresponding to one command on user-level is linked by tactical. . . simple communication protocol now we use an example of a simple communication protocol, taken from [cleaveland et al., ] and discussed in [pang et a!., a]. the protocol specification can be formalized as the parallel combination of three basic processes: a sender, a receiver and a medium that connects sender and receiver. the sender initially waits for a message to send, after which it passes the message to the medium using the channel from and then awaits an acknowledgement on the channel ack_to. when the medium receives a message along its channel from it makes it available on its channel to, and when it receives an acknowledgement on its channel ack_from it makes it available on its channel ack_to. when the receiver gets a message on channel to, it announces that in [milner, ], this process should be expressed by fix(x = tick.x), so the ccs syntax here is a little bit different from it. chapter . case study: concurrency user level plastic level goal abletick: claim abletick: cl - < {tick}> tt prf ( ap_ process prop (mudia (modal (cons label tick (nil label))) mutt) cl) cmd rule dia cl refine app ? ? (lemma_dia_ccs ? ? ? cl ? ) ; goal ? cl {tick} cl ? m prf( -> : mtrans (modal (cons label tick (nil label))) cl cl) ? cl - tt ? m : prf( ap_ state prop mutt cl) cmd rule true refine lemma_true; goal ? cl {tick} cl ? m prf( -> : mtrans (modal (cons label tick (nil label))) cl cl) cmd rule exintro tick refine ll; intros -· refine ll; intros h; refine app ? ? (app ? ? h tick); goal ? (tick in {tick}) ? m : prf( and \ (cl t~ cl) (eq bool (modalcheck tick (modal (cons label tick (nil label)))) true) (trans tick cl cl)) cmd rule pair refine app ? ? (app ? ? p_pair ?); goal ?s tick in {tick} ? m : prf( eq bool (modalcheck tick (modal (cons label tick (nil label)))) true) ? cl tick · -> cl ? m : prf(trans tick cl cl) cmd rule rec refine rec; table . : proof procedure for ticking clock (part i) chapter . case study: concurrency user level plastic level goal ? tick in {tick} ? m : prf( eq bool (modalcheck tick (modal (cons label tick (nil label)))) true) ? tick .cl tick cl ? m prf ( --> : trans tick (subst (dot tick (var one)) (succ zero) (rec (dot tick (var one)))) cl) cmd rule dot refine dot; goal ? tick in {tick} ? m : prf ( eq bool (modal_check tick (modal (cons label tick (nil label)))) true) cmd rule singlein refine app ? ? eq...refl; goal (no new goal) (no new goal) cmd rule end returnall; table . : proof procedure for ticking clock (part ii) the message is available for receipt and then sends an acknowledgement along the channel ack_from. the corresponding and assistant processes in the interface are defined as follows: sender= rec x (send.from-.ack_to.x); medium= rec x (from.to-.x + ack_from.ack_to-.x); receiver rec x (to.receive-.ack_from-.x); protocol = (sender i medium i receiver) \{from,to,ack_from,ack_to}; sender!= from-.ack_to.(rec x send.from-.ack_to.x); protocol! = (sender! i medium i receiver)\{from,to,ack_from,ack_to}; the following are the translations of the above definitions in lf: %--------------------------------------------------------------------------- def service = rec (dot send (dot receive (var one))) : el process def sender = rec (dot send (dot from' (dot ack_to (var one)))) : el process def sender! = dot from' (dot ack_to sender) : el process def medium = rec (choice (dot from (dot to' (var one))) (dot ack_from (dot ack_to' (var one)))) : el process def receiver chapter . case study: concurrency = rec (dot to (dot receive' (dot ack_from' (var one)))) def protocol hide (par (par sender medium) receiver) (cons actb fromb el process (cons actb ack_tob (cons actb tob (cons actb ack_fromb (nil actb))))) : el process def protocol! hide (par (par sender! medium) receiver) (cons actb fromb (cons actb ack_tob (cons actb tob (cons actb ack_fromb (nil actb))))) : el process %--------------------------------------------------------------------------- the protocol process has a simple property: it is able to send. we can express the goal of proving this property in the following form: abletosend: protocol f- <{send}> tt table . (continued in table . ) shows a proof of this property on two different levels. it is easy to see that the forms on user level are much simpler than those on lf level. . . example with infinite state space now we consider some examples with infinite state space. we choose an example from [dam, ]. this example presents a counter and its property "a counter can count forever". in this thesis we want to prove that the counter is always able to perform up. use ccs notation, the counter can be expressed in the following form: cnt = rec x.up.(xldown.nil) the corresponding processes in our interface are defined as the following: cnt = rec x up.(x i (down. nil)); chapter . case study: concurrency user level plastic level goal abletosend: claim abletosend: protocol - < {send}> tt prf ( ap_ process prop (mudia (modal (cons label send (nil label))) mutt) protocol) cmd rule dia protocol! refine app ? ? (lemma_dia_ccs ? ? ? protocol! ? ) ; goal ? protocol {send} protocol! ? m : prf( mtrans (modal (cons -> label send (nil label))) protocol protocol!) ? protocol! - tt ? m : prf( ap_ state prop mutt protocol!) cmd rule true refine lemma_true; goal ? protocol {send} protocol! ? m prf( mtrans (modal (cons -> : label send (nil label))) protocol protocol!) cmd rule exintro send refine lemmajexintro ? ? ? send goal ? send in {send} ? m : prf( eq bool (modal_check send (modal (cons label send (nil label)))) true) ? protocol s~d protocol! ? m : prf(trans send protocol protocol!) cmd rule hide refine hide; goal ? send in {send} ? m : prf( eq bool (modal_check send (modal (cons label send (nil label)))) true) ? (sender i medium i receiver) ? m : prf ( trans send send (par (par sender medium) receiver) -> (sender! i medium i receiver) (par (par sender! medium) receiver))) ? not (send in {from,ack_to, ? m : prf ( to,ack..from} v send-in is..false (or (member actb eq-actb {from,ack_to,to,ack..from}) sendb (cons actb fromb (cons actb ack_tob (cons actb tob (cons actb ack..fromb (nil actb)))))) (member actb eq-actb (comp sendb) (cons actb fromb (cons actb ack_tob (cons actb tob (cons actb ack..fromb (nil actb)))))) cmd rule hyp distinct refine distinct; goal ? send in {send} ? m : prf( eq bool (modal_check send (modal (cons label send (nil label)))) true) ? (sender i medium i receiver) ? m : prf ( trans send send (par (par sender medium) receiver) -> (sender! i medium i receiver) (par (par sender! medium) receiver))) table . : proof procedure for simple protocol (part i) chapter . case study: concurrency user level plastic level cmd rule parl refine parl; goal ? send in {send} ? m : prf( eq bool (modal_check send (modal (cons label send (nil label)))) true) ? (sender i medium ) s~d ? m : prf ( trans send (sender! i medium ) (par sender medium) (par sender! medium))) cmd rule parl refine parl; goal ? send in {send} ? m : prf( eq bool (modal_check send (modal (cons label send (nil label)))) true) ?s sender send sender! ? mb prf ( -> : trans send sender sender!)) cmd rule rec refine rec; goal ? send in {send} ? m : prf( eq bool (modal_check send (modal (cons label send (nil label)))) true) ?g send .sender! send ? m prf ( trans send -> : sender! (subst (dot send (dot from-(dot ack_to (var one)))) (succ zero) (rec (dot send (dot from-(dot ack_to (var one)))))) sender!)) cmd rule dot refine dot; goal ? send in {send} ? m : prf( eq bool (modal_check send (modal (cons label send (nil label)))) true) cmd rule singlein refine app ? ? eq_refl; goal (no new goal) (no new goal) cmd rule end returnall; table . : proof procedure for simple protocol (part ii) the following is the translation of the above definition in lf: %-------------------------------------------------------------- def cnt = cree (dot up (par (var (succ (zero))) (dot down nil)))) ; %-------------------------------------------------------------- this is an example with infinite state space. systems which based on model checker technology are hard to prove properties of the counter. but in our approach to prove this property is not difficult. the property "always able to perform up" can be expressed in ccs as the following form: chapter . case study: concurrency v x. < up > ttl\ [-]x. so "counter has this property" can be expressed as follows: cnt - v x. < up > ttl\ [-]x. according to the semantics of v operator, this goal can be split to the following sub-goals: s.s ~( tt \ [-]s) ( . ) and cnt e s ( . ) we take the infinite set { cnt(i) li e nat } as this s, where cnt(o)=cnt, cnt(l)=cnt i (down.nil), ... ,cnt(i+ )=cnt(i) i down. nil). in other word, scan be defined as: to: s ""df).. s: process n:nat. eq s cnt(n) . we can split ( . ) to two separate sub-goals: s ~< up > tt ( . ) and s ~ [-]s ( . ) sub-goal ( . ) can be proved by the membership of s. sub-goal ( . ) can be split to and v s e s s • s ~ s' s' e tt by the semantics of<> operator. takes' ass ldown.nil, the two sub-goals are changed \:is e s.s ~ sidown.nil ( . ) and sidown.nil e tt ( . ) sub-goal ( . ) is proved easily. sub-goal ( . ) can be proved by induction on natural number. table . shows a proof of ( . ) on two different levels. it is easy to see that the forms on user level are similar to standard ccs notation and much simpler than those on lf level. by the semantics of [ ] operator, sub-goal ( . ) is: \:is e s vs' a.s ~ s' implies s' e s it can be proved by induction on natural number also. so we get the proofs by means of the semantics of -calculus formulas and induction. the above example shows that infinite state space is no problem for this approach. we can list the reason as follows: • first, plastic is not limited to finite state system. it relies on the techniques such as structural induction to prove properties in infinite domains. • second, ccs is not limited to finite state system. chapter . case study: concurrency user level plastic level goal alwaysup: claim alway sup: allnat zero cntn (n: nat) prf (trans up (cntn n) (cntn (succ n) )) cmd rule rindn zero cntn h refine e...nat ([nl:nat]prf(trans up (cntn n ) (cntn (succ n )))); intros n h ; goal ?t (cntn zero) ~ ? m : prf (trans up (cntn (succ zero)) (cntn zero) (cntn (succ zero))) ? (cntn (succ n)) ~ ? m : el (prf (trans up (cntn (succ (succ n))) (cntn (succ n))(cntn (succ (succ n))))) cmd rule parl refine parl; goal ? ( cntn zero) ~ ? m : prf (trans up (cntn (succ zero)) (cntn zero) (cntn (succ zero))) ? (cntn n) ~ ? m : el (prf (trans up (cntn (succ n)) (e...nat ( [n : el nat] state) cnt ([nl:el nat] [s:el state] par s (dot down nil)) n) (e...nat ( [n : el nat] state) cnt ([nl:el nat] [s:el state] pars (dot down nil)) (succ n)))) cmd rule hyp h refine h; goal ?i (cntn zero) up ? m prf (trans up -+ : (cntn (succ zero)) (cntn zero) (cntn (succ zero))) cmd rule rec refine rec ; goal ? up.((cntn (succ zero)) ? m : el (prf (trans up i down.nil) (subst (dot up up ((cntn (succ zero)) (par (var (succ zero)) (dot down nil))) -+ i down.nil) (succ zero) (rec (dot up (par (var (succ zero)) (dot down nil))))) (cntn (succ zero)))) cmd rule dot refine dot; goal (no new goal) (no new goal) cmd rule end returnall; table . : proof procedure for counter's property chapter . case study: concurrency • third, j-t-calculus is not limited to finite state system. in the process of finding a proof, however, users often gain invaluable insight into the system or the property being proved. . . some observations from the examples from the above examples, we make some observations: • automatic translation between user level and lf level is feasible. this translation is a superset of the implicit syntax mechanisms provided by most proof assistants. although this example is simple, it already demonstrates several non-trivial features. • consider the translation of subgoal ?m in the example of ticking clock: the user level form is significantly simpler than the lf version. in particular, the lf form uses the term operator subst, which has been programmed as part of the formalization. there is currently no user-level indication or representation of subst: we treat it as an inherent mechanism of the formalization, and hence one that does not need to be shown. the user is interested in concrete processes, not hypothetical ones which are subject to substitution. hence, uses of subst must be normalised away, to show the term after substitution. plastic now implements a normalization operation which removes the obvious use of a set of operations by computation. we shall return to this issue in chapter . • almost all rules on the user level correspond to lemmas on lf level. this keeps the correspondence between the two levels explicit and implies that we need not translate every concepts on lf level to the user level, but just those which have some clear user level correspondence. this also makes the translation from lf level to user level feasible. . discussion in this chapter, to the domain of concurrency, we have analyzed the characteristics of domain-specific reasoning, formalized the notations of ccs, lts and j-t-calculus in lf. while we do the formalization we get a better understanding not just on the issues behind producing domain-specific computer assisted reasoning tools, but also on the knowledge of the domain. the architecture, methodology and process of the approach presented in chapter led us to carry out the case study. meanwhile this case study enriched them in many aspects. we get the following feedback: • the formalization of a domain may include many aspects such as: chapter . case study: concurrency the notations of the domain which is corresponding to the notations of ccs for the domain of concurrency. the set of rules on user level which is a very important part in the case study and affects the usefulness and convenience of the ultimate system. the notations for the description of semantics which is corresponding to the notations of lts of the case study. the notations for the description of logic properties which is corresponding to the notations of j.l-calculus of the case study. • the formalization or its skeleton is not just limited to this case study. for example, the skeleton of the formalization of lts and j.l-calculus can be used in other domains. this gives a kind of reusability of the formalizations. we have demonstrated how our approach is used to prove properties of concurrency through some simple examples. although some of them have infinite state space, their structures are very simple and therefore can be handled by ccs. the case study shows that our approach combines induction, semantic reasoning, domain-specific interface, abstraction and composition methods with lftop to verify the properties of domain specific systems. all of the lemmas and inference rules based by the domain-specific reasoning system are for- mally proved in plastic and therefore a coherent system which firmly ensures the correctness of proofs on that level is constructed. this case study also shows that lf is suitable to be an underlying reasoning basis. although the structure is complicated, but domain user can get benefit without noticing the complexity of the structure. although the formalization work is intended to be done by some experts of type theory. we find that to allow users to develop their own lemmas (i.e. to extend the formalization rather than just to work inside it) is useful. other things such as how to improve the under- standability of proofs( e.g. representing traces of computation and using natural language to explain proof steps) are also important. as the size of examples increases, we may also need to study techniques to help users organize their proofs and developments, such as al- lowing multiple contexts for reasoning. these issues are also listed in our future work in chapter . chapter case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar human felicity is produced not so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advantages that occur every day. - benjamin franklin, american president as another case study, in this chapter we use the approach to verify some semantic properties of a functional programming language lazy-pcf+shar [seaman and iyer, ]. in [seaman and iyer, ] the authors present a very good explanation of the need of sharing. we extract some explanations from [seaman and lyer, ] here to show the basic notations and problems in this case study. from a theoretical view, functional languages are easy to reason about, especially within the framework of call-by-name or call-by-value evaluation. but implementing a functional language strictly according to call-by-name causes a lot of problems, especially the problem of efficiency, this is due to the fact that arguments that are referred to more than once are copied and possibly re-evaluated each time they are needed. however, functional languages should have the referential transparency, so this value will always be the same. in practice the unnecessary re-evaluation is usually avoided by sharing the argument among each of its references so that there is only one copy of the argument at any time. when the value of the argument is first needed, the argument is evaluated and the original copy of the argument is replaced by its value. this value is the one used for later references to the argument. so sharing can be characterised by a lack of duplication of the argument and by updating the original copy of the argument when it is evaluated. this method of evaluation is referred chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar to as call-by-need usually. it provides the same resulting values as call-by-name, but has different behavior due to the reduction of unnecessary re-evaluation. for the call-by-need implementation additional improvements may be made in the usual way by analyzing the behavior of given programs in the implementation and performing some program transfor- mations which improve the behavior of the program without affecting its results. since the behavior of a program is often depended on by many optimisations, the sharing involved in implementing lazy evaluation must be taken into consideration. thus an operational model of the call-by-need implementation which is easy to reason with is essential for us to carry out analysis of the programs. in [seaman and lyer, ] such a model is presented as an operational semantics of lazy evaluation with sharing, this semantics is also proven to yield the same results as the call-by-name semantics. we know that a substitution is an operation defined externally to the semantics rules. and the fact that function application is defined in terms of substitution is one of the main factor to lead the simplicity of call-by-name and call-by-value semantics. but substitution is the operation that allows an argument to be duplicated. this point makes it unsuitable for formalizing sharing. thus in order to avoid duplication an operational model of lazy evaluation with sharing must be able to explicitly determine when and how an argument is substituted. by incorporating the actions which carry out substitution explicitly in the semantics rules this can be done. fortunately, in papers such as [abadi eta!., ] [field, ] much work has already been done on explicit substitutions. in these papers the reduction system aa is considered. aa includes some syntax and rules which can carry out substitution explicitly. however, the sharing occurring in lazy evaluation implementations is not captured by this system, because it duplicates arguments and does not update them upon evaluation. in other words, these papers present studies of the reduction system with emphasis on optimality of reduction strategies, while the goal in paper [seaman and lyer, ] is to more closely model the sharing found in implementations in order to have a more accurate model for analysis. the paper [seaman and lyer, ] fixes the reduction strategy by the operational seman- tics and emphasizes the suitability of the system for reasoning about sharing. that's why we followed seaman's work in coq [seaman and felty, ], and choose verification of proper- ties of the operational semantics of a lazy functional language (called lazy-pcf+shar) as an another domain of interest for case study. since this domain uses the concept of explicit substitution to deal with the problem of substitution, so it is very different from our previous case study for concurrency. because the proof technique of this domain is very similar to the technique of lf in plastic, we can use plastic directly and need not design a new interface for this domain. this tells us that for some domains we need not define new interfaces, the interface for plastic is useful for them. another reason of studying this kind of domain is to check the power of plastic which is an implementation of lf, to see whether or not the style of explicit substitution in lazy-pcf +shar affects the reasoning in plastic greatly. chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar e[e'jx]!v call-by-name: ( ( .xx:t.e )e') ! v ll b l . (e'! v') \ (e[v' jx] ! v) ca - y-va ue. ((, . ) ') ! ax.t.e e v figure . : call-by-name and call-by-value . the need for explicit substitutions substitution can be used in explaining the call-by-name and call-by-value methods. the following shows the process. in order to evaluate the term ((-xx:t.e)e') by call-by-name order, just substitute the term e' for x in e and evaluate. for evaluating the term ((-xx:t.e)e') by call-by-value order, first evaluate e' to v', then substitute v' for x in e and evaluate. an inference rule may be used to describe the formal semantics of application. in order to conclude what is below the line, the premise above the line must be true. also, if evaluating a term e results in a term v, this is denoted as e ! v. then formally the rules for the evaluation of application can be described as figure . : from the figure . we can see that, this definition of substitution simplifies the formal- ization of these evaluation orders. but it is still not clear how this definition of substitution could be used to describe call-by-need evaluation. the original argument, e', should be substituted for the occurrence of x which will be accessed first, and the result of evaluating e' should be substituted for any remaining occurrences. however, before the program is run it is not known which occurrence of x will be evaluated first. and the argument e' should be evaluated only if it is needed. the reason is that the details of the actual process of substi- tuting a term for a variable in another term are abstracted away. so, in order to implement lazy-evaluation the suitable semantics needs to be able to control the substitution process so that the substitution and evaluation of arguments can take place while the function body is being evaluated. fortunately, in [abadi et al., ] [field, ] explicit substitutions are introduced to implement the idea of incorporating rules into the semantics which directly carry out substitution. they are used to define systems of rewrite rules for the lambda calculus with no prescribed evaluation strategy. unfortunately, these rules do not capture sharing, though they incorporate explicit rules to carry out substitution. in spite of this, explicit substitution provides a mechanism for a relatively simple formalization of lazy evaluation. paper [abadi et al., ] gave an example of a system called -xa by using explicit substitutions. this calculus evaluates a-terms which may include unevaluated substitutions. . capture of sharing though the operational semantics for call-by-need have some similarity to the -xa-calculus, they differ from explicit substitutions in the following ways in order to capture sharing. chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar o substitutions are not allowed to occur within an expression by the syntax of the terms of the language. instead, a term is evaluated with respect to a single substitution at the outermost level, called the operational semantics environment. this environment is a list of variable bound to expressions which corresponds to an explicit substitution. • not as in app rule of the ..\a-calculus, which destroys sharing, in function application environments are not duplicated and distributed to subexpressions. this is the second difference which captures the first characterisation of sharing. • the expression that a variable points to in the environment may be replaced by the value that it evaluates to. this is the third difference which captures the second characterisation of sharing. so the original copy of an argument is allowed to be replaced by its evaluated value. not as in the ..\a-calculus, environments are not eliminated upon reaching a value, but are maintained throughout the evaluation. this ensures that the value can be used later. thus a relation between expression-environment pairs can be used to express an evalu- ation. this pair of an expression with an environment is called a configuration. a configu- ration for an expression e and an environment a is denoted as < e, a >. a list of binding of typed variable to expressions gives the structure of an environment. it can be formally described as the following form: a::= [ ]l[x:t >---> e]a for convenience, if an environment containing more than one binding, the bindings will be separated by commas instead of square brackets. the evaluation relation between a program and its final value in terms of inferences and axioms is defined as a natural semantics [plotkin, ] [kahn, ]. this natural semantics can be used to define the operational semantics of lazy-pcf +shar. in this framework, since an expression is evaluated directly to its final value, so this style of semantics is often referred to as "big-step" or "one step" semantics. properties or theorems about the evaluation relation defined with these semantics can be proved by induction on the height of the proof justifying the evaluation relation. . domain analysis lazy-pcf+shar is a lazy version of the functional language pcf(programming language for computable functions) extended by adding explicit substitution in order to formalize the semantics of lazy evaluation. its semantics are defined as inference rules in the style of natural operational semantics [kahn, ] or "big step" semantics which is called deduc- tively defined systems. usually the verification of this kind of properties is done by hand or on paper, but recent years the work can be done by interactive theorem provers. we try this for the case study in this chapter to show that plastic is powerful enough to be this chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar kind of theorem provers. meanwhile we shall get more information about the merits and shortcomings in doing reasoning by using plastic. we also want to compare the style and characterization of plastic with those of coq and lego. . . syntax of the language types: t expressions: e i true i false i x i succ(e) i pred(e) i iszero(e) i if(et, e , e ) i )..x:t.e i e e i j.lx:t.e i < e, [x:t ,__, et] > figure . : the syntax of lazy-pcf+shar the syntax of lazy-pcf +shar is shown in figure . . it includes constants, variables, the conditional, lambda abstraction, primitive functions, function application, j.l operator and closure which acts as the syntactic vehicle for implementation of lazy evaluation. . . operational semantics of the language the type judgement rules of this language are listed in figure . where r is a type envi- ronment which is a mapping of variables to types. r[s/x] denotes a perturbed environment which respects r on all variables other than x, and binds x to type s. we say that an expression e has type t in type environment r if r f- e:t can be justified by inferences based on the type judgement rules. co: -- ct: :---:---:--"" f- o:nat f- true:bool cf: var: f- false:bool r[t/x] f- x:t cs: r f- e:nat cp: r f- e:nat r f- succ(e):nat r f- pred(e):nat cz: r f- e:nat cond: r f- e :bool r f- e :t r f- e :t r f- iszem(e):bool r f- if(et, e , e ):t abs: r[s/x] f- e:t app: r f- e :s-+ t r f- e :s r f- >.x:s.e:s-+ t r f- ete :t rec: r[t/x] f- e:t clo: r f- e :s r[s/x] f- e:t f f- j.lx:t.e:t f f-< e, [x:s ,__, et] > :t figure . : type rules chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf +shar os_co: os_ct: ------,,.--------,-----~ < , a > < , a > < true, a > < true, a > os_cf: os__l: -:------:-------,---.,.---- < false, a> < false, a > < >..x:t.e, a> < >..x:t.e, a > os_po: . < e, a> < , a' > os_p: < e, a > < succ(e'), a' > < pred(e), a> < , a'> < pred(e), a> < e', a'> < e,a > < o,a' > os_zf·. < e,a > < succ(e'),a' > os_zt: ( ) ( ) < iszero e ,a> < true,a' > < iszero e ,a> l os_s: < e,a > < e',a' > < succ(e), a> < succ(e'), a'> < e, a> l < e', a'> os_varl: [ i [ i < x, x:t >---> e a > l < e', x:t >---> e' a' > < y, a> l < e', a'> \y ¢. x os_var : [ i [ i --->ea> l --->ea'> < e , a> < >..x:s.e, a'> < e[nxjx], [nx:s >---> e ia' > l < e', a"> os_appl: ) <(e e ,a> l ifl'r < e ,a > l < e ,a' > l < e',a" > ue: --~--~~-~~~~~-~~-~-­ < if(et,e ,ea),a > l < e',a" > i l'r.\ < e ,a > l < ea,a' > l < e',a" > trase· ------~--~~-~-~~----- . < if(et,e ,ea),a > l < e',a" > r < e[nxjx], [nx:s >---> jlx:t.eia > < e',a' > oc: a 'a' < jlx:t.e, > < e , > cl: < e, [x:t >---> et]b > < e', [x:t >---> e~ib' >, e' is neither nat nor bool << e, [x:t >---> e l >, b > << e', [x:t >---> e~l >, b' > cl': < e, [x:t >---> etib > < e', [x:t >---> e~ib' >, e' is nat or bool << e, [x:t >---> e l >, b > < e', b' > figure . : the operational semantics of lazy-pcf+shar chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar the rules in figure . are rules to reflect the operational semantics of the language. there is a set n f of expressions which represents the normal form of expressions in the language. it is as follows: n f = i true i false i succn(o) i f f = >..x:t.e i < f, [x:t ,..... e ] > . special features of this domain one special feature of this domain is the logic for proving properties. in this domain the rules for operational semantics are not enough to reflect the requirement of the proving of properties. how to design the tool for this kind of domain specific reasoning? we know that many domains have not clear logic for proving properties. domain users usually use an informal logic for their reasoning. in fact, lf and utt themselves are good candidate for being a logic. for this kind of domains, we discuss the representation mainly, and let the logic to be the logic of that of lf or utt. so we use plastic directly in this domain by using plastic's interface (i.e. the interface customized in proof general). therefore the main work for this kind of domains is the formalization work. . an implementation of lazy-pcf+shar in lf we use lf as the meta-language to represent expressions of the object language lazy- pcf +shar. in our encoding here, we focus on the reflection of the explicit substitution. . . translation from lazy-pcf+shar expressions and types to lf expressions . . . inductive definition of the syntax of lazy-pcf+shar the following module syntax is our inductive definition of the syntax of lazy-pcf +shar in lf. > module syntax where; (****************************************************************************) (* syntax.lf: inductive definition of the syntax (* of lazy-pcf+shar (* includes types, variables and terms (****************************************************************************) > import pi; > import nat; chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar > inductive > [ty : type] > constructors nat_ty : ty] [ bool_ty : ty] > > > [ arr: (e : ty)(e : ty)ty]; > inductive > [vari : type] > constructors > [x : (i: el nat)vari] ; > inductive > [tm : type] > constructors > > > > > > > > > > > > : : (tm (tm (v : (tm (tm tm)(tm : tm)(tm : el vari)tm] tm)tm] tm)tm] tm)tm] tm)(tm natural numbers boolean values function types zero true false lambda abstractions function applications if e then e else e variables successor predecessor zero test fixed point operator tm)tm] ; > --closure, e]> . . . translation of operational semantics rules the following module osrules expresses the operational semantics rules in lf. > module osrules where; (****************************************************************************) ( * osrules .lf (* chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar (* this file contains the definition of the operational (* semantics rules for lazv-pcf+shar, as well as a definition (* of the ap function and some related properties. (****************************************************************************) > import typecheck; > import rename; (************************************************) (* oscons (abbrev.) (oscons v t e a) (cons vtt ((v,t),e) a) (************************************************) > [oscons = [v: el vari] [t : el ty] [e : el tm] [a: el os_env] > cons vtt (pair vt tm (pair vari ty v t) e) a] ; (********************************************************) (* ap: (* (* (* (* (* (* (* *) inductively defines the relation characterised by *) the ap function. *) *) (ap a fa f' n t) <--> ap(f,a)=a]> *) new variables may not come from *) the domain of os env a. *) *) (********************************************************) > inductive > [ap : (ptml,ptm : el tm)(pose: el os_env)(ptm : el tm) > (pv: el vari)(pt: el ty) el prop] > relation_le > constructors > [ap_abs: (nv,v:el vari)(t: el ty)(a,e,ne: el tm)(a: el os_env) > (pl: el (prf(not (member vari nv (os_dom a))))) > (p : el (prf(rename nv v e ne))) > > > > [ap_clos: prf( ap a cabs v t e) a ne nv t)] (n,v:el vari)(s,t: el ty)(a,e,ne,el: (pl: prf (ap a e (oscons v s el a) prf (ap a (clos e v s el) a (clos el tm)(a: el os_env) ne n t)) ne v s el) n t)]; chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+sl-iar (****************************************) (* osrules *) (* *) (* definition of operational semantics *) (* *) (* -> *) (* *) (****************************************) > inductive > [osred : (confl:el config)(conf : el config)el prop] > relation_le > constructors > [os_co: (a: el os_env)prf(osred (cfg o a) (cfg o a))] > [os_ct: (a: el os_env)prf(osred (cfg ttt a) (cfg ttt a))] > [os_cf: (a: el os_env)prf(osred (cfg fff a) (cfg fff a))] > [os_l: (a: el os_env)(e : el tm)(t: el ty)(x: el vari) > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > [os_po: [os_p: [os_zt: [os_zf: [os_s: prf(osred (cfg (abs x t e) a) (cfg (abs x t e) (a,a : el os_env)(e: el tm) (p : prf(osred (cfg e a) (cfg o a ))) prf(osred (cfg (prd e) a) (cfg o al))] (a,al: el os_env)(e,el: el tm) (pl: prf(osred (cfg e a) (cfg (sue e ) a ))) prf(osred (cfg (prd e) a) (cfg e al))] (a,a : el os_env)(e: el tm) (p : prf(osred (cfg e a) (cfg o al))) prf(osred (cfg (is_o e) a) (cfg ttt al))] (a,a : el os_env)(e,el: el tm) (p : prf(osred (cfg e a) (cfg (sue el) a ))) prf(osred (cfg (is_o e) a) (cfg fff al))] (a,al: el os_env)(e,el: el tm) (p : prf(osred (cfg e a) (cfg e al))) > prf(osred (cfg (sue e) a) (cfg (sue el) a ))] a))] > [os_var : (a,al: el os_env)(e,el: el tm)(t:el ty)(x: el vari) > (pl: el (prf(not (member vari x (os_dom a))))) > (p : prf(osred (cfg e a) (cfg el al))) > prf(osred (cfg (var x) (oscons x t e a)) > (cfg el (oscons x t e a )))] > [os_var : (a,al: el os_env)(e,el: el tm)(t:el ty)(x,y: el vari) > (pl : el (prf (not (eq vari x y)))) chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf +shar > (p : el (prf(not (member vari x (os_dom a))))) > (p : prf(osred (cfg (var y) a) (cfg ei ai))) > prf(osred (cfg (var y) (oscons x t e a)) > (cfg ei (oscons x t e ai)))] > [os_appl: (a,ai,a : el os_env)(ei,e ,eni,en ,enf: el tm) > (t:el ty)(n: el vari) > (pi : prf (osred (cfg ei a) (cfg eni ai))) > (p : el (prf(ap e eni a en n t))) > (p : prf(osred (cfg (clos en n t e ) ai) (cfg enf a ))) > prf(dsred (cfg (appl ei e ) a) (cfg enf a ))] > [ds_iftrue: (a,ai,a : el os_env)(ei,e ,e ,en: el tm) > (pi : prf (osred (cfg ei a) (cfg ttt ai))) > (p : prf (osred (cfg e ai) (cfg en a ))) > prf(dsred (cfg (cond ei e e ) a) (cfg en a ))] > [os_iffalse: (a,ai,a : el os_env)(ei,e ,e ,en: el tm) > (pi : prf (osred (cfg ei a) (cfg fff ai))) > (p : prf (osred (cfg e ai) (cfg en a ))) > prf(osred (cfg (cond ei e e ) a) (cfg en a ))] > [os_fix: (a,ai: el os_env)(e,ei,en: el tm)(t:el ty)(x,nx: el vari) > (pi: el (prf(not (member vari nx (os_dom a))))) > (p : el (prf (rename nx x e ei))) > (p : prf(osred (cfg (clos ei nx t (fix x t e)) a) > (cfg en ai))) > prf(osred (cfg (fix x t e ) a) (cfg en ai))] > [os_cl: (a,a : el os_env)(e,e ,en,e : el tm)(s,t:el ty)(x: el vari) > (p : prf(osred (cfg e (oscons x t e a)) > (cfg en (oscons x t e a )))) > (p : el (prf (tc (os_dom_ty (oscons x t e a)) en s))) > (p : el (prf (not (or (eq ty s nat_ty) (eq ty s bool_ty))))) > prf(dsred (cfg (clos e x t ei ) a) (cfg (clos en x t e ) a ))] > [os_cl': (a,ai: el os_env)(e,e ,en,e : el tm)(s,t:el ty)(x: el vari) > (p : prf(osred (cfg e (oscons x t ei a)) > (cfg en (oscons x t e a )))) > (p : el (prf (tc (os_dom_ty (oscons x t e a)) ens))) > (p : el (prf (or (eq ty s nat_ty) (eq ty s bool_ty)))) > prf(dsred (cfg (clos e x t e ) a) (cfg en a ))]; chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar . . an example using the above definition we can prove semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar. we have proved many properties related to lazy-pcf +shar. the successful proofs of these properties reflect the power and suitability of plastic as the reasoning tool for this domain. to show these, we introduce some definitions firstly. definition (type context of an environment) context([ ]) =l_ context([x:t >--+ e]a) = context(a)[t/x] where l_ is the mapping that is undefined for each variable. definition (dom) dom(h) is used to denote the domain of a context hand dom( a) is used to denote the set of variables which have bindings in the operational semantics environment a. definition (context extension) . h is an extension of h; . if h' is an extension of hand x '/. dom(h'), then h'[t/x] is an extension of h. we can also define this more formally as: . hi-h . if h' - h and x '/. dom(h'), then h'[t/x]l- h. the following is a semantic property described in lf: ap(a, fun, a) =< b, [n:t >--+a] > -> n '/. dom(a) this property shows the following fact: while applying a function fun to an expression a if the environment variable n is used to represent the expression a, then n should not be in the environment before the applying. we give this property a name "apnewvar", and present a proof in plastic as the following. the motivation of showing this code here is just to let reader know the profile of the proof. for further understanding please refer to the manual of plastic [callaghan, a]. >claim apnewvar : (a,fun,b: el tm)(a: el os_env)(n : el vari)(t: el ty) > (pl: el (prf (ap a fun a b n t))) > prf (not (member varin (os_dom a))); > intros a fun b a n t pl; > refine e_ap ([a,fun:el tm] [a: el os_env] [b:el tm] [n: el vari] [t:el ty] > prf(not (member vari n (os_dom a)))) ? ? a fun a b n t pl; > intros nv; chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar > intros v t tm e ne a pr pr ; > refine pr ; > returnall; > intros n v s t a e ne e a pr pr ; > refine ll; > intros h; > refine app ? ? pr ?; > refine app ? ? (p_inr ? ? ) ?• . ' > refine h; > returnall ; > apnewvar; now we discuss the proof of a main theorem- subject reduction theorem. first, we need to give some necessary definitions and lemmas. definition (valid environments) . [ j is a valid environment. . if a is a valid environment and context(a) - e:t, then [x:t,...... e]a is a valid environ- ment. this definition implies that the free variables of an expression bound in a valid environ- ment must be bound in the remainder of the environment. this is due to the fact that if an expression has a type in some type context then the free variables of that expression occur in the domain of the type context. the definition of valid environments can be extended to configurations by requiring that the environment of a configuration is valid and that the expression of the configuration has some type in the type context of the environment. definition (valid configumtions) if a is a valid environment and for some t, context( a) - e:t, then < e, a > is a valid configumtion. this concept is very important. because the operational semantics are designed to yield meaningful results only when they are applied to valid configurations. lemma . . if< e,a >!< e',a' >,then context(a') - context(a). proof the proof is by induction on the height of the inference justifying < e,a >!< e',a' >. q.e.d. this lemma shows that if one configuration evaluates to another configuration, then the type context of the second environment extends the type context of the first environment. chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar theorem . . (subject reduction theorem) jfcontext(a) f- e:t, a is valid, and< e,a >l< e',a' >,then context(a') f- e':t, and a' is valid. proof the proof is carried out by case analysis on the inference justifying < e, a > < e', a' > and relevant inductions. the proof is very big, please refer to the appendix a for further details. q.e.d. the theorem shows that the evaluation preserves the type. in other words the type of an expression is the same as the type of its normal form. . discussion generally speaking, we have done the following tasks in the case study for this domain. • an analysis on the concepts of the domain, especially on the features of functional programming and explicit substitution; • a formalization of the concepts of the domain, this includes the definitions of the relevant concepts in lf, the proofs of the relevant lemmas etc. • an explanation of how to do reasoning in this domain, this includes the proofs of many relevant domain properties. this case study also gives us a deep understanding of the application of proof assistant plastic. we learn a lot of features of plastic in doing domain-specific reasoning. • the case study shows that proof assistants are suitable to some domains directly. our approach does not exclude this direct use. for this kind of domains, the suitability of our approach is depended on the power and suitability of the underlying proof assistant (here is plastic). our conclusion is: the plastic system is qualified to be an underlying system. • the case study can also be seen as a big application of plastic. because it includes a lot of formalization work and proof work. • the metavariable mechanism provided by plastic is very useful in doing proofs. it gives us a very flexible means when we want to conquer difficult problems. for example, using this mechanism we can prove some temporary lemmas in the environment of the proof procedure of the main property. this concords with the reasoning habit of human being. chapter . case study: verification of semantic properties of lazy-pcf+shar • compare with proofs by hand, doing proofs in plastic is stricter and more convincing. but the proofs in plastic are not as understandable as the proofs by hand. but for this domain this shortcoming can be relieved by using a well defined formalization of the domain. for the domain such as we discussed in chapter this shortcoming can be relieved by using a well defined domain specific interface. • compare with coq and lego, doing proof in plastic is overloaded with details. the reason is that plastic is a concise implementation of lf. there are no many modules accompanied plastic inherently. but this is also a merit of plastic, because it forces its user to customize a fitted one for his application. this avoids users from using extra properties inherited from the proof assistant. chapter the interface only those who have the patience to do simple things perfectly ever acquire the skill to do difficult things easily. -friedrich schiller, german dramatist and poet. in this chapter we investigate the aspects of interface related to this approach. we focus on the principle of the design and implementation. . design principle . . general principle for designing domain user interface jakob nielsen [nielsen, ] presented ten general principles for design of user interface. they are called "heuristics" because they are more in the nature of rules of thumb than specific usability guidelines. the following are the ten general principles. • visibility of system status: the system should always keep users informed about what is going on, through appropriate feedback within reasonable time. • match between system and the real world: the system should speak the users' lan- guage, with words, phrases and concepts familiar to the user, rather than system- oriented terms. follow real-world conventions, making information appear in a natural and logical order. • user control and freedom: users often choose system functions by mistake and will need a clearly marked "emergency exit" to leave the unwanted state without having to go through an extended dialogue. support undo and redo. • consistency and standards: users should not have to wonder whether different words, situations, or actions mean the same thing. follow platform conventions. chapter . the interface • error prevention: even better than good error messages is a careful design which prevents a problem from occurring in the first place. • recognition rather than recall: make objects, actions, and options visible. the user should not have to remember information from one part of the dialogue to another. instructions for use of the system should be visible or easily retrievable whenever appropriate. • flexibility and efficiency of use: accelerators - unseen by the novice user - may often speed up the interaction for the expert user such that the system can cater to both inexperienced and experienced users. allow users to tailor frequent actions. • aesthetic and minimalist design: dialogues should not contain information which is irrelevant or rarely needed. every extra unit of information in a dialogue competes with the relevant units of information and diminishes their relative visibility. • help users recognize, diagnose, and recover from errors: error messages should be ex- pressed in plain language (no codes), precisely indicate the problem, and constructively suggest a solution. • help and documentation: even though it is better if the system can be used without documentation, it may be necessary to provide help and documentation. any such information should be easy to search, focused on the user's task, list concrete steps to be carried out, and not be too large. the above ten principles give us a good guide to design general interface. but for different domains and different kind of users the relevant interfaces should have their own principles. . . principle for designing a reasoning interface based on lf we follow the above principles and consider the speciality of our system. the design of an interface to help lf based reasoning depends on the intended users. novices need some way to define the goal, to view the result of the reasoning and to provide reasoning guidance. they want a simple interface with limited functionality, so that they do not become confused and/or issue instructions at variance with their intentions. more experienced users may also require ways to define new theories, to browse through libraries of theorems, definitions, etc and to switch between one part of a proof attempt and another. system developers want access to the underlying system. they want multiple views onto the underlying system and reasoning process and want a rich functionality. so different focus leads to different style of interface. but in general a good interface must: assist users to understand the current reasoning attempt; provide mechanisms for them to interact with the reasoning process; avoid bewildering them with too much information, while providing what is required; and help them explore their options without imposing too high a cognitive load. for our design of the domain-specific interface, we focus on the following issues: chapter . the interface • use lf as the underlying meta-theory. • provide domain-specific user-friendly notations and reasoning with no acquaintance with the underlying meta-theory. • can be customized to many domains. so, the major design principles of lftop are as follows: • suitable to several domain-specific reasoning system without many changes of their code. • support communications between different levels. • reuse of customizing steps. • high level user level language with automated translation into the underlying meta- language. • support a variety of user interfaces (gui, command line). • multiple views: different views make different information and manipulation of infor- mation explicit and easy to understand. a declarative representation of a proof, such as a proof term, can have advantages over a procedural representation of a proof, such as a list of tactics. representing a proof at a high level of abstraction may make its structure clearer. domain-specific proof support may extend as far as providing views which visualize objects at the level of domain users. more concretely, we are interested in the following principles: principle : there should be a number of complementary views of the proof construction and the user should be able to choose to see any number of the views simultaneously. principle : within any view the user should be able to invoke operations that are meaningful in that view. principle : for multiple-part commands the interface should provide defaults for any variables that the user does not specify. principle : if there is a choice for the default values then the option which results in the simplest proof step and the easiest to undo should be chosen. principle : there should be a high level of flexibility in which the user can articulate commands to the prover. principle : the user interface should support the user by displaying only infor- mation that is relevant in the current state. principle : the user interface should support several concurrent proof construc- tions. chapter . the interface we can divide these to the following three levels: • at first, most immediate level, an interface should be designed to make the customary interactions with the theorem prover as convenient as possible. • secondly, somewhat deeper level, an interface should provide supplementary services in the theorem prover itself. • thirdly, even deeper level, an interface should provide derived proof rules that allow the user to reason in familiar ways, e.g., using its favorite logic and syntax. in order to implement a useful interface, we have done the following: • the translation from the user level domain-specific language to lf. • the translation from the user level commands to plastic commands, tacticals or proved lemmas. • the maintenance of the correspondences between the two levels. these include map- pings between the rules, definitions, and induction schemas used by both levels, as well as the correspondences between explicit terms used in the proofs performed by both levels. • the communication protocols between the two· levels, our design of the interface is implemented in haskell and through two different ways. one is using proof general as the based tool, the other is implemented directly in java. . ulpip: a protocol for communications between user-level and plastic-level communications between user-level and plastic-level need a protocol. we have designed a protocol called ulpip for conducting the user-level to plastic-level interactive proof. a proof using this protocol may have the following parts: • proof begins by issuing a target claim • proof proceeds by successive proof steps • proofs in different levels keep correspondence. this protocol should have a good extensibility to different domains. our case studies try to confirm this point. on different level the claim has different form chapter . the interface . . usage of extensible markup language (xml) xml is a descriptive markup language. it is used popularly in the area of data exchange and memory. now it is one of the main tools for publishing and assembling information in the internet. xml provides both programmers and authors of document with a friendly environment. xml's rigid set of rules helps make documents more readable to both humans and machines. xml is extensible. it allows developers to create their own dtds[laurent, ] which create extensible tag sets and can be used for many applications. this presents us a clear flexible means to represent and understand a protocol. meanwhile aspinall's work [aspinall, ] [aspinall and liith, ] inspired us to use xml to do this. in fact, the main reason why we use xml to describe the protocol is that it can offer the following properties we want: • platform independent: xml is platform independent. if there is an xml parser available on the system, the xml description can be used. if there is no suitable xml parser available for your target platform, xml is so simple that writing your own parser is fairly easy; • consistent: through the usage of dtd, xml can be consistent. a dtd specifies a set of rules for the xml file to follow; • rapid prototyping: using a stylesheet the results can be seen immediately in a browser; • constraint definitions: xml can contain constraint definitions; as well for the form of the xml itself, as for external resources we can add constraint definitions; • easily extensible: because xml is a metalanguage, it is by nature an extensible lan- guage; • reusability: it is relatively easy to fit an existing piece of xml into another. . . dtd for xml documents the basic unit of xml documents is element. an element consists of a start tag, contents and an end tag. the start tag is at the beginning of the element with the form < tag- name>. the end tag is at the end of the element with the form < jtag- name>. an element can be nested defined. document type definition (dtd) is usually used to present a set of constraint rules for an xml document. a constraint rule is called a declaration of an element. a dtd of an xml document will indicate the legal elements, the correct order of the elements and some constraint rules which the elements should satisfy. a declaration of an element consists of the parts which are quoted by "<>", "!element" is followed by the name of the element. the structure of an xml document can be represented by a tree. the root note is the root element of the dtd, the other notes are the other elements of the dtd, the leaves of chapter . the interface the tree are of the basic element types (#pcdata or #cdata ). we created our dtds for the definition of the protocol. dtds present a clear picture of the protocol syntax, and, especially with a validating parser, can enforce very precise syntactic requirements. flexibility in adding or changing a protocol is particularly important when designing new functions. this is an area where the xml approach really stands out. it is very simple matter to modify the dtds, change a dispatch table in the code, and test a new feature or command; it is certainly much easier than modifying ad hoc parsing code. in fact, this flexibility invites software re-use as well. . . dtd for the protocol we benefited from xml and haxml (a haskell package for xml) in our protocol design and implementation. using a dtd file the messages can be divided into several classes. but they can be distinguished in two parts: those sent to plastic and those originating from plastic. messages sent to plastic include configuration commands, actual proof commands and commands for inspecting various aspects of plastic state( e.g. the entity %reqcmd in the following dtd file). messages sent from plastic consist of error dialogues or status display and messages to configure user-level components( e.g. the entity %respcmd in the following dtd file). the following is part of the dtd file for our simple protocol: chapter . the interface the reason why we include dtd's in xml documents, is that the dtd is a vocabulary of the xml elements that we use. it lets us do validation in our xml document and it also describes what kind of element for example the 'goalname' element is (e.g. is it pcdata ?) . from the contents of the dtd file we can see that this design has some advantages in readability of code both to human being and machine. this provides a good foundation to the concrete implementation. to model our protocol faithfully in haskell, the tool haxml is used. from the above dtd file, haxml generates a series of haskell datetypes, one for each element, along with functions to read and write xml. so the type security given by the dtd extends into our program, detecting the reception of invalid xml immediately and making it nearly impossible to send messages containing invalid xml. chapter . the interface . implementation issues in our design . . some considerations on the implementation issues we have the following considerations on the implementation issues: • we should remember the user proof in the interface other than forget it. • the construction of a proof is often a trial-and-error process, and keeping track of the current partial proof helps the step back and redo certain parts of it as the proof is being constructed. • proof editing and maintenance is an important feature of an interface. could we use proof general in our interface? the answer is yes. we have implemented the interface in two different ways, one is using java and haskell, the other is using haskell and proof general. the first way is more complex than the second one, but it's more specific. the implementation of the second way is simple, it provides a unified proof general style interface. . . an interface in proof general style figure . is a screenshot of our prototype of the interface in proof general style: from the figure . we can see that lftop can be used directly as a domain-specific reasoning tool by domain users. in this figure we show two different windows, one is a window of definitions and commands for domain users, the other is an information window for showing the corresponding information on plastic level. so, if domain users really care about the process of the underlying reasoning, it is very easy from this window. this provides a convenient means to learn how to do reasoning directly in plastic . . discussion we have so far presented the principles which we follow in the design of our interface and some issues of implementation. the main idea is to reflect our view of the approach. our prototype of implementation is based on the above principles. xml presents us a platform independent extendible language for representing protocols. it is easier both to human being and machine to understand the protocol. this can get a more accurate implementation. we are inspired by aspinall's work for proof general kit [aspinall, b]. but our focus is different from his work. our purpose is to facilitate different specific domains to one proof assistant, not like proof general kit which tries to provide facilities to many different proof assistant other than different domains. through the study of this chapter, we got the following results: . an analysis of the issues related to design of interface; chapter . the i nterface ~ <(l:ero)>(lfu i {-jz) (nil labol))) prop (llt ' gnu (eiiptyaet state) (la_ rora rob (js :el rora)l))) piiotocol )) figure . : a screenshot of the interface in proof general style chapter . the interface . a better understanding on the issues of the interface; . a protocol for communications between user level and plastic level. our implementation is just a simple prototype and is in a preliminary stage. many improvements are needed. for example, from the domain user's point of view: . there is no easy way for interoperability with other tools. . not enough domain-specific options are provided. . there is no mechanism for domain users to customize their favorite style and commands of reasoning. . the output from plastic has not been well organised and decorated yet. we hope that the protocols and components will be improved in stages by successive generalization to more specific domains. chapter translation • issues eternal truths will be neither true nor eternal unless they have fresh meaning for every new social situation. - franklin roosevelt, american president translation between different levels in this approach is very important. how to guarantee the successful forward and backward translation is one of the main problems which should be solved in the approach. a good correspondence between these levels is a critical issue. . some problems in translations one interesting question is the effect of computation on the translation. originally, we intended that the translation is a bi-directional map between the object language and a subset lfr of the framework language lf. it was suggested that manipulation of terms in lfr results in further terms in lfr, e.g. that lfr is closed under computation. in fact it is incorrect. we found a counter-example as mentioned in [pang et a!., ], that is the subst problem. our revised model is shown in figure . , where a superset lfm of lfr contains terms which can result from manipulations of terms in lfr, either by computation or by appear- ing as a sub-goal after a rule application, but that lfm can be mapped back to lfr by computation involving a distinguished set of operators. such operators will be elements of the formalization whose purpose is to explain manipulations on terms, but don't correspond to observable phenomena in the domain, hence should not necessarily be shown to users. the aforementioned subst fits this pattern. dr. callaghan had studied this problem and found a way to solve it. this idea was embodied in the new version of plastic. plastic now implements a normalization operation which removes the obvious use of a set of operations by computation. so the above subst is removed in the relevant terms after this kind of chapter . translation issues object language subset l~ as a middle area subset lfr used in translation figure . : mapping between domain-specific object language and a subset of lf normalization operation. this feature of plastic presents a good method to keep the corre- spondence between the user level and lf level. using this feature and forcing the use of lemmas or tactics relevant to domains, the results are guaranteed to be in terms of lfr. . the translation from user level to lf level we use [ (r, -)] to express the translation map in the context r. for translations which are not dependent on the context, we omit the context item. the translation is implemented by parsing and translating in our haskell and happy program. next we'll discuss the case of concurrency mainly. of course, for the case of chapter , as there is no distinction of the lf layer and user layer, the translations are not needed. . . the case of concurrency in this subsection we discuss the translations of the relevant elements in concurrency. . . . the translation of the predefined actions the actions in cc s on the user level have three different forms: • tau which express the idling or internal action; • string which is not ended with - to express base action; • string which is ended with - to express complement action. we have the predefined actions named by one, two, ... ,ten; and one-,two-, ... ,ten-on the user level for convenience. these actions can be used without declaration. in fact we can expand the predefined actions by giving the definition of the same string on the lf level. chapter . translation issues we use the following types to express actions on lf level. > [base = nat] ; > inductive > [actb:type] > constructors > [base : (b: el base)actb] > [comp: (b :el base)actb]; > inductive > [act:type] > constructors > [tau:act] > [act:(a:el actb)act]; the translation is: { if [a] = ::~ (base a) if act (comp b) if a is tau; a is not ended with -; a is b-; . . . the translation of the list of hidden actions gg for the list of hidden actions (they should be base actions), we have a quite direct translation as follows: [] = (nil actb) [a, a]= (cons actb (base a) [a]) where (nil actb) is the empty list of type actb on the level of lf. . . . the translation of the list of relabelling for the list of relabelling (it is needed to consider just base actions ), we have a quite direct translation as follows: []=(nil (pair base base)) [a/b, a]= (cons (pair base base) (pair base base a b) [a]) . . . the translation of processes we use inductive type on lf level to formalize the basic concepts for ccs. for the following ccs syntax: e:: =nil i x i a.e i el + e i elie i e\l i e[f] i rec x.e its formalization is like this: chapter . translation issues > inductive > [process:type] > constructors > [nil:process] > [var:(v:el var)process] > [dot:(a:el act)(e: process)process] > [choice:(el: process)(e : process)process] > [par:(el: process)(e : process)process] > [hide:(e: process)(l:el (list actb))process] > [ren:(e: process)(f: el (list (pair base base)))process] > [rae: (e: process)process]; the translation is: • [(r, nil)d =nil • [(r,x)] = { var n if x is the nth item in r, here n is a natural number on lf level to reflect debruijn index; var x if x is not in r. • [(r,a.e)] =dot [a] [(f,e)] • [(r, el + e )] =choice [(r, el)] [(r, e )] • [(r,elie )] =par [(r,el)] [(r,e )] • [(r, e\l)] =hide [(r, e)] [l] • [(r,e[j])] = ren [(r,e)] [!] • [(r, rec x.e)] = rec [(x:r, e)] where x:f express putting x as the first element of the context. . . . the translation of p,-calculus the form of p,-calculus formula on the user level is like the following: f:: =a i fiif i f&f i < k > f i [k]f i mu z.uf i nu z.uf where k is range over subsets of labels, u is a tag which is a subset of states. a is an assertion variable. for the form of p,-calculus formula on the user level, we have the corresponding definition on lf level as follows: chapter . translation issues > [pred = [a:type](pi_ a prop)]; > [form = pred state]; > [tag= pred state]; > [varf : form]; > [muor = [a,b: form] (union state a b)]; > [muand = [a,b: form] (meet state a b)]; > [mudia = [k: modality] [f: form]( la_ state prop ([s: state](ex state > ([s': state] (and (mtrans k s s') (ap_ state prop f s'))))))]; > [mubox = [k: modality] [f: form]( la_ state prop ([s: state](fa state > ([s': state] ((mtrans k s s') => (ap_ state prop f s'))))))]; > [mutagnu = [t: tag] [f: (pi_ form form)]( la_ state prop ([s: state](ex form > ([p: form] (and (subset state p (union state (ap_ form form f p) t )) > (ap_ state propps))))))]; > [mutagmu = [t: tag] [f: (pi_ form form)]( la_ state prop ([s: state](fa form > ([p: form] ((subset state (minus state (ap_ form form f p) t) p) > => (ap_ state prop p s))))))]; the translation is: • [varfd = varf • [fl&f d = muand [fld [f d • [flllf d = muor [fq [f d • [[klfd = mubox [kd [jd • [< k > !] = mudia [kd [jd • [mus st fd = mutagnu [st] (la_ form form ([s:form] [jd )) • [nus st f] = nutagnu [std (la_ form form ([s:form] [jd )) . . . the translation of propositions the claim to prove that a process has some property on the user level can be translated to a claim to prove a proposition on lf level. for the claim of the following form: pname: p - f where p is a process, f is a jj-calculus formula and pname is a string as the name for this proof. we have: [pname: p - fd = claim pname: prf (ap_ state prop [f] [([ ],p)d) where [ ] expresses the empty context. chapter . translation issues . . . the translation of cc s and jl-calculus rules the ccs and jl-calculus rules which are corresponding to the commands on the user level are translated to lemmas on lf level. there is a "one to one correspondence" between these commands on user level and lemmas on lf level. for example, if we want to use the rule dia with s'· ~(s & s') • si-'l> on the user level, we use the command "rule dia s' ", this is corresponding to the lf level lemma called lemma_dia_ccs, so the translation is: [rule dia s'd = refine app ? ? (lemma_dia_ccs ? ? ? s' ?) ? where s' is a name of a definition for a process which we keep the same name on the two levels, ? is a place holder(i.e. an unnamed metavariable in plastic). . . the translation of definitions the definitions on user level are translated to the definitions on lf level. for example, for the process definition sender= p, we do the following translation: [sender= pd = [ sender = [([], p)] ] . . the translation of declaration the declarations on user level are translated to the hypothesis on lf level. for example, for the declaration act a,b ; we do the following translation: [act a,bd = [ a,b: act] . the translation from lf level to user level we use l- j to express this converse translation. next we'll discuss the case of concurrency mainly. . . the case of concurrency . . . the translation of actions for actions the translation is as follows: • l tau j = tau • l act (base i) j = i • l act (comp i) j = i- chapter . translation issues . . . the translation of processes for process, the translation is as follows: • l (r, nil) j = nil • l (r, var v) j = { ~ if x is the vth element in r; otherwise. • l (r, dot a p )j = laj . l (r, p) j • l (r, choice pl p )j = l (r, pl) j + l (r, p )j • l (r, par pl p ) j = l (r, pi) j ll (r, p ) j • l (r, hide p l )j = l (r, p) j \ llj • l (r, ren p f) j = l (r, p )j [ l f j ] • l (r, rec p) j = rec x. l (x:r, p) j where x is a fresh symbol which is different from the elements of r. . . the translation of some forms of propositions for some forms of propositions, we recognize these forms and translate them back to the user level. some of the forms and the corresponding translations are as follows: • l prf (ap_ state prop f p) j = l ([- ],p) j f- l f j • l prf ( and pl p ) j = l pl j & l p j • l prf ( mtrans m pl p )j = l pl j - l m j -> l p j • l prf ( trans a pl p )j = l pl j - l a j -> l p j in my mind, the rules, definitions and declarations need not be translated back. because users already know them and type them by themselves. . the properties of the translations lemma . . the translations[-] and l- j satisfy the following property: for a user level action a, l [a] j = a. proof using the definitions of the translations, the proof proceeds by case analysis on the structure of action. q.e.d. chapter . translation issues lemma . . the translations [-] and l - j satisfy the following property: for a user level process p and context r, l [(r,p)] j = (r,p). proof using the definitions of the translations, the proof proceeds by induction on the structure of process. q.e.d. lemma . . the translations [-] and l - j satisfy the following property: for a user level j.l-calculus formula f, l [f] j = f. proof using the definition of the translations, the proof proceeds by induction on the structure of j.l-calculus formula. q.e.d. lemma . . the translations [-] and l - j satisfy the following property: for a user level proposition p, l [p] j = p. proof using the definition of the translations, the proof proceeds by induction on the structure of proposition. q.e.d. . the proof of the adequacy property theorem . . our translations[-] and l - j are adequate, i.e. they satisfy the following adequacy condition for inference: if g is a goal on the user level under assumptions a . a , ... am; we use a command on this goal and get g , g , ... , gn as the subgoals on the user level. then [g] is a goal on the lf level under assumptions [ai], [a ], ... [am] , and after apply [ ], we get g}, g , ... , g~ as the subgoals, and l c: j = g;, [g;] = c: fori= , , ... n. where= express the syntactical equal under a conversion. proof we prove this theorem by case analysis on the commands: • for the command "fst h", we have [fst h] =refine app? ? p_fst h . the h must be a name for a hypothesis of the form "p & q" and the goal on the user level is p. after applying this command, the goal is solved (i.e. there is no subgoal). on the lf level, the goal is [p] and h is a name for a hypothesis of the form [p & q], after applying "refine app ? ? p_fst h", the goal is solved; so the theorem holds for this case. a similar proof can be used to the command "snd h". chapter . translation issues • for the command "rdia s' " (i.e. rule dia s'), we have [rdia ] = refine app ? ? (lemma_dia_ccs ? ? ? s' ? ) ?. the goal on the user level must be in the form of i-< k > f. after applying this k command, the subgoals are: i- f and ---+ • the goal on the lf level is: prf ( ap_ process prop ( [ f]) [ ]); after applying the corresponding command: "refine app ? ? (lemma_dia_ccs? ? ? s' ? ) ?", the subgoals are : (prf (ap_ state prop [f] [ '] )) and (prf (mtrans [k] [ ] [ '])), according to the definition of the translation l - j, we can see that: l (prf (ap_ state prop [f] [ '] )) j = i-f, and l (prf (mtrans [k] [ ] [ '])) j = ~ • by the definition of the translation [-],we know that: [ i-f] = prf (ap_ state prop [f] [ '] ) and [ ~ ] = prf (mtrans [k] [ ] [ ']) so the theorem holds for this case. • consider the command "rrec" (i.e. rule rec), we have [rrec] = refine rec, the goal on the user level must be in the form of (rec x.pl) ~ p . after applying this command, the subgoal is: pl[(rec x.pl)/x] ~ p . the goal on the lf level is: (prf(trans [a] [rec x.pl] [p ])); after applying the corresponding command "refine rec", the subgoal is: (prf(trans [a]( ub t [pl] one (rec [pl])) [p ])). by our definition of l - j, we can see that: l (prf (trans [a] (subst [pl] one (rec [pl])) [p ]) j = l ( l subst j [pl] one (rec [pl])) j ~ p = pl[(rec x.pl)/x] ~ p . by our definition of[-] , we can see that: [pl[(rec x.pl)/x] ~ p ] = (prf(trans [a]( ub t [pl] one (rec [pl])) [p ]). so the theorem holds for this case. remark: if the above (rec x.pl) are predefined using a name, then after using this command, the predefined name for this will be changed to (rec x.pl). • consider the command "rdot" (i.e. rule dot), we have [rdot] = refine dot, the goal on the user level must be in the form of a.p ~ p. after applying this command, the goal is solved. the goal on the lf level is: (prf(trans [a] [a.p] [p])); after applying the corresponding command "refine dot", the goal is solved. so the theorem holds for this case. • for the command "rtrue" (i.e. rule true), we have [rtrue] = refine lemma_true, the goal on the user level must be in the form of i- tt. after applying this command, chapter . translation issues the goal is solved. the goal on the lf level is: (prf(ap_ state prop mutts)); after applying the corresponding command "refine lemma_true", the goal is solved. so the theorem holds for this case. • consider the command "rpair" (i.e. rule pair), we have [rpair] =refine app? ? (app? ? p_pair ?) ?, the goal on the user level must be in the form of pl & p . after applying this command, the subgoals are pl and p . the goal on the lf level is: (prf (and [pl]' [p ]')). where [pl] = (prf ([pl]')) and [p ] = (prf ([p ]')) ; after applying the corresponding command "refine app ? ? (app ? ? p_pair ?) ?", the subgoals are (prf ([pl]')) and (prf ([p ]')). by the definition of[-], l- j and lemma . . , the theorem holds for this case. • consider the command "rchol" (i.e. rule chol), we have [rchol] = refine chol, the goal on the user level must be in the form of: pl + p ~ q. after applying this command, the subgoal is: pl ~ q. the goal on the lf level is: (prf (trans [a] [pl + p ] [q])); after applying the corresponding command "refine chol'', the subgoal is: (prf (trans [a] [pl] [q])). by our definition of l- j, we can see that: l (prf (trans [a] [pl] [q])) j = pl ~ q. by our definition of[-], we can see that: [pl ~ q] = (prf (trans [a] [pl] [q])). so the theorem holds for this case. we can use the similar proof to the commands rchor, rparl, rparr, rhide, rhidet and rren. • consider the command rtaul n (i.e. rule taul n), we have [rtaul n] =refine taul n, the goal on the user level must be in the form of (pllp ) ~~ (qllq ). after applying this command, the subgoals are: pl ~ ql and p ~ q . the goal on the lf level is : (prf (trans [tau] [pllp ] [qllq ])); after applying the corresponding command "refine taul n", the subgoals are: (prf (trans [n] [pl] [ql])) and (prf (trans [n-] [p ] [q ])). by our definition of l - j, we can see that : l (prf (trans [n] [pl] [ql])) j = pl ~ ql and l (prf (trans [n-] [p ] [q ])) j = p ~ q . by our definition of[-], we can see that: [pl ~ ql] = (prf (trans [n] [pl] [ql])) and [p ~ q ] = (prf (trans [n-] [p ] [q ])). so the theorem holds for this case. we can use the similar proof to the commands rtau n. chapter . translation issues • consider the command "rsinglein" (i.e. rule singlein), we have: [rsinglein~ =refine app? ? eq_refi ?, the goal on the user level must be in the form of "s e { s }". after applying this command, the goal is solved. the goal on the lf level is : (prf (eq bool (modalcheck s (modal (cons labels (nil label)))) true)), after applying the corresponding command "refine app ? ? eq_refi ?", the goal is solved. so the theorem holds for this case. • for the command "rexintro a", we have: [rexintro a~ =refine lemma_exintro? ? ? a, the goal on the user level must be in the form of pl ~ p . after applying this command, the subgoals are: "a e m" and "pl ~ p ". the goal on the lf level is: (prf (mtrans [m~ [pl~ [p ~)), after applying the corresponding command : "refine lemma_exintro ? ? ? a", the subgoals are: (prf (eq bool (modalcheck [a~ [m~ ) true)) and (prf (trans [a~ [pl~ [p ~)). by the definitions of l- j and [-~, we can see the theorem holds for this case. • consider the command "rend" (i.e. rule end), because this rule does not be used to any goals, so the theorem holds for this case. • consider the command "rhyp s" (i.e. rule hyp s), we have [rhyp s~ = refines. the form of the goal on the user level depends on the hypothesis named by s. after using this command, the goal is solved. the form of the goal on lf level depends on the corresponding hypothesis of the same name s. after applying the corresponding command "refine s", the goal is solved. so the theorem holds for this case. • consider the command "rnuunfold" (i.e. rule nuunfold), we have: [rnuunfold] =refine app? ? nu_unfold ?. the goal on the user level must be in a form of "s - nu x t f". after using this command, the subgoal is in a form of "s - f[(nu x (tu{s}) f)/x]". the form of the goal on lf level is like (prf (ap_ state prop [nux t n [sd)). after using the corresponding command "refine app ? ? nu_unfold ?", the subgoal is in a form of : "(prf (ap_ state prop (ap_ form form (la_ form form ([z:ei form] [f~ ) [(nu x (tu{s}) fd))) [s~)) ". by the definitions of l - j and [-~ , we can see the theorem holds for this case. • consider the command "rnubase" (i.e. rule nubase), we have: [rnubase~ = refine app? ? nu_base ?. the goal on the user level must be in a form of "s - nu x t f". after using this command, the subgoal is in a form of "s e t". the form of the goal on lf level is like: chapter . translation issues (prf (ap_ state prop [nux t n [sm. after using the corresponding command "refine app ? ? nu_base ?", the subgoal is in a form of (prf (ap_ state prop [t] [s] )). by the definitions of l- j and[-], we can see the theorem holds for this case. e for the command "rinr", we have [rinr] =refine app? ? p_inr ?. the goal on the user level must be in a form of "s e u + v". after using this command, the subgoal is in a form of "s e v". the form of the goal on lf level is like: (prf (ap_ state prop [u + v] [s])). after using the corresponding command "refine app? ? p_inr ?", the subgoal is in a form of: (prf (ap_ state prop [v] [s] )). by the definition of l- j and [-],we can see the theorem holds for this case. we can use the similar proof for the command "rinl". • for the command "rbox s' h" (i.e. rule box s' h), there is no corresponding lemma on the lf level, but a tactical which includes a relevant lemma. [rbox s' h] = refine lemma_box_ccs' then_t (intros s') then_t (intros h). the goal on the user level must be in a form of "s f- [k] f" . after applying this command, the subgoal is in a form of "s' f- f" with a hypothesis "s ! .. s' " named by h. the form of the goal on lf level is like (prf (ap_ state prop [[k] f] [s])). after applying the corresponding tactical, the subgoal is in a form of: (prf (ap_ state prop [f] [s'])) with a hypothesis (prf (mtrans [k] [s] [s'])) named by h. by the definitions of l- j and [-],we can see the theorem holds for this case. • for the command "rinverdotl al a " (i.e. rule inverdotl al a ), we have: [rinverdotl al a ] = refine lemma_dot_eq_p' a al. the goal on the user level must be in a form of "pl = p ". after applying this command, the subgoal is in a form of "al.pl ~ p ". the form of the goal on lf level is like (prf (eq process pl p )). after applying the corresponding command, the subgoal is in a form of (prf (trans [a ] [al.pl] [p ])). by the definitions of l- j and [-],we can see the theorem holds for this case. the similar proof can be used to the commands "rinverrec a p pl p ", "rinverchoi a pl p p " and "rinverpar a pl p p". • for the command "rvpair", we have [rvpair]= refine lemma_vpair. the goal on the user level must be in a form of "s f- fl & f ". after applying this command, the subgoals are "s f- fl" and "s f- f ". the form of the goal on lf level is like (prf (ap_ state prop [fl&f ] [sm. after applying the corresponding command, the subgoals are (prf (ap_ state prop [fl] [s])) and (prf (ap_ state prop [f ] [s])). by the definition of l - j and [-], we can see the theorem holds for this case. chapter . translation issues • for the command "rhypchange h h h ", there is no corresponding lemma on the lf level, but a tactical: [rhypchange hl h h ] = refine app ? ? (app ? ? h ? ) then_t (refine ll then_ t (lntros h then_ t ( refine ll then_ t ( intros h ) ) ) ) . this command just changes the hypothesis and does not affect the goal. so the theorem holds for this case. • for commands such as "rmodule n" and "rim port n", because there is no goal when these commands are used, so the theorem holds for these cases. • for the command "req", we have [req] = refine app ? ? eq_refl ?. the goal on the user level must be in a form of a = a . after applying this command, the goal is solved. the form of the goal on lf level is like (prf (eq a a a )). after applying the corresponding command "refine app ? ? eq_refl ?", the goal is solved. so the theorem holds for this case. • for the command "rindn a p h", we have: [rlndn a ph] = refine e..nat ([nl:nat]prf(trans [a] ( [p] nl) ( [p] (succ nl)))) then_t (intros n h). the goal on the user level must be in a form of "allnat a p". after applying this command, the subgoal is like: "p (n + ) ~ p ((n + ) + )" with a hypothesis "p n ~ p (n + )" named by h. the goal on the lf level is like (n:el nat)el (prf (trans [a] ( [p] n) ( [p] (succ n)))). after applying the corresponding command, the subgoal is (prf (trans [a] ( [p] (succ n)) ( [p] (succ (succ n))))) with a hypothesis "(prf (trans [a] ( [p] n) ([p] (succ n))))". by the definitions of l - j and [-], we can see the theorem holds for this case. . discussion q.e.d. from the above description we can see that how to guarantee the forward and backward translation successfully is one of the main problem which should be solved in the approach. in this chapter we give a revised model for this problem and a concrete proof of an important theorem. we have proven the relevant lemmas and properties. the study of this chapter shows that the translations and the relevant methods and technologies are suitable to our purpose. chapter conclusion and future work if you wish to succeed, you should use persistence as your good friend, experience as your reference, prudence as your brother and hope as your sentry. - thomas edison, american inventor this thesis has presented an approach to domain specific reasoning. the case studies in above chapters demonstrate the success of this approach. more specifically, the case studies demonstrate plastic's capabilities for reasoning with many different domains. further, they show how the capabilities can be used by presenting user friendly interfaces. the work in this thesis also lays the ground for further research into domain specific reasoning based on lf and its implementation. . stocktaking this thesis has concentrated on showing how the approach can provide a good way for domain specific reasoning. we have seen how the approach works. our approach has the following features: • user convenience: the approach is different from the pure proof assistant approach, the user can use an interface in their familiar way to do the verification, i.e. we provide a bridge between the domain and the underlying formalization. • generality: compared to automatic model checkers, this approach can handle verifica- tions of more complex properties, since it does not have the limitations of model check- ers to finite state problems. furthermore, by providing a simple reasoning framework where problems can be correctly decomposed and model checking used as a decision procedure on feasible sub-problems, the approach could support wider use of model checking technology. chapter . conclusion and future work • more convincing: because the approach is based on a type theoretic proof assistant, a proof in our approach is a constructive proof, so it is more convincing than one arising from a model checker or from a directly programmed system. the trusted code-base is smaller (i.e. the type-checker), and the formalization will have been developed more rigorously. plus, it is simple to obtain independent and automatic verification of results. e structural complexity: however, the structure of this approach is more complicated than most other approaches. but this should be balanced against the positive features, and we believe the balance is in our favor. for this kind of system, the overheads in a multi-layer approach are relatively small, so 'efficiency' there is not a concern. one may also view lf as a better (i.e. more precise or articulate) programming language for implementing such formal systems, so this use of lf is a strong advantage. e scalability: the examples of chapter were deliberately kept simple, in order to make certain points about feasibility and translation, but the question remains of how this approach will work with larger and more realistic examples, such as security protocols. given the generality of the underlying formalization and the result of chapter and chapter , it appears that the only limit on trying larger examples is the performance of the underlying tools. type theory proof assistants have been used for significant proofs, including that of the fundamental theorem of algebra [barendregt, ], and research is ongoing to improve the performance of the technology, so we do not envisage problems. note indeed that this approach is more complicated than most of other approaches and we are in a preliminary step for this approach. another contribution of this thesis is that we do all proofs in our case studies mechani- cally. we successfully generated plastic proofs for the following theories and components: • set theory and fix-point theory. • j.l-calculus related theory. • ccs related theory. • lazy-pcf+shar related theory . evaluation • evaluation related to aim : in chapter we declare that the aim of the thesis is to give an analysis of requirements of domain-specific reasoning and give some cri- teria. through case studies, we give a more detailed analysis of the characteristics of chapter . conclusion and future work domain-specific reasoning. we find that domain-specific notations and higher-level ab- stractions can be used directly by domain users and their corresponding translations to lf level can be done automatically. the design reuse is highly appreciated for different domains. from the case studies we also learn a lot of knowledge about how to produce domain-specific computer assisted reasoning tools. for the new approach we design the relevant architecture and construct the corresponding components, study the fea- sibility of it through several case studies. the relevant methodology and process are also presented and investigated. the case studies concretize the work of formalization, parser, communication protocols, translation between different levels and interfaces. they provide a good support to the suitability of the approach. • evaluation related to aim : the aim we indicated in chapter is the analysis of lf and plastic as a basis to support domain-specific reasoning. our case studies suggest that lf is a suitable framework as an underlying basis for domain-specific reasoning and plastic is a suitable system to support underlying reasoning. as indi- cated in the above section the theoretical and practical benefits and defects of using lf and plastic instead of other proof assistants are also investigated in this thesis. the case studies in chapter and chapter show that lf and plastic are powerful enough to support big applications. • evaluation related to aim : many of the theoretical aspects of the approach such as the theorem of the adequacy property in chapter are proved. • evaluation related to the principles in chapter : for jakob nielsen's ten general principles, to judge which points are reached by our interface, we use the following criteria: . do we follow the principles when we design the interface? . does the interface satisfy the main points of the principles? . does the interface show the main points naturally? according to the above criteria, our implementation of the interface accomplished most of the points of the ten principles. but we need to do more in the following aspects: user control and freedom flexibility and efficiency of usage help and documentation . future research the work in this thesis creates a number of opportunities for future work. the most inter- esting are the following: chapter . conclusion and future work • studying more complex examples and looking at more issues of supporting guis in which user commands can be more diverse, or even more powerful, such as proof-by- pointing [bertot et a!., b]. • studying the application of coercive subtyping in domain specific reasoning. o trying to combine model checker with our approach smoothly. o other issues to study include how to allow users to develop their own lemmas (i.e. to extend the formalization rather than just to work inside it), and how to improve the understandability of proofs, e.g. representing traces of computation and using natural language to explain proof steps. o as the size of examples increases, we may also need to study techniques to help users organize their proofs and developments, such as allowing multiple contexts for reason- ing. • do more case studies in dissimilar domains. appendix a the proofs of the subject reduction theorem subject reduction theorem is a very important theorem in the case study of chapter . the successful proof of it in plastic shows the power of plastic. the proof of subject reduction theorem is divided to two individual proofs of the subject reduction theorem (theorem .) and normal form characterization theorem (theorem .). lemma and lemma are specific lemmas for supporting the proofs of theorem and theorem . the following are proofs which are in our module subjrnf. note that the symbol ? in the following proof is a place holder(i.e. an unnamed metavariable in plastic). > module subjrnf where; (**************************************************************) (* (* subjrfn.lf *) this file contains the main theorem,*) (* subjr_nf, which combines the subject reduction (theorem .)*) (* and normal form characterization theorems (theorem .) *) (* the combination is necessary in order for the induction to *) (* go through. this proof is followed by individual proofs of *) (* the subject reduction theorem and normal form (* characterization theorem. (**************************************************************) > import aptypes; > import envprops; > import nfprops; > import valid; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem (**************************************************************) (* subject reduction + nf *) (* <> -> <>---> valid(a)--->domt(a)i- e:t ---> *) (* valid(a') /\ domt(a')i- e':t /\ (nf e') *) (* *) (**************************************************************) (**************************************************************) (* lemma i. (* (**************************************************************) >claim subjr_nfpi: (c,c': el config)(pi: el (prf (osred c c'))) > el (pi_ (prf (valid_env (cfgenv c))) > (pi[t:ty] (pi_ (prf (tc (os_dom_ty (cfgenv c)) (cfgexp c) t)) > (prf (and (and (valid_env (cfgenv c')) (tc (ds_dom_ty (cfgenv c')) > (cfgexp c') t)) (nf (cfgexp c'))))))); > intros c c' pi; > show e_osred; >refine e_osred ([c,c': el config](pi_ (prf (valid_env (cfgenv c))) > (pi[t:ty] (pi_ (prf (tc (os_dom_ty (cfgenv c)) (cfgexp c) t)) > (prf (and (and (valid_env (cfgenv c')) (tc (os_dom_ty (cfgenv c')) > (cfgexp c') t))(nf (cfgexp c')))))))); > refine pi; > intros a ai e ei en e s t x pri pr pr pr ; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?• . ' > claim nfen: el (prf (nf (cfgexp (cfg en ai)))); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xi) ? ); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xi e ei x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t ei a ? ?; > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xi e ei x pr ); > returnall; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine nfen; > returnall; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine p_eq_subst ty_env (append vt (nil vt) (os_dom_ty a )) (os_dom_ty a ) > ([h: ty_env](tc hen xl)); > refine app ? ? (eq_refl ?) ?; > refine tep_inv_nfvext (os_dom_ty (os cons x t e al)) en xl t x > (app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) (ap_ ? ? (ap > (ap_ ? ? pr ?) xl) ? ))) ? (nil vt) (os_dom_ty al) > refine app ? ? (eq_refl ?) ?· . , > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? pr ?) ?) ?· . , > refine ll; > intros ph!; > refine snoe_notfve en ? x; ? ? ? ; > refine nfenat_snoe en ? (cons vt (pair vari ty x t) (os_dom_ty a)) ?· . , >refine p_eq_subst ty s nat_ty ([nat_ty: ty](tc (cons vt (pair vari ty x t) > (os_dom_ty a)) en nat_ty)); > refine pr ; > refine ph!; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xl) ? ); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xl e e x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t el a ? ?; > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t x eel x pr ); > returnall; > refine ll; > intros ph!; >claim eneqtttorfff: prf (or (eq tm en ttt) (eq tm en fff)); > show nfebool_tf; > refine ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? ( nfebool_tf en ? ) (cons vt (pair vari ty x t) > (os_dom_ty a))) ?; >refine p_eq_subst ty s bool_ty ([bool_ty: ty](tc (cons vt (pair vari ty x t) > (os_dom_ty a)) en bool_ty)); > refine pr ; > refine ph ; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xl) ? ); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xl e e x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t el a ? ?; > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xl eel x pr ); chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > returnall; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? eneqtttorfff ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros ph ; >refine p_eq_subst tm fff en ([en: tm](not (fv x en))); > refine inv_fv_fff x; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) ph ; > returnall; > refine ll; > intros ph ; >refine p_eq_subst tm ttt en ([en: tm](not (fv x en))); > refine inv_fv_ttt x; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) ph ; > returnall; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xi e ei x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t el a ? pr ; >refine app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_clos (ds_dom_ty a) t xi eel x pr ); >claim validconsai: prf (valid_env (cfgenv (cfg en (oscons x t e ai)))); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xl) ? )); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xl e ei x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t ei a ? ?; > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xl e ei x pr ); > returnall; >refine app?? (p_fst??) (inv_valid_cons x t e ai validconsal); > returnall; (* cl *) > intros a al e ei en e s t x prl pr pr pr ; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xl; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine nf_f (clos en x t e ) ?; > refine f_clos en e x t ?; > refine nfe_fe en ? (cons vt (pair vari ty x t) (os_dom_ty a)) s ? ?; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine pr ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xi)?); > refine app ? ? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xi e ei x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t ei a ? ?; > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xi e ei x pr ); > returnall; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?• . ' > refine tc_clos (os_dom_ty ai) x en e t xi ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) > (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) xi) ? ) ) ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xi e ei x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t ei a ? ?· . ' > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xi e ei x pr ); > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? (inv_valid_cons x t e ai ?) ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? (app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) > (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) xi) ? ) ) ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xl eel x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t ei a ? ?· . ' > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xl e ei x pr ); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (inv_valid_cons x t e ai ?) ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) > (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) xl) ? ) ) ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xi eel x pr ); > refine valid_cons x t el a ? ?; > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) t xl e ei x pr ); > returnall; (* fix *) > intros a al e ei en t x nx prl pr pr pr ; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xl; > refine la_; > intros pr ; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· . ' > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) xi) ? ) ; > refine tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) nx e (fix x t e) t xi ? ?· . ' > refine tep_renexp nx x e e ? ? ? ? ? ?• . ' > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_fix (os_dom_ty a) t xi ex?); > refine pr ; > refine p_eq_subst ty xi t ([tt:ty] (tc (os_dom_ty a) (fix x t e) tt)) ? ?; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_fix (os_dom_ty a) t xi ex?)); > refine pr ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (xmidvar nx x) ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros ph!; > refine app ? ? (p_inl ? ?) ?; > refine ph!; > returnall; > refine ll; > intros ph!; > refine app ? ? (p_inr ? ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros ph ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? pr ?) ?; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member vari nx xx)) ? ?; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) (fix x t e) xi pr nx ?; > refine fv_fix nx e ph x t ph!; > returnall ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ? ) ?) ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xi)?)); > refine tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) nx e (fix x t e) t xi ? ?; > refine tep_renexp nx x e e ? ? ? ? ? ?; > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_fix (os_dom_ty a) t xi ex?); > refine pr ; > refine p_eq_subst ty xi t ([tt:ty] (tc (os_dom_ty a) (fix x t e) tt)) ? ?; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_fix (os_dom_ty a) t xi ex?)); > refine pr ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (xmidvar nx x) ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros ph!; > refine app ? ? (p_inl ? ?) ?; > refine ph!; > returnall; > refine ll; > intros ph!; > refine app ? ? (p_inr ? ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros ph ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? pr ?) ?; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member vari nx xx)) ? ?; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) (fix x t e) xi pr nx ?; > refine fv_fix nx e ph x t ph!; > returnall; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xi) ? )); > refine tc_clos (os_dom_ty a) nx e (fix x t e) t xi ? ?; > refine tep_renexp nx x e e ? ? ? ? ? ?; > refine pr ; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_fix (os_dom_ty a) t xi ex?); > refine pr ; > refine p_eq_subst ty xi t ([tt:ty] (tc (os_dom_ty a) (fix x t e) tt)) ? ?; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_fix (os_dom_ty a) t xi ex?)); > refine pr ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (xmidvar nx x) ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros ph!; > refine app ? ? (p_inl ? ?) ?; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine phi; > returnall; > refine ll; > intros phi ; > refine app ? ? (p_inr ? ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros ph ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? pri ?) ?; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member vari nx xx)) ? ?; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) (fix x t e) xi pr nx ?; > refine fv_fix nx e ph x t phi; > returnall; ( * iffalse *) > intros a ai a ei e e en pri pr pr pr ; > refine la_; > intros prs; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xi) ? ); > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty ai) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt (cfgexp (cfg e ai)) xi)) ? ?; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e e pr ); > refine dom_pres (cfg ei a) (cfg fff ai) pri; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) bool_ty) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e e pr )); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xi) ? )); > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty ai) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt (cfgexp (cfg e ai)) xi)) ? ?· .. ' >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e e pr ); chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine dom_pres (cfg ei a) (cfg fff ai) pri; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) bool_ty) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e e pr )); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xi) ? )); > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty ai) > ( [tt: (list vt)] (tc tt (cfgexp (cfg e ai)) xi)) ? ?· . ' >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e e pr ); > refine dom_pres (cfg ei a) (cfg fff ai) pri; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) bool_ty) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e e pr )); > refine pr ; > returnall; (* iftrue *) > intros a ai a ei e e en pri pr pr pr ; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xi) ? ); > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty ai) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt (cfgexp (cfg e ai)) xi)) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e e pr )); > refine dom_pres (cfg ei a) (cfg ttt ai) pri; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) bool_ty) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e e pr )); > refine pr ; >refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) x )? )); > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty a ) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt (cfgexp (cfg e a )) x )) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) x e e e pr )); > refine dom_pres (cfg e a) (cfg ttt a ) pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) bool_ty) ? ) ) ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) x e e e pr )); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) x ) ? )); > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty a ) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt (cfgexp (cfg e a )) x )) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) x e e e pr )); > refine dom_pres (cfg e a) (cfg ttt a ) pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) bool_ty) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (inv_tc_cond (os_dom_ty a) x e e e pr )); > refine pr ; > returnall; (* appl *) > intros a a a e e en en enf t n pr pr pr pr pr ; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros x ; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? > refine app ? ? > refine tc_clos > refine app ? ? > refine ll; > intros r; (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) x ) ? ); (os_dom_ty a ) n en e t x ? ?; (app ? ? (inv_tc_appl (os_dom_ty a) x e e ?) ?) ?; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine ll; > intros ph ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? > (ds_dom_ty a ) r > refine app ? ? > (ap_ ? ? > refine app ? > refine pr ; > refine la; > intros x; > refine la_; > intros ph ; ? (p_snd ? (ap ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (tep_ap e en en a n t pr ? x ?); ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r x )) ? )); ?) ph ; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member varix xx)) ? ?; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) en (arr r x ) ? x ph ; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a ) (os_dom_ty a) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt en (arr r x )))? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r x )) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ? ) ? ) ?) > (dom_pres (cfg e a) (cfg en a ) pr ); > returnall ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (inv_tc_appl (os_dom_ty a) x e e ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros r; > refine ll; > intros ph ; >refine p_eq_subst ty r t ([t: ty](tc (ds_dom_ty a ) e t)) ? ?; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty a ) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt e r))? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ?) ph ; > refine dom_pres (cfg e a) (cfg en a ) pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (tep_ap e en en a n t pr ? > (os_dom_ty a ) r x ?); > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r x ))? )); chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph ; > refine pr ; > refine la; > intros x; > refine la_; > intros ph ; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member varix xx)) ? ?; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) enl (arr r xl) ? x ph ; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty al) (os_dom_ty a) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt enl (arr r xl))) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r xl))? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ? ) ? ) ?) > (dom_pres (cfg el a) (cfg enl al) prl); > returnall; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (inv_tc_appl (os_dom_ty a) xl el e ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros r· . > refine ll; > intros ph ; > refine app ? ? > (ap_ ? ? > refine app ? > refine pr ; > returnall; > refine pr ; ? (p_fst (ap ? (p_fst ? ? ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r xl))? )); ?) ph ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ? ) ?) ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst > (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) xl) > refine tc_clos (ds_dom_ty al) n en e t xl ? ? ) ? ) ) ; ? ?· ... > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (inv_tc_appl (os_dom_ty a) xl el e ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros r· . > refine ll; > intros ph ; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (tep_ap e eni en a n t pr ? > (os_dom_ty ai) r xi?); > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r xi))?)); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) phi; > refine pr ; > refine la; > intros x; > refine la_; > intros ph ; > refine p~eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member varix xx)) ? ?; > refine tchet_fveindomh (ds_dom_ty a) eni (arr r xi) ? x ph ; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty ai) (os_dom_ty a) > ( [tt: (list vt)] (tc tt eni (arr r xi))) ? ? ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) carr r xi))?)); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) phi; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ? ) ? ) ?) > (dom_pres (cfg ei a) (cfg eni ai) pri); > returnall; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (inv_tc_appl (os_dom_ty a) xi ei e ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros r; > refine ll; > intros phi; >refine p_eq_subst ty r t ([t: ty](tc (os_dom_ty ai) e t)) ? ?; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty ai) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt e r))? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ?) phi; > refine dom_pres (cfg ei a) (cfg eni ai) pri; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (tep_ap e eni en a n t pr ? > (os_dom_ty ai) r xi?); > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r xi))?)); >refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) phi; > refine pr ; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine la; > intros x; > refine la_; > intros ph ; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member vari x xx)) ? ?; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) enl carr r xl) ? x ph ; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty al) (os_dom_ty a) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt enl carr r xl))) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) carr r xl))? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph!; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ? ) ? ) ?) > (dom_pres (cfg el a) (cfg enl al) prl); > returnall; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (inv_tc_appl (os_dom_ty a) xl el e ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros r; > refine ll; > intros ph!; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r xl))? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph!; > refine pr ; > returnall; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (inv_tc_appl (os_dom_ty a) xl el e ?) ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros r; > refine ll; > intros ph!; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? > (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) xl) ? ) ) ; > refine tc_clos (os_dom_ty al) n en e t xl ? ?• . ' > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (tep_ap e enl en a n t pr ? > (os_dom_ty al) r xl ?); > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r xi)) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) phi; > refine pr ; > refine la; > intros x; > refine la_; > intros ph ; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member vari x xx)) ? ?; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) eni (arr r x ) ? x ph ; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty ai) (os_dom_ty a) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt en (arr r x )))? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r x )) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ? ) ? ) ?) > (dom_pres (cfg e a) (cfg en a ) pr ); > returnall; >refine p_eq_subst ty r t ([t: ty](tc (os_dom_ty a ) e t)) ? ?; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty a ) > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt e r))? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ?) ph ; > refine dom_pres (cfg el a) (cfg en a ) prl; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (tep_ap e eni en a n t pr ? > (os_dom_ty a ) r xi?); > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r x )) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph ; > refine pr ; > refine la; > intros x; > refine la_; > intros ph ; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member varix xx)) ? ?; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) en carr r x ) ? x ph ; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty ai) (os_dom_ty a) chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > ([tt: (list vt)] (tc tt enl (arr r xl))) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r xl)) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph ; > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ? ) ? ) ?) > (dom_pres (cfg el a) (cfg enl al) prl); > returnall; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) (arr r xl)) ? )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) ph ; > refine pr ; > returnall; > refine pr ; > returnall; (* var *) > intros a al e el t x y prl pr pr pr ; > refine la -· > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xl; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· .. > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr > refine tc_var (os_dom_ty a) y xl ?; > refine mp_inv_nfvext y x xl t (nil vt) (os_dom_ty a) ? > (inv_tc_var (os_dom_ty (oscons x tea)) xl y pr ); > refine ll; > intros ph ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? prl ?) ?; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) ph ; > returnall; > refine app ? ? (p_fst? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; ?) xl) ? ) ; > refine tep_nfvext (append vt (nil vt) (os_dom_ty al)) el xl t x ? ? > (nil vt) (os_dom_ty al) ?; > refine app ? ? (eq_refl ?) ?; > refine ll; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > intros phi; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? pr ?) ?; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member vari x xx)) ? ?; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) ei xl ? x ph!; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty al) (os_dom_ty a) > ([xx: (list vt)] (tc xx el xi)) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (dom_pres (cfg (vary) a) (cfg ei ai) pr ); > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xl) ? )); > refine tc_var (os_dom_ty a) y xi ?; > refine mp_inv_nfvext y x xl t (nil vt) (os_dom_ty a) ? > (inv_tc_var (os_dom_ty (oscons x tea)) xi y pr ); > refine ll; > intros phi; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? prl ?) ?; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) ph ; > returnall; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > returnall; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xl) ? )); > refine tc_var (os_dom_ty a) y xl ?; > refine mp_inv_nfvext y x xl t (nil vt) (os_dom_ty a) ? > (inv_tc_var (os_dom_ty (oscons x tea)) xl y pr ); > refine ll; > intros phi; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? prl ?) ?· . ' > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) phi; > returnall; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (inv_valid_cons x t e a pr ) ; > returnall; > refine valid_cons x t e ai ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xl) ? )); > refine tc_var (os_dom_ty a) y xl ?; > refine mp_inv_nfvext y x xi t (nil vt) (os_dom_ty a) ? > (inv_tc_var (os_dom_ty (oscons x tea)) xl y pr ); chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine ll; > intros ph ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? prl ?) ?; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) ph ; > returnall; > refine app ? ? (p_fst??) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > returnall; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty a) (os_dom_ty al) > ([xx: (list vt)] (tc xx e t)) ? ?; > refine dom_pres (cfg (var y) a) (cfg el al) pr ; >refine app?? (p_snd? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > returnall; (* varl *) > intros a al e el t x prl pr pr > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xl; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) t) ? ); >refine app?? (p_snd? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); >refine app?? (p_fst? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine tep_nfvext (append vt (nil vt) (os_dom_ty al)) el xl t x ? ? > (nil vt) (os_dom_ty al) ?; > refine app ? ? (eq_refl ?) ?; > refine ll; > intros ph ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? prl ?) ?; > refine p_eq_subst (list vari) (te_dom (os_dom_ty a)) (os_dom a) > ([xx: (list vari)] (member varix xx)) ? ?; > refine tedomdomty_osdom a; > refine tchet_fveindomh (os_dom_ty a) el xl ? x ph ; > refine p_eq_subst (list vt) (os_dom_ty al) (os_dom_ty a) > ([xx: (list vt)] (tc xx el xl)) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (dom_pres (cfg e a) (cfg el al) pr ); chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xl)? )); >refine p_eq_subst ty t xl ([tl: ty](tc (os_dom~ty a) e tl))? ?; >refine app?? (p_snd? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > refine if_t ? ? ? (inv_tc_var (os_dom_ty (oscons x t e a)) xl x pr ) ?; > refine app ? ? (eq_refl ? ) ?; >refine app?? (p_fst? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > returnall; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) xl) ? )); >refine p_eq_subst ty t xl ([tl: ty](tc (os_dom_ty a) e tl))? ?; >refine app?? (p_snd? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > refine if_t ? ? ? (inv_tc_var (os_dom_ty (oscons x t e a)) xl x pr ) ?; > refine app ? ? (eq_refl ? ) ?; >refine app?? (p_fst? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > returnall; > refine valid_cons x t el al ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? > (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) t) ? ) ) ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ?) (inv_valid_cons x t e a pr ) ; > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) (inv_valid_cons x t e a pr ) ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_?? pr ?) t) ? )); > refine app ? > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? (p_fst ? ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); ?) (inv_valid_cons x tea pr ); > returnall; > intros a al e el prl pr > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xl; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· . , > refine nf_sno (sue el); > refine sno_s el; > refine nfenat_snoe el ? (os_dom_ty al) ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? )); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_suc (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr ); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? (ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? pr ?) nat_ty) ? ) ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? (inv_tc_suc (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr ); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine p_eq_subst ty nat_ty xl ([xl:ty](tc (os_dom_ty al) (sue el) xl)) ? ?; > refine tc_suc ? ? ( app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? ))); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_suc (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr ); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? > (inv_tc_suc (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? )); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_suc (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr ); > refine pr ; > returnall; (* zf *) > intros a al e e prl pr > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xl; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine nf_fff; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine p_eq_subst ty bool_ty xl ([xl:ty](tc (os_dom_ty al) fff xi)) ? ?; > refine tc_fff (os_dom_ty a ) > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_is_o (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty)? )); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_is_o (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr ); > refine pr ; > returnall; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem (* zt *) > intros a ai e pri pr > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine nf_ttt; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine p_eq_subst ty bool_ty xi ([xi:ty](tc (ds_dom_ty ai) ttt xi))??; > refine tc_ttt (ds_dom_ty ai) ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_is_o (os_dom_ty a) xi e pr )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? )); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_is_o (os_dom_ty a) xi e pr ); > refine pr ; > returnall; > intros a ai e ei pri pr > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine nf_sno ei; > refine inv_sno_s ei; > refine inv_nf_sno ei; >refine app?? (p_snd?? (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty)? ); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_prd (os_dom_ty a) xi e pr ); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine p_eq_subst ty nat_ty xi ([xi:ty](tc (os_dom_ty ai) e xi)) ? ?; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ?) (inv_tc_suc ? ? ? chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > (app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? )))); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_prd (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr ); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_prd (os_dom_ty a) xi e pr )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? )); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_prd (os_dom_ty a) xl e pr ); > refine pr ; > returnall; (* po *) > intros a ai > refine la -· > intros pr ; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; e pri pr > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine app?? (p_snd??) (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? ); >refine app?? (p_snd?? (inv_tc_prd (os_dom_ty a) xi e pr ); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; >refine p_eq_subst ty nat_ty xi ([xi:ty](tc (os_dom_ty ai) o xi))??; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? ) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? )); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_prd (os_dom_ty a) xi e pr ); > refine pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (app ? ? (eq_sym ?) ?) ?) > (app?? (p_fst??) (inv_tc_prd (os_dom_ty a) xi e pr )); > refine app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) (app ? ? (p_fst ? ? ) > (ap_?? (ap?? (ap_?? pr ?) nat_ty) ? )); >refine app?? (p_snd??) (inv_tc_prd (os_dom_ty a) xi e pr ); > refine pr ; > returnall; > intros a e t x; > refine la_; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > intros pri; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· .. > refine nf_f; > refine f_abs; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· .. > refine pr ; > refine pri; > returnall; > intros a ; > refine la -· > intros pri; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine nf_fff; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· .. > refine pr ; > refine pri; > returnall; > intros a ; > refine la_; > intros pri; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· .. > refine nf_ttt; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· .. > refine pr ; > refine pri; > returnall; chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > intros a ; > refine la_; > intros pri; > refine la; > intros xi; > refine la_; > intros pr ; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?; > refine nf_sno; > refine sno_o; > refine app ? ? (app ? ? (p_pair ? ?) ?) ?· .. > refine pr ; > refine pri; > returnall; (**************************************************************) (* lemma . (* (**************************************************************) >claim subjr_nf: (c,c': el config)(pi: el (prf (osred c c'))) > (p : el (prf (valid_env (cfgenv c)))) > (t:ty) (p : el (prf (tc (os_dom_ty (cfgenv c)) (cfgexp c) t))) > el (prf (and (and (valid_env (cfgenv c')) > (tc (os_dom_ty (cfgenv c')) (cfgexp c') t)) > (nf (cfgexp c')))); > intros c c' pi p t p ; > refine ap_ ? ? (ap ? ? (ap_ ? ? (subjr_nfpi c c' pi) p ) t) p ; > returnall; (**************************************************************) (* theorem . *) (* subject reduction *) (* <> -> <>---> valid(a)---> domt(a)i- e:t ---> *) (* domt(a')i- e' :t *) (**************************************************************) > claim subjr_red (e,e': el tm)(a,a': el os_env) chapter a. the proofs of the subject reduction theorem > (pi: el (prf (osred (cfg e a) (cfg e' a')))) > (p : el (prf (valid_env a)))(t: el ty) > (p : el (prf (tc (os_dom_ty a) e t))) > el (prf (tc (os_dom_ty a') e' t)); > intros e e' a a' pi p t p ; > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ?) ( app ? ? (p_fst ? ?) > (subjr_nf (cfg e a) (cfg e' a') pi p t p )); > returnall; (**************************************************************) (* theorem . ( * normal forms (* <> -> <>--->valid<>---> e' in nf (**************************************************************) >claim normalforms : (e,e': el tm)(a,a': el os_env) > (pi: el (prf (osred (cfg e a) (cfg e' a')))) > (p : el (prf (valid_config (cfg e a)))) > el (prf (nf e')); > intros e e' a a' pi p ; >claim ph!: (prf (ex ty ([t:ty] tc (os_dom_ty (cfgenv (cfg e a))) > (cfgexp (cfg e a)) t))); > refine app ? ? (p_snd ? ? > returnall; > refine (app ? ? (app ? ? > refine ll; > intros t· ' > refine ll; > intros p ; ( inv_valid_cfg (cfg e a) p ); ph! ?) ?) ; >refine app?? (p_snd? ?) (subjr_nf (cfg e a) (cfg e' a') pi? t p ); >refine app?? (p_fst??) 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( ). implementing a model checker for lego. in fitzgerald, j., jones, c. b., and lucas, p., editors, fme' : industrial applications and strengthened foundations of formal methods (proc. th intl. symposium of formal meth- ods europe, graz, austria, september ), volume of lecture notes in computer science, pages - . springer-verlag. isbn - - - . index jl-calculus, lazy-pcf+shar, alf, automath, bisimulation, ccs, congruence, coq, , dsl, ecc, hml, hol, isabelle, , lsabellejlsar, lego, , lf, lts, mizar, nuprl, pdl, plastic, proof general, tame, truth, xml, z/eves, playing the changes on the jazz metaphor full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / playing the changes on the jazz metaphor morris b. holbrook graduate school of business columbia university new york, ny usa mbh @columbia.edu boston – delft full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / foundations and trends r© in marketing published, sold and distributed by: now publishers inc. po box hanover, ma usa tel. + - - - 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board editor-in-chief: jehoshua eliashberg university of pennsylvania co-editors teck h. ho university of california berkeley mary frances luce duke university editors joseph w. alba, university of florida david bell, university of pennsylvania gerrit van bruggen, erasmus university pradeep chintagunta, university of chicago dawn iacobucci, university of pennsylvania brian sternthal, northwestern university j. miguel villas-boas, university of california, berkeley marcel zeelenberg, tilburg university full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / editorial scope foundations and trends r© in marketing will publish survey and tutorial articles in the following topics: • b b marketing • bayesian models • behavioral decision making • branding and brand equity • channel management • choice modeling • comparative market structure • competitive marketing strategy • conjoint analysis • customer equity • customer relationship management • game theoretic models • group choice and negotiation • discrete choice models • individual decision making • marketing decisions models • market forecasting • marketing information systems • market response models • market segmentation • market share analysis • multi-channel marketing • new product diffusion • pricing models • product development • product innovation • sales forecasting • sales force management • sales promotion • services marketing • stochastic model information for librarians foundations and trends r© in marketing, , volume , issues. issn paper version - . issn online version - . also available as a com- bined paper and online subscription. full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / foundations and trends r© in marketing vol. , nos. – ( ) – c© m. b. holbrook doi: . / playing the changes on the jazz metaphor: an expanded conceptualization of music-, management-, and marketing-related themes morris b. holbrook w. t. dillard professor of marketing, graduate school of business, columbia university, new york, ny , usa, mbh @columbia.edu abstract a metaphor based on the nature of jazz as a musical genre in general and on the sociopsychological process of jazz improvisation in partic- ular has frequently surfaced in recent accounts of product innovation, brand positioning, team coordination, and organizational leadership from various areas of research on management and marketing strategy. as typically applied, this “jazz metaphor” appears unnecessarily lim- ited in its scope. in this light, the author suggests a need for refining, extending, and enlarging the jazz metaphor to cover a broader range of music-, management-, and marketing-related themes. toward this end, the author “plays the changes” on this perspective by develop- ing a typology of jazz musicians based on different kinds of musical offerings and by elaborating this typology to propose a classification of management and marketing styles based on parallels with the jazz metaphor. full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / author biography morris b. holbrook is the w. t. dillard professor of marketing in the graduate school of business at columbia university, new york, ny, ( - - ; mbh @columbia.edu). holbrook graduated from harvard college with a ba degree in english ( ) and received his mba ( ) and phd ( ) degrees in marketing from columbia university. since , he has taught courses at the columbia busi- ness school in areas such as marketing strategy, sales management, research methods, consumer behavior, and commercial communica- tion in the culture of consumption. his research has covered a wide variety of topics in marketing, consumer behavior, and related fields — with a special focus on issues related to communication in general and to aesthetics, semiotics, hermeneutics, art, entertainment, music, jazz, motion pictures, nostalgia, and stereography in particular. recent books include daytime television game shows and the celebration of merchandise: the price is right (bowling green university popu- lar press, ); the semiotics of consumption: interpreting symbolic consumer behavior in popular culture and works of art (with eliz- abeth c. hirschman, mouton de gruyter, ); consumer research: introspective essays on the study of consumption (sage, ); and ix full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / consumer value: a framework for analysis and research (edited, routledge, ). holbrook pursues such hobbies as playing the piano and vibraphone, attending jazz and classical concerts, going to movies and the theater, collecting musical recordings, taking stereographic photos, and being kind to animals, especially cats. full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / dizzy gillespie (drawing by morris b. holbrook) full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / epigraphs epigraph one jazz improvisation is not merely a process by which musi- cians create a record album or an evening’s performance. it is a particular artistic way of going through life. . . . in fact, when musicians speak of jazz as a way of life, they refer pri- marily to the unrelenting artistic demands of a jazz career and to a particular orientation to the world of musical imagi- nation characteristic of jazz community members. they refer to the total immersion in the music’s language that its rig- ors demand if players are to attain fluency as improvisers and enjoy continuous artistic growth . . . . when performers speak of jazz as a way of life, they refer to the performer’s constant preoccupation with musical ideas and notions of creativity (berliner, , p. ). epigraph two you have to master a style, be able to speak the language as it’s spoken, and then find your own voice in it (andy statman, clarinetist, quoted by panken ( , p. )). xiii full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / epigraph three oh yeah. i’m an improviser at heart. writing’s a slightly different process . . . it’s a slower process . . . the intellect gets involved with it more. when you’re playing, it’s going so fast, you’re not thinking. advanced improvisation goes beyond your thinking (david s. ware, tenor saxophonist, quoted by brady ( , p. )). epigraph four music is the universal language of mankind (henry wadsworth longfellow, quoted by crook ( , p. )). epigraph five low overhead and a sense of improvisation make for a good life (weiland, , p. ). epigraph six january , . the second set in the sunday morn- ing brunch at iridium on broadway between th and st streets has begun. a quartet led by barry levitt on piano with david schnitter on tenor saxophone has just romped through an up-tempo original. now levitt leans into the microphone and announces that the time has come to intro- duce the first singer of the day — a woman named evita cobo from southern vermont. ms cobo — an imposingly tall fig- ure who has driven down from new england that morning — mounts the stage and hands levitt a lead sheet to a tune that turns out to be “autumn leaves.” these musicians have never met before — much less played together — but levitt immediately swings into an -bar medium-tempo introduc- tion. the bass and drums quickly join him in time for cobo to enter flawlessly with the tune’s opening lyrics. after a per- fectly coordinated opening chorus, levitt takes a -bar solo full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / on piano, followed by schnitter on tenor, playing his most relaxed and coherent improvisation of the day — probably because this piece has acquired a singular level of ingrained familiarity through many years of countless repetitions in all manner of contrasting settings with every sort of musi- cal group. beyond finding out in what key the singer wants to perform this piece and maybe checking the tempo mark- ings, he scarcely needs to look at the lead sheet. he knows the melody and chord progressions cold (probably in every key, but certainly in a minor, c minor, d minor, e minor, f minor, and g minor) — as do all the other members of the group, who have also performed this piece innumerable times in various contexts. cobo reenters with a half-chorus of imag- inative scat singing, buoyed by the strong harmonic support of the rhythm section behind her. then, at the bridge, she returns to subtle variations of the melody before ending with the final phrase of the song repeated three times, the last of which is out of tempo according to an ad lib phrasing that she conveys to the quartet members by means of a few inconspic- uous hand signals. this refreshingly spontaneous but flaw- lessly coordinated performance wins thunderous applause from the surprisingly large number of sunday-morning disci- ples who have gathered for the iridium brunch. cobo shakes hands with the members of the quartet, while levitt makes a gracious announcement that — though he has never met or played with her before — he hopes to enjoy the experience soon again. meanwhile, what we have just witnessed serves as a pellucid demonstration of entrepreneurship, teamwork, and leadership in action — a perfect metaphor for management and marketing success. full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / zoot sims, new york city, (photograph by morris b. holbrook) full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / contents introduction: jazz and organizational strategy . background . note on notation . limitations of the jazz metaphor . moving beyond the jazz metaphor . preview the first-level jazz metaphor: organizing for improvisation . thinking in jazz . the essence of improvisation: practice makes perfect . . . or not . improvisation versus composition . soloist . chord progressions and notations . ensembles, small and large . collaboration amidst complexity the second-level linguistic metaphor: jazz as a language . music and linguistics: chomsky, come home . licks, tricks, and clichés . rules for harmonic extensions and alterations xvii full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / . rules for harmonic substitutions . harmonic structure . melodic structure . jazz, speech, and the combination of smaller elements . licks or principles? cases or concepts? . conventional wisdom and the language metaphor . the jazz contrafact the theory and psychology of improvisation . the psychology of jazz improvisation: models and simulations . the producer as consumer . listening to oneself . the question of rhythm . harmony and the melodic line . vertical versus horizontal playing — the fallacy of “one size fits all” . the jazz conversation: telling a story . the jazz collaboration: collective conversation toward a new typology of jazz musicians . dimension one: musical context . dimension two: composition . dimension three: improvisation . a new typology of jazz musicians management and marketing styles . dimension one: organizational context . dimension two: formal planning . dimension three: organizational innovation . typology of management and marketing styles duke ellington: if it sounds good, it is good full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / dizzy gillespie: beyond royalty, the ultimate jazz icon . innovativeness and planning . openness to external influences . cheerfulness and optimism . knowledge . humanity . recapitulation and reflections on durability finale . creativity and reconciliation . linguistic models . playing in the zone coda acknowledgments references full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy . background in recent years — encouraged and reinforced by a symposium at the academy of management’s national conference that gave birth to a special issue of organization science (meyer et al., ) devoted to insights and inspirations related to jazz (barrett, a; berniker, ; crossan, ; hatch, ; mirvis, ; pasmore, ; weick, ) — writers concerned with the strategic aspects of management and marketing have relied increasingly on a metaphor drawn from the field of jazz as a musical genre in general and from the sociopsy- chological process of jazz improvisation as a form of creative activ- ity in particular (holbrook, ; bastien and hostager, ; akin and schultheiss, ; neilson, ; holbrook, ; eisenhardt, ; hatch, ; kamoche and cunha, ; dennis and macaulay, ; holbrook, ; pavlovich, ; waltzer and salcher, ; jennings, ; newton, ; gilbert, ; gold and hirshfeld, ; cornelis- sen, ; john et al., ; dennis and macaulay, ). these applications and elaborations of the jazz metaphor have touched on a large and growing range of business and organizational full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy issues. for example, some have suggested that the project of achiev- ing a strategic match between a firm’s strengths or weaknesses and the threats or opportunities arising from its environment resembles the challenge faced by a jazz soloist (tirro, ; mehegan, ; longo, ) when flexibly designing melodic variations to fit the chord changes in a pre-established harmonic structure (strunk, ; bastien and hostager, ; neilson, ; barrett, a,b; bar- rett and peplowski, ; berniker, ; crossan, ; hatch, ; mirvis, ; moorman and miner, a,b; pasmore, ; pressing, ; weick, ; cunha et al., ; dennis and macaulay, ; hol- brook, ). thus, after discarding metaphors based on jigsaw puzzles and dancing pairs of figure skaters, one writer pursues the logic of cus- tomer orientation by characterizing strategic fit as comparable to a free-form jazz band that has shaped its repertoire in a direction that “people would appreciate” according to “what the audience wanted” (neilson, , p. ). similarly, developing the jazz analogy, recent thinkers have viewed organizational improvisation — that is, respond- ing quickly, flexibly, and self-reflexively to the changing needs and wants of consumers and clients — as a key element in appealing to target customers (jennings, ); as a model for building strong emotional bonds in one-on-one marketing (gilbert, ); as a route toward the achievement of satisfyingly customized service experiences (john et al. ); as a way of empowering employees to respond flexibly in pur- suing maximum customer service and satisfaction (leybourne, ); and as the foundation for an effective market orientation (dennis and macaulay, ). beyond this obvious parallel between jazz and marketing strategy, various management gurus have linked the nature of jazz improvisa- tion as an unfolding theme-with-variations to the essence of creativity (holbrook, ; weisberg, ; holbrook, ; kao, ; hol- brook, , ; weisberg et al., ). from this perspective, some authorities have compared the ordered-but-flexible aspects of jazz to the exigencies of business leadership (depree, , ; newton, ). others have drawn parallels between jazz and the phenomenon of emergence as studied by chaos or complexity theory (weick, ; crossan, ; cunha et al., ; papadopoulos and wiggins, ; full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / . background chelariu et al., ; holbrook, ). still others have viewed impro- visation as a key aspect of teamwork aimed at achieving effective inno- vation (waltzer and salcher, ) by encouraging the fulfillment of multiple roles in response to audience suggestions or customer demands (crossan, ); by organizing collaborative effort under unpredictable conditions (gold and hirshfeld, ); and by managing organizational change (leybourne, ). such thinkers have argued that “organizational members . . . can improve the effectiveness of their improvisational process through train- ing that addresses the elements needed to improvise well . . . and the creation of a context that supports improvisation” (vera and crossan, , p. ): “in a world in which yesterday’s responses become inap- propriate maps for today’s challenges, managers must improvise and would do well to pay attention to what jazz musicians are doing” (bar- rett, b, p. ). thus, workgroup facilitators have exploited the jazz metaphor to build a shared consciousness of how “listening to one another” builds team strengths in “collective improvisation” (akin and schultheiss, , p. ). training consultants involved in executive education have drawn on improvisatory skills typical of a jazz ensemble to design corporate seminars based on team-oriented approaches like michael gold’s april acronym: autonomy, passion, risk, innovation, and listening (www.jazz-impact.com; gold and hirshfeld, ). and management trainers have developed exercises based on improvisatory theater to build the capacity for spontaneous role playing in the service of innovation (crossan, ). meanwhile, management scholars and marketing academics have viewed effective organization aimed at achieving objectives such as innovation or entrepreneurship as a parallel to the dynamic skills needed to integrate the disparate forces at work in a jazz band (bastien and hostager, ; eisenberg, ; weick, ; dennis and macaulay, ). thus, academic writers have taken jazz impro- visation as a versatile analytic lens through which to view organiza- tional or strategic aspects of management and marketing (eisenhardt, ; barrett, a,b; berniker, ; crossan, ; hatch, , ; mirvis, ; moorman and miner, a; weick, ; cunha et al., ; chelariu et al., ; pavlovich, ; john et al., ; full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy dennis and macaulay, ; newton, ; see also the compilation by kamoche et al., ). a favorite illustration arises in the case of new product development (kamoche and cunha, ; moorman and miner, b). for example, weick ( ) views jazz improvisa- tion and organizational innovation as analogous dialectical processes in which “order and control are breached extemporaneously . . . and a new order created” (p. ) to achieve “construction that sounds logical in an unexpected way” (p. ) or, in short, “an emerging structure” (p. ): my bet is that improvising is close to the root process in organizing and that organizing itself consists largely of the embellishment of small structures. . . . improvi- sation may be part of the infrastructure present in all organizing (p. ). in this spirit, barrett ( a) suggests that the jazz metaphor par- allels those aspects that characterize the organization as “a complex adaptive system that is constantly evolving” (p. ). similarly, hol- brook ( ) emphasizes the connection between jazz and a view of the organization as a “dynamic open complex adaptive system.” along comparable lines, newton ( ) views improvisation as “a set of skills that allows the improviser to adjust to changing circumstances and contexts” so as to account for “the improviser’s and leader’s abil- ity to adapt in the face of uncertainty” (p. ). similarly, chelariu et al. ( ) emphasize that “improvisation holds hither-to-fore unex- plored possibilities for managers trying to cope with uncertain, rapidly changing and/or complex environments [where] detailed planning may be . . . a waste of time and resources” (p. ). in this light, improvi- sation emerges as a key to the management of organizational change (leybourne, ). pursuing an important qualification, pavlovich ( ) clarifies that such improvisation is only “seemingly unplanned” — in the sense that “the metaphor of jazz . . . demonstrates how . . . networks are organised through a process of improvisation” (p. ): “the network, then, is the overall framework within which the components function; and . . . for the network to function cohesively, each component needs to collaboratively full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / . note on notation interact with the other components for the larger structure to be pro- ductive” (p. ). as explained by hatch ( ) when describing the organization as a dynamic open complex adaptive system: if you look at the list of characteristics that are associated with the st century organization, you find concepts like flexible, adaptable, responsive to the envi- ronment, loose boundaries, minimal hierarchy. when you look at the list for a second, if you’re interested in jazz, you recognize that all of those ideas could as easily be associated with a jazz band as a st century organization. and so the idea of comparing these two worlds seems like a sensible one (p. ). thus, hatch ( ) redescribes organizational structure — including such aspects as adaptability and flexibility — as a performative demon- stration of the jazz metaphor. we find a similar focus on blurred boundaries, the avoidance of premature closure, and the maintenance of flexibility in the best writing on jazz theory — especially in the way that, in describing contrapuntal chord voicings, gillespie ( ) advocates the delayed gratification of postponed resolutions: contrapuntal movement . . . gives the progression a sense of anticipation and forward motion, and delays the final resolution. . . . continuing the mov- ing voices . . . also disguises the whole progression and keeps each chord from becoming too strong or too “closed”. . . an open, suspended or “blurred boundary” effect is created from one chord to the next. . . . instead of simply playing and hearing vertical harmony, indi- vidual voices and melodies are heard horizontally and take on a life of their own (p. ). . note on notation please note that, in this survey, the term chord voicing refers to “the position of notes contained within [a] chord from the lowest note to the full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy highest note” (amadie, , p. vii). in each case, we shall “spell” the relevant chord voicing from the lowest to the highest note. for example, in a root-position closed voicing, c = c-e − g-bb. in an open voicing, c = c-g − e-bb. with one possible addition, extension, alteration, or embellishment (the augmented ninth), c # = c-g − e-bb-d#′. and so forth. typically, in the examples just given, the two lowest (remaining highest) notes of the chord would be played in the left (right) hand when performing on the piano. this division of labor between the two hands is indicated by a break before-and-after the relevant dash (e.g., between g and e in the example of an open voicing just given — namely, c # = c-g − e-bb-d#′). in this survey, middle c and the notes directly above middle c are indicated by upper-case letters with no other markings (c, d, e, f, g, a, b). notes in the octave above that are indicated by a prime (c′, d′, e′, f′, g′, a′, b′). where relevant, notes in the next octave above that are indicated by a double prime (c′′, d′′, e′′, f′′, g′′, a′′, b′′). meanwhile, notes in the octave below middle c are underlined (c, d, e, f, g, a, b). notes one or two octaves lower than that are underlined and marked by single or double primes (c′, d′, e′, f′, g′, a′, b′ or c′′, d′′, e′′, f′′, g′′, a′′, b′′). readers interested in hearing the various musical examples men- tioned in this survey are invited to play them on a piano keyboard, following the notational system just described. those who are unfa- miliar with the notes on a piano might wish to label a keyboard with the relevant designations by using the sticky parts of post-it notes cut to the appropriate size, as shown in photo . of the author’s digital piano thus labeled. warning: please do not use anything stickier than post-it notes for this purpose. for example, do not use mailing labels because these may be difficult to remove at a later date (as the author has learned to his sorrow and to the enrichment of the magic america corpora- tion, which manufactures goo gone). and, of course, do not write on the piano keys themselves for fear of permanently defacing the instrument. full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / . limitations of the jazz metaphor photo . the post-it piano: a keyboard with notes appropriately labeled. photo . an open voicing for c # on the post-it piano. notice that each of the black keys carries two names as both a sharp and a flat, depending on the context (c# = db, d# = eb, f# = gb, g# = ab, a# = bb). these are labeled accordingly in the example just pictured. using this method, the appropriate notes should be easy to identify with the help of what we shall call the post-it piano. the interested reader can thereby play each illustration so as to hear the relevant chord voicing or melody. for example, the voicing for an open c # chord mentioned earlier would involve playing the keys indicated by arrows in photo . (c # = c-g – e-bb-d#′). . limitations of the jazz metaphor all the aforementioned contributions to our thinking about manage- ment styles and marketing practices have poked, probed, and pushed full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy the jazz metaphor in various ways useful in the development of valuable inspiration, ideas, and insights. but they have all suffered from limi- tations that have restricted their breadth of relevance to the world of business. specifically, each writer who has pursued the jazz metaphor has tended to focus on just one type of jazz — for example, just one style of performance (such as a solo on a -bar blues within the con- text of a jazz quartet) or just one type of musical organization (such as a working band that plays together on a regular basis). this tendency toward emphasizing an inherently narrow range of illustrative concerns has given most applications of the jazz metaphor a rather parochial flavor and has confined their respective spheres of relevance in a man- ner comparable to that found in the old parable about the seven blind men investigating the nature of an elephant — where various observers think that the elephant resembles a long tube (the trunk), a snake (the tail), a creviced wall (the side), or a tree (one of the legs). as one illustration based on the jazz metaphor, the influential piece by bastien and hostager ( ) presents their beautifully detailed case study of a group performance by four musicians committed to a style of playing that reached its zenith roughly years ago and that repre- sents only a tiny fraction of the overall jazz spectrum. more generally, the vast majority of those who have written about the jazz metaphor from the management- or marketing-related perspective have taken the viewpoint of a musical soloist playing a performance of a standard tune in a mainstream jazz group. typically — according to common practice (hodeir, , pp. – ; mehegan, , p. ; tirro, , p. ; berliner, , p. ; owens, , p. ; hatch, ; pavlovich, ; newton, ) — the tune follows a “head” arrangement based on a melody set to certain standard chord changes (“i got rhythm,” “what is this thing called love?,” “all the things you are,” a twelve-bar blues, or whatever). the performance begins with a short introduction (perhaps a “vamp” based on a repeated i-vi -iim -v chord pattern), followed by a statement of the main theme (maybe by two or more horns playing in unison, harmony, or simple counterpoint). this leads to a series of solos by each instrumentalist — say, trumpet, tenor, piano, bass, drums (in a typical jazz quintet). after this, the soloists might trade “eights” or “fours” or “twos” ( -, -, or -bar phrases within the full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / . limitations of the jazz metaphor - or -bar structure of the tune). then, the ensemble recapitulates the head and ends with some sort of “coda” (analogous to the vamp with which the performance began). in such a context, the main task of each musical soloist involves the invention of new melodic patterns to play over the recurrent chord changes that underlie the main theme. such a description accurately portrays the standard operating proce- dure (sop) for about % of the mainstream jazz performed between and . of course, departures have appeared — including the brave experi- ments of many performers who have courageously explored the bound- aries of avant-garde or free jazz (ornette coleman, don cherry, cecil taylor, sun ra, eric dolphy, john coltrane, and so forth). but even the most ardent disciples of freedom have generally followed some sort of coherent pattern in shaping the typical jazz performance — the listener’s challenge being to discern the (often elusive) under- lying structure, to anticipate appropriately, and to respond accord- ingly. put differently, musical surprises and the musical meanings that result are impossible without the pre-existence of anticipatory musi- cal expectations (meyer, , ). indeed, the ubiquity of such predictable patterns — as the basis for well-defined expectations — has encouraged the telling and retelling of the following whimsi- cal jazz-related joke (paraphrased from the version that appears at www.wesleydick.com/jokes.html). a jazz critic has decided to take a break from writ- ing scathing reviews for his local newspaper and has embarked upon a safari in africa. as his guide leads him deeper and deeper into the jungle, he begins to hear the tumultuous, furiously pounding sound of drums in the distance. the guide explains that these cacophonous noises emanate from the ritual celebrations of a local tribe, situated a few miles away. as the safari contin- ues, the drums grow louder. fifteen minutes elapse. the critic asks, “when will the drums stop?” the guide answers, “the drums must not stop because terrible things happen when the drums stop.” so the drums full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy continue — growing louder and louder as the safari advances. after another hour, the critic again asks, “when will the drums stop?” and the guide again replies, “the drums must not stop because terrible things happen when the drums stop.” so the critic endures for another two hours — growing increasingly impatient, restless, and enervated. he grows dizzy. his head begins to throb. once more, he asks, “when will those incessantly pounding drums stop?” and, once more, the guide responds, “the drums must not stop because terrible things happen when the drums stop.” three more hours pass. by now, the sound of the drums has escalated to ear-shattering proportions. the critic has grown numb with pain — almost deaf from the throbbing agony of his horrific headache. able to endure no longer, he frantically inquires, “but what terrible things will happen if the drums stop?” the guide looks at him with an all-knowing glance; smiles scornfully; and says, “then we will have the bass solo!” (note that this joke would be even funnier if it did in fact correspond to the typical order of events in a conventional jazz performance, in which the bass solo almost always precedes the incalculably louder drum solo.) in sum, then, applications of the jazz metaphor to management or marketing strategy typically reflect various limitations due to their restriction to particular jazz styles that embody high degrees of pre- dictability in their adherence to certain well-established canons of ordi- nary performance practice — for example, a standard tune based on familiar chord changes followed by performers who pursue the afore- mentioned intro-head-solos-fours-head-coda structure. . moving beyond the jazz metaphor responding to such limitations of vision and scope in music-based anal- yses of management and marketing, kamoche et al. ( ) advocate moving “beyond the jazz metaphor” to consider alternative mod- els such as those drawn from indian music, music therapy, and/or full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / . moving beyond the jazz metaphor music-relevant role theory: “it is important not to be mesmerized by the jazz metaphor to the point of ignoring the potential contributions of alternative metaphors and other avenues of theory-development in organizational improvisation” (p. ). in a similar spirit, dennis and macaulay ( ) suggest the need to transcend mere metaphor by exploring the more substantive aspects of jazz improvisation as actually practiced. along these lines, zack ( ) complains about confining theories of organizational improvising to a model based only on the aforemen- tioned mainstream genres of jazz and urges the importance of recogniz- ing different degrees of improvisation (moorman and miner, a,b) from minimal (classical music viewed as rigid interpretation) . . . to constrained (swing viewed as flexible embellishment) . . . to extensive (bebop viewed as organic variation) . . . to maximal (postbop and free, avant-garde, or action jazz viewed as chaotic improvisation). as already noted by hodeir ( ) in a similar spirit, further grada- tions exist so that “between the extreme attitudes represented by the strict rendition of a given melody and its total disappearance, a number of compromises are possible” (p. ). these gradations include what hodeir calls the exposition-paraphrase (minor liberties with the tune’s melody); the paraphrase-chorus (amplifying the theme rather than stat- ing it directly); and the free variation (complete departure from the original tune) (p. ). this recognition of degrees anticipates distinc- tions among levels of intensity proposed by the great saxophonist lee konitz — namely, interpretation (“minor liberties” with the melody); embellishment (“rephras[ing]” the melody); variation (“transfiguring the melody more substantially”); and full improvisation (“transform- ing the melody into patterns bearing little resemblance to the origi- nal model”) (berliner, , pp. – , – ; crook, , p. ). similarly, martin ( ) describes a continuum of liberties with the melody — where (in increasing degrees of departure) paraphrase impro- visation (simple embellishment of the head) < thematic improvisation (abstruse relationship to the head) < harmonic improvisation (no clear motivic relationship with the head) (pp. , ). for example, mar- tin describes saxophonist charlie parker’s solo on “embraceable you” as featuring “relational ingenuity of the highest order” via “thematic full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy improvisations, not paraphrases” in which “the original material inge- niously and subtly directs the overall shape of the solo, but does not restrict or limit its melodic content” (p. ). more generally, according to martin ( ), “parker’s thematic procedures seem consistent”: “hence, whether parker is playing the blues, jazz heads, or popular songs, thematic connection to the orig- inal melody will often unify the performances” (p. ) so that “the outstanding, perhaps the defining, quality of parker’s treatment of the- matic relationships is his balance of melodic formulas, especially in uptempo playing, with larger-scale voice leading and control that art- fully evoke the original material” (p. ). in this view, “what keeps parker’s formulas . . . from sounding mechanical or stale is his ability to integrate them into a coherent whole characterized by voice-leading fluency and subtle thematic interconnection, both internally and with the original melody” (p. ). for a similar schenkerian analysis that stresses the role of voice leading in the work of pianist bill evans, see larson ( ). further — in an analysis reminiscent of meyer ( , ) — hatch ( ) demonstrates that the aforementioned degrees of improvisation are more intelligibly viewed as successive stages in the evolution of implicit expectations-evoking structures: to put this historical view in processual terms, as each use of structure is challenged by playing outside or between the anticipated notes, harmonies and beats of an existing form, new forms of jazz are created which redefine expectations and thus present new opportuni- ties (new empty spaces) for thwarting them. thus, the practices of jazz (e.g., soloing, comping, trading fours, listening and responding, finding the groove, playing the head, improvising) fill the empty spaces in the struc- ture of jazz as it is currently constituted, and as this happens, the structure of jazz itself is transformed. put another way, the improvisational practices of jazz con- stitute the conditions of its own structural transforma- tion, even as the structures of jazz provide the starting full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / . moving beyond the jazz metaphor point for improvisation. in this way, playing what is not explicated by one structure permits the creation of another, not unrelated to the first, but rather displaying both continuity and discontinuity with it (p. ). as described by mehegan ( a), “like any art form, jazz displays an inevitable dialectic toward more comprehensive modes of expression”: “the obvious extension and refinement of skills and techniques must be thought of as representative of a comparable progressive extension of feeling and thinking on the part of the successive generation[s] of people who listened to this music” (p. ). in the business-oriented literature, by their own admission, kamoche et al. ( ) continue to employ a rather narrow concept of the jazz metaphor — one based on standard procedures in the trad, swing, bop, and postbop styles (p. ). in other words — like most authors — kamoche et al. ( ) retain a rather circumscribed view of jazz as a fairly homogeneous genre; they then propose the need to look beyond that to other types of music and to other types of phenomena. an alternative approach — favored by the present author — might have broadened the conception of jazz itself in ways that would have covered an enlarged or elaborated perspective. similarly, even while also calling for a move beyond the jazz metaphor, dennis and macaulay ( ) retain a focus on the traditional procedures of a typical mainstream jazz group — in which, as already noted, an (optional) introductory vamp → the head arrangement → various solo choruses → (often) trading -, -, or -bar phrases → a recapitulation of the head arrangement → (perhaps) a coda (mehegan, , p. ; tirro, , p. ; berliner, , p. ; owens, , p. ). indeed, newton ( ) constructs his entire essay to reflect this inherently stereotypical structure, while pavlovich ( ) echoes hatch ( ) in following essentially the same implicit design. notice how strongly this familiar scenario resembles that described by hodeir ( ) almost years ago: there they are, four or five musicians in short- sleeves . . . . let’s say there are drums, bass, piano, tenor sax and trumpet. . . . before the first down-beat, there full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy must be a short conference to decide, first the theme on which to improvise, and then the key and tempo. . . . when all are agreed at last, they attack the first bar. the trumpet will begin by stating the theme . . . the sax- ophone may weave a countermelody. . . . soon the thirty- two bar statement is over and it is time to get down to business. a brief exchange of glances has shown that the saxophonist is more willing — or anxious — to play than his partner, so the trumpet player gives him the go-ahead, reserving the right to play, later on, as many choruses as his partner is about to play now. . . . later, after the trumpet solo, the pianist will have a few choruses to himself, the bass player may follow suit; then the “horns” will probably invite the drummer to share a chorus or two with them, in four bar sequences, before they return to a final statement of the theme (pp. , ). for the most part, the present analysis will retain the common focus on jazz that adheres to an harmonic structure represented by a stan- dard set of chord changes — as typified by a -bar blues; by the traditional -bar tune from the great american songbook (consisting of show tunes and popular songs from days of yore); or by an origi- nal composition (often of unique or unconventional harmonic structure but still with recognizable chord changes) written by one or another jazz master (tirro, ). however — as anticipated by hodeir ( ) in his distinctions between “the improviser . . . the tune writer . . . the arranger . . . and the composer” (p. ) — the present author believes that it is time to abandon the excessively monolithic view of jazz as an undifferentiated commodity and to recognize the subtle complexi- ties of differences among various kinds of jazz artists, what they have accomplished, and how these differences suggest complications in our perspectives on management practice and marketing strategy. in short, let us pursue an expanded view — not of jazz per se — but rather of those who perform this music and of the ways in which they enact these performances. full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / . preview in this connection, kamoche et al. ( ) characterize the “orthodox view” of the jazz metaphor as implying that “jazz . . . improvisation is something best done by highly skilled and self-directed individuals who have absolute discretion over task, materials and tools” (pp. , ). this quote accurately summarizes the typical focus on jazz as a soloistic art form practiced by gifted improvisational artists. however, it neglects the important complicating qualifications ( ) that some jazz musicians perform primarily as supporting members of well-integrated groups or even as leaders of big bands; ( ) that some jazz musicians display advanced skills not so much as improvisers but rather as gifted composers, arrangers, or orchestrators (coker, , p. ); and, indeed, ( ) that some jazz musicians — not gifted in the art of impro- visation — rely on leadership skills or possibly on no special mastery of any kind. put differently, in moving “beyond the jazz metaphor,” kamoche et al. ( ) call attention to the fact that — beyond conventional mainstream jazz — other kinds of improvisation deserve consideration. these “other kinds” would include music from different cultures (asian, african, indian, latino) as well as unstructured aspects of free-form or avant-garde jazz. such expansions of our past preoccupations will doubtless make a valuable contribution. by contrast, however, we must also recognize that — within mainstream jazz — hitherto neglected dif- ferences, subtleties, and nuances also demand recognition. the latter phenomena shape the central concerns of the present analysis. . preview this survey addresses the concerns just raised by proposing an expanded view of the jazz metaphor — namely, a broadened perspective that embraces a wide range of possibilities in the relevant organization-, business-, management-, or marketing-related analogy at work. in this, the author will attempt to achieve the sort of extension or elaboration that cornelissen ( ) — elucidating the work by weick ( ) on full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy “disciplined imagination” — recommends as a way of exploiting the theory-enriching meanings of metaphor where “(metaphorical) imagi- nation leads to simulated images which . . . can . . . be elaborated on to form more full-scale representations of a subject or problem” (p. ): according to weick, conceptual advances come about when instead of scouting out old ground for neglected gems, we cover new ground by examining empirical con- texts previously overlooked but potentially illuminating of large-scale organizations . . . and by conceptually asso- ciating ideas that were not previously related, let alone associated with one another (p. ). thus, the present author will propose a new typology of jazz musi- cians based on different kinds of artistic offerings. this typology will combine three key distinctions or dimensions to construct a twelve- fold classification that — when extended to the sphere of organiza- tional behavior and business strategy as a typology of management and marketing styles — will shed light on different ways in which the jazz metaphor relates to organizational design, business practice, man- agement skills, and marketing opportunities. before describing these typologies, however, we must first consider some important aspects of a first-level jazz metaphor as it relates to organizational issues involved in shaping the jazz improvisation into a form of collective collaboration, followed by attention to a second-level linguistic metaphor based on viewing jazz as a kind of language at the foundation for a collaborative conversation. full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / marlene verplanck in concert, (photograph by morris b. holbrook) full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / references akin, g. and e. schultheiss ( ), ‘jazz bands and missionaries: od through stories and metaphor’. journal of managerial psychology ( ), – . amadie, j. 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( ), ‘jazz improvisation and organizing: once more from the top’. organization science ( , march–april), – . full text available at: http://dx.doi.org/ . / introduction: jazz and organizational strategy background note on notation limitations of the jazz metaphor moving beyond the jazz metaphor preview the first-level jazz metaphor: organizing for improvisation thinking in jazz the essence of improvisation: practice makes perfect…or not improvisation versus composition soloist chord progressions and notations ensembles, small and large collaboration amidst complexity the second-level linguistic metaphor: jazz as a language music and linguistics: chomsky, come home licks, tricks, and clichés rules for harmonic extensions and alterations rules for harmonic substitutions harmonic structure melodic structure jazz, speech, and the combination of smaller elements licks or principles? cases or concepts? conventional wisdom and the language metaphor the jazz contrafact the theory and psychology of improvisation the psychology of jazz improvisation: models and simulations the producer as consumer listening to oneself the question of rhythm harmony and the melodic line vertical versus horizontal playing --- the fallacy of ``one size fits all'' the jazz conversation: telling a story the jazz collaboration: collective conversation toward a new typology of jazz musicians dimension one: musical context dimension two: composition dimension three: improvisation a new typology of jazz musicians management and marketing styles dimension one: organizational context dimension two: formal planning dimension three: organizational innovation typology of management and marketing styles duke ellington: if it sounds good, it is good dizzy gillespie: beyond royalty, the ultimate jazz icon innovativeness and planning openness to external influences cheerfulness and optimism knowledge humanity recapitulation and reflections on durability finale creativity and reconciliation linguistic models playing in the zone coda acknowledgments references shared reading at a distance: the commonplace books of the stockton family, – shared reading at a distance: the commonplace books of the stockton family, – amanda watson book history, volume , , pp. - (article) published by johns hopkins university press doi: for additional information about this article [ access provided at apr : gmt from carnegie mellon university ] https://doi.org/ . /bh. . https://muse.jhu.edu/article/ https://doi.org/ . /bh. . https://muse.jhu.edu/article/ on november , , -year-old mary stockton harrison took out her handwritten commonplace book of poetry and wrote a dedication to her nephew robert f. stockton, jr., on its flyleaf, bequeathing it to him after her death “in token of my affection and gratitude to him & his for their unvariable kindness and tenderness to me.” she had begun copying poems into the volume, a bulky gilt-edged blank book, as a young bride in ; she and her family and friends had continued to do so into the s. the book’s leaves were mostly full by the time she bequeathed it to her nephew robert, more than fifty years after she began it. as mary harrison turned the pages of her collection, she held the record not only of decades’ worth of her own reading, but of a web of family relationships that her com- monplace book both commemorated and helped to keep alive. it contained a trove of published poems selected, shared, and re-copied by mary and her sisters, including several poems about or by members of the stockton family (including, in a few cases, mary herself). the volume that robert stockton inherited from his aunt was more than a collection of favorite quotations; it was a repository of strong family attachments, expressed through an en- gagement with poetry. mary harrison was not the only member of her family to compile a com- monplace book. two of her younger sisters, caroline stockton rotch and annis stockton thomson, followed her example with collections of their own, as did caroline’s son horatio rotch. the five surviving commonplace books of the stockton family include large shared clusters of favorite poems, which the compilers evidently read together, copied again and again, and handed on to later generations. together, they reveal an under-examined function of commonplacing in antebellum america: that of maintaining family ties by extending the communal reading that typically took place at home—one person reading aloud as other family members listened while working at domestic tasks—across the dimensions of space and time. the stockton sisters began their reading lives together in one household, where shared reading at a distance  the commonplace books of the stockton family, – amanda watson book history the influence of their grandmother, the poet annis boudinot stockton, may well have predisposed them to take an interest in poetry. after marriage and relocation separated them, commonplacing gave them a physical reminder of their shared reading and an opportunity to continue reading together during their visits to each other. the stockton family’s commonplace books call into question several common assumptions about the format and its uses. first, commonplace books have often been described as tools for shaping the individual self. for the stockton sisters, however, the practice of transcribing extracts high- lighted their connection to their family of origin; their compiling habits were as much collective as individual, relying on each other’s selection principles as much as their own. second, commonplace books of the specific type compiled by the stockton family—miscellaneous, haphazardly organized collections of mostly literary quotations, with contributions from loved ones—tend to be interpreted as monuments to the past, commemorating never-to-be-seen-again friends and dead relatives. but mary stockton har- rison and her sisters, though they participated in this type of memorializa- tion, all spent years copying poems from and into each other’s collections. during the years in which all three sisters were actively compiling, their commonplace books were very much part of their lives in the present tense. this study of the stocktons is part of a larger project analyzing the con- tents of more than forty american commonplace books of poetry, compiled primarily in new england and spanning the length of the nineteenth cen- tury. not all of the compilers of these collections can be identified, but many were young women. their contents overlap but also vary widely, revealing oscillations between shared reading and individual taste. sentimental and religious lyrics predominate, with many poems focusing on love, death, and mourning. and while now-canonical poets make regular appearances, many of the poems in the commonplace books i have examined either were writ- ten by forgotten poets or appeared anonymously in the periodical press. in some ways, the stocktons’ commonplace books are typical of their time, but they are highly unusual in that they present an extensive record of a group of compilers working together. a close analysis of these collections as a group suggests that the practice of shared reading and transcription within families may have been more extensive than the often-anonymous archival record suggests. in this article, i examine the stockton commonplace books as a group, focusing on their shared collecting practices; i end by suggesting how this group of documents can change our understanding of the many other nineteenth-century commonplace books that survive in libraries and archives. shared reading at a distance these poetry commonplace books, also referred to as “extract books,” are part of a late branch of a long tradition—a tradition to which scholars of the history of reading have paid significant attention in recent years. in early modern europe, a commonplace book was a handwritten notebook of short quotations from many authors, compiled from a person’s reading and organized under topical headings. with antecedents reaching back to classical rhetoric (particularly the branch of classical rhetoric that dealt with memory), the commonplace book was often used as a study aid, an exten- sion of the compiler’s memory, or a source of ornamentation for the com- piler’s own writing. commonplace books were tools for students, scholars, authors, clergymen, and lawyers, among others. early modern readers also compiled less organized, more miscellaneous commonplace books, many containing poetry; arthur marotti observes that this type of commonplace book was “the main ancestor of those sixteenth- and seventeenth-century miscellanies and anthologies in which we find lyric poems.” readers con- tinued making commonplace books through the eighteenth century, thanks in part to the very popular system introduced in john locke’s a new meth- od of a common-place-book ( ), which allowed the compiler to maxi- mize page space by placing the organizational apparatus into an alphabeti- cal index, using the rest of the book to collect extracts. by the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the term “com- monplace book” was also being used in england to describe a collection of extracts, selected by one or several readers and copied without any formal organizational scheme. william st clair notes that during the romantic pe- riod, both men and women created commonplace books, with men tending to compile “notebooks of useful information, often with more prose than verse,” while women focused more exclusively on literary quotations. al- though these literary commonplace books, the successors of the early mod- ern miscellany manuscripts described by marotti, should be distinguished from the traditional commonplace book because they lack its headings and alphabetical organization, they still retain many of the features that adam smyth describes as characteristic of early modern “commonplace book cul- ture,” including “the appropriation of materials as the compiler’s own,” “the collection and deployment of fragments, not wholes,” and evidence of multiple compilers. compilers referred to these collections not only as com- monplace books but with a variety of titles suggesting their miscellaneous- ness, including “‘beauties’, ‘rhymes’, . . . ‘gleanings’, ‘extracts’, ‘excerpta’, ‘miscellanies’ and ‘scraps’.” the history of the commonplace book in early america parallels its his- tory in england. what began as an information-retrieval system for learned book history men developed into a looser, less organized way for less learned male and female readers to record favorite passages. commonplace books formed a regular part of the education of future clergymen in seventeenth-century new england. early american colonists such as massachusetts school- master and preacher thomas weld and pennsylvanian settler daniel pasto- rius kept organized commonplace books, compiled along traditional lines, as information retrieval systems and tools for their scholarship; so did poli- ticians like thomas jefferson. commonplacing also helped ordinary read- ers supplement their reading in rural or remote areas where books were scarce, expensive, or otherwise hard to come by. by transcribing passages from borrowed books and periodicals, readers could retain their own copies for rereading after the borrowed materials were returned. by the early nineteenth century, commonplace books had become part of the education of young women in the united states, as well as a popular domestic pastime. in enos hitchcock’s didactic novel memoirs of the bloomsgrove family, both the son and the daughter of the family are “directed to keep a common place book, to note the material occurrences, the books they read, . . . and to transcribe some of the most remarkable passages they contained.” preacher and author john todd recommended that young women augment their education by using a traditional type of commonplace book, “a kind of index rerum, in which you may note down the book and the page which treat on a particular subject.” todd also pro- duced a printed index rerum to help readers with his first recommendation. his index rerum is organized along the lines of john locke’s method, but uses short citations instead of copied extracts. todd considered this method easier than the traditional commonplace book, because “making extracts with the pen is so tedious, that the very name of a common-place book is associated with drudgery, and wearisomeness.” like hitchcock, todd viewed commonplace books primarily as records of a young person’s read- ing, but still saw a use for transcription; he also recommended that young women keep “a book of extracts from such books as you cannot own, or which are rare and curious,” even as he cautioned that copying too much would “injure . . . and nearly destroy” the memory. the poet lydia sigour- ney also advised against too heavy reliance on copying extracts in letters to young ladies ( ), on the grounds that it weakened the memory. none- theless, she published her own collection of extracts in , noting in the preface that she drew from “a voluminous mass of manuscripts which owe their existence to the ancient adage of reading with a pen or pencil in the hand.” shared reading at a distance this type of nineteenth-century commonplace book has much in com- mon with its kindred genres, the friendship or autograph album and the scrapbook. the friendship album was designed to collect contributions from friends, and tended to include short quotations and original verses, along with drawings, mementoes, and the signatures of the friends in ques- tion. such albums were often compiled by young women either in school or on the verge of leaving it. the scrapbook, which gained in popularity as the nineteenth century went on and printed materials became cheaper, grew out of the commonplace book and album traditions but replaced the tedious task of hand-copying with the more efficient method of cutting and pasting. the boundaries between these formats frequently blurred. pasted or pinned newspaper clippings appear in some of the commonplace books in my larger sample, and many include contributions and signatures from friends of the compiler. ann moss sees the commonplace book’s shift from an organized scholar- ly tool to a miscellaneous collection of extracts as evidence of its decline and fall into triviality, “foreshadowed in the seventeenth century, accelerated in the eighteenth century, and . . . irreversible by the nineteenth.” for moss, “the last of its several metamorphoses, as an album of favourite lines of po- etry put together haphazardly,” marks its ultimate irrelevance. my project contests this claim. nineteenth-century commonplace books still performed important cultural work: they helped numerous readers, including many women, interact with literary texts in an intimate but distinctly social way. moreover, they offer literary historians and historians of reading a compel- ling set of evidence for the everyday interactions between ordinary, non- scholarly readers and the texts these readers considered important enough to record. scholars have tended to emphasize the commonplace book’s role in what stephen greenblatt calls “self-fashioning,” whether the self being fashioned is a student, an eloquent writer, a cultivated person who can perform mem- bership in his or her social class, a clever and cynical man, or a marriageable young lady. in this view, commonplace books become (in the words of thomas koenigs in a recent article on henry david thoreau’s relationship to the commonplace tradition) “reflections of the self, defined in relation to printed materials.” i argue here that the antebellum american com- monplace book reflects not only the self in relation to printed texts (which it undoubtedly does), but also the self in relation to other people and their reading. like the friendship album, the commonplace book could and did preserve quotations rendered significant by their association with (or their book history selection by) the compiler’s friends and relatives. while we cannot always know what prompted a compiler to choose one passage over another, i would suggest that one strong motivation for nineteenth-century readers’ transcription of extracts was the simple fact of their having appealed to a close friend or a relative. commonplace book compilers may have made their selections on the basis of their association with loved ones’ tastes in literature. reading could thus reawaken and continue those connections, even when readers were separated from each other. the stockton family’s collections of poetry allow us to see shared read- ing practices far more clearly than most surviving american commonplace books from this period. a number of scholars have discussed the nineteenth- century commonplace book as evidence of reading practices in both great britain and north america. however, with a few exceptions, such as stephen colclough’s discussion of british “reading communities” that transcribed poems together, there has been little exploration of commonplace books by readers who knew each other. relationships between compilers can be difficult to prove: numerous commonplace books survive in special col- lections and archives, but unless the compiler was a historically significant figure, we cannot always determine a commonplace book’s origins . many of the examples i have examined are either anonymous or bear the name of a person whose life is unrecorded outside of census records. the appearance of the same poem in more than one commonplace book from approximately the same time and place may indicate a shared reading network, or it may simply reflect a poem’s overall popularity or the extent of the circulation of a periodical or a printed book in which the poem appeared. the stockton family’s commonplace books provide a notable exception. because of the family’s political prominence in new jersey, their papers have been preserved in several archives, and they and their princeton home have been the subjects of more than one history. from the stockton family’s cor- respondence and the internal evidence of these commonplace books (partic- ularly mary’s), we can reconstruct the place of the sisters’ poetry collections in their lives. i turn now to an outline of the stockton sisters’ biography as reflected through their commonplace books; i will then discuss the contents of their commonplace books in greater detail. as we will see, collecting, transcribing, and sharing poetry was a lifelong activity for at least one of the stockton sisters, and it helped bring the three of them together literally and figuratively. shared reading at a distance the stockton family and their commonplace books mary, caroline, and annis stockton were born into a family with a liter- ary bent. they were the granddaughters of richard stockton ( – ), a signer of the declaration of independence, and annis boudinot stockton ( – ), a noted coterie poet who established an intellectual and cul- tural center around morven, their home in princeton, new jersey. annis boudinot stockton belonged to a group of intellectual philadelphia-area women, some of whom kept commonplace books and many of whom wrote and exchanged poetry. a few poems and a journal entry by annis stock- ton’s friend elizabeth graeme fergusson, for example, were collected in the commonplace book of the quaker author milcah martha moore. annis stockton also avidly read the british poets of her time. she admired the ossian poems of james macpherson, from which she took the name “mor- ven” for the stockton family’s house, as well as the poems of alexander pope, james beattie, and edward young. the grotto at morven may have been inspired by pope’s grotto at twickenham, which her husband richard stockton visited. richard and annis stockton’s son, the younger richard stockton ( – ), became a lawyer and served in the senate and the house of representatives. he and his wife mary field stockton had nine children. mary, the eldest, was born in , caroline in , and annis, evidently named after her grandmother, in . to judge by the collections of poetry the stockton sisters left behind, annis boudinot stockton’s literary interests carried over into her granddaughters’ lives. the story of the stockton family’s commonplacing begins with mary’s marriage in to william harrison of new york. she began her com- monplace book in that year and signed her married name on its first page. around the time of her marriage she wrote a poem, “farewell to morven,” bidding goodbye to her childhood home and attesting to her ongoing ties to her family of origin: tho’ far from all i hold most dear, i go new joys, new friends to find, yet oft shall memory linger here, and dwell on all i’ve left behind. no change of place or change of name, can make my heart one instant stray. book history when mary copied this poem into her commonplace book around , several years into her married life, her childhood home and family were evidently still much on her mind. her commonplace book would also com- fort her after more permanent separations. in december , the stockton family suffered an unexpected loss: the death of mary’s younger brother horatio, an eighteen-year-old midshipman in the united states navy, after an injury received at sea. according to one family history, it was mary who nursed him during his last hours. in the first shock of grief for horatio’s death, mary returned to a poem she had previously copied into her com- monplace book, hugh kelly’s “the mourning mother.” this poem, which appeared in kelly’s posthumous collected works in and was reprinted in several american periodicals, is in the voice of a mother lamenting her daughter’s death. mary had transcribed a longer version of the poem near the beginning of her commonplace book. but a week after horatio died, she selected two non-consecutive stanzas from “the mourning mother” and copied them again, adding (unusually for her) the full date, one week after horatio’s death: pardon just heaven! but where the heart is torn the human drop of bitterness will steal nor can we lose the priveledge to mourn till we have lost the faculty to feel, o make me then all seeing power resign’d, thy awful fiat humbly to receive; and o forgive the weakness of a mind that feels as mortal and as such must grieve dec th mary omitted all the parts of this poem that specify the speaker as a be- reaved mother and the deceased as a young girl. instead, she chose more general lines about loss and heartache, and while she included the poem’s final prayer for resignation, she made sure to include its acknowledgement of “the human drop of bitterness” which cannot be denied. out of a poem about a grieving mother, she selected the lines most applicable to her own situation as a newly bereaved sister. nor was this mary’s only response to her brother’s tragic death. she her- self wrote two elegies for him, which appear in her commonplace book a few pages after the extract from “the mourning mother.” the first poem speaks directly of her sense of unexpected loss: shared reading at a distance horatio, horatio! when last on my veiw [sic], thy vigourous form slowly faded, . . . how far was i then from forboding this storm, nor dreamt, bouy’d with hopes balmy breath my roof shou’d receive thy pale trembling form, and my hand smooth thy pillow of death. like mary’s extract from “the mourning mother”—indeed, like much of the elegiac poetry that mary and her sisters copied—this poem begins by lamenting a death, and moves toward a sense of resignation to the inevitable and hope for the lost loved one’s place in heaven: “thou hast gone to thy fa- ther i do not repine,” the poem concludes, “horatio my brother farewell!” in the second of these two elegies, entitled “the dying sailor,” horatio himself speaks, asking his loved ones not to grieve for his impending death: o weep not for me, tho’ the winter winds piping, a requiem sound o’er my newly made grave, nor more from thy eyelid the salt tear be wiping, i have liv’d with the virtuous and die like the brave. by assuming horatio’s voice, mary offers direct reassurance to herself and to the rest of her family, stepping back from her own grief to imagine hora- tio’s consoling response to it. her poems found an audience in at least one of her sisters. annis stock- ton was still a child when her brother horatio died, but caroline, then in her teens, began her first commonplace book between and . among the first entries, she copied part of “the mourning mother” and, a few pages later, mary’s two elegies for horatio, titling the first one “on the death of a brother.” she would, as we will see, copy all of these poems again when she compiled a second commonplace book as a young married woman. in a tribute that perhaps deliberately paralleled her sister’s elegaic poems, caroline was to name her son horatio seven years later. in , annis stockton followed in her sisters’ footsteps and began as- sembling her own collection of poems. caroline finished her first common- place book around , to judge by the date on one of the final entries. later in the same year, caroline and annis apparently both received match- ing leather-bound albums with their owners’ names stamped on the front. annis’s book also has the year, , stamped on the cover, and caroline’s begins with her signature and the date november , . the gift may book history have been prompted by caroline’s approaching marriage to william rod- man rotch of new bedford, as the first few pages in her album are taken up by an affectionate letter from her father, offering advice and wishing her happiness in her married life. caroline divided her new album into two sections: “fugitive pieces,” in which she transcribed many of the poems from her first commonplace book and then continued to add new ones, and “original,” a section begun at the back of the book. the “original” sequence contains ten poems, including three by annis boudinot stockton and five by mary stockton harrison, plus one attributed to the stockton sis- ters’ cousin john rush and one anonymous poem entitled “lines address’d to mrs caroline s. rotch.” the poems by mary harrison in this second collection again include “the dying sailor” and the first elegy for horatio, this time entitled “on the death of h. stockton who died dec. d .” annis seems to have spent less time on her commonplace book than her sisters did on theirs. all of the dates on her entries fall between and , and she left more than half the pages of her book empty. although annis transcribed fewer poems than her sisters, her collection provides an important piece of evidence about the stockton sisters’ commonplacing practices: she sometimes noted where particular entries were copied, and the place names indicate that the sisters brought their commonplace books when they visited each other. various pages in annis’s commonplace book are headed “n. bedford” or “n.b.,” “princeton,” and “n. york,” reflect- ing both time spent at home and trips to see her married sisters. none of the surviving letters among the stockton sisters seem to indicate that they exchanged poems through the mail; their sharing of favorite poems likely took place in person, as one sister brought out her commonplace book for another to copy from (or into). meanwhile, all was not well with mary’s marriage to william harrison. in , mary took the decisive (though not unprecedented) step of leav- ing her husband and returning to princeton. john pintard, a friend of the stockton family, blamed the failure of the marriage on william harrison, calling him “a bankrupt & a sot” and “incapable of sustaining himself in adversity,” but also hinting that harrison could not match his wife’s intel- lectual and social stature: “mr h. had neither mind nor education . . . in- temperance his resource, to wh he is falling a martyr. mrs h. cd not elevate a man in society, below her rank & attainments, her mortification has long been extreme.” pintard’s description of harrison as having “neither mind nor education” suggests a further incompatibility between him and a wife who evidently devoted time and effort to her literary reading and who was shared reading at a distance admired for her intellect and sophistication. (in an letter to caroline stockton, whom he was soon to marry, william rotch praised mary for “her conversation, . . . strength of mind and uncommon cultivation.” ) the cracks in the harrisons’ marriage may have started appearing years earlier, if two prose aphorisms that mary copied in are any indica- tion: “the land of marriage has this peculiarity; that those who are on the outside wish to get in; and those who are within wish to get out,” and “a wife shou’d submit to her husband but her husband shou’d submit to rea- son.” whether or not these quotations indicate an underlying ambivalence or cynicism about marriage is unclear, but they are suggestive. mary lived at morven for the next ten years, during which time her com- monplacing activity tapered off. her immediate family seems to have sup- ported her after the separation. as she wrote to caroline, “indeed every- body is considerate and affectionate to me and i sh[oul]d be an ingrate if i was not satisfied with such a host of comforters as i have in my beloved sisters alone.” unable to remarry, however, mary must still have led a cir- cumscribed life, and the family circle she relied on for support shrank over the years. after her mother’s death in , mary seems to have moved in with her sister annis and brother-in-law john thomson. annis’s declining health may have been the reason; she died in , at the age of . mary was updating her commonplace book infrequently by that point. but at the top of a page headed “ ,” she copied charles wolfe’s elegiac poem “to mary,” which begins if i had thought thou couldst have died, i might not weep for thee; but i forgot, when by thy side, that thou couldst mortal be. that mary copied this poem in response to annis’s death is clear from her alteration of one line: where wolfe’s poem reads “and now i feel, as well i may / sweet mary, thou art dead!”, mary harrison wrote “sweet nanny thou art dead.” as when mary re-copied the stanzas from “the mourn- ing mother,” her selection of this poem comments directly on the death of a sibling. she must have felt profoundly alone after annis’s death, with her parents gone and her surviving sisters, her “comforters,” married and far away. a diary of mary’s from attests to her lingering grief and sense of isolation: the day after the first anniversary of annis’s death, she wrote “i am alone—no one cares here for me—o for the wings of the dove to fly away & be at rest to fly to thee beloved sister—child—friend!” later book history that year, according to this diary, she relocated to live with her sister and brother-in-law julia and john rhinelander on long island. she remained at their home until at least , when she dedicated her commonplace book to her nephew, and died two years later in . while mary resettled in princeton, caroline, the only stockton sister to have children, was raising her son horatio and daughter mary in new bed- ford; at least one of them carried on the family tradition of commonplac- ing. caroline seems to have added to her commonplace book until at least the early s, given the publication dates of some of the poems in it. she may have read to her children from it; at any rate, her teenage son followed her example. horatio rotch did not put a date on his own commonplace book, but it seems likely that he compiled it at harvard university, which, according to his niece kate hunter dunn, he attended between and . he used the third edition of john todd’s index rerum for his collection. like many users of the index rerum, horatio ignored todd’s instructions for indexing his reading and simply copied entire poems. he signed the front flyleaf “mr. horatio s. rotch, comp.” several pages of notes on the french revolution, a poem about a college prank entitled “harvard. university. college. justice,” and a section headed “proffessor h. w. longfellows. poems” all seem to reflect horatio’s study at harvard. but seven of the poems in horatio’s collection also appear in his mother’s commonplace book, suggesting that he used her collection as a source. the final entries in horatio’s collection are two extracts from thomas babing- ton macaulay’s lays of ancient rome, first published in ; he likely finished his collection around this time, at the age of twenty. horatio rotch’s subsequent life was a short one. he studied medicine at columbia university for several years after leaving harvard, then made several long sea voyages for the sake of his fragile health, though a letter he wrote to his mother from san francisco suggests that he was also hop- ing to find work as a physician in california. disappointed in this hope—“i cannot see any use in remaining,” he wrote, because “[t]here are but few physicians that get much practise” —he returned home to new bedford, where by june of he was gravely ill. captain charles w. morgan of new bedford made several entries in his diary mentioning horatio’s illness, his “constitution . . . all broken down by excessive drinking in california from whence he lately returned,” and his death and funeral in new bed- ford. his loss was a severe blow to caroline rotch; it must have reminded her of the death of the other horatio, her brother, thirty-five years before. “i saw aunt caroline a few days ago,” one of her nephews wrote to his sister shared reading at a distance several months after horatio died. “she looks altered and seems very sad indeed. she talked about horatio.” caroline herself did not outlive her son by many years; she died in . by the time mary stockton harrison died ten years later, she had outlived all three of her sisters. shared poems in the stockton commonplace books the most striking feature of the stockton sisters’ commonplace books is the large number of poems they copied from each other. their commonplace books all testify to a family network that their marriages did not sever, a network that the activity of commonplacing helped them maintain. twenty- eight of the same poems or plays are quoted in all three sisters’ common- place books. mary’s and caroline’s collections share an additional po- ems, caroline’s and annis’s share an additional , and annis’s and mary’s share an additional . if we include horatio rotch’s commonplace book, the total number of poems shared by at least two members of the family comes to . over half of the quotations in annis’s and caroline’s com- monplace books ( % and % respectively, counting both of caroline’s collections) are from poems also copied by at least one other family member. in mary’s collection, the most extensive and the first begun, % of the nearly three hundred identifiable quotations are from the shared poems. mary’s commonplace book contains all but twenty of the shared poems, suggesting that her sisters each copied their extracts from her. the fact that she lived in new york, between annis’s home in princeton and caroline’s home in new bedford, possibly accounts for the fact that annis’s and caro- line’s collections have fewer extracts in common with each other than they do with mary’s commonplace book. what led the sisters to select the poems they did? not all of the poems in the “core” group shared by all of the sisters are similar in tone, style, or content. however, examining this group of poems together reveals several recurring themes, most notably the need to cope with loss and the strong bonds between family members. a strong elegaic current runs through this cluster of poems, from an extract from byron’s “english bards and scotch reviewers” describing the death of the poet henry kirke white (several of whose poems also appear in mary’s and annis’s commonplace books) to james montgomery’s elegy for the stillborn child of england’s princess charlotte, robert southey’s elegy “the dead friend,” and amelia opie’s “the mourner” and hugh kelly’s “the mourning mother,” which both book history portray grief-stricken women. the parent-child bond, and the mother- daughter bond in particular, also surfaces as a prominent theme in the core group of poems. it appears not only in “the mourning mother,” but also in mary mitford’s “the voice of praise,” which eulogizes a mother’s “voice of magic power”; an anonymous poem called “the babe,” in which a mother rescues her child from a near fall from a cliff; and a poem about filial piety called “lines to a daughter (who devoted herself wholly to the care of a sick mother),” accompanied by an excerpt from pope’s “epistle to dr. arbuth- not,” which declares pope’s resolution to “rock the cradle of reposing age, / with lenient arts extend a mother’s breath.” the sisters’ favorite poems celebrate the strength of family ties and offer models for coping with the inevitable feelings of loss when these ties are severed by death. perhaps the stockton sisters were drawn to these poems in particular after the tragic loss of their brother, or perhaps they were also reflecting on their separation from their parents’ home after their marriages. but the poems embody family ties in more than a thematic way. as i have already noted, mary and caroline both collected clusters of poems by or about members of the family, including several poems by their grand- mother, annis boudinot stockton. mary, who was eleven years old when annis boudinot stockton died in , would have been the only one of the stockton sisters old enough to know her literary grandmother. her memory may well have encouraged her oldest granddaughter to write poetry herself. at least one of mary’s poems (“a farewell to morven”) appeared in print during her lifetime. in another poem appearing in both mary’s and caro- line’s collections, “to robert f. stockton on his departure for the coast of africa,” mary wishes her brother robert (later a commodore in the united states navy) a safe passage on a sea voyage he undertook in . another “family” poem, written not by but about a member of the stock- ton family, is “the bald eagle and the whip-poor-will,” one of the few poems copied by all three sisters and horatio rotch. this poem appears in mary’s commonplace book with the title “impromtu. written in the gallery of the house of representatives during mr richard stocktons reply to mr charles ingersol’s satirical speech.” this incident took place in congress in ; a transcription of the poem can be found in an article on rich- ard stockton from the northern monthly magazine in , but the sisters must have had access to the poem much earlier. “the bald eagle and the whip-poor-will” allegorizes richard stockton as “a bold bald eagle” and his oratorical opponent as a mocking and “irksome” “whip-poor-will.” in the poem, stockton’s speech in congress becomes the eagle’s lethal attack on the smaller, less worthy bird. all three stockton sisters included this hu- shared reading at a distance morous mock-heroic portrait of their father in their collections of extracts; like mary’s “farewell to morven,” it must have been a reminder of the home they had left behind. the order and dating of the poems in these commonplace books casts a further light on the sisters’ reading habits, showing when and where they copied each other’s selections as well as which selections they shared. al- though not all of the stockton sisters dated their entries consistently, se- quences of transcription can still be determined. it appears that mary estab- lished some of the family favorites first, between and . caroline then copied some of these poems into her first commonplace book, subse- quently transcribing them into the second commonplace book that accom- panied her to new bedford, which begins with a series of poems that also appear in her earlier book. toward the middle of caroline’s second book are thirty poems that also appear in mary’s book but not in caroline’s first collection. many, though not all, of these poems appear in mary’s com- monplace book between and the early s, at around the same time annis was also copying poems. the period from through seems to have been a time when all three sisters were compiling their collections simultaneously. occasionally we can guess which sister copied a poem first. the poem en- titled “lines to a daughter (who devoted herself wholly to the care of a sick mother)” appears in mary’s commonplace book in a section dated ; in annis’s commonplace book around the same time; and in caroline’s new bedford commonplace book. the first part, which begins “thine is the fate of many a lonely flower, / that wastes on deserts wild its youth- ful bloom,” is an adaptation of a poem that appeared anonymously in a short-lived miscellany magazine called the omnium gatherum, published in charleston in . the second part is adapted from alexander pope’s “epistle to dr. arbuthnot.” in the omnium gatherum’s printing of this poem, the quotation from pope appears immediately after it, prefaced by a note indicating that the first poem is a translation from a now-lost french poem. the lines from pope follow. annis stockton and caroline stockton rotch transcribed the two extracts as a single poem; mary harrison tran- scribed them as two sections, separated by a horizontal line. it is impossible to establish exactly when these extracts were copied in each commonplace book, but it seems likely that mary copied the two extracts together first, and her sisters, in re-copying them, assumed they were continuous. in a few cases, we can use the sisters’ transcription patterns to recon- struct where they were when they copied from each other. from the dates and place names in annis’s book, we can see that several of the poems and book history extracts that she shared only with mary were copied in new york in april . by september of the same year annis was in new bedford, copying at least one of the poems she shared only with caroline. a month later, both mary and annis seem to have been visiting caroline. a poem written by mary appears in caroline’s commonplace book, dated “oct. , ,” and annis copied a series of prose extracts from mary’s commonplace book into her own during the same month. the october dates in annis’s and caroline’s commonplace books for poems evidently transcribed from mary’s collection suggest that all three sisters were in the same place at the same time, reading the poems that the others had selected and picking out the ones they wanted to preserve for themselves. at least a few poems seem to have been copied by one sister into another’s collection; the transcript of “the bald eagle and the whip-poor-will” in mary’s commonplace book, for example, appears to be in caroline’s hand. for all three of the sisters, then, in-person visits formed a significant part of their commonplacing prac- tices. horatio rotch’s collection offers a chance to see how the family’s favorite poems were transmitted to another generation. his index rerum contains seven “family” poems: the anonymous “the bald eagle and the whip-poor- will,” “the outlaw,” and “a tale”; thomas moore’s “to sigh, yet feel no pain” (evidently a favorite with his mother, as it appears three times in her two commonplace books); george canning’s “inscription for the tomb erected to the memory of the marquis of anglesea’s leg”; edward ev- erett’s “alaric, the visigoth”; nathaniel parker willis’s “on a picture of children playing”; and edward coote pinkney’s “a health.” the latter three poems and “the outlaw” appear only in horatio’s and his mother caroline’s collections. horatio appears to have had a pronounced taste for lighter poetry, favoring the humorous poems of contemporary poets like oliver wendell holmes and thomas hood and selecting comic poems like “a tale” and canning’s “inscription for the tomb” from his mother’s col- lection. but he also made sure to include the “bald eagle” poem about his grandfather. there is no internal evidence that horatio copied from any family commonplace book other than his mother’s; if he was at harvard when he compiled it, he may have consulted caroline’s book during visits home to new bedford. the most frequently occurring poets in each commonplace book can give us an idea of the shared and diverging literary tastes of the family. lord byron, thomas moore, and william shakespeare are the poets most fre- quently quoted by all three sisters; moore is quoted a total of times across all three sisters’ collections, byron times, and shakespeare shared reading at a distance times. sir walter scott was also clearly a favorite, to judge by the extracts from rokeby that appear in all of the commonplace books, the extracts from “the lay of the last minstrel” in mary’s and annis’s books, and the sequence of extracts from the lady of the lake in annis’s collection. the core poems look backward to the poets of the eighteenth century (pope, cowper, montgomery) as well as forward to the romanticism that was becoming established in america. annis and mary transcribed nearly all of the family’s extracts from shakespeare’s plays (a taste which caroline did not seem to share, aside from a lone quotation from measure for measure in her first collection). both of them also mined alexander pope’s “an essay on man” for quotable passages. in many ways, the stockton sisters’ commonplacing habits are in line with their contemporaries, both british and american. many others shared their fondness for byron and moore, who are by far the most frequently quoted identifiable poets in my sample of commonplace books: half of the collections i have examined contain poems by byron, and an even great- er number ( ) contain poems by moore. nearly every commonplace book in my sample from the first half of the nineteenth century contains at least a poem or two by one or both of these poets. the stockton sisters’ fellow american commonplacers also frequently transcribed shakespeare, scott, and burns. in addition, the sisters selected well-known poems of their day by less prominent poets. caroline and mary, for example, both selected charles wolfe’s “the burial of sir john moore at corunna,” whose popu- larity as a recitation piece catherine robson has traced and which william st clair has found in a large number of british commonplace books. in his study of british commonplace books from the same period, david allan finds that compilers showed a predilection for short quotations from shake- speare and pope, much as mary and annis stockton did; he also notes the rapid rise of byron as a favorite poet for commonplacers. finally, in horatio rotch’s commonplace book, a younger and more pre- dominantly american set of poets appears: oliver wendell holmes (nine poems), henry wadsworth longfellow (seven), nathaniel parker willis (five), william cullen bryant (four), and hartley coleridge and john green- leaf whittier (three each). with the exception of coleridge, all of horatio’s favorite poets are americans, and several are from the so-called “fireside” or “schoolroom” group of new england poets that included longfellow, holmes, whittier, and james russell lowell. moore and byron each appear twice in horatio’s book, and cowper once. while his mother and aunts favored a very british canon, heavy on poets of the eighteenth century and the early romantic era (with shakespeare as the one repeatedly quoted poet book history from before the eighteenth century), a majority of the identifiable poets horatio transcribed were born in or later, and most of the poems were published after . twenty-nine of the identifiable poets in hora- tio’s book are american, as opposed to only eleven english or irish poets. (an additional three poets are of unknown nationality.) in horatio’s com- monplace book we can see, in one generation, the emergence of a cohort of american poets, and specifically a new england cohort of poets. horatio’s interest in american poets marks a shift in the family “canon.” even in mary’s commonplace book, to which she continued to add poems off and on for decades, only a handful of american poets appear, and poets born after make up less than a third of the total. the older generation of the stockton family doubtless favored british poets in part because of the smaller number of american poets active during the s and s and the prevalence of british literature in the american book market during this period. but their preference may also be due to already-established family literary tastes; annis boudinot stockton’s fondness for the british poets of her own time may well have affected her granddaughters’ choices of poetry for their own collections. of the three stockton sisters, caroline included the largest number of american poets ( between her two commonplace books), suggesting a degree of continuity between her taste and her son’s, or their shared access to the same sources. what emerges from the evidence of the stocktons’ reading habits is a portrait of a family of readers who read the most popular poets of their day—byron, moore, and scott in the s, longfellow and his fellow new england poets in the s—but who were also deeply aware of what their relatives were reading (and, in a few instances, writing). they participated with varying degrees of enthusiasm in the popular activity of commonplac- ing, but each of them used his or her book of extracts as a space to preserve and renew the family connections that bound them together. for mary in particular, and probably for her sisters as well, collecting poems associated with the family and poems about loss and grief also provided consolation in the face of the inevitable deaths of family members. sources of the poems the stockton commonplace books can also help us see where antebellum american readers were likely to encounter poetry in print. in addition to copying from each other’s collections, the members of the stockton family shared reading at a distance probably gathered extracts from a variety of printed sources. all three of the sisters tended to provide attributions to poets, and sometimes to a source. british periodicals—available to american audiences via reprints, whether piecemeal in “eclectic” magazines or reprinted in their entirety —appear to have provided the sisters with numerous poems for their collections. at- tributions to “blackwood[’s] mag[azine]” (or “black w mag,” or “b w mag”) appear after a number of poems in mary’s and annis’s common- place books, and a few extracts are also attributed to “edinburg r[eview]” or “edin review.” mary also gives “portfolio,” “the aberdeen journal,” “quarterly review,” “monthly mag,” “the hudson northern whig,” and “mo. rev.” as sources. of these, the port folio (a philadelphia magazine published from to ) and the northern whig (a newspaper pub- lished in hudson, new york between and ) appear to be the only american publications. “monthly mag” apparently refers to the new monthly magazine, the source of a prose quotation that appears in mary’s collection around ; “mo. rev.” is the monthly review or literary journal, from which mary quoted a sentence from a review that appeared in september . mary may have drawn more extensively on the port fo- lio than her occasional references to it indicate. over thirty of the poems in her commonplace book appeared in the port folio between and , including the extract from byron’s english bards and scotch reviewers. horatio rotch seems to have drawn on periodicals to a much lesser degree: one poem in his collection is attributed to the “new-haven advertiser,” which may have been the new haven journal and religious intelligencer. this appears to be the only poem he identifiably copied from a periodical. not all of the quotations in the stocktons’ collections may have actually been copied from the sources they indicate as meredith mcgill has shown, the antebellum american literary marketplace was marked by a “culture of reprinting” in which poetry and fiction were frequently excerpted and reprinted in the periodical press, often without authorization or attribu- tion, or only with attribution to another periodical. book reviews, which frequently included lengthy quotations, formed another channel for the re- circulation of extracts from longer works by allowing readers to transcribe passages pre-selected by the reviewer. poems that circulated in this way, through the poetry pages or book reviews of newspapers and magazines, could also turn up in the pages of commonplace books and, later, scrap- books. an attribution to a particular periodical in a commonplace book can indicate that the compiler transcribed it directly from that periodical, but it can also indicate that she transcribed it from a reprint with an attribu- tion to that periodical. book history occasionally, we can trace quotations in the stockton commonplace books to a particular printed book. the series of extracts that mary tran- scribed from frances arabella rowden’s a poetical introduction to the study of botany around begin with the heading “description of the jasmine from rowdens botany,” suggesting that she transcribed these po- ems from a copy of the book; in , she labeled two extracts “warings travels in switzerland,” referring to samuel miller waring’s the trav- eller’s fire-side: a series of papers on switzerland, the alps, &c. a genera- tion later, horatio rotch relied heavily on a single anthology to fill the pages of his own commonplace book. thirty-two of the poems that he copied appear in the second and third volumes of samuel kettell’s anthology speci- mens of american poetry: with critical and biographical notices ( ). he misattributed one poem, “anne bullen” by rufus dawes, ascribing its authorship to richard p. smith—a mistake that becomes understandable when one realizes that this poem appears in the third volume of kettell’s anthology on a page with smith’s name in a running title. this was not the only book of poems horatio seems to have consulted: a cluster of poems by henry wadsworth longfellow near the beginning of horatio’s collection begins with “extracts from the voices of the night,” likely transcribed from longfellow’s collection voices of the night. each member of the stockton family, then, drew on his or her own set of sources for the poems that he or she did not copy from other family members. mary and annis seem to have relied most heavily on periodicals, and horatio on kettell’s specimens of american poetry. (caroline may also have had access to this anthology, since one of the poems that she and hora- tio both copied, edward coote pinckney’s “a health,” appears in it, as do four or five other poems that she copied.) each family member intermin- gled individual selections with shared family favorites, producing distinct but strongly connected collections. horatio’s index rerum, a generation removed from his mother and aunts’ commonplace books, has the smallest number of poems in common with them, but still clearly shows that he read and drew on his mother’s collection. while he did not transcribe any of the poems written by his aunt mary or his great-grandmother annis boudinot stockton, his preservation of “the bald eagle and the whip-poor-will” demonstrates that the poems in the family collections could still communi- cate a sense of familial identity and history. shared reading at a distance conclusion neither mary stockton harrison nor annis stockton thomson left behind children, as caroline did. but both of their commonplace books remained in family hands. mary, as i have noted, left hers to her nephew, while annis’s commonplace book bears the bookplate of her great-nephew bayard stock- ton. the fact that mary kept her collection of extracts for so many years and considered it a “token of [her] affection” suggests how important these poems were important to her, and perhaps to her nephew as well. later generations of stocktons would not have needed these commonplace books in order to read the poems of byron, moore, and scott, which were still in print in the s and s. but the more ephemeral pieces culled from periodicals and, more importantly, the collection of poems by and about the stockton family, would have been much harder to come by. the gift of a mother’s or an aunt’s cherished collection of poems ensured that the next generation could still read the family’s literary legacy, and that they could retain something of the personality of the women who compiled it. as legacies of a family’s past, these commonplace books, like many others, can be read in the context of the nineteenth-century culture of literary senti- mentality. if the sentimental can be defined as the mode in which emotions are expressed in conventionalized language, in which memorial keepsakes circulate, and in which bonds between people are paramount, then the com- monplace book exemplifies this mode. it recirculates familiar poems, many on themes of love and death; it preserves evidence of close ties of kinship and friendship; and it communicates feeling from one reader to another. schol- ars have sometimes framed nineteenth-century albums and commonplace books as sentimental texts whose primary concern is memorializing the past and preserving mementoes of sundered relationships. thus catherine kelly, examining young new england women’s friendship albums from the ante- bellum period, argues that the friendships commemorated in these volumes rarely survived the separations caused by the end of formal schooling and the beginning of married life. albums and commonplace books, according to this account, preserved evidence of relationships that were ending. in a similar vein, mary louise kete invokes “the three signal concerns of the sen- timental mode . . . lost homes, lost families, and broken bonds,” to explain the mourning poems in a commonplace book from the s and s, which she describes as “driven by the need to address loss.” the stockton family clearly viewed commonplace books and the poems in them as vehicles for strong emotions, including loss and grief. we can see this tendency in mary’s appropriation of poems to express her sorrow at book history the deaths of her siblings; in the elegies she wrote herself; and in caroline’s preservation of these poems. we can also see it in a letter from robert field stockton to his sister caroline shortly before her departure for her new married life: a conviction of the want of ability to ornament it by beautiful and romantick expressions of thought—and not the want of an earnest desire—has prevented your brother robert from asking one soli- tary page in your album—though his proffessional pursuits has lost to him the opportunity of that cultivation of mind which ren- ders the expression of our feelings so easy and agreeable, yet they have not destroyed his heart nor blunted his affection. robert stockton’s concern here is with his ability to summon the “beauti- ful and romantick” figurative language that caroline expected for her “al- bum.” but, he insists, the feelings are there, even if he lacks the “cultivation of mind” to express them. his disclaimer both teases at and underscores his sister’s belief in poetry as a conduit for emotion. however, although sentimentality helps to explain the stockton family’s commonplacing practices, this is not the whole story. many of the stockton sisters’ favorite poems foreground the sentimental topoi of lost love and mournful memory. and yet, as we have seen, these collections do more than preserve evidence of sundered relationships, or dwell on the losses the fami- ly suffered. they were, at least during the s, living documents that grew as the sisters read independently and then visited each other and shared their readings. despite their separate households, the stockton sisters’ shared sets of favorite poems helped to bridge the physical distances between them, re- minding them of previous time spent together and reuniting them when they visited each other. for the stockton sisters, commonplacing was a shared activity that continued well into their lives as married women living at a distance from each other. in an unusually philosophical letter to caroline in november , less than six months before she left her husband, mary stockton harrison re- flected on the human tendency toward unfulfilled desire: in every heart there is a secret spring of bitterness wh. flows some- times too deep for mortal sight—but is no less surely there—and i often think woud i change lots with such and such a person with much apparant happiness? and always come to the determination, not without i knew where their secret sorrows have their source . . . shared reading at a distance perhaps mary harrison was referring to her own “secret sorrows,” or per- haps she was consciously or unconsciously echoing some of the poems she transcribed around the same time, including an extract from chauncy hare townshend’s “the lonely heart” beginning with the stanza “ah, little deems the blind, dull crowd, / when gazing on a tranquil brow, / what thoughts and feelings unavow’d, / what fiery passions lurk below!” perhaps she was also thinking of the lines from “the mourning mother” that came into her mind after her brother’s death, about the “human drop of bitter- ness” that steals into the grieving heart. she concluded her letter by drawing an explicit parallel between her sudden shift into seriousness and her own life: so with this composing sentiment i close my letter wh. i think is something like my life—to first sight flippant, gay and rather pert— but the farther you investigate or read—the more grave you think it—and when you sum the whole up—know not—whether it be gay or grave or whether you shou’d laugh or cry her commonplace book, like her letter, reflected the blend of laughter and tears that she saw in her own experiences. light verse and popular love lyrics mingled with didactic poetry, somber elegy, and “composing sentiment[s],” some of which mary herself had written. a young woman’s seemingly inconsequential pastime (“to first sight flippant, gay and rather pert”) could contain a whole life, with its joys and sorrows and its network of relationships. the act of shared reading helped to enmesh these family members in each other’s lives. as i have mentioned, it is difficult to find surviving instances of shared commonplacing as extensive as these. but the stockton sisters could not have been the only nineteenth-century american family who selected extracts to- gether in a group, or copied poems that their relatives liked, or passed their commonplace books back and forth during visits. the traces of their read- ing habits can help us understand more about the uses of commonplacing in a family context. they can also help us see families’ domestic reading as an activity that extended far beyond the confines of a single household, to en- compass family members who lived long distances from each other but who still managed to make a habit of reading together. american commonplace books from this period form a large, rich, diverse archive of evidence for the history of literary reception and everyday reading, one that deserves further study. any number of social networks may be brought to light when we start examining the relationships that underlie their lovingly copied pages. book history appendix a: poems transcribed by three or more members of the stockton family author poem title transcribed by brooke, arthur ballad stanzas (when pain and hatred msh, csr, as hemmed me round) byron, george don juan msh, as, hsr gordon, lord byron, george english bards and scotch reviewers msh, csr, as gordon, lord byron, george the corsair msh, csr, as gordon, lord canning, george epitaph on the tombstone erected msh, csr, as, over the marquis of anglesey’s leg hsr dallas, alexander song (toll not the bell of death for me) msh, csr, as robert gamage, c.g. the grave of the year msh, csr, as goldsmith, oliver song (o memory! thou fond deceiver) msh, csr, as horne, george on david garrick’s funeral procession msh, csr, as kelly, hugh the mourning mother msh, csr, as knowles, herbert lines written in the churchyard of msh, csr, as richmond, yorkshire mitford, mary russell the voice of praise msh, csr, as moir, david macbeth the maniac’s plaint msh, csr, as montgomery, james on the royal infant msh, csr, as moore, thomas lines on the death of sheridan msh, csr, as moore, thomas to sigh, yet feel no pain msh, csr, hsr more, hannah sensibility: an epistle to the msh, csr, as honourable mrs. boscawen opie, amelia the mourner msh, csr, as pope, alexander epistle to dr. arbuthnot msh, csr, as scott, sir walter rokeby msh, csr, as shakespeare, william measure for measure msh, csr, as southey, robert the dead friend msh, csr, as spencer, william robert the emigrant’s grave msh, csr, as shared reading at a distance taylor, jane the philosopher’s scales msh, csr, as unknown a tale msh, csr, as, hsr unknown in memory of lydia miller msh, csr, as unknown lines to a daughter, who devoted msh, csr, as herself wholly to the care of a sick and aged mother unknown the babe msh, csr, as unknown the bald eagle and the whip-poor-will msh, csr, as, hsr unknown the offspring of mercy msh, csr, as appendix a, continued author poem title transcribed by appendix b: a partial stockton family tree, showing persons mentioned in this article book history notes i would like to thank the following people for their help with and comments on this article: the librarians and curators at the john hay library at brown university, the princeton university library department of rare books and special collections, the newport historical society, and the historical society of princeton; jenny furlong, diana greene, susanmarie harrington, jessica mcgivney, paige morgan, karla nielsen, nina pratt, rachel shaw, and jill smith; and two anonymous reviewers for book history. . the five surviving commonplace books from this family are the following: mary s. harrison, “commonplace book of poetry,” , bound manuscripts collection, first series, – (co , no. ) manuscripts division, department of rare books and special collections, princeton university library; annis stockton, “‘annis stockton, ’ (cover ti- tle), bound volume,” - , stockton family papers, manuscripts division, department of rare books and special collections, princeton university library; caroline stockton, “com- monplace book,” undated, bound manuscripts collection, first series, – (co , no. ) manuscripts division, department of rare books and special collections, princeton university library; caroline stockton rotch, “commonplace book, [ca. – ],” , hay manuscripts, brown university library; horatio rotch, “index rerum: or, index of sub- jects; intended as a manual to aid the student and the professional man,” n.d., hay manu- scripts, brown university library. . on communal reading in nineteenth-century american homes, see ronald zboray and mary zboray, everyday ideas: socioliterary experience among antebellum new england- ers (knoxville: university of tennessee press, ), – , – . for a later example, see edward mortimer chapman, new england village life (ann arbor: gryphon books, ). chapman’s memoir of growing up in a connecticut village in the later nineteenth century includes an account of his father’s reading out loud to the family: “[reading] was one of this farmer’s chief avocations in the longer evenings and on occasional stormy afternoons. . . . he could be heard for hours on end without weariness” ( ). . on the history of commonplace books up to and during the early modern period, see ann moss, printed commonplace-books and the structuring of renaissance thought (oxford and new york: oxford university press, ); joan lechner, renaissance concepts of the commonplaces (new york: pageant press, ); earle havens, commonplace books: a his- tory of manuscripts and printed books from antiquity to the twentieth century (new haven: beinecke rare book and manuscript library, ); peter beal, “notions in garrison: the seventeenth-century commonplace book,” in new ways of looking at old texts: papers of the renaissance english text society, – , ed. w. speed hill (binghamton, ny: renais- sance english text society, ), – . studies of commonplace books in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries include lucia dacome, “noting the mind: commonplace books and the pursuit of the self in eighteenth-century britain,” journal of the history of ideas , no. ( ): – ; david allan, commonplace books and reading in georgian england (new york: cambridge university press, ). on commonplace books in early america, see ken- neth a. lockridge, on the sources of patriarchal rage: the commonplace books of william byrd and thomas jefferson and the gendering of power in the eighteenth century (new york: new york university press, ); susan miller, assuming the positions: cultural pedagogy and the politics of commonplace writing (pittsburgh: university of pittsburgh press, ); meredith l. mcgill, “common places: poetry, illocality, and temporal dislocation in tho- reau’s a week on the concord and merrimack rivers,” american literary history , no. (summer ): – ; beth ann rothermel, “prophets, friends, conversationalists: quaker rhetorical culture, women’s commonplace books, and the art of invention, – ,” rhetoric society quarterly , no. ( ): – . shared reading at a distance . for an example of a particularly massive commonplace book compiled by a lawyer in early modern england, see william sherman, used books: marking readers in renaissance england (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), – . . arthur f. marotti, manuscript, print, and the english renaissance lyric (ithaca and london: cornell university press, ), . . on locke’s method and its subsequent popularity, see dacome, “noting the mind”; havens, commonplace books, – . . william st clair, the reading nation in the romantic period (cambridge, england, and new york: cambridge university press, ), . . adam smyth, “commonplace book culture: a list of sixteen traits,” in women and writing, c. –c. : the domestication of print culture, ed. anne lawrence-mathers and phillipa hardman (woodbridge, england: york medieval press, ), – , , . . stephen colclough, consuming texts: readers and reading communities, – (basingstoke: palgrave macmillan, ), . for a discussion of the looseness of the term “commonplace book” during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, see allan, commonplace books and reading, – . . david d. hall, “readers and writers in early new england,” in the colonial book in the atlantic world, ed. hugh amory and david d. hall, a history of the book in america (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), . . see matthew brown, the pilgrim and the bee: reading rituals and book culture in early new england (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), – ; patrick m. erben, “‘honey-combs’ and ‘paper-hives’: positioning francis daniel pastorius’s manuscript writings in early pennsylvania,” early american literature , no. ( ): – ; lock- ridge, on the sources of patriarchal rage, – . . see, for example, alison m. scott, “‘the cultivated mind’: reading and identity in a nineteenth-century reader,” in reading acts: us readers’ interaction with literature, – , ed. barbara ryan and amy m. thomas (knoxville: university of tennessee press, ), . . on the role of commonplace books in early american education, see william j. gilm- ore, reading becomes a necessity of life : material and cultural life in rural new england, – (knoxville: university of tennessee press, ), . for the use of commonplace books by students in colonial new england, see samuel morison, the intellectual life of co- lonial new england (ithaca: great seal books, ), – . . enos hitchcock, memoirs of the bloomsgrove family. in a series of letters to a respectable citizen of philadelphia. containing sentiments on a mode of domestic educa- tion, suited to the present state of society, government, and manners, in the united states of america: and on the dignity and importance of the female character. interspersed with a variety of interesting anecdotes, early american imprints, series (boston: thomas and andrews, ), vol. , . . john todd, the daughter at school, th ed. (northampton, mass., ), , http:// hdl.handle.net/ /hvd. . i will discuss todd’s index rerum volume in more detail below. . john todd, index rerum, or, index of subjects: intended as a manual, to aid the student and the professional man, in preparing himself for usefulness, with an introduction, illustrating its utility and method, th ed. (northampton: j.h. butler, ), . . todd, the daughter at school, , . . lydia howard sigourney, letters to young ladies, by a lady (hartford, conn.: p. canfield, ), , http://hdl.handle.net/ /wu. ; selections from various sources, st ed. (worcester, mass.: john h. turner, ), preface (n.p.), http://hdl.handle. net/ /wu. . book history . scholarship on the history of the friendship album includes w. k. mcneil, “from advice to laments: new york autograph album verse: – ,” new york folklore quarterly , no. (june ): – ; w. k. mcneil, “from advice to laments once again: new york autograph album verse: – ,” new york folklore quarterly , no. (june ): – ; anya jabour, “albums of affection: female friendship and coming of age in antebellum virginia,” the virginia magazine of history and biography , no. ( ): – ; todd s. gernes, “recasting the culture of ephemera,” in popular literacy: studies in cultural practices and poetics, ed. john trimbur (pittsburgh: university of pitts- burgh press, ), – ; erica r. armstrong, “a mental and moral feast: reading, writ- ing, and sentimentality in black philadelphia,” journal of women’s history , no. ( ): – . . for a history of the nineteenth-century american scrapbook, see ellen gruber garvey, writing with scissors: american scrapbooks from the civil war to the harlem renaissance (oxford and new york: oxford university press, ). on the tendency of commonplace books, scrapbooks, and diaries to merge into each other, see ronald zboray and mary sara- cino zboray, “is it a diary, commonplace book, scrapbook, or whatchamacallit? six years of exploration in new england’s manuscript archives,” libraries & the cultural record , no. ( ): – . . moss, printed commonplace-books and the structuring of renaissance thought, – . . for the commonplace book as self-fashioning, see, for example, lockridge, on the sources of patriarchal rage, ; mark r. m towsey, reading the scottish enlightenment: books and their readers in provincial scotland, – (leiden, the netherlands; boston: brill, ), . . thomas koenigs, “the commonplace walden,” esq: a journal of the american renaissance , no. ( ): – . . colclough, consuming texts, – . . annis boudinot stockton’s poems and an account of her life may be found in annis boudinot stockton, only for the eye of a friend: the poems of annis boudinot stockton, ed. carla mulford (charlottesville: university press of virginia, ). . on the literary circle that included annis boudinot stockton (a circle which included several women who kept commonplace books), see susan stabile, memory’s daughters: the material culture of remembrance in eighteenth-century america (ithaca: cornell university press, ), – , – . . milcah martha moore, milcah martha moore’s book: a commonplace book from revolutionary america, ed. catherine l blecki and karin a wulf (university park, pa: penn- sylvania state university press, ), , , . on moore’s use of the commonplace book format, see catherine blecki’s introduction to this volume, – . . constance m. greiff and wanda s. gunning, morven: memory, myth & reality (princeton: historic morven, inc., ), , – . . harrison, “commonplace book of poetry.” . alfred hoyt bill and constance m. greiff, a house called morven: its role in ameri- can history (princeton: princeton university press, ), . . harrison, “commonplace book of poetry.” . caroline stockton, “commonplace book, undated.” this commonplace book, now in the princeton university library, is undated, but the presence of mary’s elegies for horatio in its opening pages suggest a start date of no earlier than the end of , while an extract dated “february rd ” appears near the end of the poem sequence. the – date range implies that caroline compiled this commonplace book first, then copied some of its contents into her later album dated , and took the latter with her when she moved to new bedford. shared reading at a distance . stockton, “‘annis stockton, ’ (cover title), bound volume”; rotch, “common- place book, [ca. – ].” . stockton, “‘annis stockton, ’ (cover title), bound volume.” . on the commonness of marital separation in nineteenth-century america, see hendrik hartog, man and wife in america : a history (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ), – . hartog suggests that separation was considered a morally acceptable option for wives of alcoholic husbands ( ). . john pintard, letters from john pintard to his daughter, eliza noel pintard david- son, – , ed. dorothy c. barck (new york: new-york historical society, ), v. , . . william r. rotch, “letter from william rodman rotch to caroline stockton,” march , , vault a, box , folder , newport historical society. . the source for these quotations was a short-lived south carolina periodical called the omnium gatherum (the omnium gatherum, n. [ ], ). the stockton sisters also transcribed a poem entitled “lines to a daughter,” discussed below, from the same source. on the omnium gatherum’s brief history, see sam g. riley, magazines of the american south (new york: greenwood press, ), – . . mary stockton harrison, “letter from mary stockton harrison to caroline stockton rotch,” june , , vault a, box , folder , newport historical society. . harrison, “commonplace book of poetry.” . mary stockton harrison, “diary of mary stockton harrison, ,” , march , stockton family papers ms , box , folder , historical society of princeton. . kate hunter dunn, “transcript of letter to the harvard alumni association,” march , , vault a, box , folder , newport historical society. . rotch, “index rerum.” . john mcvey, “john todd | index rerum,” jmcvey.net, sections – , accessed july , , http://www.jmcvey.net/rerum/essay.htm. . henry wadsworth longfellow held the smith professorship of modern languages at harvard beginning in . whether or not horatio rotch studied with him is unclear. . dunn, “transcript of letter to the harvard alumni association.” . horatio rotch, “letter from horatio rotch to caroline stockton rotch,” july , , vault a, box , folder , newport historical society. . charles w. morgan, “diary, feb - jun ” (new bedford, ma, ), , , , charles w. morgan collection, g. w. blunt white library, mystic seaport, http:// library.mysticseaport.org/manuscripts/cvolimage.cfm?bibid= &volume= . . william j. rotch, “transcript of letter from william j. rotch to joanna rotch,” september , , vault a, box , folder , newport historical society. . a fourth stockton sister, julia, was born in and married dr. john rhinelander of new york (bill and greiff, a house called morven, ). i have only located one commonplace book belonging to her (julia stockton rhinelander, “commonplace book of julia stockton rhinelander,” n.d., stockton family papers ms , box , folder , historical society of princeton). it contains primarily jokes, riddles, and short humorous verses. four epigrams from mary’s collection also appear in julia’s commonplace book; otherwise, julia seems not to have shared her sisters’ fondness for the family’s favorite poems. . this calculation includes quotations from longer works, such as pope’s an essay on man, byron’s the corsair and don juan, and shakespeare’s plays, from which the sisters did not always cull the same passages. even when non-shared passages from these longer works are removed from the count, shared poems still account for % of mary’s quotations, % of annis’s, and % of caroline’s. . “a farewell to morven” appeared in at least two periodicals in april , the ariel and the washington whig. (“farewell to morven,” the washington whig, april , ; “farewell to morven,” the ariel: a literary gazette, april , .) book history . harrison, “commonplace book of poetry”; rotch, “commonplace book, [ca. – ]”; greiff and gunning, morven, ; bill and greiff, a house called morven, – . . harrison, “commonplace book of poetry.” . “richard stockton,” northern monthly magazine, september , . . harrison, “commonplace book of poetry”; stockton, “‘annis stockton, ’ (cover title), bound volume”; rotch, “commonplace book, [ca. – ].” . “lines to a daughter, who devoted herself wholly to the care of a sick and aged mother (imitated from the french),” the omnium gatherum, , – . . this poem appears in caroline’s new bedford commonplace book in a different hand, which bears a strong resemblance to one of the hands that appear in mary’s collection. . rotch, “index rerum.” . each of the family members transcribed numerous poems whose authorship is anony- mous or unknown ( in mary’s book, in annis’s, and in caroline’s two collections, and in horatio’s). . catherine robson, heart beats: everyday life and the memorized poem (princeton: princeton university press, ), – ; st clair, the reading nation in the romantic period, – ; allan, commonplace books and reading, – . . allan, commonplace books and reading, – , – , – . for byron’s popularity in the united states during the s and s, see william ellery leonard, byron and byronism in america (new york: gordian press, ), – . . on the predominance of british texts in the american book market from the colonial period to the early nineteenth century, see st clair, the reading nation in the romantic pe- riod, – . . frank luther mott, a history of american magazines (new york: d. appleton, ), v. , – . . harrison, “commonplace book of poetry.” . rotch, “index rerum.” . meredith l. mcgill, american literature and the culture of reprinting, – , material texts (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), – . on recirculation with attribution to other periodicals, see garvey, writing with scissors, – . . leah price, “george eliot and the production of consumers,” novel: a forum on fiction , no. (january , ): – . . ellen gruber garvey, “anonymity, authorship, and recirculation: a civil war epi- sode,” book history , no. ( ): – . . harrison, “commonplace book of poetry.” . rotch, “index rerum”; samuel kettell, specimens of american poetry with critical and biographical notices, in three volumes (boston: s.g. goodrich, ), v. , ; rotch, “index rerum,” . . intergenerational transfer of commonplace books was common in great britain; see, for example, smyth, “commonplace book culture,” – . for an american example of a woman bequeathing her commonplace book to her granddaughter, see mary kelley, learning to stand & speak: women, education, and public life in america’s republic (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), – . . on sentimentality in nineteenth-century american poetry, see joanne dobson, “re- claiming sentimental literature,” american literature , no. (june ): – ; chris- toph irmscher, “longfellow’s sentimentality,” soundings: an interdisciplinary journal , no. / (october , ): – ; mary louise kete, sentimental collaborations: mourning and middle-class identity in nineteenth-century america (durham, n.c.: duke university press, ). . catherine e. kelly, in the new england fashion: reshaping women’s lives in the nineteenth century (ithaca, ny: cornell university press, ), – . anya jabour has ob- shared reading at a distance served similar tendencies in young women’s friendship albums from virginia (jabour, “albums of affection”). for a counterpoint to this argument, see armstrong, “a mental and moral feast.” armstrong finds that african-american women in philadelphia used their albums to maintain “a network of friends and acquaintances that would not be dismantled, but rather nurtured” ( ). . kete, sentimental collaborations, . . robert field stockton, “letter from robert field stockton to caroline stockton,” october , , vault a, box , folder , newport historical society. . mary stockton harrison, “letter from mary stockton harrison to caroline rotch,” november , , vault a, box , folder , newport historical society. transnational translation: foreign language in the travel writing of cooper, melville, and twain a dissertation submitted to the temple university graduate board in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree doctor of philosophy by kate huber may examining committee members: miles orvell, advisory chair, english and american studies james salazar, english michael kaufmann, english david waldstreicher, external member, history, temple university ii © copyright by kate huber all rights reserved iii abstract this dissertation examines the representation of foreign language in nineteenth- century american travel writing, analyzing how authors conceptualize the act of translation as they address the multilingualism encountered abroad. the three major figures in this study—james fenimore cooper, herman melville, and mark twain—all use moments of cross-cultural contact and transference to theorize the permeability of the language barrier, seeking a mean between the oversimplification of the translator’s task and a capitulation to the utter incomprehensibility of the other. these moments of translation contribute to a complex interplay of not only linguistic but also cultural and economic exchange. charting the changes in american travel to both the “civilized” world of europe and the “savage” lands of the southern and eastern hemispheres, this project will examine the attitudes of cosmopolitanism and colonialism that distinguished western from non-western travel at the beginning of the century and then demonstrate how the once distinct representations of european and non-european languages converge by the century’s end, with the result that all kinds of linguistic difference are viewed as either too easily translatable or utterly incomprehensible. integrating the histories of cosmopolitanism and imperialism, my study of the representation of foreign language in travel writing demonstrates that both the compulsion to translate and a capitulation to incomprehensibility prove equally antagonistic to cultural difference. by mapping the changing conventions of translation through the representative narratives of three canonical figures, transnational translation traces a shift in american attitudes toward the foreign as the cosmopolitanism of cooper and melville transforms into twain’s attitude of both cultural and linguistic nationalism. iv table of contents page abstract ....................................................................................................................... iii introduction .............................................................................................................. v chapter . james fenimore cooper’s linguistic cosmopolitanism ................................................................... . expansionism and exchange in cooper’s later works ......................................................................... . fraught translation in melville’s colonial encounters ............................................... . from travel to tourism: the shift at mid-century ..................................................................... . mark twain, mass tourism, and american nationalism ................................................................. conclusion: the new imperialistic cosmopolite ............................................................ references cited ................................................................................................... v introduction throughout the nineteenth century, the number of americans traveling to all parts of the world increased dramatically, and many of those travelers chose to write about their encounters with foreign lands, peoples, and cultures. regular transatlantic service began in , and the growing numbers sailing to europe included businessmen, clergy, students, scholars, writers, and, of course, the wealthy classes who could afford a european grand tour (dulles - ). at the same time, as the united states’ military and commercial interests expanded, the number of american whalers, merchants, and scientists visiting the pacific and other “exotic” places was also increasing. while many american writers struggled to compete economically with the low cost of books pirated from england, travel writers could provide something unavailable from cheap british reprints—an american perspective on foreign locales (melton ). these travel writings included not only traditional, non-fictional accounts, but also novels dramatizing the experience of an american abroad, and all levels of fictionalized experience in-between. indeed, as one scholar of the genre concludes, “there is no neat division between autobiographical and fictional narratives of travel” (youngs ). but however truthful, the various forms of travel literature share a common interest in how americans perceive the foreign, and how they reconcile their own cultural identity with the incommensurable differences encountered abroad. the description of this non-european travel is often classified as a “sea narrative.” hester blum’s the view from the masthead provides an excellent introduction to the significance of the genre. see also robert foulke’s the sea voyage narrative. accordingly, i will follow justin d. edwards, who takes the broadest possible definition of travel literature, including three categories that define a spectrum of fact and fiction: “conventional travel narrative,” “hybrid travel text,” and “[t]ouristic fiction” ( ). vi this project examines the representation, or, in other words, the treatment, of foreign language in texts set abroad, with emphasis on the works of james fenimore cooper, herman melville, and mark twain. an author need not be consciously fixated on the issue of language for evidence of his or her attitude toward linguistic difference to be evident in the text—although many of the authors i examine will prove to be quite interested in language. encountering linguistic difference is a pervasive experience shared by travelers of all kinds. whether facing an entirely foreign language, or only variations in accent or dialect, travel writers must decide both whether and how to represent this difference in their accounts. moreover, most of the authors examined here engage in either some kind of translation or representation of translation. because this transference, literally this “carrying across,” of meaning from one sign system to another requires that the translator negotiate not only linguistic but also cultural difference, both the practice and the concept of translation are concrete and yet particularly fertile subjects for examining an author’s ideas about the nature of language, the negotiation of difference, and the desirability, or even the feasibility, of cross-cultural exchange. the necessary decision to either translate the foreign into more familiar terms or to leave both foreign language and culture untranslated presents a new avenue for examining how nineteenth-century american authors viewed cultural difference and how they positioned their own nation in the world. translation, travel, and cultural difference the empirical subject of transnational translation is the way travel writers present foreign languages in their texts. although no previous study has undertaken a comprehensive account of linguistic difference in nineteenth-century literature of travel, vii lawrence alan rosenwald’s examination of how even literature set within the united states must account for a variety of dialects and languages provides a framework for examining the representation of multilingualism abroad. while some works may directly include languages other than standard english, allowing characters to speak just as they would in real life, other works use any number of representational methods to give the impression of multilingualism without relying on the linguistic knowledge of the reader, and still others ignore the existence of other languages entirely and present events as if they were occurring in a monolingual world. rosenwald’s focus on works set within the united states not only provides a valuable reading of immigrant literatures, but also explores exceptions to the traditional vision of a monolingual america. my focus on american literature set outside of the country raises a complementary set of issues. in addition to clarifying americans’ changing assessments of multiculturalism more broadly, the readings that compose this study reveal the way traveling americans conceptualized the foreign and saw themselves in relation to other parts of the globe. this project will pay particular attention to both the act and the concept of translation, examining the many kinds of spatial and cultural transference they involve. while not all representations of multilingualism include an act of translation, either real or implied, many of them do. in his examination of translation in twentieth-century travel narratives, michael cronin outlines the varied forms of translation in which a traveler might engage: “meet[ing] fellow speakers of their language from a different country (intralingual), be[ing] able to communicate some ideas in the foreign language (interlingual) but, at other moments, be[ing] completely stymied and have to resort to gestures (intersemiotic)” (across ). all of these forms of translation make frequent viii occurrences the nineteenth-century travel literature i will examine. furthermore, as lawrence venuti has shown in the translator’s invisibility, the way in which the act of translation and the figure of the translator are imagined can reveal much about the extent to which “foreignness” is valued in the target culture. acts of translation, whether necessitated by the process of traveling, included within the travel literature itself, or undertaken as part of a more scholarly translational practice, are moments when an author’s valuation of foreign language and conceptualization of foreignness are laid bare for critical inquiry. translation is also a fertile metaphor for theorizing both exchange and representation more broadly, including such transpositions as economic trade across incommensurable systems of value and the “translation” of reality into any linguistic utterance. when translation fails, when a foreign concept has no direct equivalent in the target language, the limits of cross-cultural transference can unsettle the seeming universality of one’s own language and culture. this is homi bhabha’s view when he describes how “[c]ultural translation desacralizes the transparent assumptions of cultural supremacy” ( ). because there is not always a one-to-one correspondence between words in different languages, translation reveals that the way language groups meaning into concepts can be arbitrary, and that one’s own cultural concepts, once taken for universals, are not so. the resulting unsettling of cultural authority, or undermining of linguistic certainty, can serve as a tool of resistance, as will be particularly evident in melville’s descriptions of the south seas. a frank exposure of the sometimes incommensurable difference of “savage” language and culture can expose the contingent ix arbitrariness of western systems of knowing, although too strong a belief in the other’s incomprehensibility can be another justification for oppression. the most comprehensive study of the figure of translation in the long nineteenth century is colleen glenney boggs’s transnationalism and american literature. boggs argues that, in contrast to the “monolingual ontology” she finds in the works of hawthorne, writers she identifies as transnational “understood american literature as a form of writing that was always in translation” ( - ). she examines how these writers negotiate the relationship between america and the world through linguistic difference and exchange. boggs makes a persuasive argument for the pervasiveness and the theoretical importance of both the act and the concept of translation in american literature, but while she sees translation as a liberatory practice, eric cheyfitz reveals its darker side in another major study of translation and the americas, the poetics of imperialism. cheyfitz argues that “translation was, and still is, the central act of european colonization [and] imperialism in the americas,” revealing how translation, particularly the translation of “savage” languages and cultures, need not involve a recognition and negotiation of cultural difference, but may instead be a means of effacing it ( ). while boggs and cheyfitz have focused on the power of translation to either consolidate ideological power or to resist it, i am more interested in how authors conceive the act of translation than in the political uses to which translation is put. in other words, my primary subject is how writers and texts imagine the permeability of the language barrier. in their own ways, each of the authors included in this study responds to i share boggs’s interest in margaret fuller and harriet beecher stowe (see my chapter four), but otherwise, she focuses on works set within the united states. x what jacques derrida describes as the implicit paradox generated by the story of babel. derrida examines “the origin of the confusion of tongues, the irreducible multiplicity of idioms, the necessary and impossible task of translation,” viewing “its necessity as impossibility” ( ). in other words, the difference between languages is what requires translation, but it is also the very thing that ensures no translation ever can be perfect. where exactly between perfection and impossibility the act of translation lies is a matter for debate. examining the empirical evidence of how foreign language appears in works of travel literature allows american perspectives of foreignness to be compared on a fairly straightforward continuum of attitudes—a spectrum along which the mean lies somewhere between complete permeability and impermeability, between the perfection of translation and its impossibility. in my model, the assumptions of both permeability and impermeability each have two variations, one tending toward a prejudicial extreme and the other toward a more enlightened mean. if one sees the barrier between languages as permeable, this may result in the conviction that cultural differences are easily assimilated into one’s own monolithic viewpoint. conversely, the assumption of permeability may lead to a desire for cross-cultural understanding and exchange. likewise, imagining that the language barrier is less permeable may also result in two opposing attitudes. on one hand, the acknowledgement that any translation from one language to the next is less than straightforward can indicate an enlightened recognition of cultural difference. but on the other hand, the view that cross-cultural understanding is impossible can lead to a position of cultural isolationism. at either extreme lies cultural ignorance, one from capitulation to the utter incomprehensibility of the foreign and the other from the assumption of xi universality. the golden mean between these two points, or perhaps (in a derridean sense) the supplementary acceptance of both positions at once, may be described as a kind of cosmopolitanism, as will be discussed below, but such an attitude always risks slipping into one prejudicial extreme or the other. yet the linguistic, cultural, and monetary translations necessitated by both travel and travel writing require some negotiation of the language barrier, and the attitudes toward cultural difference this negotiation reveals will be the subject of the following chapters. like the act of translation, travel too can put the previously monolithic authority of one’s own culture into conflict with foreign differences. the experience of foreign travel fosters the same experience of the “unheimlich” that bhabha attributes to the “cultural authority” of colonialism ( ). bhabha explains: culture is heimlich, with its disciplinary generalizations, its mimetic narratives, its homologous empty time, its seriality, its progress, its customs and coherence. but cultural authority is also unheimlich, for to be distinctive, significatory, influential and identifiable, it has to be translated, disseminated, differentiated, interdisciplinary, intertextual, international, inter-racial. ( ) it may be easy to maintain both the primacy and the logical unity of one’s own culture at home, but in a foreign context (even in the seemingly powerful position of colonizer), contact with the other disrupts the uncomplicated and homely unity of culture, making it uncanny and potentially threatening. this same feeling of the unheimlich occurs in the many forms of exchange occasioned by foreign travel: not only cross-cultural communication, but also economic exchange and, when the traveler is faced with new beliefs and customs, cultural exchange as well. the act of leaving home disrupts the hegemony of monolithic culture with the un-homely uncanniness of cultural difference. xii indeed, james clifford calls travel “an increasingly complex range of experiences: practices of crossing and interaction that [trouble] the localism of many common assumptions about culture” ( ). the foreignness perceived by travel writers resists assimilation into the unitary language of monolithic cultural ideology. whatever the traveler’s imagined or intended relationship to the differences encountered abroad, travel’s “translation” of the traveler’s body, language, and ideology turns the comforting certainty of the traveler’s own culture into something uncanny, uncomfortable, and uncertain. many previous studies of travel literature have focused either on european travel, tracing the shift from grand tour to tourism, or on american imperialism and the travel to “uncivilized” parts of the globe that it has occasioned. others have either examined how writers characterize particular locations (such as italy, the pacific, or the levant), or have focused more generally on travel writing as a reflection of national identity. in foundational studies of american travel writing include cushing strout’s the american image of the old world, foster rhea dulles’s americans abroad: two centuries of european travel, william w. stowe’s going abroad: european travel in nineteenth- century american culture, terry caesar’s forgiving the boundaries: home as abroad in american travel writing, and larzer ziff’s return passages: great american travel writing - . works that examine travel writing and american imperialism include bruce a. harvey’s american geographics, amy kaplan’s the anarchy of empire in the making of u.s. culture, christopher mcbride’s the colonizer abroad, and susan castillo and david seed’s collection, american travel and empire. justin d. edwards’s exotic journeys is one notable exception to the usual separation of european and non- european travel literature, as are the studies by ziff and caesar. conversely, books that focus on a particular location are far more numerous. helen barolini, leonardo buonomo, annamaria formichella elsden, and nathalia wright all examine travel to italy. david farrier, paul lyons (american), and vanessa smith study travel to the pacific. hilton obenzinger and brian yothers (romance) look at americans in the holy land. phyllis cole examines england; pere gifra-adroher, spain; osman benchérif, algiers; and kim fortuny, istanbul. studies of american travel writing that emphasize how travel writing consolidated national identity include those of caesar ( ), harvey xiii contrast, because some kind of linguistic difference is a constant in all kinds of travel, the subject of language allows a broad examination of american travel to diverse parts of the world without effacing the differences of each kind of foreignness. in this way, my project will examine the inextricable relationship between a sense of self and the perception of both western and non-western otherness, connecting the differing attitudes americans held toward what they perceived as “savage” and “civilized” cultures. indeed, the constants of multilingualism and translation will demonstrate a convergence of americans’ views of all kinds of foreignness later in the nineteenth century. a useful concept for examining a travel writer’s negotiation of self and other is mary louise pratt’s idea of the “contact zone.” pratt derives her idea of “contact” from the field of linguistics, likening the conflict and confusion of encountering radically different peoples to the “improvised” pidgin languages that develop in those situations, languages “commonly regarded as chaotic, barbarous, lacking in structure” ( ). despite this negative characterization, such pidgin languages often present the most viable compromise between too-easy translation and irreconcilable difference. they are a frank if imperfect mediation of linguistic, economic, and cultural systems that would otherwise prove incommensurable. by looking at specific moments of linguistic encounter as illustrative of broader issues of cultural and economic exchange, i will examine how self- identity is shaped through a dialectical relationship to otherness, and how a traveler’s sense of national identity varies with the foreign land to which he or she travels. ( ), william stowe (xi), judith hamera and alfred bendixen ( ), jeffrey alan melton ( ), and mark simpson (xxvi). xiv in characterizing american views of the foreign, this project will trace three major attitudes toward cultural difference: colonialism/imperialism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism. these terms, and the wide variety of views that might be gathered under them, all have specific if complex historical and geographical significances. while i will discuss many of these histories throughout the following chapters, the concepts are also useful for describing particular attitudes toward foreignness made apparent through the representation of language but falling outside of specific ideological movements. the failure to recognize and respect the often incommensurable differences of the foreign is a hallmark of the west’s dark history of colonialism and imperialism. although the united states grew increasingly imperialistic throughout the nineteenth century, americans were rarely colonizers in the strictest sense. nevertheless, the same chauvinistic attitudes toward cultural difference that underpin colonialism proper are often present in american accounts of “savage” difference. paul lyons calls such attitudes the “ignoring, disparaging, misappropriation of native knowledges, protocols, and basic definitions . . . the crude orientalism in and through which colonialism grounds its claims and claims its grounds” (american ). this same orientalism can be found in the writings that document the united states’ expansion into the “uncivilized” world. it would be unfair, however, to critique the oversimplified ideas of translation found in nineteenth-century travel writers without recognizing the difficulty of expressing the cultural difference that resists translation. bhabha provides an indispensable description of the complexity, but also the potential power, of understanding cultural difference. while it is frequently clearest and most efficient to refer to a different “culture,” it is important to recognize bhabha’s claim that “the meaning and symbols of culture have no primordial unity or fixity” ( ). cultural difference is often experienced as “the momentous, if momentary, extinction of the recognizable object of culture in the disturbed artifice of its signification, at the edge of experience” ( - ). accordingly, the cultural difference that resists translation is what melville might call an “ungraspable phantom,” a slippage of meaning that can be neither fixed nor contained. xv indeed, as many critics have previously explored, travel writing plays a key role in consolidating the dichotomy between self and other on which the discourse of both colonialism and imperialism depends. while i will most often use the terms “imperialist” or “expansionist” to describe such cultural chauvinism, these views often do not much differ from the attitudes of “colonialism” that postcolonial theory seeks to rewrite. underpinning the orientalism of american expansionist policies, as well as the attitudes of colonialism proper, is a dual, if paradoxical, desire to both emphasize difference and to efface it. bhabha compares this duality to freud’s description of the sexual fetish. for bhabha, the encounter with cultural difference is like a freudian child’s first apprehension of sexual difference; both experiences entail “a ‘play’ or vacillation between the archaic affirmation of wholeness/similarity . . . and the anxiety associated with lack and difference” ( - ). racial stereotypes draw on the same drive to both assimilate and disavow the other. david spurr provides a similar description of the two contradictory attitudes of the “paradox of colonial discourse”: “the desire to efface difference and to gather the colonized into the fold of an all-embracing civilization” and “the desire to emphasize racial and cultural difference as a means of establishing superiority” ( ). this description of the duality at the heart of racism (or orientalism) is particularly illustrative of the moment of colonial encounter epitomized by columbus, for example, gifra-adroher, following said, describes how “travel literature can contribute to discourse formation and the construction of the other” ( ). in the introduction to the collection travel writing, form, and empire, paul smethurst argues that “[t]ravel and travel writing, and the imaginative geographies they conjured, were crucial to the discursive formation of empire, especially by their insinuation and cementation of crude binaries such as the west/the rest, attached to which were the clearly pejorative formulations of civilised/savage, scientific/superstitious, and so on” ( ). xvi which is a central focus of the second chapter. the colonialist’s perplexing attempts to at once claim understanding of an unknown language and, at the same time, to deny that it is a language at all demonstrate the contradictory desires for both unity and dominance, and explains the typical recourse, in colonialist descriptions of unknown languages, to either an affirmation of pre-babelian universality or the reduction of linguistic difference to animal noise. imperialism’s lack of respect for the legitimacy and particularity of cultural difference is related to, but not necessary congruent with, a different kind of rejection of cultural difference—nationalism’s lack of interest in the foreign altogether. while colonialism and imperialism denigrate the other for being “savage,” nationalism rejects difference for the sheer sake of being “not us.” my use of this term is further clarified by pauline kleingeld’s discussion of the shift from the “older tradition of republicanism,” in which “patriotism is the citizens’ commitment to or love for their shared political freedom and the institutions that sustain it,” to the nineteenth-century “nationalist manner” of viewing patriotism as “unconditional loyalty to one’s own national community (taken as a linguistic and/or cultural community)” ( - ). in its early form, american patriotism emphasized the political promise of the united states while still allowing that the more developed societies of europe may be superior in other matters. in contrast, the later “nationalist” model of patriotism insisted on a preference for everything american, not just valuing the political promise of democracy, but preferring all of its cultural productions and, more significantly for the present study, maintaining the supremacy of american language. while cooper’s attitudes toward his country follow the older, republican model of patriotism, later writers increasingly associated xvii nationalism with the preference for american language and culture, a trend that is epitomized by the travel writings of twain. throughout this project, i contrast the cultural chauvinism of both imperialism and nationalism with the acceptance or understanding of cultural difference that is often described as cosmopolitanism. in her study of kant’s idea of cosmopolitanism, kleingeld describes what could be considered two aspects of the term, a practical attitude toward cultural difference and a political ideal. according to kleingeld, kant views germans as “model cosmopolitans” because they “are hospitable toward foreigners, they easily recognize the merits of other peoples, they are modest in their dealings with others, and they readily learn foreign languages” ( ). kleingeld further defines kant’s cosmopolitanism as “an attitude of recognition, respect, openness, interest, beneficence and concern toward other human individuals, cultures, and peoples as members of one global community” ( ). it is not necessary to avow an articulated theory of cosmopolitanism to share this liberal attitude toward difference. beyond this practical attitude of cosmopolitanism, kant also subscribed to a political ideal, the goal of a universal “federation of states” ( ). as the authors examined in this study only rarely engage with the more theoretical and idealistic philosophy of cosmopolitanism, i use the thomas j. schlereth defines cosmopolitanism as “an attitude of mind that attempted to transcend chauvinistic national loyalties or parochial prejudices in its intellectual interests and pursuits,” also characterized by “a readiness to borrow from other lands or civilizations in the formation of . . . intellectual, cultural, and artistic patterns” (xi). steven vertovec and robin cohen define cosmopolitanism as a “widening of consciousness and confrontation with alterity” ( ). likewise, robert fine and robin cohen explain, “kant argued that the idea of a cosmopolitan order required the institution of a league or federation of nations that would guarantee with its ‘united power’ the security and justice of even the smallest states as well as the basic rights of even the most downtrodden individuals” ( - ). xviii term, unless otherwise specified, to refer to a general attitude of openness to difference— whether on a truly global scale or only applied to a particular location of foreignness— rather than to the political objective. yet, despite its apparent openness to cultural difference, some versions of cosmopolitanism tend to slip toward the colonialism or imperialism that such liberality might seem to counteract. as craig calhoun points out, the “european colonial projects” progressing concurrently with the enlightenment “informed both the development of nationalism and that of cosmopolitanism,” and “[t]he cosmopolitan ideals of a global civil society can sound uncomfortably like those of the civilizing mission behind colonialism” ( , ). the danger that lies behind many political theories of cosmopolitanism is most strongly demonstrated in the philosophy of anacharsis cloots, whose goal of “the abolition of all states and the establishment of a ‘universal republic’” required that oppressed peoples abroad be forced “into the world state” before they could “learn to recognize their true interests” (kleingeld , ). this is an important difference between cloots’s aim of abolishing national boundaries and kant’s ideal of a non- coercive federation of existing states ( - ). the acceptance of people of different cultures can likewise slip into a desire for all the world’s people to share a single culture and civilization. because of this perpetual danger, it is not as oxymoronic as it might seem to use the term “cosmopolitan” as a description of open-mindedness toward europe only. indeed, it is exactly this shortsightedness of what a universal(ly western) community might look like that causes cosmopolitanism to slip into imperialism. few of the works examined in the following chapters address the question of universal governance directly—although melville does reference cloots in moby-dick ( ), the xix idea of a universal republic in redburn ( ), and cosmopolitanism more broadly in the confidence-man, which is not examined here—but the tension between cosmopolitanism as an acceptance of difference and the drive for universal brotherhood that often effaces that difference will reoccur. by examining how nineteenth-century american travel writers position themselves, their culture, and their countries in relation to other parts of the world, the following chapters will examine the representation of foreign language in order to trace the shift from earlier attitudes of cosmopolitanism and imperialism to the end of the century’s overarching nationalism. language in nineteenth-century america this project’s examination of foreign language and travel is part of a larger history of the study as well as the conceptualization of language in the united states. as werner sollors’s anthology multilingual america demonstrates, north america has been the home of a vibrant and varied multilingualism since its first colonization, and indeed before. my focus, however, is on the acquisition of additional languages by native speakers of english. while most of the authors examined here will deal primarily if not exclusively with modern foreign languages, the history of language learning in america must begin with latin and greek. as gerald graff describes, classical languages were the mainstays of a college curriculum well into the nineteenth century ( ). at lower levels of education, private schools designed to prepare young scholars for college followed this classical emphasis. but the intensive focus on the classics did not accomplish its own siobhan moroney, in “latin, greek and the american schoolboy,” describes the divide between private schools, which taught latin to boys whose well-off families expected them to attend college, and public schools, which focused on the english-language competency deemed more relevant to a practical profession ( - ). likewise, l. xx aim, and “few students came out of it actually able to read greek or latin” (graff ). as evidenced by the shortcomings of classical education, formal schooling’s characteristic failure to instill any kind of real fluency is one reason transnational translation will focus on languages acquired either by private study or by immersion abroad. in his autobiography, benjamin franklin critiques the traditional pedagogical preference for classical languages: we are told that it is proper to begin first with the latin, and having acquir’d that it will be more easy to attain those modern languages which are deriv’d from it . . . . it is true, that if you can clamber & get to the top of a stair-case without using the steps, you will more easily gain them in descending: but certainly if you begin with the lowest you will with more ease ascend to the top. . . . [and if students] should quit the study of languages, & never arrive at the latin, they would however have aquir’d another tongue or two that being in modern use might be serviceable to them in common life. ( ) despite both the aptness of franklin’s metaphor and the practicality of his priorities, such dissent from the traditional philosophy of formal schooling and higher education had little effect on educational policy. calls for reform of higher education’s almost exclusive focus on greek and latin grammar were silenced by the yale report, which “reasserted the primacy of the classics in instilling ‘mental discipline’” (graff ). as graff points out, secondary subjects such as modern languages “were frequently offered in the last two years [of college], but usually only as electives for which most students, preoccupied as they were with classical requirements, had little time” ( ). in his study of clark keating explains that, while eastern preparatory schools tended to imitate the colleges in language as in other aspects of the curriculum, “high schools took to languages slowly” and “the normal schools, agricultural and mechanical colleges, as well as the engineering schools, tended to affirm . . . that there were few reasons for offering their students an opportunity to study foreign languages” ( ). see also garrett e. rickard’s “establishment of graded schools in american cities: i. the english grammar school.” xxi college literary and debating societies in the nineteenth century, thomas s. harding mentions several examples of college societies and society libraries that emphasized foreign language works, but many were devoted to political or philosophical debates or to literature written in english ( - ). in general, it appears that such societies may have offered one avenue for the study of foreign language, but the subject was not widely pursued. thus, with the intensity and difficulty of a classical education, foreign language and literature played only a small role in the life of a college student. as the century progressed, modern-language courses became increasingly prominent in higher education (keating ). charles hart handschin’s the teaching of modern languages in the united states provides a detailed history of the gradual growth of foreign language instruction. he names amherst as “the first institution of learning in america to introduce a thoroughgoing modern language course, instruction in french and german there dating from , and in spanish from ” ( ). french was taught at harvard as early as , although it did not become “a regular branch of instruction” until ( ). spanish was taught at the university level as early as , and spanish instruction became more frequent (along with italian) in the s and s ( - ). german instruction was given at both the university of virginia and harvard in ( ). despite these apparent gains, calls for educational reform at the beginning of the twentieth century suggest that the same grammatical emphasis that failed with the classics was equally ineffective for teaching modern languages. for example, in a book advocating “the direct method” of college language instruction, carl a. krause entreats the reader, “if you look back upon your own personal experience as students of xxii modern languages both in school and at college, you will realize that many students failed almost utterly to gain any mastery of the foreign language they were pursuing” ( ). indeed, college language requirements have been chronically unsuccessful at imparting any real competence in a second language, let alone fluency. accordingly, colleges’ increased emphasis on modern languages near the end of the century suggests, more than anything else, that learning such languages had become as specialized and academic as studying latin or greek. accordingly, i do not spend much time on foreign language instruction as part of a college curriculum, where it is isolated from spoken language and thus required, memorized by rote, and forgotten—a characterization of college language requirements that has remained strikingly consistent from royall tyler’s lampooning of his classical education to comedian father guido sarducci’s “five minute university,” in which two years of college spanish, after five years of forgetting, will yield only “como está usted. muy bien.” yet the small role modern languages played in higher education does not mean that they were not learned at all. graff explains that modern languages were not widely studied on an academic level because they “were considered mere social accomplishments” ( ). despite his deprecatory language, the importance such an accomplishment held for the country’s literary, political, and social elite must not be underestimated. in many cases, language instruction was imparted by private tutors. for example, robert francis seybolt cites several advertisements for spanish, french, and italian instructors in colonial new york city ( - ). modern languages were also parts xxiii of the curriculum at the secondary level, particularly at private academies. citing learned examples such as george ticknor, henry longfellow, and james russell lowell, l. clark keating explains, “the second language, or even the third one, when acquired, was seen as a pleasant adjunct to an upper-class education, and its presence . . . found an adequate basis in purely aesthetic and intellectual considerations” ( ). when james fenimore cooper studied european languages in the early nineteenth century, it was precisely in this context. accordingly, by emphasizing the connection between foreign language learning and travel, this study will focus on foreign language acquired willingly as a mark of erudition or a vehicle for cross-cultural communication, not foreign language instruction when it is only an empty curricular requirement. not unrelated to the history of linguistic instruction in america is the question of how american authors conceptualized language and the act of translation. a large part of this story will be fleshed out in the following chapters, but an overview of language theories not directly related to travel is useful here. in transcendental wordplay, michael west gives a particularly valuable account of the theories of language most influential in nineteenth-century america. one central question for the european philosophers of language was the extent to which language was a natural expression of reality. john locke, whose theories of language were perhaps the best known, remained somewhat from the eighteenth century, french was taught in private academies and boarding schools (handschin - ). beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, french instruction became increasingly common at the high-school level ( ). german was not as common as french, but played a major role in moravian schools in pennsylvania ( ). spanish appears to have been less commonly taught than french or german, but handschin notes several institutions teaching the language in the mid-nineteenth century ( - ). xxiv ambivalent about the connection between words and things, but Étienne bonnot de condillac “postulated an innate language of gesture and facial expression,” a common, biological origin for all human communication (m. west - ). charles de brosses stressed the “‘basis of universal language’” even further, arguing that “the essence of all language is onomatopoetic imitation” (m. west ). thus, de brosses posited not only that all human languages are related, but that they share an inherent connection to the reality they describe. while such philosophers often failed to find convincing evidence of these universal origins in european languages, they suggested that more “primitive” languages were closer to the shared and natural origin of speech and therefore would be inherently understandable. in the nineteenth century, the influential rhetorician hugh blair likewise asserted that, “however barren intellectually, primitive language was preeminently natural and poetical” (m. west ). this romanticized view of “savage” language as natural and transparent informs many texts of colonialism and imperialism, but, as the following chapters will demonstrate, writers such as cooper and, even more so, melville will begin to question the inherent universality of “primitive” speech. these eighteenth-century theories of language also influenced the transcendentalists. one of the most famous transcendental theories of language appears in ralph waldo emerson’s nature ( ). in that early tract, emerson posits an inherent connection between words and “natural facts” ( ), thus following earlier views that locate the origin of language in onomatopoetic imitation. michael west, however, argues that emerson later modified the extreme philosophy presented in nature, finding speech to be “active, temporal, transitive, bipolar, and creative” rather than confined to natural representations ( ). as west describes it, this shift served to emphasize the potential xxv for creativity within a single language, but emerson’s later position still falls short of cultural relativity. while emerson recognizes the poet’s creative power to shape language, his philosophy remains underpinned by an idealism that sees universal truths across all languages and cultures. this universalism is quite apparent in the essay “books” from society and solitude ( ). there, emerson asserts, “i do not hesitate to read . . . all good books, in translations. what is really best in any book is translatable,— any real insight or broad human sentiment” ( ). emerson thus overlooks and devalues any culturally specific content that translation might erase. indeed, it is not this difference but only “broad human sentiment” that interests him. he further underestimates the creative work of the translator by comparing the act of translation to technology, writing that one series of translations “have done for literature what railroads have done for internal intercourse” and that he “should as soon think of swimming across charles river when [he wishes] to go to boston, as of reading all [his] books in originals” ( ). emerson imagines that the act of translation is just as efficient and mechanical as any human innovation. once again taking for granted the universality of human experience and the unproblematic correspondence between language and reality, emerson overlooks what is really lost through translation’s expediency. when melville uses the traveler’s similarly, in his reading of walter benjamin, derrida connects the belief in translation to religious certainty: “translation, the desire for translation, is not thinkable without this correspondence with a thought of god. in the text of , which already accorded the task of the translator, his aufgabe, with the response made to the gift of tongues and the gift of names . . . , benjamin named god at this point, that of a correspondence between the languages engaged in translation. in this narrow context, there was also the matter of the relations between language of things and language of men, between the silent and the speaking, the anonymous and the nameable, but the axiom held, no doubt, for all translation: ‘the objectivity of this translation is guaranteed in god’” ( ). perfect translation is only possible if all human languages are derived from a single divine root, and if the names man assigns to nature are firmly affixed. xxvi encounter with foreign language to highlight the inherent difference of other cultures, his work clearly counteracts such idealistic philosophies of translation and universality, as well as the chauvinistic attitudes toward foreign differences they can so easily support. this interplay between universalism and cultural difference will be a persistent subject throughout transnational translation. american cosmopolitanism in the early republic the texts examined in the following chapters also draw on a longer history of travel and of american attitudes toward the foreign. during the american revolution, benjamin franklin was the figurehead of american cosmopolitanism. franklin’s views were cosmopolitan in both the political and the more general senses, as thomas schlereth demonstrates. in terms of “international law,” franklin believed in the “protection of neutral and noncombatant rights and the idea of arbitration of international disputes,” but he also wished “to make himself as well as his fellow provincials ‘as intelligent as most gentlemen from other countries’” (schlereth , ). thus franklin not only believed in the international cooperation of states, but he was also cosmopolitan in his desire to elevate america to the cultural level of europe. far from the willful ignorance of foreign manners that twain would flaunt at the end of the nineteenth-century, franklin’s cosmopolitan outlook ensured his diplomatic success in france during the american revolution. however, like cooper, franklin also balanced the worldliness necessary to in his examination of the cosmopolitanism of another american writer from the period, j. hector st. john de crèvecoeur, edward larkin also lists franklin, thomas paine (who will be discussed below), and thomas jefferson as major cosmopolites of the american revolution ( ). larkin further describes two primary ideas of eighteenth-century cosmopolitanism: “sympathy and commerce” ( ). both versions of involvement with foreign peoples will play a major role in the following chapters. xxvii achieve his diplomatic goals with a sense of distinctly american identity and a passionate current of patriotism. in france, franklin emphasized his americanness while still endearing himself to the french nobility. thus, at the end of the eighteenth century, franklin demonstrated a political, philosophical, and cultural cosmopolitanism that was not incompatible with american patriotism. franklin’s residence in france during the revolution established one model for americans abroad, but public opinion about the country’s international relations shifted radically in the following decades. the career of tomas paine, a second quintessentially cosmopolitan figure, illustrates this shift. paine’s political beliefs encompassed what thomas c. walker calls “the most enduring strands of cosmopolitan thought in international relations: democratic governance, free trade, high degrees of interdependence, nonprovocative defense policies, a recognition that conquest cannot be profitable, and a universal respect for human rights” ( ). further, as philipp ziesche argues, paine’s popularity in america and then france demonstrates the centrality of “cosmopolitan universalism” in both countries’ revolutions ( ). however, public views of paine, positive during the american revolution but growing increasingly negative due to his support of the alarmingly radical and violent french revolution, map a corresponding shift in public opinion as the initial cosmopolitanism of both american and french revolutionaries gave way to an increasing sense of nationalism (schlereth ; ziesche ). yet, despite the backlash against enlightenment cosmopolitanism at the turn of the this duality in franklin’s attitudes is one subject of jonathan dull’s article on franklin’s diplomacy. dull argues that “[b]eneath franklin’s cosmopolitanism and charm lay the heart of a zealous patriot as uncompromising as samuel adams,” but dull also emphasizes franklin’s “public image, that of a simple quaker in a fur cap” ( ). xxviii nineteenth century, ziesche also describes “a resilient tradition of revolutionary cosmopolitanism” that lasted through the general shift to nationalism, particularly for the private american citizens residing in france who continued to practice the “public diplomacy” of letters and pamphlets first mastered by franklin, at least until such activities were outlawed by congress in (ziesche , - ). thus, although the widespread feelings of cosmopolitanism first epitomized by franklin and his fellow revolutionaries decreased during the french revolution and the ensuing wars, support of american participation in international politics and culture continued into cooper’s day. the shifting values of cosmopolitanism and nationalism were also evident in debates over american language. in accordance with his other cosmopolitan attitudes, franklin was quite interested in the possibility of “a universal language for use among the philosophes” (schlereth ). while he “especially welcomed french as the cosmopolite’s international language,” he also taught himself spanish, italian, german, and latin ( ). franklin clearly valued communication across different nations and cultures, finding worth in the thoughts of those who speak foreign languages, at least european ones. but this cosmopolitan view of foreign language did not remain unchallenged. in sharp contrast to franklin’s desire for international communication, the various proposals for a new american language sought to further separate the newly independent country from england. the suggested candidates for an american language ranged from noah as cushing strout puts it, “noah webster . . . made an appeal for a national tongue because for america to adopt old world standards would be to betray the bloom of youth” ( ). one of the most extended treatments of language in early america is david simpson’s the politics of american english, - , which demonstrates that the issue of language was one of “weighty cultural, political, and economic importance” ( ). thomas gustafson’s representative words, christopher looby’s voicing america, and jay fliegelman’s declaring independence also examine language in the early republic. xxix webster’s drastic respelling of english, to ancient languages such as hebrew or greek, and even, in some accounts, to algonquin (m. west - ; shell, “babel” ). often, such proposals were another manifestation of growing american nationalism. for example, one reason noah webster wanted drastic spelling reforms was to protect american printers, who would benefit from the business of “translating” all british books into the new american orthography (d. simpson, politics ). thus, not only would such plans distinguish the united states from england, but they would place a stronger linguistic barrier between american writers and the international community of thinkers. nevertheless, some proposals for an american language were not so clearly uncosmopolitan. in , james ruggles submitted to congress a plan for a “universal language” that would solve the dual problems of “the inconvenience of a diversity of tongues and dialects, which obstruct a free intercourse of thought between persons of different countries,” and the fact that “the languages of all nations are more or less imperfect and incorrect” (ruggles v). accordingly, ruggles devised “a philosophical language, more correct and simple than any one in use, . . . carrying with it to all nations, an inducement, arising from its intrinsic merit and ease of acquisition, which should lead to its universal adoption” (vi). ruggles hoped that, if the united states adopted his language, other nations would follow suit—thus reversing the fragmentation and confusion caused by the curse of babel. michael west calls james ruggles’s submission for a new american language “the first mixed universal language” of the ilk of esperanto ( ). unfortunately for the cosmopolitan aim of universal understanding, his scheme—in which the phrase “they are in excellent health” would translate to “konpis salzdxrp bonzmxn” (ruggles )—was never adopted. nevertheless, as examples like ruggles xxx demonstrate, the debates over american language were yet another arena in which the battle between americans’ participation in a cosmopolitan community and the calls for a narrower sense of nationalism was fought out. the complex balance between cosmopolitanism and nationalism during the early republic, as well as the relation of such principles to the representation of foreign language, are best illustrated by one popular writer of the period, royall tyler. tyler’s most famous work, his play the contrast, places the proper but unadorned speech of the hero colonel manly above both the amusing yankeeisms of the bumpkin jonathan and the affected and foreign-phrase-dropping speech of both the foppish dimple and his pretentious servant jessamy. the play thus aims to help early american audiences find a balance between utter provincialism and slavish attention to european conventions. tyler is also a useful figure for bridging the gap between the enlightenment ideal of cosmopolitanism espoused by franklin and the modified combination of cosmopolitanism and nationalism that characterized the united states in the early decades of the nineteenth century. on one hand, tyler demonstrates the desire for universal language and understanding that characterized enlightenment cosmopolitanism. at the same time, he models the combination of cosmopolitanism and patriotism that will characterize cooper’s writings several decades later. although they are not as frequently read or anthologized as the contrast, tyler’s two fictional travel narratives, the algerine captive ( ) and the yankey in london xxxi ( ), offer a valuable introduction to the works examined in the following chapters. in the algerine captive, tyler mocks the pretention of a classical education when used merely to impress a boorish and ignorant public, but the protagonist updike underhill’s experiences in captivity demonstrate that such a broad linguistic education can be useful to a world citizen. the brunt of the satire, then, is directed not at the classical pretentions of underhill but at his countrymen’s provincial failure to appreciate advanced learning. the first half of tyler’s bifurcated novel describes underhill’s youth and early career in america. a local minister, who is more impressed by the loud volume of the boy’s recitation than its content, convinces underhill’s parents to educate their son for college. although the next four years find the youth “labouring incessantly at greek and latin,” he neglects the study of english grammar because, as underhill reports, “my preceptor, knowing nothing of it himself, could communicate nothing to me” ( ). tyler suggests that, whatever benefits a classical education might provide, it should not be prioritized above speaking proper english. when the time comes for underhill to attend college, however, his father is shocked to learn that his son’s greek is only useful for obtaining additional unpractical education, and that “all that is useful in [greek books] the algerine captive is not often examined in detail, but several have rightly praised it as an early anti-slavery novel (see benchérif ; blum, view ). it is also mentioned as an early example of sea fiction, although most note that the maritime scenes are not treated with any significant amount of descriptive detail (see clohessy; wharton ; t. philbrick, james ). cathy n. davidson reads the novel as an example of the picaresque genre in early american literature, and her description of the picaresque’s ability to “leap from one construction of reality to its inverse” is particularly helpful in unraveling the varied and seemingly contradictory references to language throughout the novel ( ). cooper praises the algerine captive in a review of a new-england tale, calling it “mr. tyler’s forgotten, and we fear, lost narrative,” and he advises, “any future collector of our national tales, would do well to snatch [it] from oblivion, and to give [it] that place among the memorials of other days, which is due to the early and authentic historians of a country” (“art. v.” - ). xxxii . . . is already translated into english; and more of the sense and spirit may be imbibed, from translations, than most scholars would be able to extract, from the originals” ( ). although underhill is initially “left . . . proud of [his] greek,” he laments, “[t]he little advantage, this deceased language has since been to me” and he “regret[s] the mispense [sic] of time, in acquiring it” ( ). the problem with learning greek appears to be one of economy: it may be an impressive accomplishment, but a young american could better employ his time either perfecting his english grammar or performing useful labor on his father’s farm. while these early scenes might suggest that tyler privileges parochial practicality over a more cosmopolitan involvement in international intellectual circles, later scenes prove underhill’s education to be more useful than it first appeared. while underhill’s pretentious greek recitations are a liability in courtship and other social relations—one lady calls him “papish” after mistaking his greek for french, and another is insulted when he compares her to “the ox eyed juno” ( , )—his languages are an asset in the study of medicine. not only is greek “some service to [him], in now and then finding the root of the labels cyphered on [their] gallipots,” but one practicing physician impresses and recruits his patients by quoting random phrases from latin grammars ( , - ). this latter application may seem the most egregious misuse of classical learning, but unlike underhill’s earlier pub recitations, it proves beneficial to all involved. underhill had found no demand for his medical expertise in a town overpopulated by quacks, but his supposed apprenticeship to the latin-quoting “learned doctor” allows the pair to administer sound treatments to willing patients. it even gives underhill the opportunity to teach his “master” real medicine. xxxiii in the second half of tyler’s novel, underhill uses his skill with languages and his medical training to improve his position in algiers, contrasting the spurious and pretentious learning of the first half to the real cosmopolitanism necessary for underhill’s survival in captivity. when he leaves the hard labor of the christian slaves for the luxury of the college, where the mollah tries to convert him to islam, the two converse in latin ( ). his latin is further useful in learning the “lingua franca” of algiers, which “contain[s] many latin derivatives” ( ). underhill is initially critical of this pidgin mixture “of the shreds and clippings of all the tongues, dead and living, ever spoken since the creation” ( ), but a continued inability to speak to his captors would have made life more difficult and his eventual escape less likely. in the end, just as underhill’s prior linguistic knowledge helps him to adapt to the international community in algiers, the experience of his captivity further expands his worldliness. as cathy n. davidson argues, “for underhill, to travel is to see different things, but, more important, to sojourn for six years in algiers is to see things differently” ( ). thus, tyler sets a precedent for cooper in his complex assessment of the value of advanced education. while american it is interesting to observe, however, that much of the use underhill obtains from his classical education comes from his latin, which is historically an international language of learning, rather than from his greek, which is more truly a dead language. a parallel to this distinction can be seen in cooper’s biography. when he first enrolled at yale, the young cooper had no trouble with latin but continued to struggle with greek after barely gleaning enough of that language from a private tutor to pass the entrance requirements (w. franklin, early years ). in the pilot, cooper might have been thinking of his own early expulsion from yale, as well as his difficulty with greek, when barnstable proclaims: “grif is a seaman; though i have heard him even read the testament in greek! thank god, i had the wisdom to run away from school the second day they undertook to teach me a strange tongue, and i believe i am the more honest man, and the better seaman, for my ignorance!” ( ). despite barnstable’s skepticism of the value of a classical education, griffith’s more measured decisions throughout the pilot demonstrate, as underhill discovers in algiers, that there can be great benefits to such linguistic knowledge. xxxiv society does not require the high level of education that the spurious doctors feign, it is equally foolish to repudiate learning altogether, thereby cutting off all possibilities of meaningful intercourse with the world. deciding what education to pursue may warrant attention to the practical realities of american life, but it should not use practicality as an excuse for provinciality. tyler’s admiration for classical languages is even more apparent in his second fictitious travelogue, the yankey in london, consisting of letters “written by an american youth, during nine month’s residence in the city of london” on various aspects of english politics, life, and culture. when asked for his “opinion of the english language, taken in comparison with the various languages of europe,” the american suggests using classical languages as a benchmark ( - ). he asserts that one can judge a modern language’s quality by seeing how well a sentiment expressed in greek or latin can be translated into that language. for tyler, the ideas of homer are perfectly expressed in greek, and english can prove its quality by conveying those same ideas. thus, tyler esteems classical languages for their closeness to an ideal of universal language that might transcend national bias and cultural specificity. by holding perfect translatability as a paragon of linguistic virtue, tyler reveals a cosmopolitan desire for communication between all peoples and the same linguistic idealism later espoused by transcendentalism. as the example of anacharsis cloots demonstrates, however, this assumption of universality has a tendency to slip into both cultural and political imperialism. tyler also critiques the charge that american language is provincial. he begins the letter on “bite—bamboozle—all the rage—quiz—quizzical—bore—horrid bore—i xxxv owe you one—that’s a good one,” by criticizing what he calls “cant words, or quaint expressions” ( ). tyler’s complaint is the same timeless railing of the stickler that can be seen in cooper’s the american democrat (see chapter one), in twain’s famous lampooning of cooper, and in the lessons of curmudgeonly english teachers everywhere. things become more interesting however, when the letter writer recounts a discussion with an english friend. the american does not notice his own “repeated use” of the “verb guess” until the englishman calls his attention to “this provincialism, as he styled it” ( ). the american counters by pointing out that his friend’s use of “clever” or “clever fellow” is just as deviant from “modern english fine writing” ( ). when the two decide to work together to rid themselves of such vulgar speech patterns, the expressions are no longer called “provincialisms” but “colloquialisms,” with their geographical and political implications removed ( ). while the englishman was quick to blame the american’s sub-standard word choice on his country’s provincialism, tyler makes it clear that such linguistic faults can be found on both sides of the atlantic. by applying the tolerance of cultural and linguistic difference that is the hallmark of cosmopolitanism onto the united states, tyler highlights linguistic variety in order to collapse the hierarchy between the language of the provinces and of the metropole. overall, in these letters, tyler espouses a perspective of linguistic relativism. when he admits that an inherent bias toward one’s native tongue prevents a fair comparison between languages, his attitude is far from provincial. in contrast to the unreflecting nationalism that will become common at the end of the nineteenth century, tyler recognizes that most linguistic judgments will be biased because the “language in which [one] can most readily convey his ideas, he will be prone to consider the best” xxxvi ( ). similarly, tyler does not advocate a permanent idea of pure english, but acknowledges that all languages change over time, transitioning through “the incoherency and simplicity of youth, the vigour of manhood, and the decline and decrepitude of old age” ( ). the american gives his opinion on the state of the english language, but admits he may be mistaken because “a nation can never judge of its own decline in language” ( ). alfred bendixen has read tyler’s fictitious travelogue as a work of chauvinistic nationalism ( ), but this linguistic relativity indicates a greater degree of cosmopolitanism than bendixen recognizes. indeed, caleb crain also calls tyler “a cosmopolitan who composed poems in the style of the persian poet and mystic hafez (whose name means ‘one who has memorized the koran’)” (xxxii). although he is deeply invested in giving his characters a particularly american identity, tyler models the openness to foreign language and thought that will become increasingly absent from travel literature during the nineteenth century. foreign language encounters in the nineteenth century the three major figures in this study—james fenimore cooper, herman melville, and mark twain—all confront the reality of foreign language and translation in their descriptions of travel to both the “civilized” world of europe and the “savage” lands of the southern and eastern hemispheres. tracing the representation of foreign language and the assessment of translatability in accounts of travel to both types of countries reveals these writers’ attitudes toward “otherness” and toward the possibility of bridging cultural differences. whether a work encourages a cosmopolitan appreciation of foreign culture, or supports a nationalistic preference for only one’s own language and culture, the representation of linguistic difference raises deeper issues of economic and cultural xxxvii incommensurability and demonstrates how american writers conceive of and portray the united states’ place in the world. cooper balances cosmopolitanism and patriotism by valuing national differences and the differences between languages. melville extends cooper’s linguistic cosmopolitanism to western and non-western languages alike, critiquing the views of “savage” language found in imperialist discourse. at the end of the century, however, twain’s travel writings will suggest, not entirely in jest, that any communication outside of american english is ridiculous. this trajectory is elaborated in the five chapters that follow. the first chapter examines cooper’s writings about travel to europe, tracing his fusion of patriotism and cosmopolitanism from the representation of the revolutionary war in the pilot, through his own travels to europe as documented in the five travelogues that constitute gleanings in europe, and concluding with a novel written after his return, homeward bound. throughout these texts, it becomes clear that cooper’s travel continues an older model of extended residence in european society and that it espouses a cosmopolitan resistance to translation. cooper includes numerous passages of untranslated european language in his travel writing, thereby imagining and promoting a cosmopolitan readership with extensive linguistic education and appreciation for european culture. although he does not dream of a universal language as did tyler and the cosmopolites of the enlightenment, cooper seeks to counteract america’s perceived provincialism by speaking the languages of europe, and he sees value in the distinct traits of each language—the inherent differences that resist translation. cooper is also the central author in the second chapter, but here the focus shifts away from europe. scenes from afloat and ashore and homeward bound demonstrate xxxviii cooper’s engagement with the imperialist representation of native languages in texts ranging from the discovery of columbus through the united states exploring expedition of - . cooper’s works demonstrate the imperialist’s paradoxical desire to both emphasize difference and to efface it, to view “savage” language as both utterly incomprehensible and easily translatable. cooper further explores this paradox in his own retelling of the columbus story, mercedes of castile. both this underappreciated novel and another later work, the crater, also raise the issue of economic incommensurability, which proves to be yet another kind of cultural difference that resists translation. cooper’s final assessment of american expansionism remains somewhat ambivalent, but the themes first introduced in his later works provide an invaluable framework for the examination of melville in the following chapter. the third chapter builds on the historical and theoretical groundwork laid in chapter two by examining the representation of non-european languages in the works of melville. it traces his developing theory of language and translation beginning in typee; continuing through omoo, mardi, and parts of moby-dick; and concluding with melville’s most pointed critique of translation in “benito cereno.” inspired by his own experiences of linguistic encounter, melville begins his literary career by portraying the complexities of cross-cultural communication with a level of nuance and sensitivity that is new to the tradition of colonial and imperialist texts he both critiques and builds upon. by paying increasing attention to the difficulties of translation and to the nature of language, melville develops a theory of the inherent incommensurability of different languages and cultures, a theory that counters the universalizing tendencies not only of idealist views of natural language but also of imperialism’s will-to-power. xxxix taking a slight step back in the chronology, the fourth chapter returns to european travel, picking up where the first chapter left off. by examining the more conventional travel writings of bayard taylor (views a-foot), margaret fuller (tribune dispatches), and harriet beecher stowe (sunny memories of foreign lands), it traces the gradual change from the extended residence epitomized by cooper to the tourism boom after the civil war. increasingly, american travelers became less interested in learning foreign languages, and less interested in the real content of foreign culture, preferring instead the cultural capital acquired from the act of merely having been to or having seen the conventional stops of the tourist’s itinerary. this chapter also explores melville’s engagement with these changes in american travel, examining the maritime alternative to tourism presented in redburn as well as the eventual acquiescence to both tourism and translation evident in clarel. finally, the changes examined in chapter four culminate in the tourist age of the late nineteenth century, and in the archetypal american abroad found in the travel writings of mark twain. twain’s two european travel narratives, innocents abroad and a tramp abroad, present a burlesque account of cross-cultural communication, lampooning americans pretentious enough to flaunt their knowledge of european languages, and ultimately suggesting that such linguistic knowledge is both elusive and useless. while samuel clemens, the man behind the persona, may become increasingly cosmopolitan in the later decades of his life, twain’s continuing jokes about the folly of translation fortify the united states’ intensifying attitudes of linguistic and cultural nationalism. the study concludes with an examination of henry james’s the american, which, along with the examination of following the equator in chapter five, xl demonstrates that the once distinct representations of european and non-european languages converge by the end of the century, with the result that all linguistic difference is viewed with the imperialist’s combination of avoidance and disavowal. by examining the complex interplay of linguistic, cultural, and economic exchange in american travel to disparate parts of the globe with equally varied purposes, this study reveals a nineteenth-century version of what is often taken as a postmodern state of global exchange, what bhabha describes as the “circulations of signs and commodities [that] are caught in the vicious circuits of surplus value that link first world capital to third world labour markets” ( ). in the nineteenth century, american travelers faced a similarly complex array of circulating signs and commodities, and one index of how they conceptualized these varied moments and modes of exchange is their representation of the translatability of linguistic difference. the “transnational turn” in american literary studies has uncovered countless examples of underappreciated authors writing from locations and in languages only newly included under the umbrella of “american literature.” this study offers a complementary vision of american transnationalism, finding in three of the most canonical american novelists an account of american identity that crosses the boundaries of both language and place. chapter james fenimore cooper’s linguistic cosmopolitanism the end of the napoleonic wars marked a resurgence in transatlantic travel. gone were both the xenophobic nationalism inspired by the french revolution and the military danger caused by the war of . americans began once again to revisit their cultural roots by traveling to the old world. this period also gave rise to one of the first major american novelists, and the first major figure in this study, james fenimore cooper. cooper builds upon the cosmopolitan tradition of the american revolution in many of his transatlantic works, and issues of language and translation are pervasive throughout his extensive writings. an overwhelming majority of the scholarship on cooper has focused on the leatherstocking tales. one subset of this trend examines cooper’s presentation of native american speech supposedly “translated” into english, an admittedly interesting facet of cooper’s engagement with language. but the emphasis on american settings also has given the misleading impression that cooper was most, if not solely, interested in the themes of american exceptionalism and the frontier. moreover, in contrast to cooper’s cosmopolitan engagement with foreign languages abroad, his treatment of native see foster rhea dulles’s americans abroad for a detailed history of nineteenth-century american travel. luis iglesias makes a similar distinction between cooper’s leatherstocking tales and his sea novels. he explains, “the maritime setting gives copper [sic] license to explore new strategies for presenting american materials, open to a world of languages, customs, and encounters distinct from the epic western expansion with which the leatherstocking novels are so persistently identified.” american language tends toward the stereotypical. previous critics have rightly demonstrated cooper’s attention to linguistic difference, but their limited focus has overemphasized his interest in the act of translation. as the following argument will reveal, cooper’s numerous works with foreign settings contain a different treatment of multilingualism. shifting the focus away from the leatherstocking tales reveals that their author had a far more international outlook. indeed, like his cosmopolitan predecessors, cooper balanced pride in his american identity with an appreciation for foreign languages and cultures. this cosmopolitan attitude is revealed by the representation of european michael west, for example, explains how cooper’s depiction of native american language is stereotypically full of gesture and physical metaphors, and how cooper thereby “insist[s] on the physicality of indian languages” and invites “readers to imagine a primitive consciousness that had somehow avoided the cartesian split between mind and body, word and world” ( - ). eric cheyfitz is even more critical of cooper’s presentation of native american languages as languages of metaphor, arguing that the author views “civilization as that state which distinguishes between the literal and the metaphoric” (“literally” ). colleen glenney boggs includes a reading of the last of the mohicans in her study of the theme of translation in nineteenth-century american literature. she argues that cooper “theoriz[es] moments when translation fails or succeeds only partially,” thereby recognizing the “alterity that remains beyond the discursive reading of translation” ( ). cheyfitz reads acts of translation in the pioneers as representative of the violence done to native americans by whites (“literally” ). lawrence alan rosenwald calls attention to “cooper’s scenes of magical translation,” in which statements in unknown languages are somehow easily understood ( ). michael kowalewski notes in his reading of the deerslayer that, whatever cooper may have hoped to achieve with his “translated” scenes, they leave cooper open to the “embarrassment” of his work’s obvious artificiality ( ). michael west comes closest to the conclusions that i will draw from the less- examined portion of cooper’s works when he argues, “the leatherstocking tales are permeated with the conviction that verbal expression is radically ambiguous. the mute grandeur of cooper’s wilderness is always menaced by a babel of languages, by diverse dialects and idiolects competing for center stage. each undermines the others’ claims to represent the world truly” ( ). other readings of language and translation in cooper include those of stephen blakemore (“language” and “strange”), jeffrey hotz (divergent), and andrew newman. language in the pilot, gleanings in europe, and homeward bound. in these transatlantic encounters, cooper does not pretend to translate foreign languages but rather avoids the act of translation whenever possible. he praises the figure of the cosmopolitan traveler who can speak and understand the languages of other countries and emphasizes the sophisticated perspective such a traveler gains by confronting the alterity that translation would have obscured. the meaning of “english” in the pilot as examined in the introduction, the american revolution was a catalyst for a number of important changes in american attitudes toward foreign language: it fostered the cosmopolitanism of social contract theorists and foreign diplomats such as thomas jefferson, thomas paine, and benjamin franklin; encouraged a greater emphasis on french language and culture; and incited a series of debates over the desirability of distinguishing the young republic from england in its language as well as its government and culture. although the purer cosmopolitanism of the enlightenment began to give way to a growing sense of nationalism in the early decades of the nineteenth century, cooper, when compared to the later writers in this study, clearly values cosmopolitan multilingualism as an essential component of american travel. the history of cosmopolitanism in america plays a major role in one of cooper’s revolutionary novels, other critics who have recognized cooper’s cosmopolitanism, although not necessarily in the context of language and translation, include robert daly and alisa marko iannucci. virgil nemoianu describes cooper’s “cultural relativism” and argues that “cooper . . . reflected on the issue of what we nowadays call multiculturalism and the place of relativity in human culture” ( ). robert lawson-peebles ( ) and thomas clark ( ) both use the term “transatlantic” in describing how cooper’s political perspective transcended national boundaries. the pilot ( ). while cooper’s early works about the american revolution often have been viewed as nationalistic endeavors, a far more nuanced reading is possible when one takes into account the complexity of cooper’s patriotism. in the pilot, although cooper ardently supports the political innovation of a democratic republic, he continues to see value in the culture of the mother country and consequently rejects the need for an arbitrary linguistic separation. the cosmopolitanism of these political views is mirrored in his conception of language. because human language is both imperfect and heterogeneous, one must learn, understand, and identify as many variations as possible to ensure the clearest and most efficient communication. for cooper, this heterogeneity also makes it foolish to conflate a national with a linguistic community; true patriotism must the pilot is one of cooper’s historical novels, but it is also considered cooper’s first sea tale, a genre which scholars such as ronald john clohessy (n.p.) and donald p. wharton ( ) have seen as an expression of nationalism. indeed, cooper is often said to have “[begun] the tradition of american sea fiction” (foulke ; see also w. franklin, early years xxiii). as the later example of melville will demonstrate, the literally international setting of sea literature makes it particularly relevant to the present study of plurilingualism and exchange in travel literature. luis iglesias summarizes this connection by arguing that “cooper’s sea novels expose the complicated work of defining the nation in terms of its relation to international exchange.” thus, while many readings of the pilot have focused on cooper’s vivid description of nautical scenes and his improvement on the unrealistic maritime description in sir walter scott’s the pirate, cooper’s novel also lends itself to a reading of america’s place in the transatlantic world. george dekker takes the first perspective when he criticizes the pilot for being “a schoolboyish novel, vitiated especially by an ingenuous and rather unsavoury patriotism” ( ). in contrast, david simpson calls “cooper’s patriotism . . . complex and never hyperbolic” (politics ). h. daniel peck describes cooper’s ambivalent position between the two sides of the revolution and “the writer’s failure to commit himself either to the possibilities of freedom and the future or to the values of tradition and the past” ( ). jason berger also examines “cooper’s anxiety about the american revolution and nationalism proper” ( ); william p. kelly notes that “the pilot shares with the spy an understanding of the american revolution as a civil war” ( ); and john p. mcwilliams similarly describes how cooper “[draws] no clear distinctions of merit between the british and american forces operating in the neutral ground” (political ). distinguish between empty markers of national identity and national characteristics genuinely worth promoting. it might seem strange to begin a study of foreign language with a work set in england, but the issues of translation and equivalence that must be confronted when faced with a foreign language are never absent even in one’s own language. indeed, as michael cronin argues, “the language of home becomes stranger and more labyrinthine in the mouths and minds of others who ostensibly speak the same language” (across ). cooper highlights the heterogeneity within english in order to negotiate the associations between national identity, language, and gentility. indeed, the pilot works against the idea of a unified language from its opening dialogue, in which laborers on shore discuss the arriving ships. their conversation is rendered phonetically in irish and scottish dialects. while the rest of the novel will focus on the growing division between the americans and the english, the dialects of these two minor characters fall outside of the american/english binary. they remind readers that the heterogeneity of the english language has a far deeper history than the american revolution. because of the many varieties of english, any simple one-to-one correspondence between language and nation becomes impossible. although the pilot ostensibly celebrates the american revolution, it is clear from the opening scene that cooper refuses to espouse any easy nationalism. without a monolithic concept of “englishness” to reject, citizens of the new republic cronin further suggests that “translation is more explicitly emphasised in intralingual travelling than in interlingual travelling. it is as if intralingual accounts ward off the threat of (language) sameness through the highlighting of (language) difference while interlingual accounts counter the menace of irreducible (language) difference through the reiteration of sameness (minimising or making invisible the transaction costs of translation)” (across - ). would have to consider what was valuable and different in the new country and what of the old should and must be maintained. the heterogeneity of english established in the opening sequence becomes even more prominent in cooper’s treatment of the technical language of sailors. cooper’s use of nautical jargon was groundbreaking, and it remains, accordingly, one of the most examined elements of cooper’s first sea tale. a representative passage from the pilot illustrates the key characteristics of cooper’s nautical description: griffith gave forth from his trumpet the command to “heave away!” again the strains of the fife were followed by the tread of the men at the capstern. at the same time that the anchor was heaving up, the sails were loosened from the yards, and opened to invite the breeze. in effecting this duty, orders were thundered through the trumpet of the first lieutenant, and executed with the rapidity of thought. men were to be seen, like spots in the dim light from the heavens, lying on every yard, or hanging as in air, while strange cries were heard issuing from every part of the rigging, and each spar of the vessel. “ready the foreroyal,” cried a shrill voice, as if from the clouds; “ready the fore yard,” uttered the hoarser tones of a seaman beneath him; “all ready aft, sir,” cried a third, from another quarter; and in a few moments, the order was given to “let fall.” ( - ) many critics have noted cooper’s ability in such passages to incorporate technical language without totally obscuring the meaning for lay readers. this example includes some specialized vocabulary, such as “capstern,” “foreroyal,”and “fore yard,” but the general action, if not the particular sails and masts of a frigate, is clear. by combining metaphorical description, such as comparing the sailors in the rigging to “spots in the dim both thomas philbrick (james ) and wayne franklin (early years ) note cooper’s reluctance to employ overly technical language, although cooper felt that some was necessary for his nautical subject matter. hester blum argues that “cooper employs nautical vocabulary and knowledge” so that “the metaphorics . . . would be accessible to the reader who might not be familiar with its technicalities” (view ). according to dekker, cooper was able “to combine vivid descriptive prose and technical nautical language so artfully that the latter, not baffling the lay reader too much, actually enhanced the realistic effect of the former” ( ). light from the heavens,” with the more abstruse technical terms, cooper achieves a vivid effect even if the distinction between a “yard” and a “spar” is lost. yet the purpose of such technical terminology is not merely maritime flavor. cooper demonstrates how being conversant in multiple “languages” allows communication to be as precise as possible. david simpson looks at a similar example of cooper’s “sea diction” in homeward bound and contends that the “passage is intimidating to the average reader, but to the sailor it is totally intelligible and totally precise” (politics ). simpson explains that, in nautical jargon as in other technical uses of language, “[e]very word refers to an unambiguous thing or describes an unambiguous act” ( ). thus, in the above scene, the technical orders are “executed with the rapidity of thought” because they require no interpretation. maintaining the technical specificity of nautical terms demonstrates a tendency of cooper’s that will become more apparent in later works—leaving foreign languages untranslated. cooper is unwilling to change or obscure the meaning of a passage by translating it into more standard english. but the precise meaning of jargon is only available to those readers with knowledge of nautical terms and the corresponding functions of a ship. in this way, cooper’s nautical terminology points to the imperfection of human language. either an avoidance of technical language (a “translation” of nautical actions into common terms) would decrease the specificity of the description, or an inclusion of jargon would obscure the action to lay readers. for this reason, margaret cohen’s assertion that such readers mary k. edwards also notes the value of precise nautical jargon: “at sea, the specificity of sailor language is an absolute necessity for the safety of the ship and crew. the cry ‘let fly fore t’gallant sheets. haul clews!’ results in one direct action that may be crucial to keep the vessel from destruction” ( ). can “garner unfamiliar knowledge” from cooper’s nautical scenes is particularly significant ( ). it is only by gaining expertise in nautical language (or in foreign languages, as will later be the case) that readers can avoid ambiguity and maximize their comprehension. in another passage, the quintessential sailor tom coffin demonstrates the value of his technical expertise by reading the language of sea and sky to predict dangerous weather approaching. he says: “i showed you how to knot a reef-point, and pass a gasket, captain barnstable, nor do i believe you could even take two half hitches when you first came aboard of the spalmacitty. these be things that a man is soon expart in, but it takes the time of his nat’ral life to larn to know the weather. there be streaked wind-galls in the offing, that speak as plainly, to all that see them, and know god’s language in the clouds, as ever you spoke through a trumpet, to shorten sail; besides, sir, don’t you hear the sea moaning, as if it knew the hour was at hand when it was to wake up from its sleep!” ( ) coffin’s speech, like that of natty bumppo or of the two laborers in the opening scene, is marked by non-standard pronunciations. yet, while coffin may not be “expart” in proper english, he displays two other levels of linguistic expertise. the first, his familiarity with “knotting a reef-point” and “passing a gasket,” exemplifies the technical language seen throughout cooper’s sea tale. the second language, “god’s language in the clouds,” is like simpson’s explanation of jargon in that the signs can “speak . . . plainly, to all that see them.” such knowledge of weather indicators has obvious value, but coffin emphasizes that “god’s language” takes a lifetime of practice to master. by including nautical jargon in his narration, cooper encourages and assists the reader in acquiring knowledges like these. cooper further demonstrates the value of coffin’s expertise in the ensuing action. coffin’s warning for the hero, barnstable, to cut short his romantic interview with his disguised fiancée, katharine, leads to the exciting escape of the two american ships, aided, of course, by the technical knowledge and language of the pilot himself. while nautical jargon is not exactly equivalent to an entirely foreign language, cooper’s use of technical language demonstrates the position on language acquisition that he will develop in later works. by refusing to translate technical actions into common terms, cooper maintains the cultural specificity of nautical language while encouraging the reader to gain linguistic knowledge and, consequently, a more cosmopolitan outlook. while the nautical portions of the pilot prove the value of linguistic variety, the drawing-room scenes that further the novel’s romantic plot demonstrate how language’s flexibility and multiplicity can be used for deceitful purposes. for example, katharine’s letter to barnstable repeatedly critiques the terminology of her loyalist guardian, colonel howard. she writes, “he used fifty opprobrious terms that i cannot remember, but among others were the beautiful epithets of ‘disorganizer,’ ‘leveller,’ ‘democrat,’ and ‘jacobin.’ (i hope he did not mean a monk!)” ( ). her complaint demonstrates the equivocality of such signifiers. the term “democrat” may be “opprobrious” to a loyalist, but an american revolutionary would claim it proudly. likewise, “disorganizer” and “leveler” are only negative if one believes the status quo does not need to be disorganized or leveled. language’s potential for misdirection is further highlighted by the anachronistic many previous readers have preferred the exciting and vivid scenes of nautical action to the novel’s “land scenes,” but in largely ignoring the latter, they have missed the many references to language that clarify cooper’s ambivalent nationalism. for example, cohen quickly discounts half of the pilot saying, “from its publication, . . . readers agreed that the love plots on land took a backseat to the real dramatic energy of the novel which is offered by the exploits of the mysterious shadowy pilot, john paul jones, as he stages raids off scotland during the american revolution” ( ). use of “jacobin,” which references the french revolution. it is possible that this is merely cooper’s error in chronology, but katharine’s parenthetical “(i hope he did not mean a monk!)” makes a kind of metatextual linguistic joke. katharine’s interjection calls attention to the only definition of “jacobin” available to her, but it is clear to the reader that the term’s most relevant definition, however anachronistic, is “a revolutionary with democratic principles.” colonel howard thus takes a word with a precise political and historical meaning out of context and uses it indiscriminately to signal the “enemy.” by highlighting how such “opprobrious epithets” have no fixed or simple meaning, katharine demonstrates how easy it is for opposing viewpoints to be encapsulated with a disparaging term rather than addressed directly and examined thoughtfully. katharine further critiques language’s potential for manipulation when she explains, “the rooms we inhabit are in the upper or third floor of a wing, that you may call a tower, if you are in a romantic mood, but which, in truth, is nothing but a wing” ( ). calling their section of st. ruth’s a “tower” would conform to the standards of a romantic novel, but katharine is quick to point out that this dramatic appellation is not entirely truthful. here again, she calls attention to how an artful application of terminology can convey a connotation beyond what may be most factually accurate. finally, katharine gets to the root of the novel’s political conflict when she confides that the americans are called “pirates” by her captors. she complains, “yes, that is the musical name they give you—and when their own people land, and plunder, and rob, and murder the men and insult the women, they are called heroes! it’s a fine thing to be able according to the oed, the french political use of the term “jacobin” dates no earlier than , and its general application to any political reformer comes into use around (“jacobin, n. and adj. ”). to invent names and make dictionaries” ( ). such names have more connection to the speaker’s feelings than to the reality they describe—and one mark of power is the ability to apply such terminology to one’s own advantage. the specificity of precise jargon is of no avail if it is not used in an accurate and straightforward way. moreover, because there is no strong link between fallen human language and any divine or universal origin, words are only inadequate “inventions.” the precision made possible by linguistic variety may improve human communication, but it can never perfect it—there is always room for both inaccuracy and deceit. katharine’s view of words conforms to one cooper later expresses in the american democrat ( ). from its beginning, cooper’s treatise emphasizes “the necessity of distinguishing between names and things in governments, as well as in other matters” ( ). this critical view of language is particularly important when interpreting the constitution. cooper asserts that many of the “popular errors” in understanding that document “have arisen from mistaking the meaning of [its] language” ( ). cooper’s emphasis on the ambiguous language of the constitution is not surprising in light of thomas gustafson’s analysis in representative words. gustafson argues, “since the constitution is written in a fundamentally imperfect human language, the text—and the political order it creates—possesses the fundamental imperfections of language itself” ( ). yet cooper does not doubt the existence of the “things” behind language’s for further discussion of the importance of the american democrat, see steven watts ( ) and john p. mcwilliams (“cooper” ; political ). gustafson goes on to point out that moments of “judicial resolutions of conflict” are interpretive decisions, “a selective choice from a range of competing political values,” rather than the “discoveries or revelations” we hope them to be (t. gustafson ). this description of interpreting the constitution as choosing one of an array of ambiguous “names.” he explains his perspective in the american democrat chapter “on language.” introducing his complaint about americans’ indiscriminate use of the word “gentleman,” cooper writes, “some changes of the language are to be regretted, as they lead to false inferences, and society is always a loser by mistaking names for things. life is a fact, and it is seldom any good arises from a misapprehension of the real circumstances under which we exist” ( ). cooper believes in a fixed reality beyond language, but he recognizes that the connection between that reality and the various names it is given is far from perfect. for cooper, it is essential that words signal as precise a meaning as possible, but he rejects the marshaling of excess meaning for the sake of manipulation and deception. cooper further highlights linguistic variety’s potential for both precision and deception through katharine’s signal system, a series of romantic messages she translates into flag signs for communicating with the americans from her confinement. yet the meanings is very much like lawrence venuti’s definition of translation as “a process by which the chain of signifiers that constitutes the foreign text is replaced by a chain of signifiers in the translating language which the translator provides on the strength of an interpretation” ( ). in law, as in translation, the original text is often ambiguous, but it is not always possible to allow this inherent ambiguity to remain ambiguous. when interpreting the constitution, as when translating a text, it is impossible to achieve a perfectly “literal” translation. a judicial resolution, like any translation, must be based on an interpretation of the original; it can never be a scientific transfer of meaning. previous readings of this system have been mixed. blum credits katharine’s achievement by noting that “her flags do provide for crucial information to be transferred,” but she concludes by admitting that the heroine’s “employment of such skills—a flirtatious point of appeal for her lover—is more precious than practiced” (view ). mcwilliams cites the signal system as an example of how, unlike many of cooper’s heroines, katharine “proves to be a woman of action” (“more” ). in light of katharine’s critique of language use throughout the novel, however, it becomes clear that her signal system is more than a “precious” eccentricity or, as others have suggested, an indication of a potentially excellent captain’s wife. first appearance of a flag comes before katharine is even introduced. cooper describes how the frigate accompanying the ariel raises a “heavy ensign,” and, “a current of air opening, for a moment, its folds, the white field, and red cross, that distinguish the flag of england, [are] displayed to view” ( ). the colors and shapes on the banner communicate that the ship is under british control. like so many other instances of communication in the novel, however, this sign proves to be deceitful, as the ship actually contains the american revolutionaries who will be the heroes of the story. thus, while katharine’s signal language may seem laughable, it proves more reliable than the conventional display of a national flag, which is easily forged. in another example, cooper emphasizes the importance of signal flags at sea when a soldier tells griffith, “why, they have shown him a yellow flag over a blue one, with a cornet, and that spells ariel, in every signal-book we have; surely he can’t suspect the english of knowing how to read yankee” ( ). the flag systems are thus another example of the linguistic division between england and america as well as an opportunity to convey information securely. however, as griffith notes in his reply, “i have known yankees read more difficult english,” even these languages give opportunities for the interception and forgery of messages ( ). throughout the novel, signal language, like nautical jargon, proves to be an essential area of expertise, yet one that is not immune to miscommunication. katharine has put quite a bit of ingenuity into developing her own signal language, and it is no small accomplishment. even so, it is impossible not to smile at some of katharine’s messages, what griffith laughingly calls “a most judicious selection of phrases” including “‘no. . **** indelible;’ ‘ . **** end only with life;’ ‘ . **** i fear yours misleads me’” ( - ). more examples of katharine’s phrases appear when she puts her system to use. on one level, her signals are comical for their far- fetched long-sightedness: “white over black,” repeated katherine, rapidly, to herself, as she turned the leaves of her book.—“‘my messenger: has he been seen?’—to that we must answer the unhappy truth. here it is— yellow, white, and red— ‘he is a prisoner.’ how fortunate that i should have prepared such a question and answer. ( ) despite katharine’s claim to be particularly “fortunate,” this exchange leads one to wonder how many signals she would have had to devise in order to have precisely these messages available. her hurried page turning suggests that the result is somewhat cumbersome. the comedy reaches a climax when katharine uses a signal that means, “when the abbey clock strikes nine, come with care to the wicket, which opens, at the east side of the paddock, on the road: until then, keep secret” ( ). this detailed message is laughable compared to the efficient technical language actually employed on ships. but when katharine explains, “i had prepared this very signal, in case an interview should be necessary,” she points out what is too easy to overlook—that the message proved necessary and was communicated without a problem ( ). katharine’s signs are comical not because they are ineffective, but because they combine two distinct registers of language. the phrases katharine devises are necessary in the polite discourse of genteel courtship and romantic love plots, but they are alien to the utilitarian and military language of vessels engaged in war. the juxtaposition of the two languages may be comically incongruous, but both discourses are necessary and worthwhile in their own rights. katharine’s romantic phrases seem silly when turned into a utilitarian signal language; however, she is not directing a ship but subtly manipulating her suitor to achieve her rescue without seeming to throw herself at him. despite her dramatic situation, she needs to maintain a lady’s polite language. more than an easy laugh at the heroine’s expense, katharine’s incongruous signals demonstrate how even the strangest languages can serve a distinct purpose, and how the varieties of english are as numerous as the occasions for speech. at many other places in the novel, cooper calls attention to the divisive and contested terminology at the heart of the americans’ conflict with england. colonel howard tells katharine, for example, “a young lady who ventures to compare rebels with gallant gentlemen engaged in their duty to their prince, cannot escape the imputation of possessing a misguided reason,” and he goes on to inveigh against “these disorganizers, who would destroy every thing that is sacred—these levellers, who would pull down the great, to exalt the little—these jacobins, who—who―” ( ). it seems katharine’s previous account of her guardian’s language was quite accurate. the “opprobrious epithets” in this diatribe are nearly identical to the ones katharine lists in her letter. instead of focusing on the facts of the conflict and addressing the legitimate grievances of the rebels, colonel howard has become caught up in a litany of names that have begun to misguide his own reason. later in the same scene, katharine again points out a manipulative use of language when she discovers that colonel howard’s prisoners are “seamen,” making it likely that her beau is among them. teasing dillon to cover her concern, she accuses him of whitewashing his real apprehensions in order to keep the ladies at ease. she quips, “i thank you, sir, for so gentle a term [as seamen], . . . the imagination of mr. dillon is so apt to conjure the worst, that he is entitled to our praise for so far humouring our weakness, as not to alarm us with the apprehensions of their being pirates” ( ). katharine once again calls attention to the manipulation of language and shows her unwillingness to be influenced by judgmental connotations passing for unvarnished truth. this question of the proper application of “pirate” is echoed in the pilot’s first interview with alice dunscombe. the incognito john paul jones laments, “how powerful is the breath of the slanderer,” and exclaims, “they call me pirate! if i have claim to the name, it was furnished more by the paltry outfit of my friends, than by any act towards my enemies!” ( , ). a similar conflict occurs over the term “rebellious.” in a dialogue with the imprisoned manual, borroughcliffe applies the word nonpolitically to describe a soldier’s unwillingness to submit: “thy knee bendeth not; nay, i even doubt if the rebellious member bow in prayer” ( ). led to misinterpretation by his fear of being discovered as an american, manual responds, “rebellious member, indeed! these fellows will call the skies of america rebellious heavens shortly!” ( ). he objects to the phrase “rebellious member” as another example of how “rebellious” has been applied beyond its proper signification. when tom coffin speaks with the english officer captain borroughcliffe, he assigns “rebel” a positive connotation saying, “tell them, brother, that i’m a rebel, will ye? and ye’ll tell ’em no lie—one that has fou’t them since manly’s time, in boston bay, to this hour” ( ). coffin inverts the usual negative meaning of “rebel” by focusing on the loyalty he has shown to his own cause rather than on his lack of loyalty to the crown. coffin’s new perspective on “rebellion” is similar to robert a. ferguson’s description of the contradictory feelings americans had about the benedict arnold affair (which forms the backdrop for the spy). ferguson argues: arnold found his own consistency in a revolutionary american discrepancy. the self-confidence of his stance relied on culture-wide slippage in conceptions of loyalty. . . . the eighteenth-century duty to one’s king was a concrete, fixed obligation that brooked little equivocation or room for disobedience. . . . emerging nationalism would soon substitute a new emotional power, but in the enlightenment code of honor and virtue reached for universal recognition and depended as much on the exaltation of reason as on mass appeals to the emotions or communal solidarity. ( - ) during the revolution, the concept of “loyalty,” and its inverse “rebellion,” became unmoored from their accustomed and concrete meanings. this is the same conflict of terminology played out between colonel howard and the american patriots. ferguson argues that such loyalty to the idea of republican virtue was later replaced by nationalism, but this late-eighteenth-century version of loyalty also resembles cooper’s complex view of his country. thus, cooper’s cosmopolitanism does not mean that he repudiates america, but that he puts an “enlightenment code of honor and virtue” before nationalism’s “mass appeals to the emotions or communal solidarity.” instead of marking american difference, cooper advocates a cosmopolitan appreciation of linguistic variation and, as will become even clearer in his travelogues, a broader understanding of the cultured languages of europe. in light of cooper’s critique of the politicized terminology of the revolution, the repetition of the phrase “plain english” throughout the novel takes on a greater significance. indeed, cooper demonstrates that “plain english” does not exist, and the term “english” (in a linguistic, political, or cultural sense) can prove just as problematic as “rebel” or “traitor.” such a complication of what “englishness” might have meant to early americans is the subject of leonard tennenhouse’s book the importance of feeling english. tennenhouse’s argument merits quotation at length: after the war of independence, there is every reason to believe that citizens of the new united states knew—and felt keenly—that they were no longer subjects of great britain. but it does not necessarily follow from this that the colonists renounced their british identity in other respects simply because they rejected british government. political separation did not in fact cancel out the importance of one’s having come to america from great britain. indeed, the literary evidence indicates that the newly liberated colonists became if anything more intent on keeping the new homeland as much as possible like the old one in terms of its language, literature, and any number of cultural practices. ( ) while the public at large may have felt increasingly nationalistic by the time cooper began his career, evidence suggests that the author made the distinction tennenhouse describes here between political and cultural “englishness.” when cooper writes in the first chapter of the pilot that its setting is significant “not only because it was the birth- day of his nation, but because it was also the era when reason and common sense began to take the place of custom and feudal practices in the management of the affairs of nations” ( ), he suggests that the real value of america lies in its democratic government, not in the sheer fact of its nationhood. for cooper, an arbitrary linguistic separation (such as the proposal to adopt greek as america’s official language) would have little significance in comparison to the important political difference between america and england. accordingly, when knowing and speaking the languages of european monarchies does little symbolic harm, the citizens of the united states, as representatives of a better form of government, have everything to gain and to give in communication with the world. cooper’s cosmopolitanism, then, encompasses not just the benefit to americans of the richer cultural pasts of european countries, but also the political value that americans can provide to europe. such a cosmopolitanism involves problematizing what “englishness” might mean. borroughcliffe often employs the term “plain english” to preface a restatement of something he has just expressed in a confusing mix of latin and various circumlocutions. for example, after repeatedly confusing tom coffin with veiled invitations to join the royal navy, borroughcliffe concludes, “in plain english, enlist in my company, my fine fellow, and your life and liberty are both safe” ( ). after regularly confusing his listeners, borroughcliffe sees the necessity of “speaking plainly,” but the novel as a whole shows that there is no such thing. what is plain to one person or in one context may not be plain to another. in fact, in the above conversation, tom coffin has only just introduced himself in a way that demonstrates his own reliance on nonstandard, nautical language: “coffin, . . . i’m called tom, when there is any hurry, such as letting go the haulyards, or a sheet; long-tom, when they want to get to windward of an old seaman, by fair weather; and long-tom coffin, when they wish to hail me, so that none of my cousins of the same name, about the islands, shall answer; for i believe the best man among them can’t measure much over a fathom, taking him from his head-works to his heel.” ( ) as in the earlier examples of nautical language, this explanation of what tom coffin is called in various circumstances is confusing for a land-bound reader ignorant of “haulyards” and “head-works,” but it demonstrates precision, efficiency, and practicality for anyone versed in sea jargon. still, the complexity of coffin’s naming, as well as the admitted confusion between tom and his “cousins of the same name,” shows that a lack of plainness in language can come in other forms than borroughcliffe’s own pretentious quoting of latin. like katharine’s signal language, the conversation presents another incongruous meeting of discourses, demonstrating that the many varieties of english make the language far from plain. and because there is no single “plain english,” only knowing and being conversant in a wide variety of dialects and registers can ensure one’s full understanding. cooper, like royall tyler before him, critiques the use of linguistic difference to distinguish “proper” englishness from american provinciality, but he does not suggest that all language use is equal. rather than emphasizing national difference, cooper posits a different hierarchy of usage that transcends national borders. unlike tom coffin’s technical language, borroughcliffe’s use, and misuse, of latin is portrayed quite critically. for example, the scene in which the young merry enters st. ruth disguised as a peddler illustrates cooper’s idea of improper speech. when borroughcliffe toasts “the statu quo ante bellum” and talks of exiting the abbey “sub silentio,” he uses latin to appear more learned ( - ). like katharine—who quips, “and, captain borroughcliffe, as you appear to be forgetting the use of your own language, here is even a horn-book for you!” ( )—cooper frowns on the deployment of linguistic difference as an empty sign of useless erudition rather than a utilization of real knowledge. at the same time, the captain is not solely a buffoon in this scene. it is he who unmasks merry by revealing that the youth is proficient with nautical language but ignorant of a peddler’s wares. at the end of his examination, borroughcliffe cries, “enough, enough, . . . you have exhibited sufficient knowledge, to convince me that you do know something of your trade, and nothing of these articles” ( ). borroughcliffe’s pretentious use of latin may be portrayed critically, but “plain english” is not the only language necessary. borroughcliffe sees through merry’s deception because the boy lacks the technical language of a peddler. but borroughcliffe nonetheless approves of merry’s nautical expertise. in this sense, cooper’s view of proper speech and linguistic knowledge conforms to his analysis of the term “gentleman” in the american democrat. cooper writes, “to call a laborer, one who has neither education, manners, accomplishments, tastes, associations, nor any one of the ordinary requisites, a gentleman, is just as absurd as to call one who is thus qualified, a fellow” (american democrat ). cooper implies that a genuine gentleman is certainly better than a laboring fellow, but for a fellow to call oneself a gentleman is perhaps the worst position of all. true erudition in other languages, including technical terminology, is a virtue, but pretending to unwonted elevation is even worse than linguistic ignorance. although the pilot deals only sparingly with what would commonly be called “foreign” language, the novel contains a thorough introduction to cooper’s philosophy of linguistic difference. the multiplicity of dialects, jargons, and registers on display throughout the tale enables a high level of precision in the characters’ speech. it would hinder precise communication to replace this variety with a monolithic idea of “plain english.” but the same heterogeneity that allows for such precise communication also signals the imperfection of human language. as will become increasingly evident in the following readings, cooper values broad linguistic knowledge as a way to compensate for the imperfect connection between names and things, between post-babelian language and universal ideals. at the same time, the pilot is also valuable for positioning cooper’s general philosophy of language in the context of the american revolution, and the repercussions that conflict had for american identity well into the nineteenth century. cooper’s critique of the term “gentleman” also conforms to his characteristic portrayal of gentility. allan m. axelrad argues that, “although [cooper] grew increasingly embittered upon his return from europe, he was a lifelong conservative, never placing much faith in the judgment of the average man. instead he placed his faith in institutions, in authority, and in leadership by an elite. political power should be exercised by those best equipped to make sound conservative judgments—the landed gentry” ( ). dekker notes that “cooper himself was an aristocrat, or as nearly one as a patriotic american could well be, when in he began to work on the spy” ( ). the works discussed below demonstrate cooper’s belief in natural hierarchy even more clearly. cooper critiques the connection between language and national identity, instead advocating a class-based hierarchy of linguistic knowledge and usage, as will become increasingly apparent in his later works. cosmopolitan travel in cooper’s gleanings while the pilot establishes cooper’s approach to foreign language and translation in the context of the united states’ revolutionary beginnings, cooper’s more traditional travelogues demonstrate the place of foreign language in early-nineteenth-century american travel. in , only two years after the publication of the pilot, cooper and his family left america for what became a seven-year stay in europe. like many elite americans of the period, the coopers were continuing the british tradition of the grand tour. the practice of undertaking a comprehensive tour of continental europe as the “obligatory finish to a gentleman’s upbringing” dates as far back as sir philip sidney’s tour of the continent in (trease - ). foster rhea dulles examines american participation in this tradition “[a]s early as ,” when “two elegant young men from wealthy and distinguished families arrived [in europe] with no other purpose than embarking on the traditional grand tour” ( ). although travel to europe became increasingly less exclusive throughout the nineteenth century, dulles reports that, at the trease connects this originally british tradition to the necessity of crossing a body of water, providing a “motive for attempting a once-for-all and comprehensive exploration” ( ). he further notes that, as new modes of transportation such as the steamship and railroad made continental travel easy enough for the british that it did not require such a comprehensive trip, these same technologies made european tours increasingly possible for americans ( ). although a version of the grand tour was available to a wider range of english citizens than the gentlemen who undertook it as a means of finishing their education and manners, for americans at the beginning of the nineteenth century, transatlantic travel required a far greater outlay of time and money ( - ). beginning of the century, “the wealthy members of society’s more exclusive circles along the atlantic seaboard probably accounted for the largest number of americans visiting europe” ( ). such privileged americans continued the tradition of european travel for education and cultural capital. cooper’s descriptions of his european tour, published after his return, present further evidence of the author’s linguistic cosmopolitanism. his series of travelogues, which modern editors call gleanings in europe ( - ), is invaluable for understanding cooper’s engagement with language. by declining to replace the specificity of foreign terminology with an imperfect translation, cooper emphasizes different languages’ potential for expressing varied nuances of meaning, encouraging the widest possible linguistic knowledge in order to foster the most precise and culturally sensitive communication. he thus rejects monolingualism as a marker of distinct national communities, focusing instead on how language indicates class. as a result, cooper minimizes national borders and instead highlights the distinction between upper-class any study of cooper’s five volumes of travel writings is complicated by a number of bibliographical peculiarities. first, cooper published the books under different titles in america and europe. for greater simplicity, twentieth-century scholarly editions have given all five volumes the main title of gleanings in europe, subtitling each volume with the relevant country. these are the titles that i will use in the following discussion. to make matters even more confusing, the original order of publication was not the order of cooper’s actual travels, and, as robert e. spiller and james f. beard’s introduction to the edition notes, while “some letters bear topical resemblances to actual letters,” it seems clear that the epistolary form is merely a device and that cooper composed the volumes for publication after his return (ix). because the attention to language in each of these volumes varies more consistently with the time cooper had spent in europe than with the original order of publication (as being immersed in a foreign language will be more striking in the early months of residence than after several years abroad), i will examine them on that timeline, progressing through what the modern editions of gleanings in europe subtitle france, england, switzerland, italy, and the rhine, in that order. i abbreviate the title of each volume to gleanings: france, gleanings: england, etc. cosmopolitanism and the common provinciality shared by the lower-classes of all countries. cooper’s sea tales may have received less critical attention than his leatherstocking series, but cooper’s nonfiction travel writing has been even more widely ignored. when alfred bendixen mentions them briefly in the recent cambridge companion to american travel writing, he not only disregards the volumes as “lack[ing] any real sense of coherence,” and “often giv[ing] way to bad temper,” but he attributes these faults to his mistaken assumption that the books “[consist] largely of unrevised letters” ( - ). however, the few cooper scholars who do take time to examine gleanings are far more positive. in one of the few pieces that takes cooper’s travel writing as a primary focus, j. gerald kennedy argues that cooper’s gleanings “reflect the evolution of a more complicated understanding of nationhood and nationality,” beginning “with an earnest desire to know europe and to correct its misapprehensions about america” but evolving into “cooper’s dismantling of his nation’s most cherished illusions about itself” ( ). as kennedy also argues, cooper’s travel writings negotiate a complex relationship between country and world; the following reading will demonstrate that this relationship is inseparable from the subject of language. before turning more specifically to language, it is worthwhile to note that cooper’s gleanings also hold an interesting place in the evolving genre of travel other positive assessments include that of thomas philbrick, who calls cooper’s achievement “travel writing which is both extraordinarily rich in ideas and coherent in point of view” (“cooper in europe”). robert e. spiller also highlights the interest the books hold for both readers and scholars, noting that they “contain some of his most pungent social criticism and his most brilliant natural description,” and that they replace the “pompousness of his formal style” with “a vital intimacy” (fenimore ). literature and anti-touristic writing. throughout the series, cooper is critical both of the usual traveler and of the usual content of travel literature. almost as soon as he sets foot in england after his transatlantic voyage, cooper criticizes a couple “engaged in a lively discussion of the comparative merits of cowes and philadelphia,” a comparison he calls “absurd” (gleanings: france ). cooper takes this couple as an example of a common fault of travelers everywhere, complaining, “this propensity to exaggerate the value of whatever is our own, and to depreciate that which is our neighbours’, a principle that is connected with the very ground-work of poor human nature, forms a material portion of the traveling equipage of nearly every one who quits the scenes of his own youth, to visit those of other people” ( ). not only does cooper elevate himself over this general fault of the common rabble, but he further shows a cosmopolitan perspective by attributing the shortcoming to all people, not just to traveling americans. this does not mean however, that cooper defends his country at all times. when the grand duke of florence observes that he has not seen so many americans traveling recently, cooper responds with a more critical view of his countrymen, saying that although “the number [of traveling americans] had greatly increased within the last few years[,] . . . most of those who came to europe knew little of courts, . . . did not give themselves time to see more than the commoner sights, and . . . were but indifferent courtiers” (gleanings: italy ). thus, while cooper practices an older mode of travel where one stays for extended periods in high european society learning and speaking the language, he already begins to observe the kinds of tourists who will populate twain’s travel writing. as james buzard explains in his study of tourism, cooper’s elitist position was also, paradoxically, the norm. buzard thus offers a valuable explanation of cooper’s remarks: [a]fter the napoleonic wars, the exaggerated perception that the continental tour was becoming more broadly accessible than ever before gave rise to new formulations about what constituted ‘authentic’ cultural experience (such as travel is supposed to provide) and new representations aimed at distinguishing authentic from spurious or merely repetitive experience. . . . travel’s educative, acculturating function took on a newly competitive aspect, as travellers sought to distinguish themselves from the ‘mere tourists’ they saw or imagined around them. ( ) while travel was nowhere near as accessible as it would become by the end of the century, the gradual shift away from the kind of extended stay in society that cooper experiences led him to exaggerate the distinction between his family and other travelers presumably less interested in broadening their cultural horizons. despite cooper’s observations, however, the distinction between tourists and anti-tourists is never a clear one. buzard examines both tourism and anti-tourism as part of the same practice, arguing that the anti-touristic perspective exemplified here by cooper shares the same goal as tourism itself: “making the tour pay in cultural capital accepted by home society” ( - ). nevertheless, the reality of cooper’s extended residence in europe, in contrast to the briefer and more rushed visits that became increasingly common in twain’s time, makes him a fitting example of the older model of cosmopolitan traveler. this mode of travel will fade from prominence through the century, although it will never disappear entirely. cooper is by no means as critical of guidebooks and other typical travel writings as twain will be, but he does not miss an opportunity to find fault when fault presents itself. in switzerland for example, he caustically notes: i owe an especial acknowledgement to m. ebel, for the pleasures of a long walk, up a hill, under a hot sun, in order to see a linden (tilleul) which he has written down as being thirty-six feet in diameter. what will not a traveller come, in time, to believe! there we went, dragging our weary limbs after us, to discover that for “diamètre,” we ought to have read “circonférence.” i wish the erratum had been in his book, instead of mine. ( ) the traveler may take some blame for his credulity and dependence on such guidebooks, but cooper’s editorial eye balks at the misprint. if travelogues and guidebooks (a genre to which cooper himself is contributing) are not to be blindly believed, cooper at least highlights his own inclusion of the “erratum” and, as always, his meticulousness in applying the proper names to things. moreover, by generalizing that “[t]ravellers are too much in the practice of describing under the influence of their early and home-bred impressions” (gleanings: italy ), he implies that his own writing is an exception, an example of accurate reporting from an open-minded and cosmopolitan perspective. kennedy even goes so far as to argue that cooper’s gleanings “anticipate the objectives of current transnational studies” in cooper’s desire to “develop a global (or at least transatlantic) perspective to surmount the parochial nationalism of his american contemporaries” ( ). as these examples have indicated, however, cooper did not limit his charges of such “parochialism” to americans alone, but criticized and at times sought to correct the narrow nationalistic views of americans and europeans alike. thus, robert e. spiller argues that, “[n]ext to american pride in themselves, european ignorance of america was . . . the greatest obstacle against which the culture of [cooper’s] nation had to contend” (fenimore ). cooper’s cosmopolitanism, like the patriotism of the enlightenment, was not recognition of europe’s absolute superiority to america, but belief in the value of understanding each continent and recognizing both its merits and deficits, valuing the older culture of europe without betraying the political promise of american democracy. the first volume chronologically, gleanings in europe: france, contains the most concentrated attention to language, but it also introduces many of the topics to which cooper will return throughout the series. one reappearing theme is the charge of provincialism, which cooper seeks to deflect from americans in particular onto the ill- bred people of all countries. in france, cooper finds the practice of sending cards to be far superior to the american insistence on always visiting in person. he writes, “it is easy to trace these usages to their source, provincial habits and rustic manners, but towns with three hundred thousand inhabitants ought to be free from both” ( ). some american practices are provincial, but cooper believes that american society has developed enough that such provincialisms can and ought to be dropped. far from lampooning the lowness of his countrymen, however, cooper attempts to present a balanced and accurate picture of america. he explains, “america, in my time, at least, has always had an active and swift communication with the rest of the world. as a people, we are, beyond a question, decidedly provincial, but our provincialism is not exactly one of external appearance” ( ). thus, while americans do not have easy access to the more developed history and culture of europe, they are also not walking around in buckskins all day, as many of the europeans cooper meets seem to expect. instead, americans prove even quicker to adopt french fashions than the english, a circumstance which (as cooper is eager to report) has led some english travelers in america to label as backward what is really à la mode ( - ). cooper values such openness to foreign culture, which even in this frivolous form is a marker of an international aesthetic of taste and class rather than a stubbornly provincial nationalism. cooper displays his own cosmopolitanism by including many french words and phrases in his account, a practice he will continue in homeward bound. one letter describing a royal dinner serves as a good example of cooper’s treatment of language throughout both the volume and the series. in the first six paragraphs of the letter, cooper explains two french phrases: “the lord in waiting, or, as he is called here, ‘le premier gentilhomme de la chambre du roi, de service’” ( ), and “grands courverts, as these dinners are called” ( ). cooper emphasizes the french versions with his explicit attention to what things are “called” and, in the first example, his use of quotation marks to highlight the french phrase. he implies that, when in france, it is important to use the french terminology. and while these examples offer more translation than is usual for cooper, they still show no attempt to give a “literal,” word-for-word translation of the french terms. presumably, readers can do that for themselves. also in these paragraphs, the words “fête,” “salle,” “châtea,” and “gardes du corps” are left with no translation at all ( - ). these examples demonstrate that, while cooper at times seeks to inform his after giving an example of dancing formation, cooper writes, “in this little anecdote we learn the great rapidity with which new fashions penetrate american usages, and the greater ductility of american society in visible and tangible things, at least; and the heedless manner with which even those who write in a good spirit of america jump to their conclusions. had captain hall, or mrs. trollope, encountered this unlucky quadrille, they would probably have found some clever means of imputing the nez-à-nez tendencies of our dances to the spirit of democracy!” (gleanings: france ). reader about the nomenclature of french society, he assumes there is no need to translate the french language itself. cooper further demonstrates his tendency to avoid translation by leaving dialogue in french without any english explanation. for example, in describing the women present at the dinner, cooper reports: one, of great personal charms and quite young, was seated near me, and my neighbor, an old abbé, carried away by enthusiasm, suddenly exclaimed to me—“quelle belle fortune! monsieur, d’être jeune, jolie, et duchesse!” i dare say the lady had the same opinion of the matter. ( ) french fluency may not be necessary to understand the gist of this anecdote, but some reading knowledge is required for full comprehension. by concluding this passage with his own dry punch line rather than offering any commentary on the meaning of the french remark, cooper requires the reader to be conversant in the language in order to feel included in the joke. a second exchange with his neighbor offers another example of this characteristic treatment of dialogue: i asked my neighbor, the abbé, what he thought of m. de talleyrand. after looking up in my face distrustfully, he whispered—“mais, monsier, c’est un chat qui tombe toujours sur ses pieds,” a remark that was literally true to-night, for the old man was kept on his feet longer than could have been agreeable to the owner of two such gouty legs. ( ) once again, cooper’s joke is nonsensical without enough knowledge of french to recognize the common saying. by not offering any translation, cooper seems to assume that his reader is cosmopolitan enough to understand how the “remark . . . was literally true.” at least cooper does not seem to care if he alienates a reader who is not. but it is important to note, however, that it is not impossible to find fault with cooper’s french, however proud the author appears to be of it. spiller notes, for example, that “the french manuscripts of cooper are improved, as mark twain has put it, by being retranslated back into their native tongue” (fenimore ). perhaps such a feeling of being excluded might encourage the monolingual to improve their linguistic knowledge. amid these far more numerous examples of untranslated french, cooper occasionally does provide a translation, but only in cases where the translated meaning is of utmost importance. in one of the few examples of such translation, cooper describes a noble family “who were content to bear the appellation of sire, a word from which our own ‘sir’ is derived, and which means, like sir, the simplest term of courtesy that could be used” ( ). already in setting up his story, cooper explains the french usage. he goes on to describe how the family demonstrate their “contempt for titles” in their motto, which cooper sets off from the text as follows: “je ne suis roi, ne prince, ne duc, ne comte aussi; je suis le sire de coucy.” ( ) to this, cooper footnotes the translation, “i am neither king, nor prince, nor duke, nor even a count: i am m. de coucy” ( ). even in this example, cooper minimizes the obtrusiveness of the english translation by removing it from the main text and allowing readers to consult it or not, depending upon their linguistic knowledge. the significance of this motto, in comparison to the amusing but tangential comments of the abbé, becomes clear when cooper offers his own version, to be used by “our own ministers and citizens abroad” ( ). cooper advises: if any prince should inquire—“who is this that approaches me, clad so simply that i may mistake him for a butler, or a groom of the chambers?” let him answer, “je ne suis roi, ne prince, ne duc, ne comte aussi—i am the minister of the united states of amerikey,” and leave the rest to the millions at home. ( ) cooper’s adaptation of the motto encapsulates the patriotic pride in american democracy that cooper demonstrates throughout his travels, a pride which will only be soured upon his eventual return home. despite its provincial and often illogical usages, america’s lack of titles is not a mark of rusticity but a symbol of its political sophistication. by recognizing this distinction, cooper once again emphasizes his republican patriotism, in contrast to the later nationalism of presumed cultural and linguistic superiority. and it is only the significance of this point that warrants the unusual instance of translation. cooper’s pride in knowing french further can be seen in his account of meeting sir walter scott. cooper describes how he encounters a stranger at the entrance of his building: “est-ce monsieur ——, que j’ai l’honneur de voir?” he asked, in french, and with but an indifferent accent. “monsieur, je m’appele ——.” “eh bien, donc—je suis walter scott.” ( ) despite cooper’s apparent admiration for the writer, his account of scott’s french is far from complimentary, both in cooper’s overt comment about scott’s “indifferent accent” and in the general stuttering quality he gives to scott’s speech. cooper heightens the sense of scott’s linguistic incompetence with the following observation: all this time he was speaking french, while my answers and remarks were in english. suddenly recollecting himself, he said—“well, here have i been parlez-vousing to you, in a way to surprise you no doubt; but these frenchmen have got my tongue so set to their lingo, that i have half forgotten my own language.” ( ) another rare translation also appears for a french saying to which cooper attaches much importance. beforehand, cooper complains of americans’ “tendency to repel every suggestion of inferiority” and calls this “one of the surest signs of provincial habits” ( ). he concludes his explanation (or rather, his lesson) with the statement: “the french have a clever and pithy saying, that of — ‘on peut tout dire, à un grand people.’ ‘one may tell all to a great nation.’” ( ). in other words, america’s failure to take criticism with grace suggests its inferiority. not only does cooper feel quite strongly about this issue, as his lampooning of similar provincialism in home as found demonstrates, but the reader most in need of this advice would be one ignorant of french (if any such readers have remained to reach this point). here, scott is doubly foolish. not only does he lack cooper’s apparent ease in switching between languages, but that failure exposes his lackluster french. and this is a subject that cooper proves unwilling to drop throughout the letter. in another anecdote, scott asks cooper to decipher an invitation. scott says, “you are a friend of the lady, and parlez-vous so much better than i, can you tell me whether this is for jeudi, or lundi, or mardi, or whether it means no day at all?” ( ). as if to highlight how much better he does “parlez-vous,” cooper drily follows this with the deadpan, “i told him the day of the week intended” ( ). only several pages later, cooper again reports scott’s linguistic failure: “he said, laughingly, that he spoke french with so much difficulty he was embarrassed to answer the compliments” ( ). again emphasizing the superiority of his own french, cooper follows this with another anecdote in which, as in his description of the royal dinner, he leaves the french comments made to him untranslated, even at the risk of obscuring the central point of the story. summarizing his opinion of scott, cooper writes, for a “man who had been so very much and so long courted by the great,” he sometimes demonstrates “a want of familiarity with the world,” but “after all, his life has been provincial” ( ). cooper never quite mocks or insults scott in gleanings, but he makes it abundantly clear that, while the briton might surpass him in fame, it is the american who can converse in france without a problem. for cooper, literary merit is hollow without such cosmopolitan markers of class. gleanings: france contains other, more overt statements of cooper’s views of language. he says of the french, for example, “like the people of all great nations, their stephen p. harthorn’s paper “truth and consequences: james fenimore cooper on scott, columbus, bumppo, and professional authorship” examines cooper’s sometimes harsh criticism of scott more broadly. attention is drawn more to themselves than to others, and then the want of a knowledge of foreign languages has greatly contributed to their ignorance” ( ). this deficit does not damn the french entirely for cooper, but his disapproval is clear as he goes on to speak positively of how the younger generation is beginning to remedy the shortcoming. for cooper, the french people’s ignorance of other languages is a key cause of their greater failings. he explains that “the limited powers of the language, and the rigid laws to which it has been subjected, contribute to render the french less acquainted with foreign nations, than they would otherwise be” ( ). in describing this limitation, cooper gives what amounts to a defense of his general policy on the inclusion of foreign languages in his own works. he explains: in all their translations, there is an effort to render the word, however peculiar may be its meaning, into the french tongue. thus, “township,” and “city,” met with in an american book, would probably be rendered by “canton,” or “commune,” or “ville”; neither of which conveys an accurate idea of the thing intended. in an english or american book, we should introduce the french word at once, which would induce the reader to inquire into the differences that exist between the minor territorial division of his own country, and those of the country of which he is reading. in this manner is the door opened for further information, until both writers and readers come to find it easier and more agreeable to borrow words from others, than to curtain their ideas by their national vocabularies. the french, however, are beginning to feel their poverty in this respect, and some are already bold enough to resort to the natural cure. ( ) because of the importance the french put on their own language and culture, they avoid including any foreign words in their translations. as a result, cooper argues, other cultures become indistinguishable from french culture, and thus the french people remain ignorant of other countries’ ways. cooper, in contrast, not only emphasizes the cultural differences between nations, but insists that these differences be represented by using the proper words for things. thus, the english word “township” would signify the american concept better than any french equivalent could, and vice versa. by traversing the narrow bounds of linguistic nationalism, writers have access to more varied vocabulary to express their precise meanings. this practice, as i have argued, can be seen throughout cooper’s travel writings, both fictional and nonfictional. what makes this passage even more significant, however, is cooper’s account of his pedagogical rationale. he argues that including a french word in an english-language text will lead the reader to wonder about the differences between townships and villes, encouraging them to learn more about those differences and to acquire more foreign vocabulary. cooper calls the lack of such linguistic and cultural knowledge “poverty,” and he clearly takes pains to avoid such a shortcoming in his own writing. cooper’s travels to england provide further opportunities to debunk the binary of american provinciality and european sophistication. cooper is particularly critical of the english, so his observations take on a less favorable cast. looking at cooper’s references to linguistic difference in gleanings in europe: england, spiller calls “cooper’s main theme, a comparison of the cultures of the two countries in terms of the speech of the various social classes in each” (“cooper’s notes” ). indeed, throughout the work, cooper provides observations on language supporting his view that there is a greater intranational difference between speakers of different classes than there is between kennedy similarly notes cooper’s desire to educate his readers: “when he began gleanings, cooper fancied himself embarking on a new career as a cultural critic. he hoped his nonfiction writing would enjoy success, but above all he meant to combat ignorance at home and abroad, correcting american self-delusions and enlightening native readers about europe while aiming (through foreign editions) to provide european readers with revealing views of the countries he had visited” ( - ). speakers of equivalent classes on each side of the atlantic. as david simpson argues about cooper’s works more generally, “language is imagined as a symptom (and indeed a cause) of struggle and conflict within the social contract” (politics ). language, for cooper, thus serves as a marker of class rather than a divider of national communities. early in gleanings: england, cooper describes a conversation between himself and three englishmen. they discuss whether it is possible to determine if someone is american or english from that person’s speech: the two oldest gentlemen professed not to be able to discover any thing in my manner of speaking to betray me for a foreigner. but the young gentleman fancied otherwise. “he thought there was something peculiar— provincial—he did not know what exactly.” i could have helped him to the word—“something that was not cockney.” . . . the difference between the enunciation of mr. rogers and mr. cary and one of our educated men of the middle states, it is true, was scarcely perceptible, and required a nice ear and some familiarity with both countries to detect, but the young man could not utter a sentence, without showing his origin. ( ) cooper, who considers himself an expert on the differences between english and american language, can hear a difference in the speech of roger and cary, but their common high level of education makes such a difference extremely small. the young man, who apparently speaks with a “cockney” accent, a term cooper uses throughout his travels to express contempt for things of a lower class, mistakenly believes that the lack of such an accent is “provincial.” but, as cooper is quick to insist, his own educated american english is far more proper than the youth’s british english, and a sign of its numerous critics have sought to explain cooper’s seemingly contradictory beliefs in democracy and in important distinctions of class, breeding, and merit. according to ross j. pudaloff, cooper felt that “the great promise of america” was “the achievement of a hierarchical society and a democratic polity” ( ). likewise, mcwilliams notes cooper’s views that, “in a democracy, the gentry should be voted into power” and that “the gentry are usually the natural and social superiors of the common man” (political ). correctness is the relative absence of national markers. cooper seems to find something shameful in the young man’s “showing his origin” in every sentence, and prides himself that his own cosmopolitan correctness prevents such gauche disclosures. similar observations can be found throughout the volume. at a dinner party hosted by lord grey, cooper insists that the british company’s “manner of speaking is identically the same as our own,” adding “(i speak now of the gentlemen of the middle states)” but also including “that portion of those in the southern who live much in the towns” ( ). for cooper, the upper classes of both countries share the qualities of directness and simplicity in language because of their “[c]ommunion with the world” ( ). elsewhere in the text, cooper complains of the “many abuses of the language, in the middling classes” in england ( ). one such abuse is the pronunciation of “my.” cooper asserts that “the polite way of pronouncing this word . . . [is] by a sort of elision—as ‘m’horse,’” and he concludes “that ‘my horse,’ ‘my dog,’ ‘my gun,’ the usual american mode, and ‘me horse,’ ‘me dog,’ ‘me gun,’ the english counterpart, are equally wrong; the first by an offensive egotism, and the last from offensive ignorance” ( ). thus, cooper places the genteel and correct usage, which is shared by the “better sort” in both countries, above the common usages of each. in another conversation about language differences between england and america, cooper explains, “i told him we had social castes in america, as in england, though they were less strongly marked than common; and that men, of course, betrayed their associations in nothing sooner than in their modes of speech” ( ). for cooper in this last as in the previous examples, language difference between countries is less significant than verbal distinctions of class. by making this claim, cooper elevates himself above the common, provincial american, placing himself on a plane with the best of europe. gleanings: switzerland, the middle book chronologically (although the first published), holds an interesting position between the books on france and england and cooper’s later travels. cooper describes the difference in subject matter at the opening of the volume, rejoicing that “a commonplace converse with men was about to give place to a sublime communion with nature” ( ). while switzerland is more touristic than france, in which much of cooper’s observations deal with his time residing in the country and moving in french society, it contains more examples of linguistic difference than cooper’s even more touristic accounts of italy and the rhine. when cooper encounters french in gleanings: switzerland, his treatment of the language is similar to that in gleanings: france, but travel in switzerland also presents a new linguistic challenge—german. at first, cooper is optimistic about his ability to understand german. he explains, for example: the town on the swiss side of the river is called kaiserstuhl, or emperor’s seat; the good franz being called a kaiser, a corruption of cæsar, in the vernacular of his lieges. stuhl speaks for itself; being pronounced like our own stool. they who speak english, by a little attention to sounds, can soon acquire a very respectable travelling german. ( ) even ignoring the issue of false cognates (the english and german versions of “gift” being one notorious example), cooper’s implication that all german will be as easy to decipher as stuhl is overly optimistic. such optimism is also indicative of cooper’s cosmopolitan belief that he should be able to converse in any language. despite this hopeful beginning, the volume contains numerous examples of misunderstandings brought about by a combination of the coopers’ lack of skill with german and the numerous and obscure dialects of the region. in the very next letter, the coopers meet with “a serious difficulty” in altstetten, a small town in which, cooper writes, “we could not make ourselves understood” ( ). he admits that part of the fault is his own and that his “german was by no means classical,” but he also lays some of the blame on the lack of worldliness of the town, writing, “english, italian, and french, were all hebrew to the good people of the inn” ( ). cooper admits some fault in not having mastered german, but he still continues to emphasize his own linguistic arsenal in comparison to the town’s provinciality. further highlighting the fault of the townspeople, cooper notes that, even though his coachman “spoke as pure a patois as heart could wish[,] . . . the patios of the district would own no fellowship with that of this linguist” ( ). even in the face of his own shortcomings (and he is the visitor, after all), cooper continues to offset these difficulties by highlighting his linguistic cosmopolitanism. he overcomes this particular language difficulty, for example, by resorting to “the language of nature” and “crow[ing] like a cock” to indicate that his party would like something to eat, a tactic that succeeds in procuring “a broiled fowl, an omelette, and boiled eggs” as well as in entertaining all at the inn ( ). cooper’s onomatopoeia proves successful in addressing his needs, but it also lacks the precision of more specific terminology, procuring him a wider variety of chicken-related food than would have been necessary. cooper is obviously capable of laughing at himself for the caper, but the anecdote also reveals no small pride in his ability to communicate despite the language barrier. when the local language is a dialect of french and not german, cooper is even quicker to elevate his acquired but “proper” french over the native but “provincial” french of the people he encounters. one example is the following miscommunication: i asked the waiter, who spoke french, for some pears. “pois! des petits pois!” he roared; “why, monsir, the peas have been gone these six weeks.” “ i do not ask for ‘pois,’ but for ‘poires,’ ‘des poir-r-es,’ which are just in season.” one would think this explanation sufficient, and that i might have been quietly answered, yes or no;—not at all. my sturdy swiss very coolly turned upon me, and gave me to understand that reason he had not comprehended me at first was my very bad pronunciation. “fous n’abez bas un bon bronunciashun, monsir; voilà, poirquoi je ne fous ai bas combris.” certes, my french is any thing but faultless, though i have no reason to suppose it worse than that of my castigator, who made a most ludicrous appearance as he reproved me for calling a pear, peas; an offense, by-the-way, of which i was not at all guilty. ( ) cooper may have laughed along with the women of the inn when he was forced to resort to animal sounds to order food, but he obviously finds the effrontery of this waiter inexcusable. from his first “roared” response, the waiter behaves in a way that is both utterly uncivil and uncivilized, at least according to cooper’s account of the confrontation. when cooper responds by repeating and slowing down his words as if the waiter was the foreigner, it is no surprise that his “castigator” does not drop the issue but instead insults cooper’s pronunciation. unfortunately for the swiss waiter, the writer has the power to print the last word, and not only does cooper end the anecdote by claiming his own innocence (although we have nothing but his word to determine how faultless his pronunciation might have been), but he also wields the power of phonetic spelling to mark the waiter’s speech as nonstandard and incorrect. whatever cooper’s own linguistic faults may be, he never represents them by altering the spellings of his own speech. by the time cooper reaches the “hamlet” of disentis, remarking that “village” would be “too significant a word for this local capital,” he seems frustrated enough with these repeated communication difficulties to lay all of the blame on the provinciality of the inhabitants, “a people who spoke a patois known only to themselves” ( ). cooper describes how he is startled awake one night by a strange man at his bedside: to all and each of my questions, however, nothing could be got out of him but the single word, “serviteur,” which he pronounced more and more deliberately each time. this ridiculous scene lasted several minutes before i began to suspect the truth. it would seem that the honest landlord, distressed at not being able to comprehend my wants, had sent for an interpreter, who happened to be the worthy and sententious individual in question. ( ) cooper concludes this amusing anecdote with what amounts to the joke that the people of disentis are so provincial (how provincial are they?), that their greatest “linguist” knows “but one word of a foreign language, and that one, too, far from particularly well” ( ). in his account of the next day, cooper again contrasts his own linguistic prowess to that of the village. he describes exploring the abbey, “in hope of meeting a monk, with whom [he] might, at least, murder the little latin that a busy and varied life has spared” ( ). as in many of the previous examples, cooper’s modesty about his “little latin” is far from convincing. but his desire for conversation is thwarted again, and he laments, “the ‘serviteur’ of the linguist was the only intelligible word which had greeted my ear since i entered the place” ( ). despite his attempts at modesty, cooper demonstrates a clear pattern of displaying his linguistic skills whenever possible and emphasizing, when he does experience communication difficulties, that the fault lies in the rusticity of the locals, not in his own shortcomings. cooper’s account of his visit to italy is the most properly touristic of all of his writings; as kennedy notes, it “savors of guidebook notations, many of them happily invested with cooper’s critical intelligence and unaffected delight” ( ). cooper admits near the end of the volume, “i have told you little in these letters of the italians themselves, and nothing of what may be called their society” (gleanings: italy ). his avoidance of italian society gives him fewer opportunities to remark on the language of the country. when he does, the comments are similar to the more numerous examples from his earlier travels. he praises florence, for example, by saying, “this is the age of cosmopolitanism, real or pretended; and florence, just at this moment, is an epitome both of its spirit and of its representatives” ( ). cooper also derives much amusement from the speech of common people with local dialects. one example is a lad rowing a boat from amalfi to salerno who “amused [them] greatly with his patios” by pronouncing “signore” as “snore” ( ). cooper notes his son’s “great delight” at the incident and concludes with the image of the more worldly american family laughing at the local lad’s provinciality. finally, cooper again demonstrates the significance of linguistic difference when he praises the speech of the “females of rome,” particularly “[t]he manner in which they pronounce that beautiful and gracious word ‘grazie’” ( ). he continues: a french woman’s “merci” is pretty, but it is mincing, and not at all equal to the roman “thanks.” after all, as language is the medium of thought, and the link that connects all our sympathies, there is no more desirable accomplishment than a graceful utterance. ( ) as cooper demonstrates throughout his travel writings, it is worthwhile for a writer to print and a reader to understand foreign words because “thanks” in french is not exactly interestingly, emilio goggio’s explanation of this omission, that while “cooper had lived among the italians for a long time, he hesitated to pass judgment upon their character and nature for fear that his knowledge of them might not be sufficiently thorough to do so adequately” ( ), further demonstrates the importance cooper places on speaking the language and living in society for an extended residence. even though his visit was longer than that of many who would not hesitate to comment freely, cooper was unwilling to make judgments based on insufficient cultural knowledge. equivalent to “thanks” in italian. when both are translated into english, an important difference is lost. because he believes “language is the medium of thought,” cooper emphasizes the importance of “graceful utterance,” but he also implies here, as elsewhere, that the original language of the utterance conveys a greater precision of meaning than is possible with any translation. perhaps because it documents the last chronological period of cooper’s travels, gleanings: the rhine contains more observations of a long-time resident than of a traveler and thus fewer observations about language. the language anecdotes it does contain, as in the italian volume, reinforce the argument for cooper’s general interest in the subject. for example, cooper takes time to comment on flemish and finds, “so nearly does this language resemble the english, that i have repeatedly comprehended whole sentences, in passing through the streets” ( ). cooper also continues his subtle linguistic competition with scott by noting that his colleague mistakenly has the people of liége speak flemish instead of the “impure french, which is the language of the whole region along this frontier” ( ). cooper ostensibly undercuts his criticism by concluding, “but for the complaints of the liégeois, the error would not have been very generally known, however; certainly not by me, had i not visited the place” ( ). but once again, this feigned modesty only further emphasizes the greater worldliness cooper himself has gained through his extensive travels. in sum, gleanings in europe does much to illuminate cooper’s opinions of language and of the relation between america and europe. like the pilot, it also presents a complex mixture of patriotic pride and cosmopolitanism. cooper demonstrates that cosmopolitanism is a trait of elite americans and europeans alike, and that provinciality is a mark of the lower classes rather than a national characteristic. cooper also seeks to vindicate his country from charges of provincialism by speaking the languages of europe and by following each country’s social customs. he conveys this appreciation for linguistic and cultural difference by saturating his own writings with foreign language, not merely to add a meaningless patina of local color, but because he believes that language makes a difference and that the reader can be improved through exposure to that difference. linguistic difference may cause difficulties for the traveler, but cooper contends that it should be overcome through broad linguistic knowledge and education rather than elided through translation or ignored by shutting down opportunities for transnational communication. in his later fiction, cooper will begin to draw an even greater distinction between his own cosmopolitanism and that of the average american, thereby alienating much of his former audience. elite cosmopolitanism in homeward bound when faced in europe with negative views of america and of democracy, cooper maintained the strong patriotism evident in his early revolutionary novels. but after his return to america in , he found that the country he spent years defending had changed for the worse. as robert s. levine explains, “various social controversies—the as dekker points out, because “the nation as a whole had accepted jeffersonian republicanism” and “(by ) cooper had gone along with it,” he remained “far to the left of most of the governing powers of europe” ( ). thus, it is important to keep in mind that, while cooper was conservative by american standards, his general belief in his country’s mode of government put him on the left in europe. illustrating the complexity of cooper’s views, robert s. levine argues that “cooper’s early novels express an implicit pessimism about america’s prospects that he would not address openly and deliberately until after ,” but that, “during his european residence of - , he conceived of himself as a spokesman for the glorious possibilities of american republicanism” ( ). dispute over three mile point, his legal battles with the press, his disdain for anti- rentism—led him to feel increasingly alienated from the very public he hoped would purchase and read his novels” ( ). the process of compiling his recollections into gleanings in europe, moreover, may have fostered unfortunate comparisons between their subject and his home. as robert lawson-peebles argues, cooper’s travel writings allowed him to develop “a richer, more complex, and even more negative view of american society” ( ). in , after a three-year break from fiction writing, cooper published another sea tale, homeward bound, which is set in cooper’s present and describes the effingham family’s own return from europe. homeward bound demonstrates how cooper’s experiences abroad developed the perspectives on language found in the pilot. the later novel also amplifies the class consciousness found in cooper’s earlier works, carefully distinguishing the cosmopolitanism of the effinghams (and the coopers) from the provincial views of the american rabble. homeward bound and its sequel, home as found, are often read as markers of cooper’s changing political views. marilla battilana describes how, after his return from europe, cooper “became one of the loudest and most argumentative critics of u.s. things, government, people and culture,” and she describes the novels as “brimming with aristocratic feelings and distrust with american institutions” ( , ). likewise, ronald john clohessy notes that homeward bound marks “a shift from a jacksonian levine modifies the common perception that cooper “suddenly became an inveterate social critic, perceiving little but demagoguery and commercialism all around him” ( ). instead, levine argues that “the transformation was a political-rhetorical one, pivoting as it did on his changing attitude toward his democratic reading public. . . . according to cooper, the subsequent decline of his contemporary reputation had everything to do with politics: defending republican and democratic ideals, he was misunderstood in what marvin meyers has termed ‘the age of dodge and bragg’” ( ). sense of democracy found in the early novels to a more jeffersonian notion of an aristocracy of merit.” while many of cooper’s critics found him to be unapologetically aristocratical, clohessy’s more balanced perspective reveals that cooper was not anti- american, as the newspapers portrayed him, but that he did believe a successful republic requires its citizens to discriminate between persons on the basis of quality. john p. mcwilliams, in perhaps the most nuanced interpretation of cooper’s shifting political viewpoint, offers the following psychological reading of the effingham brothers: among cooper’s novels only homeward bound and home as found divide the american gentleman into two characters who disagree with one another. edward and john effingham represent cooper’s changeable feelings during the troubled years of the late thirties. . . . benign, optimistic, and self-contained, edward offers temperate and assuring statements which cooper very much wished to believe. his angry cynical cousin utters denunciations which cooper wished not to believe, but which were to recur in later writings. (political ) it does seem likely that the reason scholars disagree about cooper’s politics, particularly during this critical period, is that cooper’s beliefs were in conflict with his hopes for america. while cooper’s allegiance may have been divided between the effingham brothers, both men are admirable in their own rights, and the conflict between them can produce fruitful dialogue. the novel positions such polite and well-reasoned discussion as perhaps the only path to solving the problems cooper observed upon his return from europe, and the ability to engage in such discussion is one marker of cooper’s natural and cosmopolitan aristocrat. as the following reading will make clear, the gentility required for balanced discourse is impossible without a cosmopolitan education, whether that education be likewise, mcwilliams asserts, “in dealing with cooper, one must separate his aristocratic social convictions from his republican political convictions” (political ). formal or based on real-word experience. both the benefit and the marker of such an education is knowledge of multiple languages. cooper himself proudly displays such knowledge with the foreign phrases interspersed throughout the speech of the genteel characters and the narration itself, as well as in the more extended french of mademoiselle viefville. cooper contrasts this linguistic cosmopolitanism with the ungentlemanly speech and behavior of the lower-class characters such as the maid anne sidley, who is unable to learn french and dislikes anything said by eve she cannot understand, and the steward saunders, whose speech is marked by comically incorrect foreign phrases and mispronunciations. while it is in the sequel, home as found, that cooper has the most opportunity to satirize everything he finds deficient upon his return to america, the characters aboard the montauk frequently pass the time comparing the merits of america and europe. as the narration notes, “the conflicts between american and british opinions, coupled with a difference in habits, are a prolific source of discontent in the cabins of packets” (i: ). indeed, the first sentence of the novel is a comparison of the coasts of england and america, and it favors the former for its “general appearance of civilisation” (i: ). this comparison is continued in a conversation between eve and her father. edward effingham muses, “we have seen nobler coasts, eve, . . . but, after all, england will always be fair to american eyes” (i: ). he further demonstrates his preference for europe when he expresses pride that eve is “educated beyond the reach of national in a paper on cooper’s use of scots dialect, signe o. wegener similarly points out that “cooper, always the novelist of manners, insists that the higher a person’s social rank, the more superior and less accented his or her use of the english language—and also their command of other languages. in his texts, language becomes an inescapable social marker.” foibles” (i: ). indeed, eve’s education has made her cosmopolitan, and she describes herself as “independent of prejudice” (i: ). her cousin, john effingham, likewise praises her for being educated by “a congress of nations,” and he pays particular attention to eve’s knowledge of languages, which will garner widespread admiration upon her return to america in home as found (i: ). these opening remarks set the tone for a novel that espouses cosmopolitan ideals and assumes a reader as cosmopolitan as its protagonists. newspaperman steadfast dodge, in sharp contrast to the cosmopolitan effinghams, is the emblem of everything that cooper finds distasteful in s america. most readings of cooper’s novel pay particular attention to his character, and there is little doubt what cooper thought of this scurrilous figure. daniel marder calls dodge an “ill-mannered, arrogant and ignorant usurper of republican virtues” ( ). dekker, likewise, calls the editor “a cowardly, sneaking, lying fictional descendent of hiram doolittle of the pioneers, a ‘man of the people’” ( ). others, such as joel a. johnson, connect dodge to cooper’s dislike of new englanders. johnson calls him “an ardent new england democrat . . . so devoted to equality and the rights of the people that he has difficulty thinking for himself” ( ). of more importance to the present argument is david simpson’s reading of dodge. simpson argues that dodge is an example of what an extreme example of the recognition her linguistic knowledge receives is mrs. legend’s preparations for eve’s appearance at one of the former’s “literary evenings”: “[i]t was known that eve was skilled in most of the european tongues, and, the good lady, not feeling that such accomplishments are chiefly useful as a means, looked about her in order to collect a set, among whom our heroine might find some one with whom to converse in each of her dialects” (cooper, home as found i: - ). less admiringly, another minor character gossips, “eve effingham has lived so long in france, that she speaks nothing but broken english” (ii: ). cooper did not like about new englanders who believed “everyone must conform to the new england standard” of language (politics ). dodge’s hypocrisy on the subject of language is apparent in his own provincial speech. simpson notes that, in the novel, “[w]hole pages are given over to the transcription of dodge’s linguistic misdeeds, and the disdain they occasion in the truly polite characters” ( - ). dodge’s provincial opinions about the english language are matched only by his provincial opinions of europe. cooper uses dodge’s travel journal, which the newspaper editor already has sent back home for publication, to satirize the typical travel writings of american tourists who make snap judgments, fail to learn the language, and cannot see through their own prejudices. to the dismay of the effinghams, dodge begins to read from the journal of his visit to paris: “‘dejjuned at ten, as usual, an hour, that i find exceedingly unreasonable and improper, and one that would meet with general disapprobation in america. i do not wonder that a people gets to be immoral and depraved in their practices, who keep such improper hours. the mind acquires habits of impurity, and all the sensibilities become blunted, by taking the meals out of the natural seasons. i impute much of the corruption of france to the periods of the day in which the food is taken— ’” (i: ) in a typical display of his excessively democratic ideas, dodge disapproves of the french breakfast hour because it would be met “with general disapprobation in america” (emphasis added). dodge further ignores the arbitrary relativity of cultural differences when he calls such timing not only unpopular but unnatural. and dodge does not stop at disapproval of this single practice: he precipitously and illogically attributes the french breakfast hour to a generalization about the “corruption of france,” the same rhetorical move of which cooper complains throughout his own travel memoirs. cooper’s satire of travel writing in homeward bound is full of examples highlighting the distinction between the cosmopolitanism of the effinghams, paul powis, and cooper and the provincial and chauvinist opinions of dodge and his ilk. just as french phrases remain untranslated in cooper’s own travel writing, dodge’s remarks are punctuated by the responses of mlle. viefville in untranslated french. cooper thus aligns the anti-touristic sentiments of the genteel portion of dodge’s audience with the cosmopolitan reader who can understand the parisian’s rebuttals—and the cosmopolitan traveler who would understand the french spoken in paris itself and make less prejudiced observations. indeed, the higher-class listeners mock dodge’s misuse of french as well as his misguided opinions. his bad pronunciations, in particular, mark him as one whose go-aheadism has prevented him from taking the time to learn the language properly. mlle. viefville, for example, is baffled by dodge’s “nully” until eve clarifies, “pour neuilly, mademoiselle” (i: ). shortly after, when captain truck apologizes to the ladies for dodge’s inclusion of a “naughty place,” dodge himself clarifies, “to notter dam, captain truck, if you please, and i flatter myself that is pretty good french” (i: ). of course it is actually terrible french, and this is one of if any more evidence of cooper’s obvious alignment with the effinghams were needed, it could be observed that, in both his confrontation with dodge during this scene and his conversation with eve afterwards, john effingham voices many of the same views of american government found in the american democrat, including the argument that if all men were equal, elections would be better held by lottery, and the declaration that the “[t]he character of the american government is to be sought in the characters of the state governments” (homeward bound i: , ; see american democrat , ). while a comparison of cooper’s presentation of european languages with that of his more frequently studied native american languages lies outside the scope of this project, rosenwald makes just such a comparison in his reading of a similar scene of untranslated french in last of the mohicans. he contrasts cooper’s idealistic and stereotypical portrayal of native american languages with his more realistic depiction of french, concluding that the faults in cooper’s portrayal of frontier multilingualism are evidence of his perspective on native americans, not his general views of language ( ). the greatest crimes in dodge’s recitation as well as the most obvious marker of his worthless, provincial opinions. while all of the effinghams are cosmopolitan, the virtue is epitomized in the mysterious figure of paul blunt, whose “real” name is revealed to be paul powis later in the novel, but who we discover in the sequel actually to be paul effingham (son of john effingham). when mr. sharp first invites blunt to discuss the situation of the pursuing foam as an american to an englishman, blunt counters, “i do not know that it is at all necessary i should be an american to give an opinion on such a point . . . . for what is right, is right, quite independent of nationality” (i: ). similarly, blunt shows his balanced view of his own country when he observes, “i do not think you americans, miss effingham, at the head of civilisation, certainly, as so many of your own people fancy; nor yet at the bottom, as so many of those of mademoiselle viefville and mr. sharp so piously believe” (ii: ). as the antithesis of dodge, blunt seeks a level of truth beyond provincial biases. he even refers to himself as a “cosmopolite” (ii: , ), and his eventual match with eve seems most fitting because she, too, “properly belongs” to neither side of the atlantic (i: ). in gleanings: france, cooper describes another american with similarly terrible french, one who shares the poor pronunciation of “gullyteen” (homeward i: ; gleanings: france ). the real-life american, however, is an “eccentric, but really excellent-hearted and intelligent man” (gleanings ). this difference is perhaps an indication of cooper’s greatly lowered opinions of his countrymen after his return to america, and/or the process by which real, complex people are simplified into satire. joel a. johnson also notes that “cooper’s ideal is embodied” in blunt, but he frames this ideal in terms of blunt’s compromise between the “self-confidence” of captain truck and the “deference” of steadfast dodge ( ). in addition to his balanced opinions of national differences, another marker of blunt’s cosmopolitanism is his skill with languages. describing her earlier acquaintance with blunt in germany, eve recollects, “he made a good figure; was quite at his ease; speaks several languages almost as well as the natives of the different countries themselves” (i: ). this facility with many languages keeps blunt’s nationality a mystery. eve further remarks of his uncertain origin, “this gentleman speaks three or four [languages] with almost equal readiness, and with no perceptible accent. i remember, at vienna, many even believed him to be a german” (i: ). later, mr. sharp and eve again debate blunt’s nationality using the languages he speaks as evidence: “he is, then, an englishman, after all!” said mr. sharp, in another aside. “why not a german—or a swiss—or even a russian?” “his english is perfect; no continental could speak so fluently, with such a choice of words, so totally without an accent, without an effort. as mademoiselle viefville says, he does not speak well enough for a foreigner.” (i: ) blunt’s skill with european languages is so great that english is only identifiable as his native tongue for being less perfect. whether his true nationality is discoverable or not, blunt’s balanced and worldly opinions are clearly accompanied by an ability to converse like a native in almost any country of europe. this connection is confirmed when mlle. viefville tells blunt, “vous parlez trop bien français not to love paris,” and he responds, “i do love paris, mademoiselle; and, what is more, i love londres, or even la nouvelle yorck. as a cosmopolite, i claim this privilege, at least, though i can see defects in all” (ii: ). by seeing both good and bad, at home as abroad, blunt epitomizes the intellectual benefits of the extended travel in europe from which the effinghams are just returning, and which the coopers also experienced. so far, all of these polite conversations in the effinghams’ private rooms demonstrate how, in homeward bound, “the domestic novel becomes a sea novel” (h. egan ). one of the common criticisms of the novel, however, is that this “sea-going drawing room,” as stephen railton calls it ( ), is improbably disturbed by an extended sequence of action in which the packet is demasted in a storm, left defenseless when most of the men go to procure a new mast, and then beset by arabs. the first-class passengers escape in a launch and later reunite with the captain and crew. at this point, all of the able-bodied men, except the cowardly dodge, attack the arabs to retake the montauk. after seeing the action from the perspective of the attackers, the reader is taken back in time to experience the battle with the women and older effinghams hiding in the launch. in this second telling of the action sequence, mlle. viefville is the only one who can see what is going on. in response to the effinghams’ eager questions, she gives a play-by-play of the battle presented only in untranslated french. the following passage is representative of the longer sequence: establishing the importance of homeward bound in cooper’s body of work, hugh egan goes on to argue that the novel “unites the two opposing strains of cooper’s earlier fiction, and in so doing establishes a tendency that will recur throughout the second half of cooper’s career: the sea will not be considered a romantic world by itself so much as a lens through which to view a troubled contemporary world, a lens capable of isolating and focusing essentially continental dilemmas. his sea fictions, in short, become novels of critical principle rather than of patriotism” ( ). thus travel, for cooper, is no longer a source of romance; it becomes a tool for critiquing the problems at home. robert emmet long remarks that homeward bound “is unsatisfactory in many important respects” and claims that the “adventures experienced in the course of the voyage . . . seem gratuitous and pointless” (james ). railton, in contrast, argues, “far from being irrelevant, the action of this novel is in fact an emotional scenario, a transcript of cooper’s state of mind,” and “the fight with the arabs for possession of the montauk . . . is an imaginative transmutation of the struggle over a piece of land in cooperstown” ( ). “voulez-vous avoir la complaisance, monsieur?” said mademoiselle viefville, taking the glass from the unresisting hand of mr. effingham. “ha! le combat commence en effet!” ‘is it the arabs who now fire?” demanded eve, unable, in spite of terror, to repress her interest. “non, c’est cet admirable jeune homme, monsieur blunt, qui dévance tous les autres!” “and now, mademoiselle, that must surely be the barbarians?” “du tout. les sauvages fuient. c’est encore du bateau de monsieur blunt qu’on tire. quel beau courage! son bateau est toujours des premiers!” (ii: ) for several pages, the lines in french almost outnumber those in english. as with mlle. viefville’s responses to dodge’s travel journal, this choice of narration presumes a cosmopolitan reader. it is possible, of course, to pass over these impressions or to consult the earlier english narrative for clarification, but the exchange would be appreciated most by a bilingual reader. in such a climactic scene, cooper does more than intersperse humorous french asides—he leaves exciting action that no reader would want to miss untranslated. in the next major action sequence, when the montauk flees from the firing arabs still on shore, it is not foreign language but technical jargon that might baffle the reader. as in the pilot, much of the nautical language in homeward bound is either combined with metaphorical description or explained for lay readers, but some examples, like the following, are nearly impenetrable to those ignorant of sailing: by lowering the gaff the spanker was imperfectly bent; that is to say, it was bent on the upper leach. the boom was got in under cover of the hurricane-house, and of the bundle of the sail; the out-hauler was bent, the boom replaced, the sail being hoisted with a little and a hurried lacing to the luff. (ii: ) in his paper “getting under way with james fenimore cooper,” robert d. madison decodes similarly technical passages. he notes that cooper’s contemporary readers would have been more knowledgeable of sailing than modern ones (having the equivalent of our general, but not particularly exact knowledge of airplanes), but the precise meaning of all of these technical terms would not have been obvious to everyone. it might seem unreasonable to expect a reader to be fluent in both nautical jargon and french, but the ideally cosmopolitan blunt is an example of one gentleman who does know both, in addition to his impeccable english and numerous other european languages. although he is only a passenger aboard the montauk, blunt’s nautical skill and expertise are essential for the escape and survival of his shipmates throughout their encounter with the arabs. at the same time, blunt’s ease with european languages makes him an appropriate companion for the refined eve. for cooper, there is benefit to knowledge of all kinds, and blunt is an example of how even disparate knowledges can be combined in one supreme example of cosmopolitanism. after their series of close escapes, the international complement of passengers aboard the packet are drawn closer together, and the debate over the merits of england and america becomes less partisan. with a final show of his cosmopolitan impartiality, blunt remarks how “it is the duty of the citizen to reform and improve the character of his country” (ii: ). he further explains cooper’s own increasingly critical view of america by adding, “the american, of all others, it appears to me, should be the boldest in denouncing the common and national vices, since he is one of those who, by the institutions themselves, has the power to apply the remedy” (ii: ). cooper demonstrates that the best american citizen is not blindly nationalistic, but instead is one who can solve the country’s worst problems through a cosmopolitan worldview and a willingness to criticize and improve. and just as blunt has gained this impartiality from his travels in europe, john effingham tells mr. sharp (actually sir george templemore) that the englishman will gain a fairer perspective of america by extending his stay there. john effingham predicts, “you have too much sense to travel through the country seeking for petty exceptions that may sustain your aristocratical prejudices, or opinions, if you like that better; but will be disposed to judge a nation, not according to preconceived notions, but according to visible facts” (ii: ). the virtues of the cosmopolitan society aboard the montauk have also been observed by thomas philbrick. he writes: the ship, no longer the symbol of freedom from the responsibilities and restrictions of society, becomes a microcosm of that society. into the montauk is crowded “a congress of nations,” and the discipline of the ship serves as a lesson that might well be applied to governments on land. (james ) the international society of the packet is removed from the prejudices of the nationalist societies on land, and from that vantage point, the passengers prove capable of discussing social issues in a balanced way. society’s many problems can only be resolved from the cosmopolitan perspective cultivated by international travel. shortly after this genteel conversation, cooper reprises the satire of dodge’s travel journal, thereby demonstrating how the wrong kind of travel can serve instead to strengthen prejudices: mr. dodge . . . turned over to one of his most elaborate strictures on the state of society in france, with all the self-complacency of besotted ignorance and provincial superciliousness. searching out a place to his mind, this profound observer of men and manners, who had studied a foreign people, whose language when spoken was gibberish to him, by travelling five days in a public coach, and living four weeks in taverns and eating-houses, besides visiting three theatres, in which he did not understand a single word that was uttered, proceeded to lay before his auditors the results of his observations. (ii: ) with this description, cooper summarizes the three qualities that distinguish dodge’s travel from that of the effinghams or of cooper himself. first, dodge is provincial because he is “complacent” in his lack of knowledge about the places he visits. just as he holds to public opinion instead of proper logic and morality, he seeks to confirm his opinions abroad rather than expanding his viewpoint. second, the hurry that, for cooper, characterizes american society prevents dodge from remaining in paris long enough to gain a true sense of parisian culture. the shortness of dodge’s stay is exacerbated by his tendency to remain only in the public places most visited by travelers, preventing him from experiencing the true lives of the locals in what little time he does spend in the country. perhaps most importantly, dodge’s travel does not result in greater cosmopolitanism because he does not understand the language. in fact, cooper notes the shortcoming twice in this brief passage. dodge acts entirely counter to cooper’s own philosophy of travel, in which learning the language is a priority. cooper leaves so much french untranslated in his novel because he imagines a reader who, like himself, will be sufficiently worldly, and perhaps sufficiently well-traveled, to understand the language of paris like a native. this philosophy is further demonstrated by cooper’s decision to hire “foreign servants” while abroad so that they would “be a great aid in acquiring the different languages” (gleanings: france ). many biographers and critics have also noted the importance of language learning in cooper’s travel plans. nathalia wright lists having “his children learn french and italian” as a reason for cooper’s trip to europe ( ); kennedy notes that “[t]he desire to afford his daughters german language instruction prompted their departure for dresden in may ” ( ); wayne franklin describes the instruction in french and spanish given to the cooper family in preparation for their time abroad, calling it “part of an educational plan for the family,” and further explaining that “the long work in french was also part of a long-matured wish of cooper and his wife to spend some time abroad” (early years - ). the elite cosmopolitanism of cooper’s ideal of traveling may be somewhat extreme, but it also represents an older mode of travel: an extended stay in europe during which one learns the language and moves in society. cooper thus exemplifies the tradition epitomized by benjamin franklin’s residence in france and represented, in the nineteenth century, by scholars and cultural icons such as george ticknor, edward everett, george bancroft, and washington irving. cooper is also a major contributor to the genre of the sea tale, and his inclusion of nautical language and maritime themes introduces the trope of seeing the world (and learning its many languages) from the forecastle, an attention to language that also can be seen in dana’s two years before the mast as well as in the works of melville examined in chapter three. in both travel narrative and sea tale, cooper emphasizes how the experience of travel can open the in his study of eighteenth-century travel literature, for example, percy g. adams describes a “long tradition of real and fictional traveled protagonists who learn of the diversity in the world, live happily or sadly abroad, acquire languages and impressions, and constantly make comparisons” ( ). dulles calls franklin “the foremost american in europe” and notes that he “completely bewitched parisian society” ( ). dulles also describes how ticknor spent “nearly four years in europe, learning its languages, studying its cultures, absorbing everything” before taking the “specially created chair of modern languages” at harvard ( ). rolena adorno calls irving “the first . . . to make use of spanish as a tool of humanistic learning and research,” starting “a trend . . . to move beyond english-language perspectives on the americas’ history” ( ). also, see cushing strout’s analysis of how “europe was inevitably a training ground for literary, artistic, and scholarly development” ( ), as well as trease’s discussion of the literary americans who undertook a grand tour in the first half of the nineteenth century ( - ). like cooper’s sea tales, dana’s two years is well known for introducing nautical language to lay readers. blum even suggests, as i argue for cooper’s novels, that dana’s work “encourages the domestic reading community to assimilate technical nautical language and customs” (view ). dana’s book also demonstrates how the issues of linguistic cosmopolitanism developed in cooper’s sea tales became staples of the genre. throughout the narrative, dana emphasizes the variety of nations encountered on a sailing voyage, the benefits of hearing such a mix of languages, and the pleasure of finding a common ground of understanding. he finds that learning the language of other peoples leads to a better understanding of their culture. receptive mind of the cosmopolite to the experience of cultural difference. in contrast to the idealism that reduces this difference to universal commonality, cooper emphasizes the remainder of cultural significance that eludes translation. for cooper, the variety of human language can be both confusing and misleading, but leaving foreign and technical language untranslated gives the writer a broader choice for expressing a precise meaning. in contrast to the works of imperialism examined in the following chapter, and the touristic travel to europe that characterizes the latter half of the century, cooper’s travel involves learning different languages and terminology, balancing republican patriotism with a cosmopolitan respect for the value of national differences, at least when those differences are of european origin. how cooper’s perspective on linguistic difference might change in reference to less “civilized” parts of the world is the subject of the next chapter. chapter expansionism and exchange in cooper’s later works after his return from europe, and the various legal battles that followed it, james fenimore cooper expressed his growing frustration with the american rabble, particularly in contrast to the sophistication he had observed abroad. whether aiming to critique america’s mercenary expansionist policies, or merely wishing to escape the country he now found so objectionable, cooper more frequently set his later works outside of the familiar north american and transatlantic worlds of his earlier novels. this shift in setting mirrors the united states’ increased interests beyond its own coasts, and it illuminates the shifting attitudes toward foreign language that accompanied such imperialist endeavors. cooper’s cosmopolitan appreciation for european languages may have exemplified the views of early-nineteenth-century americans in europe, but the many americans traveling to parts of the non-western world expressed a very different attitude toward the foreign. in contrast to the esteem in which european culture was held, views of the “savage” peoples encountered in the course of american expansion tend toward two prejudicial extremes: the seemingly opposed, yet simultaneous beliefs that alien whether, as robert s. levine argues, cooper’s “disillusionment” with america caused him to search out foreign settings in order to “relinquish borders, disencumbering himself, as it were, of america itself” ( ), or whether his growing criticism of the united states extended to a critique of its expansionism in the form of what george dekker calls voyages “made in pursuit of plunder and discovery” ( ), cooper’s later works demonstrate a greater engagement with non-western settings. sandra m. gustafson finds a similar change, albeit an earlier one, in her observation that cooper’s “critique of empire” in the bravo is “far more direct” than in the prairie ( ). hugh egan examines cooper’s desire to escape “the shoreline,” arguing that cooper’s increasing attention to the “mysteries of the open oceans” produces “a sense of melvillean uncertainty and hidden fate” ( ). cultures are both utterly incomprehensible and easily translatable into western terms. this paradox can be found in views of non-western languages as well as in attitudes toward cultural and economic exchange. cooper’s later works of travel beyond america and europe clearly map these two varieties of cultural misunderstanding. but while cooper critiques both extremes, his treatment of “savage” cultures never equals the cosmopolitan appreciation of difference found in his european writings. nevertheless, cooper’s later sea tales raise questions of cross-cultural exchange that are central to the power structure of american imperialism. this chapter will examine how language, cultural concepts, and economic value are parallel currencies of exchange, and how the imperialist’s failure to recognize incommensurability—and thus to commence the difficult task of negotiating that difference through greater knowledge and understanding—results in the paradoxical extremes of too easy translatability and utter unknowability. the first section of this chapter outlines the common tropes of imperialist discourse highlighted in cooper’s later works, examining the relationship between linguistic exchange and cross-cultural understanding. the second section demonstrates cooper’s engagement with imperialist misunderstandings of linguistic difference in his novel mercedes of castile. the third section extends the analysis of language to the analogous translation of economic exchange, demonstrating that, while cooper’s recognition of linguistic incommensurability takes an important step in the as discussed in the introduction, david spurr describes the two parts of this “paradox of colonial discourse” as “the desire to emphasize racial and cultural difference as a means of establishing superiority” and “the desire to efface difference and to gather the colonized into the fold of an all-embracing civilization” ( ). critique of american expansionism, his ultimate approval of america’s civilizing mission leaves his position both imperfect and ambivalent. language and cannibalism in imperialist discourse in the early decades of the nineteenth century, the united states, though by no means a colonial power, was beginning to expand its military and commercial reach into the pacific. the nature of this expansion is clearly illustrated by the united states exploring expedition of - , which cooper draws on for at least two of his later novels (n. philbrick ). its official instructions claim that “[t]he expedition is not for conquest, but discovery,” but its mission to “extend the empire of commerce and science” was not accomplished without some violence (wilkes xxvii-xxix). the expedition also epitomizes how blindness to cultural difference manifests in the expectation of easy and unproblematic word-for-word translation. a postscript to wilkes’s instructions notes: the accompanying printed list of english words . . . are intended for indian vocabularies, which can be filled up as circumstances permit, taking care that the same words be used in all of them. (wilkes xxxi) as john m. belohlavek has noted in his study of jacksonian foreign policy, the united states, though “not seeking colonies,” “did not hesitate to carve out her own commercial empire” ( ). stressing american expansionist policies even further, paul lyons argues that “[a] whole u.s.-pacific system of commerce and settlement functioned on a broad scale throughout [oceania] from through the civil war around the whaling industry (along with sandalwooders, sealers, bêche-de-mer traders), involving agents, communication networks, a consular system, and state-sponsored military protection, along with the missionaries who trained island missionaries who fanned out, spreading trade and establishing u.s. influence throughout the islands” (american ). one major goal was to further the interests of american commercial endeavors by charting the dangerous waters of the pacific and establishing safe ports (wilkes xxv- xxvi). as barry alan joyce demonstrates, however, protecting the interests of trade also depended upon the expedition’s “military purpose,” which was partly a response to the “perceived threats” of french and british warships in the pacific, but also aimed “to send a message to the native inhabitants” ( ). in accordance with its scientific aims and methods, the expedition sought to expand the united states’ linguistic knowledge methodically, with the meticulousness and empiricism of any scientific enterprise. accordingly, rather than learn each native language on its own terms, wilkes’s instructions were to chart a rigid lexicon of equivalent vocabulary, to find a corresponding term in each of the new languages encountered for a series of predetermined english words. these instructions assume not only that all languages will have the same words, with no change in or overlapping of concepts, but also that their words will correspond perfectly to the shopping list of english words prepared in advance. thus, the “accompanying printed list of english words” assumes that there is a universal dictionary of concepts to which the terminology of every human language must correspond. as radically different cultures are never quite this commensurable, either such a plan is doomed to failure, or, worse, by forcing such artificial and misguided correspondence onto a newly encountered language, imperialist discourse will erase cultural difference in the translation of the subaltern tongue. at times, cooper seems complicit with imperialism’s tendency to erase a “savage” language through the extremes of disavowal or assimilation: the accusation of animality or the assumption of too easy translation. an example of the first position occurs in the novel afloat and ashore ( ), a first-person narrative in which miles wallingford chronicles his extensive and exciting career sailing throughout the globe on various merchant voyages. although cooper’s hero travels to many strange lands, the language of the savage other plays little role in the text. yet one exception to this rule eric cheyfitz’s the poetics of imperialism studies how translation was used as a tool of cultural and linguistic domination throughout the history of colonialism and imperialism in the americas. warrants particular attention. while on a trading voyage in the pacific, wallingford describes a native language as “the uncouth sounds of the still more uncouth savages of that distant region” ( ). these “uncouth savages” are like the greeks’ idea of “barbarians,” so called because of their inability to speak properly (spurr - ). the whites do not even take the time to ascertain the real names of these people, and instead call them things like “smudge” and “dipper.” this belittlement of their language accompanies other derogatory comments portraying the natives as little better than animals. for example, wallingford calls smudge “semi-human” and compares him to “baboons and monkeys” ( ). it is obvious that the whites can barely understand these “savages,” but rather than admit their own failure to communicate, they imagine smudge to be “almost without ideas” and to have “the air of downright insensibility” ( ). cooper, or his narrator, treats the speech of smudge and his companions, unintelligible to the americans, as hardly more advanced than animal grunts. instead of admitting their inability to understand, the americans recast the incommensurability of the alien language as inherent unintelligibility. cooper begins to question these prejudices, however, when the seemingly “insensible” smudge organizes the capture of the ship. wallingford is forced to concede that “savages” have more sagacity than he previously thought, but he still uses language to outsmart them. he retakes control of the ship by speaking to the men below in a more complex style than smudge, who possesses only a limited knowledge of english, can comprehend. in the end, it is difficult to determine what distance cooper might have placed between the young wallingford’s opinions and his own. thomas philbrick has pointed out that the “stoical dignity” of smudge as he is hanged following the ship’s recapture represents “the revolution that occurs in miles’s judgment of the relative worth of the indians and the whites” (james - ). indeed, it is tempting to read the rebellion as a kind of forerunner to melville’s “benito cereno.” still, the apparent ease with which wallingford outsmarts the entire band of natives seems to corroborate the whites’ linguistic and technological superiority. in either case, cooper’s characterization of smudge demonstrates how the radically foreign languages of non-white peoples are denigrated by the accusation of utter intelligibility, and the assumption that such incomprehensibility cannot be ranked with human speech. cooper also engages with the seemingly impenetrable speech of the non-white other in homeward bound, after the montauk encounters hostile arabs along the coast of africa. as examined previously, the novel privileges foreign language when it is a marker of a cosmopolitan education in europe. in contrast to its large sections of this trope is more famously employed by poe in his depiction of the jabbering natives of tsalal in the narrative of arthur gordon pym of nantucket. like several of cooper’s later works, including afloat and ashore, poe’s novel responds to “the popular excitement which the preparations for the united states exploring expedition had stirred” (t. philbrick, james ). the racist stereotypes employed in poe’s characterization of the tsalalians as black and large-lipped are too obvious to deny. critics seek instead to explain poe’s purpose in including them. mark simpson, for example, argues that poe invests in racism as “a viable discursive commodity” in order to “reinvest in authors the agency to shape the discriminations people make” ( ). focusing on language, michael west argues that “[t]he strange speech of the tsalalians sounds like aggressive baby talk” ( ). likewise, scott bradfield remarks, “the blacks in too-wit’s village possess no real language, only crazed ‘jabbering’” ( ). the characterization of savages as language-less animals is also literalized in “the murders in the rue morgue,” where the brutal murder of two women turns out to have been committed by an orangutan. as john carlos rowe aptly puts it, “the razor-wielding, imitative, ferocious, and prodigiously strong orangutan of ‘the murders in the rue morgue’ acts out a racist fantasy regarding civilized women—mme and mlle l’espanaye—brutalized by ‘savages’ incapable of ‘proper speech,’ lacking the linguistic competency of those ‘caucasians’ classified by cuvier as the group that ‘has the most highly civilised nations’” (literary ). untranslated french, the arab language is never presented directly for the reader. however, it is clear that cooper goes beyond the most unproblematically stereotypical portrayals of savage language. while he falls short of giving true voice to the other, his treatment of non-verbal signs and of the threat of cannibalism encapsulates an archetypal scene of failed communication found in both the columbus story and the contemporary record of american expansionism. cooper’s portrayal of cross-cultural communication in homeward bound questions the imperialist use of translation for the erasure of cultural difference. the cosmopolitan assembly aboard the montauk is defined by its combination of american, english, and european nationalities, but the passengers’ first encounter with radical difference occurs along the coast of africa. after the ship is incapacitated by a storm, captain truck takes his men to procure a new mast from a wrecked danish ship. that night, captain truck and his first mate mr. leach hear a noise on shore, sneak onto the beach, and capture the arab man they find there. at first this stranger, like the natives in afloat and ashore, is described in animalistic terms. when knocked unconscious by the captain, he “[falls] like a slaughtered ox” (ii: ). shortly afterward, truck looks over the captive, “commenting on his points very much as he might have done had the captive been any other animal of the desert” (ii: ). the man is subsequently described has having “the whip-cord meagreness and rigidity of a racer” (ii: ). the arab may be portrayed as something less than human in these offhand comments, but the ensuing scene undercuts any superiority the two americans might feel. when the two mariners shine a light on their prisoner’s face, it is “sufficiently apparent that he fancied a very serious misfortune had befallen him” (ii: ). they accordingly attempt to communicate that they mean him no physical harm. cooper explains: “as any verbal communication was out of the question, some abortive attempts were essayed by the two mariners to make themselves understood by signs, which, like some men’s reasoning, produced results exactly contrary to what had been expected” (ii: ). partly because of the comical lowness of these characters, but also because of the inherent difficulty of communication between radically different cultures, the attempted reassurances make the arab prisoner fearful of even greater danger. seeing the unwanted results, the captain guesses that “the poor fellow fancies we mean to eat him” and begins a more focused effort to “let the miserable wretch understand, at least, that we are not cannibals” (ii: ). despite these efforts, the prisoner’s increasingly alarmed expression makes it clear that he does expect of truck and leach what westerners often consider the most savage and repulsive practice of an unknown culture—in short, he expects they will eat him. whether or not the arab was the first to take the mental leap to cannibalism, truck and leach do nothing but make the situation worse: hereupon the mate commenced an expressive pantomime, which described, with sufficient clearness, the process of skinning, cutting up, cooking, and eating the carcass of the arab, with the humane intention of throwing a negative over the whole proceeding, by a strong sign of dissent at the close; but there are no proper substitutes for the little monosyllables of “yes” and “no,” and the meaning of the interpreter got to be so confounded that the captain himself was mystified. (ii: ) despite leach’s best intentions, and the clarity he obviously seeks to achieve in establishing the noun of “cannibalism,” his non-verbal signs cannot match the more sophisticated grammar of speech and thus fail to communicate the most important element of the message: that the americans do not intend to roast and eat their captive. truck can see leach’s error, but when he attempts to pantomime the same message, the result is the same. truck deals with his failure by “ascrib[ing it] to anybody but himself” and deciding that “this fellow is too stupid for a spy or a scout” (ii: ). in the end, they set the man free rather than suffer him to remain in fear of becoming their breakfast. this comedy of non-verbal communication raises an important issue for both the western conceptualization of language and the ramifications of that theory for colonized peoples. the apparent primitiveness of gesture seems to support the idea that all human language might share some universal origin. and belief in the inherent unity of human language, whether its origin is divine or natural, might further support an ideal of universal understanding, like anacharsis cloots’s cosmopolitan plans to abolish national boundaries. in practice, however, the assumption of some primordial, universal language more often leads to the imposition of western norms and religious concepts onto less powerful peoples, whose differences are not indications of a “primitive” state destined to progress into western civilization, but markers of their own legitimate culture with a different set of norms entirely. some gestures, undoubtedly, mimic biological realities sufficiently for their meaning to be understood by even the most widely divided cultures. for example, all humans must eat by putting food in their mouths, chewing, and swallowing, so a pantomime of this sort may convey particular and basic messages, although, as cooper describes in homeward bound, even this simple a message may be greatly misconstrued. in his analysis of the connections between speech and gesture, adam kendon describes several kinds of mimetic or illustrative gestures including “enactment . . . , the use of body parts as models of things . . . , and the use of moving hands as if they are sketching diagrams or shapes in the air,” as well as “point[ing] to things, persons, or locations as a way of bringing these in as referents” ( ). similarly, some people may be able to mimic animal or other sounds in a way recognizable to anyone familiar with the original source. from such examples, many eighteenth- and nineteenth-century language theorists extrapolated that all human language was derived from natural and universal origins. however, for every one of these genuine universals (or at least global or species-wide truths), many more gestural or onomatopoeic signs seem universal when they are not so. gestures that are conventionalized rather than illustrative vary greatly from culture to culture (kendon ; archer ). for example, as sociologist dane archer points out, the “thumbs up” sign conveys “a very aggressive ‘screw you’ message” in iran ( - ). even seemingly mimetic gestures can prove less universal than a traveler might hope, as the american gesture of tipping a bottle to request a drink is quite close to the “an obscene gesture for ‘homosexuality’ found in a slightly permuted form in many societies” ( ). the same may be true of onomatopoeia. for example, the sound a rooster makes varies worldwide from “cock-a-doodle-doo” to “cocorico,” “kiao kiao,” and “kikeriki” (bredin ). sounds and gestures can be used to imitate reality, but more often, culturally specific signs and gestures are incorrectly taken for natural representations. thus, to borrow cooper’s example from gleanings in europe: switzerland ( ; see chapter one), a traveler can imitate the sound of a rooster and possibly be understood, but to believe that it says “cock-a-doodle-doo” instead of “kikeriki” is the same kind of cultural misunderstanding that leads imperialists to mistake their own culturally specific concepts for universals. thus, while recourse to gesture and sound may be the only option for communication in a foreign land, and may have some degree of success, these forms of communication can too easily foster the impression that all messages are equally universal, and this assumption leads to misunderstanding, mistaken meaning, rather than the absence of understanding altogether. and it is misunderstanding that often proves to be the most dangerous and misleading failure of communication. in homeward bound, the first miscommunication with the captured arab could be attributed to the ignorance of the two american mariners, but a second encounter with the arabs suggests that non-verbal communication between radically different cultures is not as straightforward as universalist theories of human language would assume. when a larger party of arabs appears on shore, mr. monday offers to go negotiate a peace with them, aided by a case of liquor. the cowardly dodge accompanies him so as not to endanger anyone who would actually prove willing to fight should violence become necessary. the two ambassadors are received with hospitality, and all goes tolerably well until the arab captured the night before reappears. here, cooper notes that the “inhabitants of the desert, in the course of ages, had gleaned certain accounts of mariners eating their shipmates, from their different captives, and vague traditions to that effect existed among them, which the tale of this man had revived” (ii: - ). although cooper falls short of directly portraying the arab language, this shift in perspective provides readers a more sympathetic view of the montauk’s enemies than is common in imperialist discourse. moreover, by revealing that the arabs have the same kind of alarming rumors about the “savage” behavior of the whites as the whites do about interestingly, cooper further comments, “had the sheik kept a journal, like mr. dodge, the result of these inquiries would probably have been some entries concerning the customs and characters of the americans, that were quite as original as those of the editor of the active inquirer concerning the different nations he had visited” (ii: ). “savages,” cooper demonstrates how the failure to recognize and respect cultural difference can lead to ignorant assumptions of barbaric otherness. cooper gives one final example of the failure of communication by signs, and of the disavowal of difference that attributes unthinkable acts to foreign peoples. the previously captured arab undertakes a “pantomime . . . to explain the disposition of captain truck to make a barbecue of him” (ii: ). in this case, it is the americans’ turn to misinterpret. mr. monday construes the communication as an invitation to dinner (which is exactly what the bon vivant would most desire). even more tellingly, dodge, “with a conformity of opinion that really said something in favour of the science of signs, . . . arrived at the same conclusion as the poor arab himself—with the material difference, that he fancied that the arabs were disposed to make a meal of himself” (ii: ). comically, yet perceptively, cooper presents a bumbling array of characters, who, with an ironic “conformity of opinion,” all convert an incomprehensible message into the most extreme form of barbarity and inhuman otherness—the threat of the great taboo of cannibalism. although previous critics have disregarded these paired scenes of misinterpretation in homeward bound as comic interludes in an already superfluous adventure sequence, cooper’s repeated and pointed commentary on non-verbal communication as well as on cannibalism directly references many narratives of exploration in which whites encounter radical and unthinkable cultural and linguistic difference. indeed, geoffrey sanborn’s extensive research in the sign of the cannibal stephen arch, one of the few critics who mention these scenes at all, relegates them to the “comic end” of the “line or ornamentation in the plot that diverges from the known or demonstrates that accusations of cannibalism are a perpetual and an almost defining feature of any encounter with a radically different culture. richard slotkin has noted, for example, that “[c]annibalism had traditionally been associated with the indians of america since the discovery of the new world by the men of the renaissance,” and stories of cannibalistic acts continued through the time of the puritans ( ). ted motohashi calls cannibalism “one of the most powerful terms in the written literature of conquest,” one that is “circulated as a normative representation of the transgressive other” ( ). this tradition of attributing cannibalism to unknown people extended to america’s trade and exploration in the pacific. for example, when the wilkes expedition surveyed its first group of pacific islands (the tuamotu group), the americans were quick to assume the natives were cannibals. as nathaniel philbrick notes, “the natives in this region had a reputation for cannibalism, and [one member of the expedition] claimed that their gestures suggested that if the white men should come ashore ‘they would certainly be made a meal of’” ( ). this is the same conclusion made by both the arabs and the americans in cooper’s novel. in light of the repeated appearance of cannibalism in the history of colonialism and conquest, cooper’s use of it in homeward bound proves to be more than incidental—it references an extensive history of imperialist encounters. consequently, the association of an unknown culture with the equally incomprehensible act of cannibalism is far from random. another form of disavowal, the accusation of this unspeakable crime is the equivalent of comparing the language of the expected journey to place the passengers quite literally on the margins of the arab world.” other to animal noise. as has been demonstrated previously, imperialist perceptions of “savage” language often resort simultaneously to two opposite extremes. on the one hand, native languages are presumed to reference universal concepts and hence to be readily translatable. on the other, what cannot be so readily understood in the “savage” language is characterized as inhuman. as cooper will demonstrate at length in mercedes of castile, the same binary exists on the level of culture. on the one hand, the assumption that “savages” are in a “state of nature” assumes that cultural difference is only an earlier stage of a universal progression of human civilization. at the same time, colonialist discourse wards off the incommensurable differences inevitably found within such radically foreign cultures with an accusation of utter inhumanity, and this accusation frequently takes the form of one of the most profound human taboos, the act of cannibalism. not only is the discourse of cannibalism a commonplace in the archive of colonialism dating back to the age of discovery, but even the term itself derives from an archetypal moment of imperialism, columbus’s description of the new world. the word “cannibal” is traditionally associated with the carib tribe, but it is unclear whether it comes from the caribs’ own language or from the language of their enemies, the mary k. edwards makes this point in her discussion of “cannibal talk”: “the term ‘cannibal’ has been applied to almost all groups of people at one time or another. humans generally consider the eating of another human an anathema. cannibalism, like incest or necrophilia, is the boundary beyond which we cannot stray and remain fully human. those who do eat people are monstrous—animals, savages, witches, nonhumans. to label a group of people cannibals is a way to gain power over them and to control them. it has also served as the justification for often horrific acts of violence” ( ). likewise, otter argues that, for many imperialists and explorers, “cannibalism is the ultimate sign of the unnatural and the uncivilized. cannibal interruptions register the writer’s ambivalence toward ‘savage’ cultures” (melville’s ). arawaks, who are the source of columbus’s belief that the caribs were man eaters (cheyfitz, poetics - ). hence, the term originates in linguistic uncertainty. cheyfitz even questions whether columbus’s “cannibals” actually ate human flesh, raising many of the same issues found in cooper’s scene of cannibal pantomime: [columbus] did not have any empirical evidence, and his assertion that the arawaks themselves told him is contradicted by columbus’s own admission that neither the indians nor the europeans knew the other’s language. if we try to imagine the use of gestures in this case, we have not gotten around the problem of translation, but only embedded ourselves more deeply in it. for gestures are already translations of the culturally specific signs that compose linguistic phenomena, although columbus and the european voyagers who later followed him appear to have believed from moment to moment in the power of a universal gestural language to transcend the frontiers of translation that frustrated their efforts to communicate. ( ) by pointing out that gestures can be just as culturally specific as language, cheyfitz locates the same failures of communication cooper describes in homeward bound at the moment of european conquest. although presented comically, cooper’s depiction of how seemingly universal and transparent signs can inadvertently signify horrible acts of cannibalism is not farfetched—instead, it echoes the very origin of the term. the similarities between cooper’s scene of misunderstood cannibalism and the history of colonialism are made even more significant by the importance of columbus, and of spain more generally, during the later decades of cooper’s career. indeed, the figure of columbus resonated with the united states’ own goals of expanding its influence and territories. in the s, there was a surge of interest in spain as americans such as william h. prescott and washington irving traveled there for study. iván jaksić argues that these americans studied spain in order to “contribute to the shaping of their own country’s national identity,” because “the story of the rise and fall of spain contained lessons of great relevance to the fledgling united states” ( - ). pere gifra- adroher argues that, by , “the columbian myth was totally engrafted in american letters” ( ). although the spanish conquest was most often seen as an example of an unnecessarily violent imperialism, the “heroic columbus,” according to eric wertheimer, was often contrasted to the cruelty of later conquistadors; columbus was admired for “discovering a new world reminiscent of the protestant eden or arcadia” and meaning only “to bring christianity to the benighted” ( ). the primary source of the columbus legend for english-speaking americans was irving’s history of the life and voyages of christopher columbus ( ). further demonstrating the significance of the figure of columbus, rolena adorno argues that “washington irving, as prescott and others would do after him, turned the spanish adventure in the new world into a remarkable anglo-american story” and “created a nineteenth-century columbus on the verge of discovery—and opportunity” ( ). thus, columbus, and the spanish conquest he began, were more than mere subjects of interest for nineteenth-century americans, they encapsulated the spirit of discovery that was maría deguzmán’s spain’s long shadow also analyzes how “the construction of anglo-american identity as ‘american’ has been dependent on figures of spain (xii). spain’s alleged cruelty to the native civilizations it conquered generated the widespread “black legend,” whose “implicit denigration of the contemporary spanish americas,” according to anna brickhouse, “conveniently gave rhetorical support to a variety of us political positions toward latin america” ( ), and, as richard l. kagan argues, allowed “early nineteenth-century promoters of american exceptionalism . . . to see spain as an example of what would happen to a country whose fundamental values were antithetical to those of the united states” ( ). irving originally intended to translate the historical archive that had recently been compiled by martín fernández de navarrete, but he instead decided to write a unified narrative history that combined information from the various spanish documents. beginning to drive american expansionism while warning of the dangers that such expansion might present. the signs of cannibalism in homeward bound may or may not be a direct reference to columbus, but they clearly outline a defining feature of cross- cultural contact—how the assumption of universality leads to vast misunderstanding. these issues will reappear, with far greater detail, in cooper’s own version of the columbus story. discoveries of incommensurability in mercedes of castile cooper engages with the spanish predecessor to american expansionism in his often-ignored novel mercedes of castile ( ). his retelling of columbus’s first voyage highlights the colonialist assumptions about non-western language that lead to radical misunderstanding. in the nineteenth century, columbus was seen as a quintessentially american figure with the “self-reliance” necessary to ignore all who doubted the possibility of his plan and to push westward beyond the bounds of contemporary understanding. furthermore, columbus’s discovery of previously unknown continents and peoples, with the expansion of both territory and trade that it provided for spain, epitomizes the ideal behind expansionist projects like the u.s. exploring expedition, which even sought to discover the “new world” of antarctica. cooper, indeed, makes the connection between spain and america explicit when he notes in mercedes of castile that the date the moors relinquished granada to the christian monarchs, november , was the same date the british “reluctantly yielded their last foothold on the coast of the republic” (i: ). despite the correspondence between cooper’s version of the columbus story and american expansionism, mercedes of castile has been largely ignored and generally condemned when mentioned. most critics have found cooper’s novel to be overly reliant on the historical record. however, lawrence h. klibbe, whose article appears in spanish, offers one of the most positive, and consequently most interesting, readings of cooper’s historical novel. the primary focuses of his study are cooper’s representation of spain and the many elements of don quixote in the book, but klibbe also draws an important parallel between spain’s golden age and cooper’s america. he concludes: the mysterious forces of historical progress bring with them an inevitable battle between two civilizations, one primitive and one modern, and the violent disappearance of the one that is less advanced. cooper confronts this moral contradiction within his country as well as in mercedes: the victory of domination leads to a sense of responsibility and of decline. all of these influences and ideas call for a more just recognition of mercedes of castile. ( , my translation) thus, klibbe recognizes that mercedes of castile is more than a history trying in vain to be a novel. instead, cooper uses the columbus story to confront issues of imperialism for example, dekker writes, “nobody, i believe, has ever maintained that mercedes is anything but a very bad book” ( ). wayne franklin mentions in passing that “cooper admittedly faltered in mercedes of castile” (“brief biography” ). many other critics take the tactic of robert emmet long’s generally comprehensive overview of cooper’s works and avoid discussing the novel entirely (james). in one of the very few articles about the novel, donald m. goodfellow admits, “for its many literary faults mercedes of castile has suffered well-deserved neglect” ( ). even when goodfellow does conclude that the novel “is of considerable interest” to “the student of . . . the american historical novel,” the chief interest it would hold is still only its “unique . . . method” of combining source materials ( ). yet what goodfellow sees as the novel’s principal area of interest, robert d. madison blames for its failure, focusing his essay on the “irrelevance” of the lengthy exposition on spanish history and the saturation of the novel with historical details (“cooper’s columbus”). stephen harthorn joins madison in this criticism, complaining, “the novel (a perfect example of oneupsmanship gone wrong in cooper’s attempt to best irving’s life and voyages of christopher columbus) has been rightly criticized for its plodding pace and excessive dialogue, and especially for being ‘source-bound,’ leaving little room for an appealing story to develop.” that were anything but distant history for the united states in . when read with an understanding of cooper’s career-long engagement with language, as well as his increasing interest in questions of territorial and commercial expansion, this underappreciated novel reveals an exciting commentary on the misunderstanding produced by encounters with radical otherness. although previous scholars have criticized the novel’s disproportionate organization, which devotes nearly half its length to events in spain before columbus even departs, each of the novel’s three phases illustrates an important aspect of the imperialist’s encounter with cultural difference. in the opening section, the focus on the strict social codes and mores of spain demonstrates the relatively unproblematic interpretations that occur within a single cultural context. in a society where cultural norms are taken for universals, and all dissenters, such as the moors or the jews, are expelled, most messages among members of that monolithic culture can be conveyed with little to no misunderstanding. the ease with which spanish society interprets actions through the lens of its own culturally specific relations puts the misunderstandings and uncertainties of the later parts of the novel into greater contrast. moreover, while many commentators have criticized the novel’s clumsy combination of historical fact and romantic plot, there is an important thematic connection between the fictional story, featured primarily in the last third of the novel, and the historical account of columbus’s voyage that occupies the middle section. throughout both the transatlantic voyage and the initial exploration of the caribbean, dekker, for example, calls the novel “a narrative of columbus’s first voyage to the new world on to which cooper has soldered an absurd and puerile love story” ( ). columbus and his crew engage in repeated misinterpretations, first by misreading signs of land and then by incorrectly translating the gestures and speech of the caribbean natives. in both cases, the spaniards see what they want to see. columbus believes he can translate the communication of the natives because he takes his own cultural assumptions for universals, viewing as a prelapsarian state of innocence what is really a distinctly different culture. columbus not only fails to communicate (an absence of understanding) but also more actively misunderstands the natives. his universalizing assumptions lead him to believe that communication has taken place when it has not. columbus’s historical misunderstanding of the new world and the people he found there is mirrored in the novel’s romantic plot, in which cooper’s hero luis becomes infatuated with the beautiful indigenous “princess” ozema. luis eventually discovers that, like all the people encountered by columbus, ozema already possesses a culture of her own, and the incompatibility of her culture and spanish culture leads to chronic misunderstanding. throughout the novel, cooper’s parallel examinations of both linguistic and cultural misunderstanding demonstrate the same willful ignorance seen in the u.s. exploring expedition’s shopping list of vocabulary. the assumption of too easy translatability results in the effacement of native culture. the first section of cooper’s novel, which draws heavily on prescott’s history of the spanish monarchs (goodfellow - ), depicts a series of nuanced negotiations in spain. these include the courtship of ferdinand and isabella, discussions about whether the romantic hero and known rover luis de bobadilla is worthy of the hand of mercedes de valverde, and bargaining for terms for the voyage that would recognize the audacity of columbus’s undertaking while preserving the dignity of the monarchs. each decision and each formal treaty is balanced between competing considerations of social standing, duty, and honor. for example, isabella discusses her upcoming marriage with full knowledge of this complex web of responsibilities: “we are not to think principally of ourselves in entering upon this engagement,” continued isabella, earnestly—“for that would be supplanting the duties of princes by the feelings of the lover. . . . if i may have seemed to thee exacting in some particulars, . . . it is because the duties of a sovereign may not be overlooked. thou knowest, moreover, fernando, the influence that the husband is wont to acquire over the wife, and wilt feel the necessity of my protecting my castilians, in the fullest manner, against my own weaknesses.” (i: - ) the future queen will not agree to marry ferdinand without considering the culturally specific relationships both of ruler to subject and of husband to wife. likewise, when the novel jumps forward to the events of , luis is judged unworthy of marrying mercedes because his previous actions are deemed unseemly for the husband of a noble lady of isabella’s court. in another passage rife with various social obligations, mercedes recounts her promise not to marry without isabella’s consent: “she spoke to me, luis, of our duties as christians, of our duties as females, and, most of all, of the solemn obligations that we contract in wedlock, and of the many pains that, at best, attend that honoured condition. when she had melted me to tears, by an affection that equalled a mother’s love, she made me promise—and i confirmed it with a respectful vow—that i would never appear at the altar, while she lived, without her being present to approve of my nuptials; or, if prevented by disease or duty, at least not without a consent given under her royal signature.” (i: ) playing the roles of both mother and monarch, isabella reminds mercedes of the responsibilities of christian, woman, wife, and daughter. and these passages are just two of the many possible examples illustrating the web of social relations that any spanish citizen must interpret and apply to major decisions as well as to daily actions. such examples create a “control” case of unproblematic communication within a monolingual culture against which the interpretive problems of the later sections of the novel will show in sharper contrast. in the middle section of the novel, cooper’s narration stays very close to the historical record of columbus’s voyage and landing, including the spaniards’ innumerable assumptions and misinterpretations. through this account, cooper highlights the importance of proper interpretation while examining the causes of interpretive error. in recent years, many analyses of the columbus story have pointed out how little the spaniards must have understood of the native peoples they encountered. tzvetan todorov’s analysis of the journal reconstructed by las casas contains a particularly insightful reading of columbus’s repeated misinterpretations. as todorov notes, it is not surprising that columbus could not understand the caribbean natives, but it is strange that he so often insists communication has taken place ( ). todorov suggests that “columbus performs a ‘finalist’ strategy of interpretation, in the same manner in which the church fathers interpreted the bible: the ultimate meaning is given gesa mackenthun, for example, notes numerous inconsistencies in the various extant documents related to when, how, and whether the spaniards understood the native peoples they conquered and argues, “someone who does not understand a word of what is spoken and who is unfamiliar with the body language of a foreign culture may easily assign wrong interpretations to the signs he encounters” (metaphors - ). cheyfitz further asserts, “columbus’s european paradigm of what a language was, and hence of what a human was, must have been challenged. but rather than consciously questioning his culture’s centrality, a question that would have threatened terrific anxiety by raising doubts about his grasp of the situation, he represses the question by projecting it onto the indians; the result is columbus’s hallucinatory attempts to domesticate the far-fetched in his recurring fantasy that he understands the indians’ language” (poetics ). this last argument will prove particularly relevant to my reading of cooper’s novel, as it is such an unwillingness to rethink his own “culture’s centrality” that causes luis to inadvertently mislead ozema. from the start . . . ; what is sought is the path linking the initial meaning (the apparent signification of the words of the biblical text) with this ultimate meaning” ( ). in other words, columbus is so confident in what he expects to find that he twists all signs to point back to this expectation. as a consequence, as todorov aptly summarizes, “at sea, all the signs indicate land’s proximity, since that is columbus’s desire. on land, all the signs reveal the presence of gold: here, too, his conviction is determined far in advance” ( ). columbus’s misinterpretations are not simply failures to understand; they indicate the far more pernicious practice of imposing one’s expected meaning onto alien sign systems. todorov links columbus’s misinterpretation of the natives’ language to his misinterpretation of other signs throughout the voyage, and both kinds of misreading appear in cooper’s retelling, where the short-sighted assumptions underlying such misinterpretations are brought to the fore. although neither todorov’s analysis, nor the original spanish documents, would have been available to cooper, the same record of misinterpretation observed by todorov is quite clear in cooper’s main source, washington irving’s history of the voyage. for example, irving writes, “it is evident that a great part of this fancied intelligence was the mere construction of the hopes and wishes of columbus; for he was under a spell of the imagination, which gave its own shapes and colours to every object” ( ). in cooper’s novel, as well as in the columbus journal irving goes on to describe columbus’s persistent belief that he was in asia, and his tendency to interpret all communication as pointing to that foregone conclusion. likewise, irving notes, “columbus looked in vain for bracelets and anklets of gold, or for any other precious articles: they had been either fictions of his indian guides, or his own misinterpretations” ( - ). later, he muses, “it is curious to observe how ingeniously the imagination of columbus deceived him at every step, and how he wove every thing into a uniform web of false conclusions” ( ). with particular attention to the and in irving’s history, the mariners are preoccupied with a series of omens, portents, and signs as they cross the uncharted ocean: an erupting volcano (i: - ), a meteor (ii: - ), and innumerable signs of land. in cooper’s version, the most superstitious interpretations are attributed to the common sailors, while the heroic columbus provides more rational, if anachronistically scientific, explanations. despite cooper’s characteristic distinction between common men and the natural aristocrat, these historical misreadings highlight the act of interpretation as a key theme of the novel and foreshadow the spaniards’ equally mistaken interpretation of caribbean language and culture. accordingly, in cooper’s novel as in the historical voyage, the repeated misinterpretation of signs of land mirrors the misinterpretation of the gestures and language of the natives once the spaniards reach the new world. cooper does not describe columbus’s passage among the caribbean islands in as much detail as he describes the voyage, but he does cast some doubt on the amount the spaniards could have understood. he describes, for example, how “columbus proceeded to other islands, difficulties of communication with the natives, irving reports, “the misapprehension of these, and other words, was a source of perpetual error to columbus” ( ). he concludes, “[t]he vague accounts collected through the medium of signs and imperfect interpretations, filled the mind of columbus with magnificent ideas of the wealth which must exist in the interior of this island” ( ). cooper reports that a large “field of sea-weed” is interpreted as “a sign of the vicinity of land” in mid-september, even though columbus will not reach san salvador until october (ii: ). several days later, still in the middle of the atlantic, the spaniards find a crab that they believe is “never known to go farther than some eighty leagues from the land” and “one of the white tropic birds, which, it is said, never sleep on the water” (ii: ). cooper further highlights the madness of these hopes when he describes how, after seeing these supposed signs of land, the crew taste the ocean’s water and, “so general was the infatuation, that every man declared the sea far less salt than usual” (ii: ). led on by curiosity, and guided by real or fancied reports of the natives” (ii: ). he later states the fallibility of columbus’s interpretations more forcibly when noting that the “adventurers” were “following directions that were ill comprehended, but which, it was fancied, pointed to mines of gold” (ii: ). finally, and most strongly indicating columbus’s pervasive misinterpretation, cooper summarizes, “the delusion of being in the indies was general, and every intimation that fell from those untutored beings, whether by word or sign, was supposed to have some reference to the riches of the east” (ii: ). even after the strongly negative choice of the word “delusion,” cooper does not quite proclaim, as irving does, that the spaniards were flat wrong in their interpretations. on one hand, such a denunciation would work against cooper’s overwhelmingly positive and heroic portrayal of columbus. on the other hand, by understating columbus’s misinterpretations of the natives, cooper invites the reader to make the same assumptions, heightening the effect when the plot finally reveals their fallibility. in other seemingly apologetic moments, it is possible that cooper is merely extending his cosmopolitan understanding of cultural difference to the spaniards’ own assumptions. for example, he summarizes columbus’s activities: all this time, there had been as much communication as circumstances would allow, with the aborigines, the spaniards making friends wherever they went, as a consequence of the humane and prudent measures of the admiral. it is true that violence had been done, in a few instances, by seizing half a dozen individuals in order to carry them to spain, as offerings to doña isabella; but this act was easily reconcilable to usage in that age, equally on account of the deference that was paid to the kingly authority, and on the ground that the seizures were for the good of the captives’ souls. (ii: ) indeed, robert foulke mentions mercedes as an example of how “flattering portraits of columbus became a sign of patriotism” ( ). while cooper casts some doubt on the justice of the spaniards’ actions with his odd conjunction of violent “seizures” and the claim that the spaniards were “making friends wherever they went,” he invites his readers to understand the goodness of columbus in the context of the admiral’s historical limitations, to see his actions as “easily reconcilable to the usage in that age.” the ability to put columbus’s actions in the context of his own cultural norms is a virtue of the cosmopolitan reader cooper imagines for many of his works. while this empathy for the man who initiated centuries of colonial atrocities might seem to ally cooper with the united states’ own imperialist policies, cooper’s romantic plot contains an extensive play with the interpretation of native language that works against such a narrow condemnation. as the following reading will demonstrate, the novel’s conclusion suggests that cooper recognizes and even values cultural and linguistic difference in a way that surpasses the prejudices of his contemporaries. in the final section of the novel, which breaks away from the historical record to further the romantic plot, cooper most fully explores the failures of communication between the europeans and the native peoples they encountered. after the preliminary descriptions of the spaniards’ activities in the caribbean, luis and his cervantean sidekick sancho mundo travel to stay with a local cacique, mattinao, and his tribe. at first, cultural symbols seem easily comprehensible: mattinao drew from under a light cotton robe, that he occasionally wore, a thin circlet of pure gold, which he placed upon his head, in the manner of a coronet. this luis knew was a token that he was a cacique, one of those who were tributary to guacanagari, and he arose to salute him at this evidence of his rank, an act that was imitated by all of the haytians also. from this assumption of state, luis rightly imagined that mattinao had now entered within the limits of a territory that acknowledged his will. (ii: ) amazingly, luis can understand the symbols of rank among the haytians as easily as in any court of europe. the symbol of leadership is a crown, and the proper sign of respect, as at home, is to rise in salute (although one might wonder whether the haytians stand because it is their usual practice or only in imitation of luis). furthermore, the narration does not leave the reader to guess at the accuracy of luis’s suppositions, but declares outright that luis “rightly imagined.” like cooper’s sympathetic portrayal of columbus’s errors, this statement firmly places the reader in a position to make cultural assumptions, dramatizing the failure to recognize cultural difference and heightening the effect of the reversal that will follow. almost immediately following these observations, cooper begins to undercut such interpretive confidence as luis makes another, less accurate assumption: [mattinao] attempted to converse with his guest in the best manner their imperfect means of communication would allow. he often pronounced the word, ozema, and luis inferred from the manner in which he used it, that it was the name of a favourite wife, it having been already ascertained by the spaniards, or at least it was thought to be ascertained, that the caciques indulged in polygamy, while they rigidly restricted their subjects to one wife. (ii: ) in contrast to the previous example, cooper modifies the confident phrase “already ascertained” with the less sure “thought to be ascertained.” indeed, luis’s inference about ozema proves incorrect, as she is actually mattinao’s sister. the misunderstanding appears to have arisen, at least in part, from a cultural difference between the rulers of spain and of hayti. as cooper explains, “according to the laws of hayti, the authority of cooper refers to this people and their country as haytians and hayti, and i will use his terminology and spelling in the following analysis. a cacique was transmitted through females, and a son of ozema was looked forward to, as the heir of his uncle” (ii: - ). luis is correct in assuming from mattinao’s tone that ozema will be the mother of his heir, but an incongruity of cultural concepts makes his interpretation unreliable. the haytian concept for such a woman is not congruent with the spanish one, so neither “wife” nor “sister,” nor any spanish or english word, fully conveys the precise position ozema occupies in her own society. luis misinterprets ozema’s position because the concept for her status fails to translate directly into european language. todorov quotes a passage from the columbus journals that mirrors this kind of misunderstanding. in it, columbus wonders if “cacique” signifies “king or governor,” and whether another term means “hidalgo or governor or judge.” todorov offers the following analysis: having learned the indian word cacique, [columbus] is less concerned to know what it signifies in the indians’ conventional and relative hierarchy than to see to just which spanish word it corresponds, as if it followed of itself that the indians establish the same distinctions as the spaniards, as if the spanish usage were not one convention among others, but rather the natural state of things. ( ) by assuming that “wife” or “sister,” like “governor” or “judge,” are universal categories rather than culturally specific and constructed terms (like the complex social-tie system found in spain), both luis and columbus ignore the possibility that the haytians have their own radically different culture. they instead expect a one-to-one correspondence of vocabulary, just like the predetermined list of vocabulary sought by the wilkes expedition. this error is a methodological error of translation. like the important difference between ville and township cooper emphasizes in gleanings in europe, a difference lost when the terms are translated (see chapter one), the spaniards’ blindness to the fact that culturally specific categories may not align perfectly across different languages leads to a more profound misunderstanding than simply not knowing the haytians’ word for “wife.” luis, who is bred to value the meticulous refinement of the spanish court, invites such profound misunderstanding again and again as he proves unable to accept the radical difference of hayti and instead seeks equivalents for the cultural norms of spain. admiring the scenery as he is rowed off to the village, he incongruously combines the natural beauty of the island with the courtly polish of his spanish love: luis saw fifty sites where he thought he could be content to pass his life, provided, always, that it might possess the advantage of mercedes’s presence. it is scarcely necessary to add, too, that in all these scenes he fancied his mistress attired in the velvets and laces that were then so much used by high-born dames, and that he saw her natural grace, embellished by the courtly ease and polished accessaries [sic] of one who lived daily, if not hourly, in the presence of her royal mistress. (ii: ) in addition to reminding the reader of the romantic plot, largely abandoned since the departure from spain, luis’s daydream of his future life with mercedes serves to contrast her fussy attire and “polished accessories” with the natural grace he will soon find in ozema, foreshadowing the difficulties luis will have reconciling his previous admiration of “high-born dames” to the seemingly less artificial beauty he finds in the new world. making the comparison even more explicit, luis finds an uncanny resemblance between ozema and his spanish fiancée, mercedes: luis bowed to this indian beauty, as profoundly as he could have made his reverence to a high-born damsel of spain; then, recovering himself, he fastened one long steady look of admiration on the face of the curious but half-frightened young creature who stood before him, and exclaimed, in such tones as only indicate rapture, admiration, and astonishment mingled— “mercedes!” the young cacique repeated this name in the best manner he could, evidently mistaking it for a spanish term to express admiration, or satisfaction; while the trembling young thing, who was the subject of all this wonder, shrunk back a step, blushed, laughed, and muttered in her soft low musical voice, “mercedes,” as the innocent take up and renew any source of their harmless pleasures. (ii: ) presuming, even before he sees her, that a noble woman in haiti will be somehow equivalent to one in spain, luis first addresses ozema with a deep bow. when he looks up, he is shocked to find that the “half-frightened young creature” (a description antithetical to the courtly demeanor of mercedes) looks to him just like his spanish lady. in his surprise, luis utters mercedes’s name, which, like “ozema” in the previous scene, is misunderstood. the cacique and his sister believe the exclamation to be a general term of great approval, a misconception that ozema retains throughout the novel. if the doubling of mercedes and ozema represents luis’s conflation of spanish culture with universality, it remains unclear how identical these bizarre doppelgangers really are. at times it seems that any resemblance is only the wishful thinking of the lovesick luis, like seeing signs of gold and land when gold and land are the things most desired. the two women’s similarities are first called “a decided and accidental resemblance,” but this is amended by the admission that, “[c]ould the two have been placed together, it would have been easy to detect marked points of difference between them” (ii: ). indeed, when ozema does live for a time in the apartments of mercedes, it seems that no one notices the resemblance. from luis’s perspective, the clearest distinction between the two is the divide between civilization and savagery, or to put it more in ozema’s favor, between artificial refinement and natural charms. the initial descriptions of the “indian beauty” as a “curious but half-frightened young creature” and a blushing and laughing “trembling young thing” make it easy to “fancy eve such a creature, when she first appeared to adam, fresh from the hands of her divine creator, modest, artless, timid, and perfect” (ii: ). instead of correctly seeing that ozema is part of a radically different culture, luis imagines she lives in a state of nature, and imposes a christian concept of prelapsarian innocence onto her as if it were a universal fact. and instead of understanding how concepts like “wife” or “sister” might differ for her people, luis mistakes his own versions of such concepts for universals. to see ozema and mercedes as nearly identical, differing only in that one is cultured while the other is innocent and childlike, is to replicate columbus’s own misunderstanding of the people he has discovered as lacking all language and culture. cooper’s commentary on such a mistake becomes more evident as the romantic plot unfolds. as luis begins to converse with ozema, the possibilities for misunderstanding multiply, even as the prospects for meaningful communication ostensibly increase: to ozema, then, luis put most of his questions; and ere the day had passed, this quick-witted and attentive girl had made greater progress in opening an intelligible understanding between the adventurers and her countrymen, than had been accomplished by the communications of the two previous months. she caught the spanish words with a readiness that seemed instinctive, pronouncing them with an accent that only rendered them prettier and softer to the ear. (ii: ) irving describes how columbus “imagined that the indians had no system of religion, but a disposition to receive its impressions” ( - ). an ambiguous comment in the reconstructed journal that columbus took several indians back to spain so they could “learn to talk” provides more fodder for critical commentary (cheyfitz, poetics ). todorov argues, “columbus’s failure to recognize the diversity of languages permits him, when he confronts a foreign tongue, only two possible, and complementary, forms of behavior: to acknowledge it as a language but to refuse to believe it is different; or to acknowledge its difference but to refuse to admit it is a language” ( ). cheyfitz does not take the mysterious statement quite as literally, and argues, “perhaps what is troubling columbus throughout his journal is not the question of whether the indians possess a language, but the question of whether he possesses one, that is, the question of what a language is” (poetics ). despite some of cooper’s earlier descriptions, he now makes it clear how unsuccessful the spaniards’ attempts to communicate with the natives have been. this failure undercuts luis’s optimistic expectations about how much information he and the lovely ozema have been able to exchange without error or misunderstanding. luis even imagines that ozema can instinctively learn spanish as if it were a natural rather than a culturally relative language. luis reflects: the admiral had also enjoined on him the importance of ascertaining, if possible, the position of the mines, and he had actually succeeded in making ozema comprehend his questions on a subject that was all- engrossing with most of the spaniards. her answers were less intelligible, but luis thought they never could be sufficiently full; flattering himself, the whole time, that he was only labouring to comply with the wishes of columbus. (ii: ) if her answers are “less intelligible,” it is unclear how luis can be sure that he has “actually succeeded” in making ozema understand his questions. moreover, cooper goes on to strongly hint that the infatuated luis is deceiving himself about his motives for spending so much time with the beautiful haytian, making it equally possible that he is deceiving himself about how much he has communicated with her at all. in one of the last scenes before the ships leave for europe with ozema aboard, luis gratifies his desire to play the lover when he protects ozema from the attack of “caonabo,” an evil carib chief. as the haytian princess practically falls into his arms with fear, luis “[hears] her murmuring— ‘caonabo—no—no—no!’” and “[understands] this exclamation to express her strong disinclination to become a wife of the carib chief” (ii: ). however accurate this implicit “understanding” might be, luis, as surely as columbus finding signs of land and gold wherever he looks, turns the situation into that for which he might most hope. like a knight errant of old, the young soldier protects a beautiful lady in distress, who from apparent affection for her protector does not wish to marry another. ironically, ozema’s exclamations, like all of the ensuing communication between luis, ozema, and caonabo, are the same kind of noun-only exchanges that cause so much trouble in homeward bound. and if “caonabo,” a chief of the tribe that supposedly lent its name to man-eating, sounds like an infantile pronunciation of “cannibal,” it serves only to make cooper’s clues of misunderstanding and misinterpretation even stronger. in the confined spaces of the ship on the long voyage back to spain, luis and ozema appear to reach new levels of understanding. ozema’s “progress in spanish” is “such as to astonish even her teacher,” and luis has “acquired nearly as many words of her native tongue, as he [has] taught her of his own” (ii: ). even so, the following scene will demonstrate that this exchange of words is not enough to ensure mutual understanding. as a fearful storm threatens the lives of all aboard the ships, cooper introduces a pivotal dialogue explaining, “they conversed, resorting to both dialects for terms, as necessity dictated. we shall give a free translation of what was said, endeavoring, at the same time, to render the dialogue characteristic and graphic” (ii: ). even though cooper claims that both characters speak in a combination of their native and a foreign language, when “translated” for his english readers, ozema’s speech is infantile and broken while luis’s is elevated, just as he would speak in pure spanish. it is likely this choice reveals cooper’s own failure to recognize that ozema’s seemingly primitive state may really be only a different kind of equally developed civilization, but it also invites the reader to participate in luis’s assumption that the only difficulty lies in understanding the broken speech of ozema, while his communication must be perfectly clear. this assumption helps conceal a gross communication error that, although not explained at the time, will return to put luis’s marriage to mercedes in jeopardy. fearing that the lovely girl might die in her “benighted” state, luis gives her the jeweled cross that mercedes had given him before he left spain: the young man wore the parting gift of mercedes near his heart, and raising a hand he withdrew the small jewel, pressed it to his own lips with pious fervour, and then offered it to the indian girl. “see”—he said—“this is a cross; we spaniards revere and bless it. it is our pledge of happiness.” “that luis’ god?” enquired ozema, in a little surprise. “not so, my poor benighted girl”— “what benighted?” interrupted the quick-witted haytian, eagerly, for no term that the young man could or did apply to her, fell unheeded on her vigilant and attentive ear. “benighted means those who have never heard of the cross, or of its endless mercies.” “ozema no benighted now,” exclaimed the other, pressing the bauble to her bosom. “got cross—keep cross—no benighted again, never. cross, mercedes”—for, by one of those mistakes that are not unfrequent in the commencement of all communications between those who speak different tongues, the young indian had caught the notion, from many of luis’s involuntary exclamations, that “mercedes” meant all that was excellent. (ii: - ) examined carefully, there are many warnings in this exchange that ozema is susceptible to misunderstanding. first, she is guilty of idolatry in thinking the cross might be luis’s god instead of just a symbol (although cooper’s protestant readers would likely think that the catholic luis is a bit idolatrous here, too). ozema’s interruption to ask the meaning of “benighted” seems to bode well for her acquisition of spanish, but it also serves as a reminder of how much she does not yet know. then, by calling the cross a “bauble,” cooper suggests that it may be less significant than is believed by either party. finally, ozema’s understanding is called into question by her persistent misinterpretation of mercedes’s name. not only does this indicate an error in ozema’s spanish vocabulary that luis is either unable or strangely unwilling to correct, but it also suggests how ignorant ozema remains of his romantic history and, consequently, of his possible intentions toward herself. by ignoring these many indications that ozema’s cultural differences have led her to misinterpretation, luis has failed to realize that this conversation means something different to her than it does to him. as will be revealed at the end of the novel, ozema has mistakenly interpreted this exchange as a marriage ceremony. despite the ferocity of the storm, columbus and company do, of course, survive the passage home. after another section of historical description, the romantic plot is furthered when sancho mundo arrives at the court as a messenger from columbus. appearing before isabella and mercedes, sancho quite understandably incites the latter’s jealousy when he describes “doña ozema” as under luis’s particular attention, wearing mercedes’s cross, and as one of “these haytian dames” who “are simpler than our spanish nobles, half of them thinking clothes of no great use, in that mild climate” (ii: ). the trouble caused by this initial account deepens when isabella questions ozema. the girl declares, “ozema now luis’ wife. luis marry ozema, already” (ii: ). after repeated questioning, isabella is certain that ozema is not lying, so she concludes that luis “hath already wedded the indian, and she is, at this moment, his lawful wife” (ii: ). isabella adds, “but there can be no mistake. i have questioned the princess closely, and no doubt remaineth in my mind, that the nuptials have been solemnized by religious rites” (ii: ). like columbus and luis, isabella does not recognize that ozema may understand the word marriage and yet still misinterpret the spanish concept. seeing correctly that the girl is not lying, she jumps to the conclusion that, if ozema considers herself to be luis’s wife, she must be his “lawful wife” with “the nuptials . . . solemnized by religious rights.” when investigating the matter further, isabella shows a similar blindness to cultural difference in the matter of ozema’s status. columbus tries to explain that he “consider[s] the rank of the lady ozema to be less than royal, and more than noble, if our opinions will allow us to imagine a condition between the two,” but isabella will not accept such a difference, declaring “station is station, and the rights of birth are not impaired by the condition of a country” (ii: ). this example continues cooper’s positive portrayal of columbus, as the admiral calls attention to the same nuance of cultural difference that the historical columbus ignored in his desire to find a literal translation for “cacique.” isabella, in contrast, insists that matters of nobility are universal and that ozema’s rank be made to translate, demonstrating the imperialist attitude that assimilates all cultural differences into the dominant power’s own system of meaning. finally, the conflict comes to a head when isabella summons luis before her to explain himself, and the queen’s rage almost threatens his execution. she first gives him two possibilities to which he may confess: either he has “cruelly deceived, by a feigned marriage, this uninstructed and confiding indian princess,” or he has “insolently braved [his] sovereign with the professions of a desire to wed another, with [his] faith actually plighted at the altar, to another” (ii: ). of course both of these interpretations are based on the assumption that ozema has participated in spanish versions of “lawful” and “religious nuptials.” luis denies any wrongdoing, and the accusations continue for what seems like a ridiculously long time. at last, the queen asks ozema, “when and where didst thou meet him before a priest?” and the truth is finally revealed: ozema understood luis’s gift of the cross as a marriage ceremony (ii: ). ozema may have learned the spanish terms for husband and wife with ease, but she did not understand the full concepts. the misunderstanding was exacerbated by the spaniards’ assumption that their own cultural conventions were universals. because they viewed spanish ceremonies and social codes as the only options, they proved unwilling or unable to see the differences in haytian rituals and concepts. instead, they imagined the haytian people in a state of nature easily understood in christian terms. just as in wilkes’s instructions for collecting native vocabularies, cooper’s spaniards mistakenly believed that translation between the old and new world could be accomplished by a simple, one-to-one change in terminology. yet cooper’s own summary of the mistake leaves the question of how fully he embraces such an explanation uncertain: the result showed how naturally and cruelly the young indian beauty had deceived herself. ardent, confiding, and accustomed to be considered the object of general admiration among her own people, ozema had fancied that her own inclinations had been fully answered by the young man. . . . the very want of language in words, by compelling a substitution of one in looks and acts, contributed to the mistake . . . . the false signification she attached to the word “mercedes,” largely aided in the delusion, and it was completed by the manly tenderness and care with which our hero treated her on all occasions. (ii: - ) cooper seems to back away from the most insightful explanation of the incident in suggesting that ozema has, like any love-sick girl, “deceived herself,” he places the burden of error on the native girl’s misunderstanding of the spanish instead of the spaniards’ misunderstanding of her. he does admit, however, that the problem was exacerbated by communication difficulties. cooper comes tantalizingly close to what might be a more modern reading of the events, but he still holds human weakness at fault rather than the irreconcilable differences between the two cultures. although the misunderstanding between luis, ozema, and mercedes does not cancel out all of the times cooper presents communication between europeans and native americans as unproblematic, or the latter as innocent and untouched by civilization, cooper’s extended engagement with cross-cultural communication reinforces the valuation of linguistic difference made more apparent in his european travel writing. his emphasis on the specific cultural meaning of foreign terminology—difference that resists translation— counteracts the imperialist tendency to see the language of the “savage” other as either utterly incomprehensible or too easily translatable. instead, his treatment of miscommunication in the colonial contact zone reveals the danger of these archetypal assumptions. thus, cooper begins in his later writings to raise some of the questions that will become the focus of works like herman melville’s typee. cooper is skeptical of the spaniards’ wishful-thinking interpretation of both natural signs and native languages, but he believes in a universal and unambiguous reality behind language, even if the imperfection of language often hinders the expression of that reality. in contrast, this emphasis on a fixed reality beneath language is also apparent in the rational explanations columbus provides for the omens and portents observed throughout the voyage, and the dedication to the laws of nature that these explanations reveal. for example, when the crew voice their fears about the erupting volcano, columbus “[proceeds] to give his people an explanation of the causes of volcanoes” and “[tells] them that he look[s] upon this little eruption as merely a natural occurrence” (i: ). likewise, cooper insists that columbus “did not believe the sudden rising of the seas, on this occasion, was owing to a direct miracle, as some of the historians and biographers melville’s treatment of the inherent ambiguity in language suggests an underlying ambiguity in reality itself. the distinction is apparent in a resonance between the columbus story and moby-dick. when a devotee of american literature reads of columbus’s first voyage in cooper’s novel, irving’s history, or the reconstructed journal, the alternately hopeful and hopeless sailors seeking their reward for the first sight of land seem eerily reminiscent of the crew of the pequod, tempted by ahab’s doubloon into a mad search for the white whale. both groups are driven by a single-minded captain, and both must accomplish the mission of their commander to ever see home again. but there is a difference between ahab’s drive for revenge and columbus’s certainty that he will find land by sailing west. ahab’s misplaced monomania will lead only to destruction, but columbus’s monomania proves genuinely prophetic, or so it seems in any retrospective history, because readers know that he will discover the new world. while ahab’s failure demonstrates the limits of what william v. spanos calls “the transcendentalist-inspired discourse of ‘self-reliance’” (errant ), columbus’s success, as retold by irving and cooper, is the origin of such an exceptionalist american identity. thus, as observed in the cosmopolitan philosophy of the enlightenment, cooper’s belief in a single ontological reality and a single ideological good can slip toward the universalizing assumptions that underwrite the discourse of imperialism, but his recognition of the seem inclined to believe; but rather to a providential interference of divine power, through natural means” (ii: ). similarly, robert tally argues, “by positing an inhuman force of infinite extension over the finite american adam, by subverting the foundations of individualism (the individual subject and its agency), and by evacuating the myth of god’s mandate, of his power to reward or punish, moby-dick effectively dismantles the dominant american ideological system undergirding such notions as manifest destiny” ( ). inevitability of cross-cultural misunderstanding, and his resistance to the idea of easy translatability, work against this universalizing assumption, leading him to present a critique of imperialism through language that often anticipates, if it does not quite match, the later works of melville. incommensurable economics in mercedes and the crater as mercedes of castile demonstrates, the representation of linguistic difference is a good indicator of cooper’s attitudes toward non-western cultures, but language was not the only arena in which the battle for cultural dominance and survival was played out. rather, it is only one example of a variety of epistemological systems at stake in the cross-cultural encounters of american expansionism. the incommensurability of concepts that caused columbus, and cooper’s luis, such problems communicating with the strange peoples of the new world has a strong parallel in the similar incompatibility of value systems. as in the colonizer’s attempts at linguistic translation, the problem is not merely finding which terms are equivalent—matching “one” to “uno” or “eins”—but that, in many cases, the concepts the words name do not align, just as “cacique” does not match any spanish title. analogously, economic exchange requires more than a conversion of dollars to pounds or yen, because the entire system of value may be incompatible, just as western currencies are not directly translatable into a gift-based economy. thus, todorov argues, “nor more than in the case of languages does columbus understand that values are conventional, that gold is not more precious than glass ‘in itself,’ but only in the european system of exchange” ( ). just as columbus see marcel mauss, the gift: forms and functions of exchange in archaic societies. cannot comprehend that “savage” cultures may have different concepts than europe, he does not understand that the hawk’s-bells and other trinkets given to the natives are not inherently less valuable than the gold sought by the spaniards. and just as columbus views the natives he encounters as lacking a real language, he also deems them childish or irrational for the trades they are willing to make rather than recognizing their equally valid yet radically different system of value. before turning to the issue of economic incommensurability in both mercedes of castile and the crater, it is useful to take a brief look at the theoretical and historical concept of the “fetish” in order to clarify the connection such incommensurability has to language. although there are obvious differences between the native peoples of the americas and the people encountered by the portuguese on the coast of africa, the concept of the fetish that arose from the latter encounter offers valuable insight into both cultural clashes. in a series of articles about “the problem of the fetish,” william pietz argues that the fetish “not only originated from, but remains specific to, the problematic of the social value of material objects as revealed in situations formed by the encounter of radically heterogeneous social systems” (“fetish, i” ). in other words, european pietz’s primary focus is the history of the “fetish” as it “originated in the cross-cultural spaces” of the african coast, developed into a theory of religious “fetishism” by , and was then adopted into numerous theoretical models throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, such as those of marx and freud (“fetish, i” ; “fetish, ii” ). the term “fetish” itself may be tangential to the study of imperialism in cooper, but the disconnect in value systems that produces it, and the inextricability of such problems of exchange from problems of language, illuminate an important connection between the play with linguistic sign systems evident in mercedes of castile (as well as in homeward bound or even in katharine’s signal language in the pilot) and the critique of u.s. expansionary trade policy and missionary activity found in the crater. with or without the particular discourse of “fetishism,” an encounter with radically different cultures will produce this disconnection of value, this untranslatability. traders found african value systems incompatible not only with european terminology for the use and worth of objects but also with their prior understanding of how objects could be used and valued. just as the africans’ valuation of objects was incompatible with european systems of value, the concepts europeans had for ceremonial objects, such as the idol, were incompatible with the africans’ concepts of the culturally particular objects classed together under the term “fetish.” the kind of object-use found in africa was simply untranslatable into european language. the traders responded to this utter incompatibility with a new term for a new idea, one which served as a kind of stopgap for this radical incommensurability but which never resolved into easy understandability. moreover, the word “fetish,” which pietz describes as both “the failed translation of various african terms” and “a novel word responsive to an unprecedented type of situation,” came into being to explain the problems of trade as well as to fill a gap in european terminology (“fetish, i” ). just as the incongruity of concepts prevented a simple one-to-one translation, the radical incompatibility of value systems prevented a straightforward exchange of commodities. one example pietz offers of the incompatibility of value systems is the “category of the trifling,” the tendency of “european traders [to remark] on the trinkets and trifles they traded for objects of real value” (“fetish, i” ). as pietz explains, “while it was precisely such ‘false’ estimation of the value of things that provided the desired huge profit rates of early european traders, it also evoked a contempt for a people who valued ‘trifles’ and ‘trash’” ( “fetish, ii” ). in mercedes of castile, sancho mundo is the master of the exchange of trifles. never “forgetful of his duty on the subject of searching for gold,” he eschews any attempt at linguistic communication, having “neither acquired a single word of the haytian language, nor taught a syllable of spanish to even one of the laughing nymphs who surrounded him,” and instead “[decorates] the persons of many of them with hawk’s-bells, and [contrives] to abstract from them, in return, every ornament that resembled the precious metal, which they possessed” (ii: ). greedy for gold, sancho is quick to gain the most profit possible in his exchange of trifles for treasure. cooper criticizes sancho’s principles of “free trade” because they “[maintain] that trade is merely an exchange of equivalents; overlooking all the adverse circumstances which may happen, just at the moment, to determine the standard of value” (ii: ). in other words, cooper denies that the items are “equivalent” at the going rate of exchange, just as he elsewhere insists that translations of a word are never precisely “equivalent” to the original. he suggests that allowing the free market to determine value might compromise other moral considerations. cooper’s ethical issues with free trade become clearer when sancho shows luis his acquired gold and exclaims: “double that, señor conde; just double that; and all for the price of some seventeen hawk’s-bells, that cost but a handful of maravedis. by the mass! this is a most just and holy trade, and such as it becomes us christians to carry on. here are these savages, they think no more of gold than your excellency thinks of a dead moor, and to be revenged on them, i hold a hawk’s-bell just as cheap. let them think as poorly as they please of their ornaments and yellow dust, they will find me just as willing to part with the twenty hawk’s-bells that remain. let them barter away, they will find me as ready as they possibly can be, to give nothing for nothing.” (ii: ) while it is clear that cooper does not condone sancho’s actions, he gives the early capitalist a sophisticated defense. sancho rightly observes that the “savages” care as little for their gold as the spaniard does for his bells, making the trade one of “nothing for nothing.” yet the invocation of “a dead moor” emphasizes the other atrocities undertaken by the spanish in the name of the catholic church, suggesting that such arguments are a poor excuse for the injustices resulting from “free trade.” this objection is voiced by luis, who questions whether such trade is “quite honest” and suggests, “remember thou art a castilian, and henceforth give two hawk’s-bells, where thou hast hitherto given but one” (ii: ). with “a nobleman’s contempt for commerce,” luis then reasons, “if it be honest to profit by the ignorance of another . . . then it is just to deceive the child and the idiot” (ii: ). while sancho advocates the capitalist’s ruthless drive to make as much money as possible, however unjust the means, luis’s “noble” solution is that those with the lion’s share of power and money be just a bit more charitable. in the process, luis equates the less fortunate with other dependents incapable of making their own rational decisions, and such paternalism can be just as dangerous as sancho’s ruthless acquisitiveness. in his characterization of sancho and luis, cooper presents two equally problematic extremes. the free market might allow for the most equitable exchange of goods when all other factors are equal and everyone is playing by the same rules, but when two radically different cultures clash, commodities not only have different values, but they are valued differently—a difference that is not only quantitative but qualitative. when colliding systems of value prove incommensurable, the “free” market can easily become distorted by the party with the most power. this is the problem with sancho mundo’s exploitative trade practices. on the other hand, luis’s aristocratic solution of philanthropy is problematic as well. rather than attempt to understand and negotiate the differences in value systems, luis’s philosophy places the “savage” in a dependent position, showing greater kindness than sancho’s cutthroat capitalism, but affording no greater respect for cultural difference. this divide mirrors the imperialist’s paradoxical desire to see radical difference as either too easily translatable (convertible into western economics) or utterly unknowable (and thus unworthy of respect or preservation). thus, in terms of economic exchange as with language and culture, cooper maps out both extremes, but while he criticizes some unjust practices, he seems unable to imagine the middle ground of cultural relativism that he advocates so strongly in his european writings. this division between exploitation and the west’s civilizing mission is even more obvious in the crater ( ), which shows the continuation of sancho’s trading practices into the expansionary policies of cooper’s present. one of cooper’s last novels, the crater depicts the rise and downfall of a society due to the kind of democratic excesses that cooper criticizes in many of his later works, and it engages directly with america’s expansionary policies. cooper was personally acquainted with charles wilkes, head of the u.s. exploring expedition, and it is clear that cooper drew on several critics have equated the novel to thomas cole’s famous series of paintings, the course of empire (t. philbrick, james - ; axelrad, - ). according to john p. mcwilliams, “cooper’s obliteration of the crater republic can only be viewed as the outgrowth of years of brooding about the inability of a republic to resist the powers of demagoguery” (political ). george j. becker argues that the novel “serves as a warning against the contemporary tendencies which are about to bring down the whole edifice of society” ( ). more specifically, dekker describes how the novel illustrates, “how ‘the people’ are easily duped and how they abuse their freedoms, victimizing cooper’s genteel, well-heeled heroes and heroines” ( ). although earlier critics of the crater ignore the particulars of its setting, seeing the pacific as “a blank slate” for a largely allegorical story (motley qtd. c. adams ; see also mcwilliams, political ; or scudder ), more recent work has shifted the focus to cooper’s treatment of the united states’ pacific expansion (gentry; suzuki). among the many who read the crater in its geographical context, lisa west norwood notes the somewhat surprising fact that cooper published the novel after melville’s typee, arguing that “these authors have a moment when they are engaged with similar subjects and issues at the same time” including “american presence in the pacific.” wilkes’s narrative for his novel of pacific colonization. while the protagonist mark woolston’s failed colony ultimately offers few solutions, cooper’s presentation of both sides of economic imperialism questions the proper attitude toward all kinds of cultural difference, religious and economic as well as linguistic. cooper critiques the most obvious injustices of american policy, yet he ultimately fails to unmask the equally insidious cultural conquest of the west’s civilizing mission. cooper’s novel depicts the expansion of trade into the pacific that motivated wilkes’s expedition, trade fueled in part by the high prices goods such as sandalwood and sea-otter pelts would bring on the chinese market (n. philbrick ). it is on such a trading voyage, “to proceed to some of the islands of the pacific, in quest of a cargo of sandal-wood and bêche-lê-mar, for the chinese market” (i: ), that mark and his companion bob betts are first marooned on a barren reef. and mirroring the expedition’s military purpose, their ship “[t]he rancocus carried several guns, an armament prepared to repel the savages of the sandal-wood islands” (i: ). commerce in sandalwood, though dangerous, was lucrative because it capitalized on discrepancies in economic and cultural value systems. when american traders exchanged worthless (by western standards) trifles for this valuable commodity, they, like columbus and the african-coast traders described by pietz, reaped extreme profits from a society with a radically different economic system. these american traders could then profit further from the ceremonial value placed on sandalwood by the chinese, another cultural difference that translated into major financial gains. the connection between cooper and wilkes was first noted in w. b. gates’s source study ( - ), and it was more recently examined by charles h. adams as a reason for exploring cooper’s engagement with “american expansionism” ( ). such trading missions were so lucrative because they exploited the incommensurable economies of the islands where sandalwood grew. like native americans or sixteenth-century west africans, these natives seemed content to exchange valuable commodities for mere trifles. cooper emphasizes the worthlessness of the items intended for trade when he explains, “the cargo of the rancocus was of no great extent, and of little value in a civilized country,” and “[t]he beads and coarse trinkets with which it had been intended to trade with the savages, were of no use whatever” (i: ). these “coarse trinkets” are the same kind of trifles used by sancho mundo to trade for gold, and like his hawk’s-bells, they are not worth much by western standards. cooper more clearly criticizes what he sees as an exploitative practice when he reiterates, “of real cargo, indeed, she had very little, the commerce between the civilized man and the savage being ordinarily on those great principles of free trade . . . which usually give the lion’s share of the profit to them who need it least” (i: ). as rochelle raineri zuck argues, cooper’s comments on the evils of “free trade” suggest that “commercial exchange with native people is . . . another means of taking advantage of them” ( ). the americans involved in pacific trade take this advantage whenever they can, never inquiring why the island natives might value the “trifling” trinkets they are willing to take in exchange for “valuable” sandalwood, and for cooper, this is the worst kind of exploitation. yet this exploitative trade, which capitalizes on cultural differences without understanding or appreciating them, is not the only way in which americans approached the pacific and its inhabitants. in the crater, cooper opposes free trade to a more charitable alternative, which he seems to endorse, but which can be just as damaging to native cultures. while describing the contents of the rancocus, which are the only resources mark has on his reef, cooper explains the ship owner’s misgivings about the sandalwood trade: the provision of tools was very ample, and, in some respects, a little exaggerated in the way of friend white’s expectations of civilizing the people of fejee. . . . now, sandal-wood was supposed to be used for the purposes of idolatry, being said to be burned before the gods of that heathenish people. idolatry being one of the chiefest of all sins, friend abraham white had many compunctions and misgivings of conscience touching the propriety of embarking in the trade at all. it was true, that our knowledge of the chinese customs did not extend far enough to render it certain that the wood was used for the purpose of burning before idols, some pretending it was made into ornamental furniture; but friend abraham white had heard the first, and was disposed to provide a set-off, in the event of the report’s being true, by endeavouring to do something towards the civilization of the heathen. . . . it is true that he expected to make many thousands of dollars by the voyage, and doubtless would so have done, had not the accident befallen the ship, . . . but the investment in tools, seeds, pigs, wheelbarrows, and other matters, honestly intended to better the condition of the natives of vanua levu and viti levu, did not amount to a single cent less than one thousand dollars, lawful money of the republic. (i: - ) the profit potential of sandalwood is high because of its religious value in china, but for friend abraham, taking advantage of its value makes one an accessory to idolatry. to offset this potential sin, abraham plans to provide the pacific islanders with useful material goods—commodities carefully calculated to be not “a single cent less than one thousand dollars, lawful money of the republic.” yet, as with luis’s suggestion to give two hawk’s-bells instead of one, the small portion of the voyage’s potential profits spent on such tools seems hardly to address the moral problem. even more disturbingly, this “provision of tools” will prove valuable to the natives only so far as they adopt western forms of agriculture. despite friend abraham’s amusing rationalization, cooper presents the ship’s vast store of seeds and other instruments of civilization in a positive light. they allow mark not only to survive on the reef, but also to literally plant the seeds of a colony that will eventually support hundreds of settlers. thus, cooper’s novel mirrors another aim of the u.s. exploring expedition, to “make such arrangements as will insure a supply of fruits, vegetables, and fresh provisions, to vessels visiting it hereafter, teaching the natives the modes of cultivation, and encouraging them to raise hogs in greater abundance” (wilkes xxvii). although the instructions suggest that the expedition “neither interfere, nor permit any wanton interference with the customs, habits, manners, or prejudices, of the natives of such countries or islands as [it] may visit” (xxviii), they appear to overlook the cultural and ecological changes that new crops, livestock, and farming techniques will inevitably bring. the americans designing the expedition are so blind to the culture of these islands, that they do not consider how teaching the inhabitants western modes of cultivation might interfere with their native modes of subsistence—not to mention how american trade itself might upset the native economy. wilkes further demonstrates the drive to americanize foreign cultures when he boasts, “i have reason to rejoice that i have been enabled to carry the moral influence of our country to every quarter of the globe where our flag has waved” (xxii-xxiii). despite its superficial intentions of observing native culture without interference, the result of the expedition, and of the increased trade it made possible, was the erosion of native culture alongside the extinction of “valuable commodities” like seals and sandalwood. yet for most of the crater, mark’s project of “civilizing” the island in order to grow crops and support livestock is depicted as a noble one, and his reef becomes the kind of hospitable port that the u.s. exploring expedition sought to create. the u.s. government desired the pacific islanders to learn more advanced farming techniques so that they would have a surplus of food with which to supply the whalers and other commercial vessels seeking port in the pacific. another requirement for the security of pacific commerce was that the native inhabitants respect western ideas of property. the government’s instructions warn wilkes: among savage nations, unacquainted with, or possessing but vague ideas of the rights of property, the most common cause of collision with civilized visitors, is the offence and punishment of theft. you will therefore adopt every possible precaution against this practice, and in the recovery of the stolen property, as well as in punishing the offender, use all due moderation and forbearance. (xxviii) thus, property appears as a key distinction between civilization and savagery. the tendency of this economic incommensurability to lead to violence is one reason that the rancocus is also supplied with a store of weapons. despite the advice of “forbearance” in the above passage, the belief that the “civilized” idea of property should hold precedence even in foreign lands is clear, as is the smug disregard for the possibility that the americans might do something considered equally unacceptable by the local culture, or that these offenses might be just as disruptive as native theft. in the crater as in his other writings, cooper maintains the importance of property, as numerous critics have noted. as soon as mark progresses beyond the initial steven watts argues that, for cooper, “[p]roperty . . . was the basis of all civilization and its protection was critical to social improvement” ( ). robert lawson-peebles’s argument is particularly relevant to the changing economy of the crater colony when he describes how cooper’s political beliefs are dependent upon an idea of property that was quickly becoming out of date as an agrarian system was replaced by a business-oriented one ( - ). rochelle raineri zuck ( ) and daniel marder ( ) also note the importance of private property. in contrast to these views, however, charles o’donnell argues that cooper had “an ambivalent attitude toward property,” one in which the “inevitable initial action” of claiming the land “is the start of a chain of evil linking father and son” ( ). steps of cultivating his islands, and after he is joined by other colonists, he divides the land and gives each resident his own private property. cooper explains that this decision will increase the productivity of the society because, “[s]o long as a man toiled for himself and those nearest and dearest to him, society had a security for his doing much, that would be wanting where the proceeds of the entire community were to be shared in common” (ii: - ). thus, cooper is particularly careful to separate mark’s colony from communal experiments like the one at brook farm. in addition to protecting each individual’s private land, mark also takes great pains to protect the entire colony, the new white colonists’ property, from being invaded and looted by the hostile natives nearby. in the repeated efforts to keep the villainous waally away from his own group of islands, mark enacts the u.s. exploring expedition’s policing of theft. both policies result in the killing of large numbers of natives. the dual projects of cultivating the land and establishing private property are demonstrated on a smaller scale by the “success story” of one of cooper’s “good indians,” unus. if this pacific islander’s name seems reminiscent of the last of the mohicans’s uncas, there is little difference between the characters other than the much smaller part unus has to play in his novel’s plot. after greatly aiding the colonists in one of the conflicts with his tribe, unus marries juno, a former slave of mark’s wife, bridget. the newly converted “indian” is thus united to an earlier conquest of the west’s civilizing mission. cooper reports of this happy couple: we may add here, that unus and juno were united before the ship sailed. they took up land on the peak, where unus erected for himself a very neat cabin. bridget set the young couple up, giving the furniture, a pig, some fowls, and other necessaries. (ii: ) thus, the couple’s success, almost a fairy-tale ending, is defined by their ownership of property and their ability to raise livestock. unus has been properly civilized. eventually, after a minister joins the colony, the two are given a christian marriage ceremony, “the governor considering it proper that regard to appearances and all decent observances, should be paid, as comported with their situation” (ii: ). in this additional concession to western culture, unus and juno are joined by a similarly mixed couple, and another success story of civilization, “peters and his indian wife” (ii: ). the white peters originally met his wife, unus’s sister, while living with her tribe after being shipwrecked, but the two make the “proper” decision and join mark’s civilization as soon as they are able. although peters joins these native siblings in acting as interpreters for the colony, the presumably difficult process by which peters would have learned the language of the nearby natives is not a part of cooper’s novel, although similar encounters will be the focus of many of melville’s works. the value of such bilingualism and the genuine cross- cultural communication it permits may seem like a glimmer of hope for achieving a more balanced cultural intercourse, but these interpreters serve little purpose besides hastening the progress of western values. with all religious formalities duly observed, the exemplary products of mark’s civilizing project slip into the background of the novel and would seem to live happily ever after, at least until the entire colony is swallowed by the ocean. from one perspective, then, it appears that cooper’s only solution to sancho’s exploitative trading practices, like the solution of extreme cosmopolite anacharsis cloots to worldwide oppression and violence, is to gather all peoples under a single system of civilization. supporting this critical view of cooper’s own imperialist tendencies, paul lyons gives an excellent summary of the various encounters with natives in the novel: “cooper’s allegory is specific and unambivalent. those neighboring islanders who assent to the colonial authority are treated with paternalistic kindness; those who resist are rolled over militarily” (american ). thus lyons argues that “cooper sees oceanians being integrated into the world system to the degree that they adopt euroamerican trading protocols and form nation-states” ( ). cooper does not necessarily wish to see these pacific “indians” vanish like the native peoples of north america, but he does not see a place for their native value systems in a global economy. such an apparent preference for western civilization is undercut, however, by the novel’s cataclysmic ending. if the result of any civilization’s rapid progress is its speedier decline, are the pacific natives best left alone to advance toward the inevitable downfall at their own gradual pace? cooper’s conclusion only begins to answer this question: let those who would substitute the voice of the created for that of the creator, who shout “the people, the people,” instead of hymning the praises of their god, who vainly imagine that the masses are sufficient for all things, remember their insignificance and tremble. they are but mites amid millions of other mites, that the goodness of providence has produced for its own wise ends; their boasted countries, with their vaunted climates and productions, have temporary possessions of but small portions of a globe that floats, a point, in space, following the course pointed out by an invisible finger, and which will one day be suddenly struck out of its orbit, as it was originally put there, by the hand that made it. let that dread being, then, be never made to act a second part in human affairs, or the rebellious vanity of our race imagine that either numbers, or capacity, or success, or power in arms, is aught more than a short-lived gift of his beneficence, to be resumed when his purposes are accomplished. (ii: ) on one hand, the hubris that causes the colony’s downfall, its trust in the power of “numbers,” “capacity,” “success,” and “arms,” seems to point the accusing finger at the arrogance of imperialists who would presume to exert their creative power over the less powerful or worse endowed. at the same time, cooper’s invocation of such an apparently christian higher power cannot be reconciled with a plea for cultural relativism. it seems that cooper, like america’s more tolerant puritan settlers, believes there is a universal right, but that it is never the place of mere mortals to impose that right onto others. in the end, cooper’s critique of imperialist discourse, and his plea to treat others with greater sympathy and kindness, stops short of recognizing that different approaches to life may be equally valid. cooper comes closest to this ideal in his portrayal of language, recognizing the incommensurability of cultural concepts that resists easy translation, but he does not fully question his own assumptions about cultural and economic value. while cooper begins to examine the problems of cross-cultural exchange, he never quite arrives at the realization that there is no proper set of concepts or attitudes, instead suggesting that all the world’s peoples be assimilated into western civilization. as examined in the following chapter, melville will take cooper’s critique of language encounters further, not only depicting the paradoxical extremes of utter incomprehensibility and too easy translation, but actively seeking out a more liberatory middle ground. the greater cultural relativism of which cooper falls short is not a modern construct. a nineteenth-century version can be found in walden, in which thoreau weighs the costs and advantages of “civilized” and “savage” life and seeks a way to “live as to secure all the advantage without suffering any of the disadvantage” ( ). thoreau’s project of stripping away one’s own cultural assumptions in order to choose what is really most advantageous from the many ways of approaching life mirrors cooper’s own approach to european difference, and may be a solution to the contentious contact of native and imperialist cooper explores in his later works. chapter fraught translation in melville’s colonial encounters in the middle decades of the nineteenth century, the united states was expanding its commercial, political, and military interests beyond the boundaries of north america, and the wide network of whalers, merchants, explorers, scientists, and other sailors who drove this change traveled throughout the eastern and southern hemispheres. in works like the crater and afloat and ashore, james fenimore cooper comments on his country’s pacific expansion from afar. but at the same time that cooper was writing his final sea tales, the young herman melville was experiencing such voyages firsthand, gathering materials for a literary career that would extend cooper’s critique of imperialist discourse even further. cooper’s cosmopolitan approach to european language transfers at least partially to his portrayal of colonial language encounters, but melville comes far closer to a cosmopolitan appreciation of non-white cultures and the languages they speak. this chapter will examine how the language encounters melville experienced in his pacific travels led to a career-long engagement with the limits of translation and the failures of communication they cause. by connecting melville’s semiotic critique of language to the lived experiences of translation and cross-cultural encounter, i will combine the previous approaches of poststructuralism and postcolonialism, demonstrating how melville’s decentered approach to language and reality derives from the experience of travel. over time, melville shifts the target of his critique from addressing melville’s treatment of language through a poststructuralist lens, maurice s. lee argues that “moby-dick offers a kind of proto-deconstructionist critique—one in which intertextuality, self-reference, and parody turn language on itself” (“language” ). similarly, william spanos connects the linguistic decentering of melville in moby- dick to the discourse of american exceptionalism when he contrasts “captain ahab’s imperialist views of “savage” speech to all universalist theories of language, thereby questioning the positivist vision of truth that underpins such universalism. like cooper, melville also exposes and negotiates the double-bind of imperialist discourse, the paradoxical desire to both emphasize difference and to efface it. the first error can be seen in the u.s. exploring expedition’s expectation that the words of new languages will correspond perfectly to western concepts. eric cheyfitz summarizes such linguistic blindness when he argues, “the imperialist believes that, literally, everything can be translated into his terms; indeed, that everything always already exists in these terms and is only waiting to be liberated” (poetics ). this connection between the will-to-power of colonialist discourse and the assumption of easy and “literal” translatability suffuses the literature of exploration and conquest that melville uses as the source for his own books. by assuming that the language, culture, and value systems of new world discourse of self-reliance” with “ishmael/melville,” who “call[s] language as naming into question” (errant , ). other critics who have taken a poststructuralist approach include nancy fredricks, who argues that “ishmael circumvents the totalizing thrust of teleological structures” and “directs attention to the limits of representation” ( ); bernhard radloff, who calls “melville’s thought . . . a confrontation with modernity understood as the program of humanist rationalism” ( ); and sam whitsitt, who examines melville’s treatment of the nineteenth century’s “naïve sense of the relation . . . between language and being” ( ). other readings have focused on the importance of travel in the development of melville’s cosmopolitan or global perspective. for example, both paul giles ( ) and malcolm bradbury ( ) emphasize the centrality of travel in melville’s body of work, and thomas farel heffernan examines melville’s interest in travel literature ( ). sanford marovitz calls melville “among the most widely traveled of american authors” ( ), and christopher sten describes him as “america’s most cosmopolitan writer of his time—the most widely traveled, with the broadest cultural experience and the most carefully considered views on . . . colonialism and cultural imperialism” (“melville’s” ). charles waugh finds in melville’s writings “a global consciousness at work” ( ), and both mary k. edwards (xii-xiii) and paul lyons (“global” ) connect this global perspective to melville’s own experience in america’s pacific expansion. peter gibian perhaps best summarizes this connection when he argues that melville “continually focuses attention on the dynamics of cross-cultural encounter and the question of intercultural mediation” ( - ). the other can translate seamlessly into english, american imperialists erase cultural difference while granting their own beliefs and practices universal status. but the opposite extreme, described by david spurr as the “rhetorical tradition in which non- western peoples are essentially denied the power of language and are represented as mute or incoherent” ( ), can be equally dangerous, and the ideal mean between these two prejudicial extremes can be difficult to achieve. accordingly, my argument that melville explores the limits of translation must recognize that a too-easy capitulation to the incomprehensibility of difference risks sliding into a refusal to recognize the speech of the other—a refusal to allow the other a voice both in a political sense and as part of recognizing his or her humanity. one alternative to these dual forms of linguistic prejudice would be the kind of fluency that occurs only after one begins to think in a new language, fluency that makes the act of translation unnecessary. a parallel cultural fluency would likewise require understanding a new culture’s beliefs and practices on its own terms. in the situations melville depicts, however, such fluency is impossible for the traveler who has only recently arrived in a foreign land. in this contact zone of linguistic encounter, the only solution to the paradox of imperialist discourse is an ongoing struggle for mutual comprehension. it is out of such a contact zone that pidgin languages develop—linguistic compromises that facilitate the exchange of both ideas and goods. more often, simply recognizing the inherent difficulties of cross-cultural communication is the only alternative to the imperialist extremes of utter incomprehension and universalizing translation. to escape this prejudicial binary, it is necessary to understand that translation is only a linguistic compromise, not a substitute for real fluency. in his earlier works portraying cross-cultural encounters in the pacific, melville, like cooper, maps out a middle ground between the oversimplification of the translator’s task and a capitulation to the utter incomprehensibility of the other. in later works, melville combines the influence of his own sailing experiences with broader philosophical inquiries, increasingly portraying the lack of cross-cultural understanding as inherent incommensurability. he thus develops his earlier examination of linguistic encounter into the realization that all language is a pidgin compromise between incomprehensibility and the universalist beliefs that justify imperialism’s civilizing mission. the portrayal of “savage” language in typee’s imperialist sources a thorough examination of melville’s early works as travel literature must begin with the sources that shaped his writing. david porter’s journal of a cruise made to the pacific ocean ( ) and c. s. stewart’s a visit to the south seas ( ) are two well- established sources of typee. john samson argues that melville’s narrators dramatize the role narratives such as those of porter and stewart have played in the creation of imperialist stereotypes and the maintenance of american ideology ( ). in his the links between melville’s writings and earlier, imperialist accounts do not end here. amasa delano’s a narrative of voyages and travels in the northern and southern hemispheres is the obvious source of “benito cereno, ” and many critics have also seen connections between melville’s work and charles wilkes’s narrative of the united states exploring expedition (lyons, american , ; madison, “literature” ; heflin ), as well as edgar allan poe’s fictional account, the narrative of arthur gordon pym of nantucket (martin ; fanning ; renker ; m. berthold, “portentous” ; brodhead ). see chapter two for discussions of wilkes and poe. john bryant further describes melville’s complicated relationship with the narratives of porter and stewart. although melville critiques their more imperialist attitudes, these sources also demonstrate “a certain hobbesian rationalism” (porter) and a “half-baked representation of colonial language encounters, melville directly addresses the failures of cross-cultural communication previous works of exploration would seek to conceal. examining the narratives of porter and stewart, it becomes clear that melville’s predecessors emphasize the savagery of native language while, paradoxically, minimizing the difficulties of translation. in other words, in porter and stewart, as in columbus and wilkes, the language of the other either presents no interpretive difficulties or appears as animal noise not worthy of translation. the narratives of porter and stewart also represent two sides of american influence in the pacific. porter’s attempt to annex the marquesas for the united states makes his narrative the more obviously imperialist. christopher mcbride connects porter to the history of u.s. imperialism when he describes how “porter’s claim established [the marquesas] in the american imagination as a possible site for overseas expansion and trade” (“americans” ). stewart, on the other hand, is a missionary like those melville critiques in typee and omoo. his narrative emphasizes both religion and science, echoing the militaristic imperialism of porter with the parallel goals of expanding western culture and ways of knowing. both sources contain the stereotype of primitive and childlike natives found in the writings of columbus and critiqued by cooper in mercedes of castile, and both extend liberalism” (stewart) that melville draws on to develop his own “more radical anti- imperialism” (bryant, unfolding ). in contrast, justin d. edwards argues that melville could not break away from the “imperial frame of reference” of his sources, leading to “typee’s reinscription of the same colonizing attitudes that melville claimed to be critiquing” ( ). porter also renamed the islands the washington group, mirroring columbus by replacing native designations with his own language. this stereotype to the denigration of native language. porter belittles marquesan culture generally when he asserts, “in religion these people are mere children; their morais are their baby-houses, and their gods are their dolls” (ii: ). he similarly devalues native language when he writes, “we had but little opportunity of gaining a knowledge of their language while we remained among them; but from the little we became acquainted with, we are satisfied that it is not copious; few words serve to express all they wish to say; and one word has many significations” (ii: ). in addition to the implication that the primitive marquesans have little to say, the arrogance of thus presuming to judge the extent of a language that is only partially understood demonstrates the little esteem porter holds for marquesan culture. lawrence alan rosenwald has called the creation of such a “value-hierarchy of languages . . . an error” and the “linguistic form of racism” ( ). a more extreme version of such racism is “denying that a particular language is a language at all” ( ), and this belittlement can occur not only through direct statements but also through the general characterization of supposedly savage speech. one example of this more subtle linguistic racism occurs in stewart’s description of his arrival on nukuhiva: “the reveillé had scarce been beaten this morning, before the vincennes was surrounded by the noise, loud talking, hallooing, and various rude merriment of the islanders” (i: ). stewart thus depicts the incomprehensibility of the natives’ language as obstreperous and “rude” noise rather than proper speech. at the same time, both porter and stewart minimize the difficulties of cross- cultural communication and interpretation. when porter first arrives at what he soon renames the “washington islands,” he glosses over the possibility of misunderstanding or in the interest of consistency, i will adopt melville’s spellings of marquesan names. misinterpretation. he says of the natives, “they frequently repeated to us the word taya, which signifies friend, and invited us to shore, where they assured us, by the most expressive gesticulations, that the vahienas, or women, were entirely at our service” (ii: ). both native terms in this passage are immediately translated into english, and even the marquesans’ gestures are said to be instantly understood. whatever the accuracy of these translations, they clearly ignore any cultural differences that might complicate porter’s instantaneous, word-for-word translation, such as the island’s specific codes of friendship or the class of women that “vahienas” might indicate. at the same time, porter’s interpretation of the marquesans’ meaning optimistically expects that the natives will bow down before the advance of civilization. a similar minimization of cultural difference can be observed in porter’s brief discussion of the complicated cultural code of the taboo, which typee will examine in depth. when porter writes, “the word taboo signifies an interdiction, an embargo, or restraint; and the restrictions during the period of their existence may be compared to the lent of the catholics” (ii: ), he easily translates the term while equating it to a known western standard. in all of these examples, the act of translation is ignored or erased. porter’s general disregard for the difficulties of cross-cultural communication and understanding is facilitated by wilson, a white beachcomber figure “gone native” who acts as the captain’s interpreter. porter explains: his knowledge of the people, and the ease with which he spoke their language, removed all difficulties in our intercourse with them; and it must be understood, in all relations of future interviews and conversations, which took place between me and the natives, that wilson is the organ of communication and the means by which we are enabled to understand each other: i shall, therefore, in future, deem it unnecessary to say, i was assisted by an interpreter, it must always be understood that i had one. (ii: ) it is likely that wilson’s understanding of the people and their language surpassed that of porter, but porter’s assertion that wilson “removed all difficulties” of communication seems both too extreme to be entirely accurate and also too indicative of the imperialist ideology described by cheyfitz to be taken at face value. in any case, by letting his translator remain “invisible,” to use lawrence venuti’s terminology, porter downplays the significance of cross-cultural interpretation and understanding, falling short of melville’s far more nuanced depiction of linguistic encounter. stewart also minimizes the acts of translation and interpretation. even more than in porter, the language difference between missionaries and pacific islanders remains invisible and unproblematic. one rare instance where interpretation is discussed at all is stewart’s description of a “worship ceremony at hido” observed during his visit to hawaii. after noting, “i had not, in my long absence, so entirely forgotten the native language, as not to understand much that was said,” stewart presents the speech of the congregation rendered in english (ii: ). the discussion that follows indicates how stewart derives a theory of seamless translation from his religious convictions: could i be deceived in the interpretation of this case? could i be mistaken in the causes and the nature of those varied emotions, under the circumstances in which they were beheld; and in one, of whom i had never heard, and whom i had never before seen? no i could not: and if so—what is the language they speak? they plainly say that this poor woman, grown gray in the ignorance and varied degradation of heathenism . . . sees herself to be a sinner . . . . the simple appearance and every deportment of that obscure congregation, whom i had once known, and at no remote period, only as a set of rude, licentious, and wild pagans, did more to rivet the conviction of the divine origin of the bible, and of the holy influences by which it is accompanied to the hearts of men, than all the arguments, and apologies, and defences [sic] of christianity i ever read. (ii: - ) despite his admittedly limited understanding of native hawaiian, stewart presents a fluid translation into english. he then follows this seemingly unproblematic translation with exclamations over the unambiguous language of calvinist conversion. because he believes his own religion to be universal truth, he has absolute faith in the accuracy of his interpretation of the hawaiians’ religious convictions. this is a perfect example of the imperialist’s belief that “everything can be translated into his terms” (cheyfitz, poetics ). more provocatively, when stewart references the “divine origin of the bible,” he recalls the universalizing, monologic voice of god. such an ideal of unified, prelapsarian speech is the religious analogue of the transcendentalist idea that language represents universal truth, a view which melville will critique throughout his career. stewart is driven by science as well as religion, and the unproblematic universality he attributes to the language of conversion is mirrored in his incorporation of scientific discourse, particularly his use of latin names to indicate the plants he encounters throughout the pacific. his emphasis on the names of concrete and easily classifiable flora skews his treatment of language to emphasize cases where words are a clearer index of reality, where language most closely takes the form of adamic naming. one of the many possible examples demonstrates the capacity of latin names to conceal linguistic uncertainty. stewart describes “a few small trees of ironwood (casuarina), here called koa” (i: ). this immediate and unproblematic translation between three languages subtly suggests that all translation will be just as clear-cut. of course, translation does seem easier when the referent is a physical object, but as todorov’s analysis of the columbus journals has demonstrated, an unbalanced reliance on the names of things, on “that sector of language which serves . . . only to designate nature,” can mask deeper misunderstanding (todorov - ). stewart’s use of scientific terminology is also an example of what mary louise pratt calls “planetary consciousness,” which includes “the construction of global-scale meaning through the descriptive apparatuses of natural history,” as when linnaeus uses “latin for his nomenclature precisely because it was nobody’s national language,” demonstrating “the continental, transnational aspirations of european science” ( , ). pratt argues that such “systematization of nature coincides with the height of the slave trade, the plantation system, [and] colonial genocide in north america and south africa” ( ). through science as well as language and religion, then, stewart universalizes and systematizes western modes of “truth,” thereby justifying the analogous “systematization of human life” that grounds the atrocities of colonialism and imperialism ( ). conversely, when melville’s problematization of translation and cross-cultural exchange reveals the lack of a universal, monologic truth, he undercuts these colonial systems. the following reading of melville’s early, pacific novels will focus on melville’s decentering of colonial discourse in scenes of linguistic encounter. typee and the perils of cross-cultural communication in typee: a peep at polynesian life ( ), melville demonstrates a thorough engagement with the tradition of colonial language encounter. as its subtitle suggests, typee was originally marketed as an account of melville’s own experiences on nukuhiva, although some readers were always skeptical of the truth of his narrative. it has been long established that melville’s supposed four-month stay on the island could have lasted no more than four weeks (c. anderson ). robert c. suggs finds factual errors and impossibilities in melville’s account of nukuhiva and argues, “whatever realistic elements there are in typee, it remains first and foremost a literary romance” ( ). still, as typee is the only source of information about melville’s experiences in the marquesas available to scholars, the temptation remains to read it as autobiography (heflin ; kelley, herman ). in the present study, however, it is useful to distinguish between the realism of melville’s account and its literal truth. the first relates to the question of melville’s engagement with issues of colonialism and race, the second, though integral to works of biography, is of less value here. it is beyond doubt that the encounter between white americans and exotic pacific islanders is a central concern of typee, but melville’s position on the issues of colonialism and imperialism raised by such an encounter is a subject of much debate (g. thompson ). my reading of native language in typee will follow those who focus on the question of truthfulness or accuracy also affects typee’s classification as a travelogue or novel. janet giltrow ( ), robert k. martin ( ), and james jubak ( ) all emphasize the importance of reading typee as a travel narrative. geoffrey sanborn insists that, whether the work is “a reliable record of travel or an unreliable record of adventures[,] . . . melville’s foregrounding of that question does not transform the book from a travel narrative into a novel” (“purple” ). wyn kelley describes typee as an ingenious combination of genres including “travel account, captivity narrative, anthropological study, escapist fantasy, [and] maritime yarn” (herman - ). indeed, those who argue that typee is more than a travelogue seem to differ only in their judgment of how much philosophical errancy the genre can contain (see springer and robillard ; maloney ; dimock ). many readings, particularly early ones, have viewed typee as either “a whole-hearted defense of the noble savage” (c. anderson ; also see wenke ), or what sanborn calls “a humanistic recognition of the identity of self and other” (sign ; see herbert ; firebaugh ). others approach the issue of savagery more critically and directly: anna krauthammer argues that “melville . . . uses the white savage motif in an examination of the dichotomy between savagism and civilization as it applies to non- white others in the south seas” ( ). mitchell breitwieser argues that, when tommo’s “rhetorical primitive encounters the actual primitive[,] . . . tommo’s narrative falls into a bewildered vacillation between portraits of the typees as nobly innocent victims of colonialism and portraits of them as happy perpetrators of an appalling depravity” ( ). not surprisingly, more recent critics have read such primitivism as complicit in colonial stereotypes (banerjee ; j. edwards ; ka‘imipono kaiwi; kelleter ; maddox ; s. thomson - ). as charlene avallone righty argues, “too often critical claims assume melville’s humanistic or anticolonial intent without the support of convincing textual or biographical evidence” ( ). on the other hand, many critics have read typee the unknowability of the exotic other in melville’s portrayal of encounter. like cooper in mercedes of castile, melville does the most justice to typee culture when he portrays the difficulties of both linguistic and cultural translation. the following reading will argue that melville demonstrates a pervasive engagement with the difficulties of cross- cultural communication encountered by an american in the pacific, that he critiques the depictions of language in his imperialist sources, and that he begins to explore the ways as a decidedly anticolonial text (robertson-lorant ; greenberg ; grejda - ; milder ; d. berthold ; otter, melville’s ; ivison - ; kardux ). others, including john carlos rowe (“melville’s”), nicholas lawrence, and robert roripaugh, have connected typee to domestic concerns like slavery or the western frontier. the most persuasive arguments, however, recognize that, despite melville’s clear objection to the injustices of both american and european imperialism, his anticolonialism is limited both ideologically, by the unavoidable prejudices of his age, and economically, by the desires and demands of his readership (sanborn, sign , ; sanborn, “motive” ; p. west ). likewise, christopher mcbride (“americans” ; colonizer ), jeffrey hotz (divergent , ), and malini johar schueller have all noted that melville simultaneously questions and enacts colonialist, imperialist, and racist discourse. for example, rowe argues that “typee rejects the prevailing ethnographic models of its time” by “destabiliz[ing] our very processes of understanding other peoples” (literary ). likewise, bruce a. harvey argues that, “in typee, the natives will be most real when they are least understood” ( ). a number of critics also focus on the centrality of moments of encounter. t. walter herbert, jr., contends that melville “shifts the emphasis” from the travel writings of missionaries and other travelers “so that it rests upon the encounter, the experience of contact, rather than upon the marquesans as a thing observed” ( ). gibian argues that “typee turns on the failure of contact between its narrator and the foreign world he travels through, a failure based in the narrator’s continued attachment to the conventional thinking of his home culture” ( ). according to john evelev, “the object of representation of typee is, above all, primitivism: the encounter of civilization with the exotic primitive” ( ). lyons examines how “melville begins in typee to refigure the multiple fears brought about by intercultural encounter— fears about boundaries, or, rather, their porousness” (american ). david farrier argues that “typee is concerned less with writing encounter as with defining it,” and he describes how the narrative “plays with operations of difference, drawing parallels between apparently diverse cultures and offering unsettling conclusions” ( , ). ian s. maloney examines the representation of monuments in typee, arguing that “contact with memorials emphasizes the space and distance between cultures” ( ). translation exposes the inherent inadequacy of all language, a theory he will continue to elaborate throughout his career. although melville’s engagement with the experience of being immersed in an exotic and unknown language is a major focus of the novel, the seriousness with which melville treats foreign language has long been concealed by the tradition of mistrusting his polynesian. in his travelogue in the south seas, robert louis stevenson famously criticizes melville’s bad ear. he calls melville’s “hapar” for “hapaa” a “grotesque misspelling” and imagines that melville was gifted with the abilities to “see,” “tell,” and “charm,” but that he was not “able to hear” ( ). despite melville’s own claim in typee’s preface to have transcribed polynesian words in the “form of orthography . . . which might be supposed most easily to convey their sound to a stranger” (xiv), many critics have agreed with stevenson’s negative assessment. for example, suggs notes that melville’s “marquesan vocabulary includes many non-marquesan or nonsense words” and that “his place names and tribal names are also often erroneous” ( - ). a few, however, have looked beyond the tradition of maligning melville’s polynesian. elizabeth renker quite persuasively argues that any shortcomings in melville’s transliterations result from his poor spelling of standard english rather than from any inability to properly hear or speak polynesian ( - ). in his study of a recently discovered section of the typee manuscript, however, john bryant traces editorial changes in melville’s spelling of polynesian words and finds that they “indicate (contra stevenson) that see vanessa smith’s literary culture and the pacific for a more detailed discussion of stevenson’s comment ( ). [melville] heard polynesian well and initially transcribed the sounds with an informed (although not always consistent) sense of the conventional transliteration of polynesian printed in melville’s day” (unfolding ). bryant also notes that “typee exhibits a polynesian and hawaiian vocabulary of at least words, names, and place-names, most of which are accompanied with translations” ( ). one scholar in the field of linguistics has done even more to recover the value of melville’s polynesian. emanuel j. drechsel points out that the majority of the typee language in the work could be classified as “maritime polynesian pidgin,” which he defines as “a major linguistic compromise of the indigenous population with newcomers, who had willy-nilly attempted to learn indigenous languages, if only reluctantly and incompletely” (“maritime polynesian” - ). unlike pidgin english, which would commonly be considered “broken english,” maritime polynesian pidgin is the “broken polynesian” of sailors like melville who attempted to speak the native language. this classification highlights tommo’s capitulation to the language of his captors—his willingness to learn the native tongue instead of insisting that the natives, squanto-like, must learn his own. drechsel defends melville’s use of this pidgin language and concludes, “in spite of their anglophone spellings, melville’s attestations of maritime polynesian pidgin are reconstitutable by comparative evidence from polynesian source languages, and deserve recognition for their accuracy” ( ). although i cannot claim drechsel’s technical knowledge of the language melville depicts, the following reading will demonstrate melville’s interest in what actually happens when a white, european- language speaker is immersed in an exotic language and culture. whatever typee’s relation to melville’s own experiences on nukuhiva, and despite the inevitable limitations of his polynesian, melville’s portrayal of linguistic encounter counteracts stereotypical portrayals of exotic languages by enabling readers to understand the lived experience of fraught cross-cultural communication. melville’s attention to language is also part of a larger engagement with previous narratives of exploration and encounter. like columbus, tommo initially views typee valley as a kind of eden, but as milton r. stern observes in his examination of melville’s “struggle with the possibility that multiple signification is the product of a fallen world,” “tommo’s language fail[s] him as society turn[s] out to be something other than he had foreseen in his expectations of paradise” ( , ). thus, while melville does occasionally depict typee valley as a kind of paradise, he does not repeat the mistakes of earlier explorers and assume that the seemingly innocent and childlike natives living there will share a universal language and culture with their colonizers. instead, melville indeed, this is not the first study to call attention to the importance of language in typee. farrier analyzes pacific missionaries’ difficulty with polynesian language and argues that the typees in melville’s work deliberately “use ambiguity to deflect attention away from the centre of typee culture” thereby “preventing their textualization by another culture by maintaining their status as fundamentally ambiguous in all modes of discourse” ( - , ). michael c. berthold argues that the typee language “force[s] upon tommo [a] new, unsettling knowledge of the fluidity of speech” (“portentous” - ). hans-georg erney has asserted that “the crucial battleground on which typee is fought is that of language” ( ), but his primary focus is on how melville/tommo uses the english language to make sense of his experiences. finally, with a focus most closely related to my own, herbert notes how “melville’s gift for language . . . enables melville to convey impressions of the ways in which various schemes of interpretation make sense, make nonsense, and wreak havoc in polynesia” ( ). in contrast, winston weathers’s reading of “communication problems” in typee demonstrates exactly the prejudiced denigration of supposedly “savage” language that melville critiques. weathers contends: “a second obstacle to communication is a far too heavy reliance upon subverbal and non-lexical media among the natives. on the verbal level, the typee language is essentially a matter of ‘chatter, chatter, chatter’ . . . . like babies and children, the typees communicate by signs . . . . even if tommo were to learn the typee language thoroughly, he would be faced with the problem of a language inadequate for communication” ( ). critiques the typical narrative of encounter by highlighting the inherent incommensurability of translation. from the first encounter between the runaway sailors and two native children, melville is careful to distinguish his narrative from the prototypical scenes of conquest he evokes. tommo recalls, “i then uttered a few words of their language with which i was acquainted, scarcely expecting that they would understand me, but to show that we had not dropped from the clouds upon them” ( ). melville separates tommo from figures like columbus or cortés in that tommo does not want to give the impression that the white men are some kind of gods. likewise, the typees are not merely perceived as childlike, as in the typical narrative of encounter—they are actual children. indeed, as the typees lead the americans back to their valley, melville makes it clear that he is not interested in simply reproducing the norms of the linguistic encounters depicted in his sources. although it first appears that the two typee children do not understand the white men, it quickly becomes obvious that they are deliberately feigning ignorance. tommo describes how, in response to his repetition of “typee” and “happar”: they repeated the words after me again and again, but without giving any peculiar emphasis to either, so that i was completely at a loss to understand them; for a couple of wilier young things than we afterwards found them to have been on this particular occasion never probably fell in any traveller’s way. ( ) the native children pretend not to understand tommo’s questions in order to trick the men into following them back to their village. by giving the typees such agency, melville plays with the stereotypical encounter of mutual incomprehension. the pivotal moment when tommo discovers that marnoo understands english further demonstrates melville’s engagement with the complex multilingualism of nukuhiva: [a]s soon as our palms met, he bent towards me, and murmured in musical accents,—“how you do?” how long you been in this bay?” “you like this bay?” had i been pierced simultaneously by three happar spears, i could not have started more than i did at hearing these simple questions! ( ) tommo describes marnoo’s speech as “musical accents” and “simple questions,” but he does not find it necessary to specify that marnoo is speaking in english, which is the reason for tommo’s happy surprise. in many works of linguistic encounter, as in cooper’s leatherstocking tales, dialogue meant to be spoken in native languages is written in english for the reader’s benefit. this practice would have made it necessary to indicate, in contrast to previous “translations,” that these were marnoo’s exact words in english. that melville does not use such a marker highlights the fact that all previous speech either has been transcribed in its proper language, paraphrased, or presented with a translation in parentheses. by thus representing the true multilingualism of typee valley, melville avoids the seamless and silent translations that characterize more stereotypical literature of encounter. just as tommo constantly would be faced with his unsettlingly limited knowledge of polynesian, melville does not let the reader forget that the typees’ speech and actions are never immediately comprehensible. at the same time, by including a character who does speak english, melville avoids the opposite extreme of analysis of such a scene is greatly aided by rosenwald’s framework for classifying the representation of multilingualism ( - ; also see my introduction). tagging dialogue with the language in which it is spoken is a way to “translate” all foreign language for the reader without completely effacing the multilingual reality the author means to depict. total incomprehensibility, demonstrating that some cross-cultural communication is already occurring in the contact zone between whites and polynesians. the nuance in melville’s depiction of fraught communication is perhaps best demonstrated by the vastly different impressions previous critics have had of how well tommo can understand the typees’ speech. closer attention demonstrates, however, that tommo’s level of understanding is neither falsely asserted by himself nor unrealistically depicted by melville. readings of tommo’s level of proficiency vary so widely only because melville avoids the easily classifiable extremes of seamless translation and irreconcilable difference. because the polynesian vocabulary presented in typee is internally consistent, it is frequently possible for a reader to learn the meaning of a word such as “mortarkee” and then use that understanding to interpret a later phrase. by thus initiating the reader into his own partial knowledge of polynesian, melville illustrates how tommo uses his limited vocabulary to make rudimentary translations and acquire new polynesian words. if, even without the benefit of immersion in the language, the reader can begin to understand simple statements, it is not impossible to imagine how tommo might acquire the same understanding. at the same time, as common experience while daneen wardrop ( ) and jeffrey hotz (divergent ) both suggest that tommo understands the language little if at all, mcbride asserts that any lack of comprehension is feigned (colonizer ; “i saw” ). similarly, j. kerry grant notes that “tommo’s deepest perplexity is rarely a function of his inability to understand the language of his captors” and that “[h]e very rapidly demonstrates his ability to communicate with the islanders at an effective if rudimentary level and in his ramblings about the valley he is not often hindered by the irritations of the ordinary tourist who has lost his phrasebook” ( ). far more skeptical of tommo’s ability with polynesian, bryant asserts, “real, imagined, or falsely asserted, [tommo’s] linguistic proficiency is as baffling to us as polynesian is baffling, and finally horrific, to him,” but he concludes that “melville needed to establish that marquesan is translatable enough for him to appreciate certain marquesan moments but not enough to explain its horrors and allow him to stay” (“a work” - ). can easily show, there is a great difference between rudimentary understanding and fluency, and thus it is only reasonable that, of the typees’ “thousand questions” that first night in the valley, tommo and toby “could understand nothing more than that they had reference to the recent movements of the french” and other occasional “indistinct idea[s] of their meaning” ( ). even as tommo’s understanding of the language increases, melville is still careful to distinguish between basic phrases such as “‘happar poo arva!—happar poo arva!’ (the cowards had fled),” which give tommo little difficulty, and kory-kory’s “vehement harangue,” which tommo can only paraphrase with the disclaimer, “so far as i understood it” ( ). tommo, like melville, understands a limited amount of polynesian from the combination of a whaler’s previous knowledge and his stay on nukuhiva, but it would be wrong to extrapolate a total understanding from such basic phrases, as some critics would wish to do, or to assume, conversely, that a lack of total comprehension is evidence of no understanding at all. in contrast to his predecessors, melville avoids the extremes of too-easy translation and utter incomprehensibility, presenting his reader with a depiction of cross-cultural encounter that is as credible as it is respectful of cultural difference. melville’s own experiences on nukuhiva contribute a level of complexity and sophistication to the linguistic encounters in typee, but melville also responds to the stereotypical portrayals of “savage” language found in previous narratives. from the beginning of typee, he critiques the traditional ethnographical practice of using language to denigrate a supposedly savage people. after using quotation marks to highlight and distinguish polynesian words, melville employs the same typographical markings to imply a message of cultural relativism when he describes porter’s violent actions and the islanders’ just retaliation: thus it is that they whom we denominate “savages” are made to deserve the title. when the inhabitants of some sequestered island first descry the “big canoe” of the european rolling through the blue waters towards their shores, they rush down to the beach in crowds, and with open arms ready to embrace the strangers. ( ) by placing quotation marks around both “savages” and “big canoe,” and thus visually and typographically aligning the terms, melville shows how labeling an unfamiliar culture “savage” is akin to the seemingly less proper application of “big canoe” to a ship likewise outside of the other culture’s comprehension. the inappropriateness or inadequacy of both terms derives from a lack of cross-cultural understanding. melville’s following statement, “how often is the term ‘savages’ incorrectly applied” ( ), which he borrows nearly verbatim from porter’s insufficient defense of the marquesans (porter ii: ), is proof of melville’s desire to rewrite the most limited colonial perspectives. not a similar sentiment is repeated much later in the book: “the term ‘savage’ is, i conceive, often misapplied” ( ). however, as bryant suggests in his analysis of the relative frequency with which the terms “savage,” “islander,” and “native” occur in typee, such apparent anticolonialism has its limits, and “melville is reserving the use of savage, despite his own advanced ideology, for the shock the word will induce in readers” (unfolding - ). bryant expresses melville’s ambivalent anticolonialism more broadly when he concludes from his analysis of melville’s revision: “but the deeper irony of his revisions is that while melville was revising his text, on the one hand, to assert his personal, imperial dominance over the various colonized sexual identities he projected onto typee, he was also revising, on the other hand, so as to castigate imperialism in the pacific, and in particular his imperialistic predecessors” (unfolding ). hotz offers another reading of melville’s use of “savage” when he argues: “the slippery connotations of ‘savage’ throughout the narrative reflect tommo’s ironic stance toward the typees. the ironic voice of the narrator perhaps masks his uncertainties in addressing what he sees as the conceptual problem posed by the typees: the incongruities in their not being conventionally ‘savage’ and yet the burden of writing an adventure narrative that would appeal to a wide readership with this very notion of ‘savage’” (divergent ). only does the conjunction of “savage” with “big canoe” reinforce a message of cultural relativism, but it also demonstrates a link between melville’s critique of ethnographic prejudice and his engagement with issues of how language contains and communicates meaning. melville also critiques the use of linguistic ethnography to label other languages—and thus other cultures—as inferior. he writes: i once heard it given as an instance of the frightful depravity of a certain tribe in the pacific, that they had no word in their language to express the idea of virtue. the assertion was unfounded; but were it otherwise, it might be met by stating that their language is almost entirely destitute of terms to express the delightful ideas conveyed by our endless catalogue of civilized crimes. ( ) melville criticizes such linguistic prejudice on two levels. on the one hand, by rejecting the tribe’s supposed lack of vocabulary, he suggests that such claims are often fabricated to serve an ideological purpose. at the same time, melville points out how ostensibly true statements can be equally deceptive when they reveal only one side of the issue. for example, a popular bit of trivia asserts that the inuit have many words for snow. while their language does have a significant number, linguists have demonstrated that english contains just as many. though presented as science, such linguistic trivia more often distort the truth than reveal it. despite the potential for superficiality in melville’s literal denunciations of colonialism, he makes a deeper critique of the classification of “savageness” in his depiction of non-verbal communication. at first glance, however, melville seems to echo for proof of this, see anthony c. woodbury’s “counting eskimo words for snow: a citizen’s guide.” the presentation of gesture in his sources. the following anecdote, for example, contains many elements of the typical imperialist language encounter: the natives of nukuheva would frequently recount in pantomime to our ship’s company [the typees’] terrible feats . . . . it was quite amusing, too, to see with what earnestness they disclaimed all cannibal propensities on their own part, while they denounced their enemies—the typees—as inveterate gormandizers of human flesh[.] ( ) as in earlier accounts, the whalers and nukuhevans resort to gesture to communicate in the absence of a mutual language. this passage is also reminiscent of the origin of the term “cannibal.” as with the caribs and the arawaks, the white men only hear about the cannibalism of the typees from their enemies. unlike his predecessors, however, melville makes it clear that the information received from these pantomimed accounts is doubly doubtful, first, because it is communicated in the imperfect medium of gesture, and, second, because it comes from the biased perspective of a situation of mutual enmity, us vs. them. toby’s attempts to communicate with the two typee children using gesture further question the possibility of cross-cultural communication in the absence of a shared language: the frightened pair now stood still, whilst we endeavored to make them comprehend the nature of our wants. in doing this toby went through with a complete series of pantomimic illustrations—opening his mouth from ear to ear, and thrusting his fingers down his throat, gnashing his teeth and rolling his eyes about, till i verily believe the poor creatures took us for a couple of white cannibals who were about to make a meal of them. ( ) samuel otter has similarly pointed out that the repetition of “typee or happar?” “echoes the founding european trope of colonial encounter in the caribbean: carib or arawak? fierce cannibal or noble savage?” (melville’s ). alex calder also has argued that typee “is now generally thought to unravel the binary [of “cannibal or friend”]. neither version of polynesia is at all adequate to the reality of tommo’s experience” (“pacific” ). this scene recalls an extremely similar one in cooper’s homeward bound, in which a white character fails to communicate his good intentions to a captured arab (see chapter two). in homeward bound, the white man’s gestures “described, with sufficient clearness, the process of skinning, cutting up, cooking, and eating the carcass of the arab, with the humane intention of throwing a negative over the whole proceeding, by a strong sign of dissent at the close,” but the gestures have the reverse effect and convince the captive that he is about to be cooked and eaten (ii: ). likewise, toby’s attempts at non- verbal communication show how easily an intended meaning can be reversed. and it is the american character who is the butt of the joke, not the racial others with whom he is attempting to communicate. similarly, during mehevi’s inspection of tommo’s mysteriously afflicted leg, tommo describes how toby, “throwing himself into all the attitudes of a posture-master, vainly endeavored to expostulate with the natives by signs and gestures” ( ). comically exaggerating toby’s ridiculousness, tommo even remarks, “one would have thought that he was the deaf and dumb alphabet incarnated” ( ). these passages exemplify toby’s mode of communication with the typees. in addition to their comedic value, such scenes balance similarly comic descriptions of the typees’ communication by making a white character equally laughable, a fact that is too often overlooked by those who most harshly criticize melville’s portrayal of native marquesans. thus, toby’s comic gesturing balances a scene that appears to mock kory-kory’s speech, a passage which bryant analyzes in melville’s manuscript of typee. even in the final version, the native’s “harangue” gives tommo “the headache for the rest of the day” (melville, typee ), but bryant describes how “in manuscript melville derides kory- kory’s ‘eloquence,’ stating that the native would have used the standard rhetorical signposts (firstly, secondly, etc.) ‘had he been anything other than the illiterate barbarian that he was’” (repose ). comparing this scene with the above descriptions of toby, however, reveals that what is notable about such comical linguistic displays is not that they are given by a “savage,” but rather that they are attempts to make oneself understood to a foreigner. for example, when kory-kory first attempts to inform tommo that he is to be the invalid’s mode of transportation, tommo describes how “kory-kory, leaping from the pi-pi, and then backing himself up against it, like a porter in readiness to shoulder a trunk, with loud vociferations and a superabundance of gestures, gave me to understand that i was to mount upon his back” ( ). it would be easy to read this behavior as a bit of endearingly childish and savage silliness, but in comparison to toby’s similar displays, it becomes clear that kory-kory is only gesturing so comically because tommo would not understand if he spoke normally. in the very scene that bryant describes, in which kory-kory lectures tommo about the depravity of the happars, melville also makes it patently clear that the extremity of kory-kory’s behavior is motivated by his desire to be understood: kory-kory seemed to experience so heartfelt a desire to infuse into our minds proper views on these subjects, that, assisted in his endeavors by the little knowledge of the language we had acquired, he actually succeeded in making us comprehend a considerable part of what he said. . . . [h]e explained himself by a variety of gestures, during the performance of which he would dart out of the house, and point abhorrently towards the bryant concludes from melville’s deletion of a passage that “further mocks kory- kory’s ‘gibberish’” that, “[i]n toning down the burlesque, melville preserves our growing regard for the island culture” (repose ). corroborating my own emphasis on language, bryant further argues, “if these ‘amiable epicures’ are worth emulating socially and morally, then their language merits serious attention. it deserves objective translation, not ridicule” ( ). happar valley; running in to us again and with a rapidity that showed he was fearful we would lose one part of his meaning before he could complete the other; and continuing his illustrations by seizing the fleshy part of my arm in his teeth, intimating by the operation that the people who lived over in that direction would like nothing better than to treat me in that manner. ( - ) undoubtedly, this method of communication is comically ridiculous, but i would argue that, in light of the example of toby and the similar scenes in cooper, the genre of kory- kory’s performance is not “savage inability to communicate in a civilized manner” but “the lengths a person of any race will go to be understood by someone who speaks a different language.” as bryant points out, tommo is quick to judge kory-kory for the excessive heavy-handedness of his gestures, but the earlier examples of toby’s failed pantomimes demonstrate that tommo is wrong in assuming non-verbal communication to be so transparent that less elaborate gesturing would suffice. in light of this shortsightedness, it would appear that tommo is far from an authorial mouthpiece when he goes on to mock kory-kory’s headache-inducing “strain of unintelligible and stunning gibberish” ( ). after all, it is tommo who does not fully understand the language, and if kory-kory’s “harangue” were not so unintelligible to a foreigner, his ludicrous display of gestures would not have been necessary. in contrast, the positive example of “native oratory” that tommo finds in marnoo differs from kory-kory’s “harangue” in that its audience are the typees themselves, not foreigners who can understand only rudimentary polynesian. tommo states, “little as i understood the language, yet from his animated gestures and the varying expression of his features—reflected as from so many mirrors in the countenances around him, i could easily discover the nature of those passions which he sought to arouse” ( ). at first this scene might seem to mirror stewart’s worship ceremony, but tommo does not presume to translate marnoo’s speech into english. tommo goes on to explain how he can understand part of the address from some familiar words, but not all of it. that marnoo’s gestures, though “animated,” are far from comical, demonstrates what was earlier implied: the typee language and mode of communication is neither puerile nor primitive, but any attempt to communicate across a language barrier easily can become ridiculous. melville further connects the example of marnoo’s speech to kory-kory’s diatribe by calling it a “vehement harangue” ( ), but tommo still remains unqualifiedly positive about marnoo’s skill and eloquence. thus, melville uses the example of marnoo, in contrast to the ridiculous gesturing and enunciation of both toby and kory-kory, to highlight the difference between attempts to make oneself understood to a foreigner and monolingual communication. melville’s depiction of foreign language encounters in typee introduces the problems of linguistic and cultural translation that will concern him throughout his career. like cooper in mercedes of castile, melville also uses such encounters to highlight the importance of recognizing cultural difference. although tommo seems to understand some cultural practices with ease while others remain mysterious, i disagree with those who read this variation as an inconsistent portrayal of tommo’s knowledge of the typee language. many of typee’s ethnographic descriptions consist of details that bryant (repose ) and gibian ( ) have both read marnoo as not only a positive but also a decidedly cosmopolitan character. bryant, for example, has asserted that “tommo plays fast and loose with the language, choosing to know it and not know it to fit his rhetorical needs,” because “melville needed to establish that marquesan is translatable enough for him to appreciate certain could be gleaned from careful observation and clarified with basic vocabulary. a total understanding of the typee language would not be necessary, for example, to explain how a bundle of tappa is “laid in the bed of some running stream, with a heavy stone placed over it, to prevent its being swept away” ( ). in the cases of more complex cultural concepts, however, tommo does not claim as thorough an understanding as when he describes the physical customs of dress or food. when kory-kory shows tommo a “remarkable pyramidical structure” in the taboo groves, tommo admits he can offer the reader no explanation of the monument ( ). he writes, “my cicerone perceived the astonishment with which i gazed at this monument of savage crockery, and immediately addressed himself to the task of enlightening me: but all in vain; and to this hour the nature of the monument remains a complete mystery to me” ( ). tommo’s dramatic and humorous tone, developed from melville’s own entertaining stories of his adventures abroad, does not refrain from poking fun at the outlandishness of this “savage crockery.” still, while melville’s depiction of the typees is not free from prejudice and does not shy away from comic deprecation, it is a testament to his open-mindedness that he does not presume to understand their culture at a glance but confesses when some practice remains a mystery, when communication proves impossible. likewise, tommo says of the tattoo, “although convinced that tattooing was a religious observance, still the nature of the connection between it and the superstitious idolatry of the people was a point upon which i could never obtain any information. like the still more important system of the ‘taboo,’ it always appeared inexplicable to me” marquesan moments but not so translatable that marquesan horrors might be explained away” (unfolding ). ( ). once again, the disapproval implied in “superstitious idolatry”—and the possibility of being tattooed is one area where even melville’s most ardent apologists admit that tommo balks from full acceptance of the island’s culture—is undercut by tommo’s admission that he has not been able to obtain sufficient information about the practice. as with the “taboo,” the otherness of which is clearly marked by its capitalization and enclosure in quotation marks, the rationale of the typees’ tattoos will not translate. thus melville does not fall into the common trap of imposing his own explanations onto the typees. he does not, like porter, claim the “taboo” is somehow equivalent to lent. insistence on the utter unknowability of the other would be prejudice of the opposite extreme, but at the early point of contact represented in typee, true understanding of such complex cultural beliefs and practices is impossible. by admitting when something is incomprehensible, tommo/melville recognizes the barrier to easy translation imposed by cultural difference. melville also begins in typee to examine the importance of the act of translation itself. in his discussion of kory-kory’s harangue, bryant calls attention to a textual crux that represents the heart of this issue. melville writes that he will give either a “literal” or a “liberal” interpretation of kory-kory’s speech, but the narrator’s handwriting makes it impossible to determine which he intended (bryant, repose ). the word appears as “literally” in both british and american first editions, but “liberally” in the revised american edition, and it is impossible to know for certain whether “liberally” is a correction back to melville’s original intention, melville’s deliberate revision, or a misprint of what should have been “literally” all along ( ). bryant argues in melville and repose that “‘literally’ is the better word” ( ). in the more recent melville unfolding, however, bryant’s discussion of the crux becomes more nuanced: not only are the two words virtual antonyms, especially in the context of linguistic translation, but the two uses of the “l-word” come at a moment of cultural ambivalence in the narrative metonymically represented by this very lexical conclusion. does tommo wish to treat typeean language and culture with objectivity and anthropological respect? then he would opt to interpret kory-kory “literally,” if such a thing could be done. does tommo wish to deride typeean language and culture with comic expansions of alien-sounding words into loose linguistic parallels? then he would opt to interpret kory-kory “liberally,” perhaps (of course) as only any translation can be performed. ( ) clearly, this ambiguity raises a question of cultural transference that gets to the heart of melville’s treatment of linguistic encounter. bryant gestures at the possibility that all translations must necessarily be “liberal,” but he does not fully explore the implications of such insight. this failure leads him to undervalue the potential significance of a claim to give a “liberal” translation and leads him to conclude, erroneously, that “literal” produces the more emancipatory reading. the analysis of cross-cultural communication in typee, read in the context of the history of colonial linguistic encounter, works to debunk bryant’s equation of attempting a “literal” translation and treating a foreign “language and culture with objectivity and anthropological respect.” whatever word melville intended, the idea that no translation can be purely “literal” is borne out by an examination of his treatment of translation in typee. melville follows cooper in demonstrating that, in the absence of true fluency, it is often more respectful to allow a foreign culture the difference and complexity of not being so readily translatable. by tracing melville’s other references to the act of translation in typee, it becomes clear that, whatever word melville intended at whatever stage of the writing process, he begins to demonstrate that a literally “literal” translation is indeed impossible. nevertheless, in order to convey his basic knowledge of polynesian to the reader, tommo/melville must include some translations of polynesian vocabulary. often, this transference of meaning seems straightforward enough, as in “‘whihenies’ (young girls)” ( ). during his initial encounter with the typees, tommo calls attention to the transference of meaning between languages that such translations entail when he explains, “i now threw together in the form a question the words ‘happar’ and ‘mortarkee,’ the latter being equivalent to the word ‘good’” ( , emphasis added). throughout the book, melville is similarly meticulous in marking his translations, designating that a thing is “called by the natives a ‘pi-pi’” or “denominated in the language of the natives the ‘ti’” ( , ). in one case, melville takes this fastidiousness to a comic extreme when he writes, “‘marnoo pemi!’ which being interpreted, implied that an individual by the name of marnoo was approaching” ( ). this verbose deviation from the more common form of “native term” (english translation) calls attention to a process of interpretation that is neither instantaneous nor seamless. such play with the act of translation makes tommo/melville seem far from optimistic about the ease of transferring meaning from the typee language into english. in several footnotes, melville is even more careful to explain the complex nuances of polynesian terms, demonstrating that they are never exactly “equivalent” to their english translations. for example, in a footnote for the term “tabooed kannaka” (another interpreter), melville explains: the word “kannaka” is at the present day universally used in the south seas by europeans to designate the islanders. in the various dialects of the principal groups it is simply a sexual designation applied to the males; but it is now used by the natives in their intercourse with foreigners in the same sense in which the latter employ it. a “tabooed kannaka” is an islander whose person has been made to a certain extent sacred by the operation of a singular custom hereafter to be explained. ( ) by explaining how “kannaka” is “used” by certain people to “designate” a particular thing, melville calls attention to the practical function of words instead of attributing to them any kind of universal or inherent meaning. he further highlights the fluidity of meaning that makes any “literal” translation impossible when he notes how the natives adopted a new definition from the foreigners’ mistranslation. in the second paragraph, the phrases “to a certain extent sacred” and “singular custom” again demonstrate how there can be no literal, word-for-word translation of “tabooed kannaka” because it has no strict english equivalent. melville provides a similar footnoted explanation for the translation of “arva wai”: “i presume this might be translated into ‘strong waters.’ arva is the name bestowed upon a root the properties of which are both inebriating and medicinal. ‘wai’ is the marquesan word for water” ( ). while the translation of “wai” presents few difficulties (although making even this claim has led me to imagine the numerous cultural connotations and distinctions that might complicate the seemingly easy translation of “water,” such as bottled water, salt water, running water, ice, etc.), “arva,” which melville translates as “strong” in the aggregate phrase, is not an equivalent adjective for “strong” at all, but rather a particularly strong medicinal herb. taken together, such examples call attention to the process of translation while demonstrating that the transference of meaning from one language to another is rarely accomplished without complications. a final example illustrates the difference between melville’s treatment of translation and that of his predecessors. when tommo visits the “effigy of a dead warrior” with kory-kory, melville departs from his usual practice by translating a bit of supposedly polynesian dialogue directly into english: “a very pleasant place,” kory-kory said it was; “but after all, not much pleasanter, he thought than typee.” “did he not then,” i asked him, “wish to accompany the warrior?” “oh no: he was very happy where he was; but supposed that some time or other he would go in his own canoe.” ( - ) at first it might seem that this seamless translation (similar to those found in cooper’s leatherstocking tales) deviates from melville’s usual foregrounding of the difficulties of cross-cultural communication. however, tommo quickly erases this impression of linguistic transparency with the following observations: thus far, i think, i clearly comprehended kory-kory. but there was a singular expression he made use of at the time, enforced by as singular a gesture, the meaning of which i would have given much to penetrate. i am inclined to believe it must have been a proverb he uttered . . . . could it have been then . . . he answered by saying something equivalent to our old adage—“a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush?” ( ) thus, tommo’s initially clear comprehension is undercut by the possibility that kory- kory’s remark is not meant “literally,” but that it is a proverb, a culturally situated statement whose literal meaning is, by definition, not its actual meaning. by referencing this well-known translation challenge, and by enacting its conventional solution of finding an “equivalent” proverb in the target language (“a bird in the hand . . .”), melville once again highlights the process of translation, thereby reinforcing language encounter as a major theme of his work while questioning the reliability of cross-cultural communication. typee offers such a wide array of linguistic examples because it is centrally concerned with issues of cross-cultural exchange across a language barrier. while novels such as cooper’s leatherstocking tales use conventional devices to sidestep the difficulties of a multilingual environment, as when cooper tags english dialogue as a “translation” of delaware speech, melville confronts such multilingualism directly. although his knowledge of pidgin polynesian is limited, melville incorporates the words he does know directly into his work, and his representation of what speech tommo could not have fully understood engages the reader in a credible scene of linguistic encounter. at the same time, melville undercuts the stereotypical portrayals of savage language found in his sources while also examining and beginning to deconstruct the act of translation itself. this extensive treatment of linguistic encounter establishes a set of concerns that will reappear throughout melville’s later works. language and translation in omoo, mardi, and moby-dick while issues of language and communication play some role throughout most of melville’s literary career, the nature of his focus on language varies across his pacific writings. typee’s nuanced treatment of foreign language is rooted in melville’s engagement with the genre of travel writing, and even at this early stage of his career, melville already surpasses cooper, not only in his recognition of cross-cultural communication’s difficulties, but also in the respect and attention he devotes to native language and customs. melville’s next pacific narrative, omoo, presents a view of polynesian language at a later stage of imperialism, continuing the emphasis on the limits of translation begun in typee. mardi and moby-dick also follow the experiences of whalers in the pacific, but as melville’s fiction becomes more figurative and philosophical, so too does his treatment of language. the following section will look briefly at language in omoo, mardi, and parts of moby-dick before the focus shifts, in the final section of this chapter, to one of melville’s most significant treatments of translation, “benito cereno.” at first glance, omoo ( ) seems to present the same smattering of polynesian words and phrases as typee. drechsel, however, notes a key difference between the speech of the pacific islanders in melville’s first two works. while drechsel praises melville’s accurate presentation of maritime polynesian pidgin in typee, he finds that the majority of language in omoo is “pidgin english, spiked with polynesian terms for color” (“pidgin english” ). drechsel argues that melville thus takes “literary license for dramatic effects” ( ), a view which is seconded by mary k. edwards, who finds that “[d]ialect and pidgin, typical of the american humorist writing of the period, sharpen and illuminate melville’s characterizations” ( ). while this use of “broken english” appears on the surface to relegate its speakers to the position of low, comic figures, the shift from polynesian to english pidgin is not a change from accuracy to literary effect, as previous critics have asserted. it is a change in focus from the beginnings of colonial/imperial encounter to a much later stage. melville has been criticized for his anachronistic presentation of the typees as a civilization yet untouched by white colonialism, but, as alex calder has argued, he thereby “deliberately introduces details that telescope the full history of the european encounter with the pacific into a single adventure” (“mapping” ). thus, the subject of typee is the initial encounter between westerners and a largely untouched civilization. the travels of the narrator of omoo, however, occur along coasts already frequented by american and european whalers, traders, and missionaries. a regular intercourse with the inhabitants of those islands has been well established, so, while some cultural misunderstandings still persist, pathways of basic communication already have been opened. drechsel unintentionally suggests this historical reading of melville’s shift to pidgin english when he explains why he believes maritime polynesian pidgin would have been the more accurate choice. drechsel argues, “sociolinguistically and politically, pidgin english simply does not fit as a major medium in a polynesian environment in which europeans, especially english-speaking ones, had not yet consolidated their power over the indigenous population” (“pidgin english” ). if melville stretched the truth in typee to focus on the beginnings of colonial encounter, it is no surprise that omoo stretches the truth in the other direction to demonstrate the eventual consequences of imperialism. indeed, when melville describes the tahitians as “mournfully watching their doom,” “all that is corrupt in barbarism and civilization unite,” and, “like other uncivilized beings, brought into contact with europeans, . . . [remaining] stationary until utterly extinct,” he clearly indicates this final stage of colonial contact ( ). in omoo as in typee, melville uses language to characterize the trajectory of imperial encounter in the pacific. calder’s reading of the shift from typee to omoo further addresses both the changing representation of foreign language in melville’s works and the changing nature of american travel. calder argues, “when typee’s narrator-as-anthropologist becomes bryan short has also found that rarely in omoo does “language [form] a significant barrier to understanding,” and he offers the similar explanation that, “[b]ecause the intentions of typee and long ghost, and indeed of euro-american culture in polynesia, are rudimentary and exploitative, the natives understand and anticipate their desires at every turn. not much linguistic sophistication is called for” (“plagiarizing” ). omoo’s narrator-as-tourist, the problem is no longer ‘too many signs i can’t read’ but ‘so many signs that seem familiar’” (“pacific” ). thus, typee represents not only an early stage of colonialism but also an early stage of travel. like cooper and the other american travelers at the beginning of the nineteenth century, tommo must learn the language and culture of the foreign land he visits, and he is often faced with the uncertainty of not understanding the locals. as calder so brilliantly notes, omoo marks a shift away from this early mode of travel. like the tourists discussed more fully in the following chapters, the narrator of omoo is faced not with incomprehensibility but with an already established system of communication, an infrastructure that obviates the need to learn a foreign country’s language and discourages any inquiries into native culture beyond what is covered in the standard tour. the distinction between tommo as traveler and omoo’s narrator as tourist also calls attention to the new balance of linguistic knowledge and, consequently, of linguistic power represented in the later book. for the most part, the whites in omoo do not need to learn polynesian because the natives already speak a form of english. this pidgin english is by definition a market language, and its purpose is to enable the exchange of both ideas and goods across a cultural barrier. thus, the islanders’ “broken english” in omoo is not an object of ridicule—it is evidence of their mastery of the market language, their capability within the system of colonial exchange. they use the language of power for their own benefit and even, as eric j. sundquist and gavin jones will argue of the slaves in “benito cereno,” for the subversive purpose of reclaiming economic if not political power from their colonizers. despite previous critics’ characterization of pidgin english as demeaning dialect, the pidgin spoken in omoo can be read as a sign of empowerment. moreover, beneath omoo’s surface of seemingly comic “broken english,” melville also scrutinizes the act of translation, marking its potential for linguistic subversion while continuing typee’s analysis of the inherent incommensurability of cross-cultural exchange. one example echoes the play with nautical jargon found in cooper’s sea tales. when the “shore doctor” visits the sailors incarcerated on tahiti, he inquires after one’s health, but he is unable to understand the nautical answer. first, the sailor in question replies, “‘i’m afeard, doctor, i’ll soon be losing the number of my mess!’ (a sea phrase, for departing this life)” ( ). then, the doctor’s appeal for clarification gets only this unhelpful response: “why,” exclaimed flash jack, who volunteered as interpreter, “he means he’s going to croak” (die). ( ) only after further explanation does the shore doctor finally understand. by placing translations of these nautical phrases in parentheses, and implying that they require an interpreter, melville follows cooper in equating the sailor’s jargon with foreign language. and the implication that even versions of english might require a kind of translation makes the possibility of perfect cross-cultural communication seem even more remote. another example of translation is the sermon the narrator hears at the “church of the cocoa-nuts,” a scene that recalls the worship service observed by stewart. unlike stewart, the narrator is unwilling to trust in the universality of religious sentiment as illuminated by his own rudimentary polynesian, so he has the native language interpreted for him by “an intelligent hawaiian sailor” whom he asks to “hear every word, and tell me what you can, as the missionary goes on” ( ). before continuing with the content of the sermon, the narrator further notes: jack’s was not, perhaps, a critical version of the discourse; and, at the time, i took no notes of what he said. nevertheless, i will here venture to give what i remember of it; and, as far as possible, in jack’s phraseology, so as to lose nothing by a double translation. ( ) these comments indicate that the narrator does not fully trust either the original translation or his own transcription of it. although the sermon’s pidgin english seems comic, and melville uses the episode to make offensive generalizations about the materiality of the tahitian people, this comment about translation prefigures the inclusion of similarly translated accounts in moby-dick and “benito cereno.” mary k. edwards sums up the subversive potential of translation in this scene when she asks, “with all these layers, how can we trust any words of the sermon as we read it in omoo, and even more importantly, how can we trust any of its words at all?” ( ). it would be disingenuous to argue that the sermon’s multiple translations can entirely erase the negative characterization of the tahitians it contains, or that they can erase all of the other stereotypical characterizations that have made omoo a far less common subject of postcolonial readings than typee. still, it is important to note that this undercutting of official speech through its translation sets a precedent for melville’s unquestionably subversive treatment of the translated deposition that ends “benito cereno.” in a final example of translation, melville more pointedly critiques the christian missionaries. a minor character is introduced as “ereemear po-po; or, to render the christian name back again into english—jeremiah po-po” ( ). like many of the odd habits and various vices of the natives, such “curious combinations of names” are produced by white civilization and by the missionaries who “insist upon changing to something else whatever is objectionable” in the patronymic ( ). consequently, the narrator explains, “when jeremiah came to the font, and gave his name as narmo-nana po-po (something equivalent to the-darer-of-devils-by-night), the reverend gentleman officiating told him, that such a heathenish appellation would never do” ( ). just as the missionary likely misinterprets the significance of jeremiah’s original name, his new biblical appellation also gets altered in its translation, as do “adamo (adam), nooar (noah), daveedar (david), earcobar (james), eorna (john), patoora (peter), ereemear (jeremiah), &c.” ( ). with a final joke about the futility of such practices, melville concludes, “and thus did he come to be named jeremiah po-po; or, jeremiah-in-the- dark—which he certainly was, i fancy, as to the ridiculousness of his new cognomen” ( ). the ridiculousness of the name derives from its repeated translation between english and tahitian. each translation is accompanied by a loss of original meaning until only nonsense remains. these moments of problematic translation contribute to an aspect of omoo that is too easily overlooked in favor of the novel’s frequent recourse to comic stereotypes: an enlightened critique of cross-cultural communication approaching the middle ground of true understanding that proved so elusive in typee. for example, when doctor long ghost dreams of staying in tamai, he outlines the following outrageous plans: i’ll put up a banana-leaf as a physician from london—deliver lectures on polynesian antiquities—teach english in five lessons, of one hour each— establish power-looms for the manufacture of tappa—lay out a public park in the middle of the village, and found a festival in honour of captain cook! ( ) as with melville’s earlier condemnation of european interference in tahitian culture, these plans, however well intentioned, will likely serve only to corrupt the village the doctor finds so pleasing. and, indicative of the short-sightedness and superficiality of such proposals, the plan to teach english in a mere five hours demonstrates once again the characteristic failure of white colonizers to recognize the difficulties of cross-cultural communication. whatever amount of english could be taught in such a short period of time could only produce a dialogue as superficial as the doctor’s proposed festival. and such a limited knowledge of standard english would likely leave any natives so briefly instructed babbling both comically and incomprehensibly. another example that undercuts a reading of omoo’s pidgin english as simply demeaning is the seemingly deaf and dumb hermit, called by the chapter heading “a dealer in the contraband” ( ). when the narrator and doctor long ghost come upon the old man, they report: “with a variety of uncouth gestures, he soon made us welcome; informing us, by the same means, that he was both deaf and dumb; he then motioned us into his dwelling” ( - ). at first, the hermit seems to be participating in the same comically barbaric gesturing that often serves to degrade racial others. he attempts “to make himself understood by signs; most of which were so excessively ludicrous, that we made no doubt he was perpetrating a series of pantomimic jokes” ( ). it is soon revealed, however, that this stereotype is actually a ruse. when the hermit does break his silence to berate the narrator and doctor for not appreciating his liquor, the man exclaims, “‘ah, karhowree sabbee lee-lee, ena arva tee maitai!’ in other words, what a blockhead of a white man! this is the real stuff!” ( ). as the night progresses, melville depicts the doctor and his host in a scene of comic fellowship that anticipates queequeg and ishmael at the spouter inn: fancy varvy and the doctor, then; lovingly tippling, and brimming over with a desire to become better acquainted; the doctor politely bent upon carrying on the conversation in the language of his host, and the old hermit persisting in trying to talk english. the result was, that between the two, they made such a fricassee of vowels and consonants, that it was enough to turn one’s brain. ( ) melville first used the phrase “fricassee of vowels and consonants” in the deleted passage describing kory-kory’s “eloquence” (see bryant, unfolding ), but the humor here does not truly denigrate either the doctor or varvy. such linguistic confusion is the natural result of the language barrier between them. in this idyllic scene, the barrier need not be a cause for dislike or aggression. moreover, by attempting to meet each other halfway linguistically, varvy and the doctor enact the creation of a pidgin language. in this scene, which begins with varvy’s subversive misrepresentation of his ability to speak, melville posits an alternative to the decay of native culture represented elsewhere in omoo. instead of one dominating the other, the doctor and varvy represent an ideal of fellowship and equal, if imperfect, communication. such moments may not entirely offset the work’s many stereotypes, but they provide a solution, a pidgin compromise, to the imperialist extremes of incomprehensibility and assimilation. melville’s next book, mardi ( ), marks a shift away from the more realistic representations of cross-cultural encounter in the semi-autobiographical works that preceded it. but as melville’s focus on the linguistic exchanges of colonialism and imperialism begins to break down, he extends his earlier critiques of translation to a critique of language’s power to convey a fixed and certain meaning. as the concrete depictions of colonial language encounters found in typee and omoo fall away in the midst of mardi’s elaborate allegory, melville begins to theorize language’s inadequacy as an index of truth, thus suggesting an inherent fallibility in all aspects of human speech. nevertheless, as russ pottle rightly observes, in mardi, in contrast to typee, “verbal communication presents no problem” and “[t]he language barrier is oddly done away with, simply evaporates . . . and islanders begin to speak with a pseudo-elizabethan syntax favored by the narrator during rhetorical flights” ( ). this observation is accurate for the vast majority of the novel, but it is interesting to note that a shift in melville’s treatment of multilingualism accompanies mardi’s infamous shift in genre from sea adventure to philosophical allegory. in the scenes before taji begins his voyage around the archipelago, melville still gives some attention to the actual languages being spoken. for example, samoa says “look there:—annatoo!” in what is identified as “broken english” ( ). indeed, merrell r. davis suggests that melville may have added the character of samoa for his ability to “act as interpreter among the kingsmill islanders” ( ). when the party first lands in mardi, samoa does interpret the speech of the islanders for taji and jarl (melville, mardi ). when taji and jarl meet with the priest aleema, it is also clear that they do not understand his language, as aleema communicates with “a significant sign” ( ). instead of quoting him directly, taji indicates that the priest “gave [them] to know” ( ). likewise, taji’s party “[make] signs of amity” in the absence of a shared language ( , emphasis added). all of these for an extremely thorough discussion of melville’s process of writing mardi and the novel’s various shifts in focus, see merrell r. davis’s book melville’s mardi: a chartless voyage. watson branch makes an interesting and persuasive argument for a modification of davis’s chronology, locating the addition of yillah and hautia’s flower messengers at the final stage of mardi’s composition. i would argue, however, that melville’s attention to language in the first meetings with yillah suggests that these scenes were part of the original, more realistic plan of the book, and not added in the final stages of composition. both davis and branch agree that the opening sequences of the novel belong to a version of mardi that would have been more like a continuation of typee and omoo than the final product. the most concentrated attention to multilingualism occurs in the first interaction between taji and yillah. first, taji notes, “unconsciously, i addressed her in my own tongue” ( ). when yillah replies, she “slowly chant[s] to herself several musical words, unlike those of the islanders” ( ). then, taji tries speaking polynesian. yillah examples suggest that melville originally intended mardi to depict the same kind of linguistic encounter found in typee and omoo. shortly after taji arrives on the mardian archipelago, however, such attention to multilingualism abruptly disappears, and no more is said of the difficulty communicating with the islanders taji presumably would have had. it is never mentioned that the dialogue throughout most of the book, though presented in english, would really have been spoken in some dialect of polynesian (or whatever melville would have the inhabitants of mardi speak). at the same time, while the linguistic encounter of taji and the mardians is not melville’s focus in the way that communication between tommo and the nukuhivans was in typee, melville does address the incommensurability of translation, as well as the incommensurability of cultural and economic exchange, on a more theoretical level. for example, “champollion mohi” translates the hieroglyphics on vivenza’s arch: “in-this- re-publi-can-land-all-men-are-born-free-and-equal” and “except-the-tribe-of-hamo” ( - ). on one hand, these hieroglyphics appear to translate seamlessly to english, just as the country of vivenza must “translate” into america for mardi’s allegory to signify. but the translation is certainly not effortless, as evidenced when mohi interprets the strange and sometimes small characters “slowly” and with “much screwing of his eyes ( - ). michael c. berthold has even noted that this message, though written in stone, is “self-disintegrating, as in the syllabification of ‘re-publi-can’” (“born” ). another gestures that he should speak english again, but realizing that she does not understand him, taji returns to speaking polynesian and in this way elicits a “[b]roken” account of her history ( ). yillah’s strange affinity for english hints at her true origin—the daughter of murdered missionaries. that her first language, though forgotten, might affect her pronunciation of polynesian is a bit of linguistic realism similar to that found throughout typee. the difficulty taji has communicating with yillah also serves to heighten the mystery surrounding her character. example of melville’s play with translation is the flower language of hautia’s messengers, which melville borrowed from the numerous books on the subject popular at the time (kelley, herman ; finkelstein ; davis ). hautia’s heralds appear throughout mardi waving various blossoms, and yoomy attempts to interpret their meaning for taji. although yoomy does not appear to struggle with these translations, the messages themselves remain vague. as media remarks, “was ever queen more enigmatical?” ( ). maxine moore even points out an example where yoomy’s translation is incorrect, arguing that “yoomy’s interpretation of the flower messages is not to be trusted” ( , ). finally, melville casts further doubt on language in general when he describes the naming of the pontiffs of maramma. because the “the leading sound in [the pontiff’s] name was banned to ordinary uses[,] . . . the language of maramma was incessantly fluctuating; and had become so full of jargonings, that the birds in the groves were greatly puzzled; not knowing where lay the virtue of sounds, so incoherent” ( ). in melville’s subsequent digression about the inability of men and birds to understand each other, the conclusion of both that “it was impossible [the other] could be holding intelligent discourse” mirrors the kind of ethnographic disparagement born of linguistic misunderstanding that characterizes most colonial encounters ( ). one of the most interesting examples of cultural exchange is the maker of idols. he describes his trade: “when i cut down the trees for my idols,” said he, “they are nothing but logs; when upon those logs, i chalk out the figures of my images, they yet moore further argues, somewhat less persuasively, that “[t]he reader is expected to recognize yoomy’s error of interpretation and to inform himself by referring to one of the many books of flower symbolism so popular in melville’s day” ( - ). her book also contains a detailed chart of the flowers’ interpretations ( ). remain logs; when the chisel is applied, logs they are still; and when all complete, i at last stand them up in my studio, even then they are logs. nevertheless, when i handle the pay, they are as prime gods, as ever were turned out in maramma.” ( ) david simpson has argued of this scene: with the insight that some people are making a healthy living out of fashioning images for others to worship, melville touches on what i shall argue to be a dominant concern in nineteenth-century inquiries into the ethics of representation. in his conflation of the primitive with the civilized, and the implied ubiquity of the forgers of images, he seems to speak for a world in which there is no remaining recourse to a purer alternative. (fetishism ) in light of simpson’s reading, melville’s critique of such a “[forger] of images” resonates with the argument that trading sandalwood is immoral because it makes one an accessory to idolatry, a charge which cooper explores in the crater. simpson’s argument highlights the uneasy conflation of religion and capitalism, as well as the seeming inevitability of that connection in both savage and civilized cultures. read alongside the absurd mardian practice of using teeth as currency, the idol maker’s admission also shows the arbitrariness of value. just as it is only convention that makes teeth function as money instead of gold, paper, or even the trifles discussed in the previous chapter, it is only the buyer’s belief that a log is an idol, represented by the purchase of said log, that makes it so. moreover, as demonstrated in melville’s footnote explaining the term “tabooed kannaka,” only common usage and convention give a word any particular signification. thus, the idol maker’s recognition that his logs are not inherently or universally gods, but only become gods when their buyers accept them as such mirrors the recognition that words have no inherent meaning and that the concepts they designate are not universal categories but only sets of particularities grouped by cultural convention. melville, like cooper in mercedes of castile and the crater, augments his play with systems of linguistic meaning with an examination of the analogous systems of economic and religious value, simultaneously tying all to the history of colonial encounter. but in contrast to cooper, whose more conventional views of trade ultimately reinforced the west’s civilizing mission, melville’s economic critique comes far closer to suggesting that any system of value, or any way of life, could be equally valid. in moby-dick ( ) as in mardi, melville’s earlier engagement with linguistic encounter in a colonial context develops into a more theoretical approach to the nature of language itself. melville reacts not only to the expectations of easy translation found in the literature of imperialism, but also to the idealism that assumes one’s own cultural concepts are universal truths that must translate easily into any human tongue. it is by similarly appealing to universality that the wish for a cosmopolitan brotherhood can slip into a coercive imperialism. in nineteenth-century america, the most visible form of this idealism was the philosophy of the transcendentalists. as richard hardack argues, “for the american transcendentalist, all languages and all human cultures are translated facets of one thing,” and, as a result, “emerson believe[s] that through boundless space and time, all physical forces and human languages and customs are translatable” ( - ). emerson’s comments on translation, particularly his statement that he does not “hesitate to read . . . all good books, in translations” because “what is really best in any book is translatable” (society ), demonstrate the same assumption of universal truth that fuels this slippage from cosmopolitanism to imperialism is most evident in the ideas of anacharsis cloots, as discussed in the introduction. the imperialist’s disregard for cultural difference. as melville transitions away from the concrete depiction of colonial language encounter found in his early narratives, he continues to examine the inherent incommensurability revealed by translation, positing this incommensurability as an alternative to transcendentalist universalism. a brief examination of several key sections of moby-dick demonstrates melville’s increased theoretical interest in the nature of language and translation. from its beginning section, “etymology,” moby-dick demonstrates deep engagement with linguistic difference. at first, the presentation of the word for whale in hebrew, greek, latin, anglo-saxon, danish, dutch, swedish, icelandic, english, french, spanish, fegee, and erromangoan would seem to indicate its easy translatability (xvi). indeed, all of the languages in the list except hebrew look or sound like at least one other, showing the relation of words across different tongues and the presumable ease of understanding and translating these related languages. this linguistic certainty cannot survive further scrutiny, however. first, the entire “etymology” section is undercut by the bathetic figure of the “late consumptive usher . . . threadbare in coat, heart, body, and brain” (xv). moreover, readers of typee or omoo might recognize that the fegee version of “whale,” “pekee-nuee-nuee” (xvi), might be translated more literally as “big-big-fish,” revealing a different understanding of the creature that, like the “big canoe” in typee, undercuts the fixity of any cross-linguistic equivalence. indeed, yunte huang calls see the introduction for further discussion of emerson’s views of language. robert t. tally, jr. ( ), paul lyons (“global” ), and mark bauerlein ( ) all suggest that “etymology” introduces and prefigures the variety of perspectives that characterize the novel as a whole. indeed, it could be translated with even less syntactic “liberality” as “fish-big-big.” attention to the way the list seems to promise a chronology of languages but offers only “structural incoherence,” which “suggests above all the failure of language to denominate the whale successfully” ( ). one of the most perplexing aspects of the section is the following quote from richard hakluyt: “while you take in hand to school others, and to teach them by what name a whale-fish is to be called in our tongue, leaving out, through ignorance, the letter h, which almost alone maketh up the signification of the word, you deliver that which is not true.” (xv) previous critics have noted that this comment on the significance of the letter “h” is accompanied by errors in the hebrew and greek words for whale, where each alphabet’s equivalent of “h” is substituted for the proper letter. gordon v. boudreau provides an excellent survey of the many explanations that have been given for this passage and concludes that, for melville, “‘whale’ was not a dead word in a dusty library’s antiquated lexicons, but a living word articulated by aspiration, the breath of life” ( ). doubtless, melville makes hakluyt’s claim for the significance of “h” intentionally enigmatic by extracting it from its original context. a closer examination of the section of hakluyt’s principal navigations from which the passages originates reveals that the quotation resonates with the issues of cross-cultural communication found in melville’s earlier works. in his discussion of iceland, hakluyt critiques an earlier historian, sebastian munster, for reporting that mariners had weighed anchor on the backs of whales, thinking see, for example, dorothee metlitzki’s “the letter ‘h’ in melville’s whale.” according to michael west, “the hebrew characters melville supplied form the word not for whale but for grace” ( ). them to be land ( ). hakluyt also critiques munster’s claim that “[t]hey are called in their tongue trollwal tuffelwalen, that is to say, the deuilish whale” ( ). the passage quoted by melville is followed by this explanation: for val in our language signifieth not a whale, but chusing or choise of the verbe eg vel, that is to say, i chuse, or i make choise, from whence val is deriued, &c. but a whale is called hualur with vs, & therefore you ought to haue written trollhualur. neither doeth troll signifie the deuill, as you interprete it, but certaine giants that liue in mountaines. you see therefore (and no maruel) how you erre in the whole word. ( ) in melville’s source, then, the significance of the letter “h” is that, without it, the word means something else entirely. hakluyt further criticizes munster’s translation of “troll,” which obviously (to a speaker of english) does not have the same meaning as “devil.” supported by these observations, hakluyt explains the dangers of writing about a land without fully understanding its language, the same fault that melville could find in the sources of typee. thus the true significance of “h” is how easily the meaning of a word can be lost, particularly when translating between strange languages, which is exactly what the pale usher attempts in assembling this “etymology.” the multiplicity of languages in “etymology” is mirrored much later in the novel by the multiple interpretations given to the iconic doubloon. in the chapter of that name, the crew of the pequod all examine the coin ahab has set as the reward for sighting the white whale. as john t. matteson notes, “as each crew member passes before this emblem, it acquires a new wealth of interpretation” ( ). mark bauerlein lists these readings as “an image of self, a christian icon, a pagan biography, an exchange value, and a demonic emblem” ( ). like the dental currency and the idol carver in mardi, “the doubloon” is another playful example of how the arbitrariness of value can be analogous to the arbitrariness of linguistic meaning. accordingly, flask calculates that one gold doubloon is “worth sixteen dollars” and is thus equivalent to “nine hundred and sixty cigars” ( ). but the coin is also an emblem of translation, as when starbuck compares the coin to “belshazzar’s awful writing,” from daniel , an archetypal message requiring interpretation ( ). the famous writing on the wall refers to units of weight and, like the doubloon, corresponding measures of value. at the same time, the coin has its own historical significance. gesa mackenthun examines the various appearances of spanish doubloons throughout melville’s works and argues that the sailors’ interpretations in this chapter mask the “historical realities of the colonial system” that the coin represents (“postcolonial” ). as demonstrated in the previous chapter, such colonial systems are built upon the exploitation of native economies’ incommensurability. finally, when pip offers his own commentary on the doubloon’s many interpretations and interpreters with the “too crazy-witty” conjugation of “i look, you look, he looks; we look, ye look, they look” ( - ), he connects the various significations of the coin back to language. but language presented as conjugation is far from the transcendental view of language as divine naming. pip’s attention to grammar demonstrates the arbitrariness of language’s construction. just as the coin itself is only conventionally rather than universally valuable, the rules of grammar have very little connection to actual things. neither language nor currency points back to any transcendental truth. furthermore, ishmael’s response to pip, “caw! caw! caw! caw! caw! caw! ain’t i a crow?” ( ), reduces the already arbitrary grammar to animal noise. nina baym describes melville’s developing sense of the arbitrariness of language through moby-dick and pierre when she argues, “given melville’s emerson-derived notion of language as proceeding from a divine author or namer, the loss of belief in an absolute entailed the loss not only of truth in the universe but also of coherence and meaning in language” ( ). thus, in “the doubloon,” melville provocatively connects the incommensurability of various systems of meaning, particularly economic ones, to the arbitrariness of language, undercutting any perceived universality of either monetary or linguistic sign systems. a final section of moby-dick that speaks to the issue of translation is the “town- ho’s story,” which recounts a sailors’ rebellion aboard the town-ho and the vessel’s deadly encounter with moby dick. the chapter’s framing and narration is quite unusual. before commencing his story, ishmael explains, “for my humor’s sake, i shall preserve the style in which i once narrated it at lima, to a lounging circle of my spanish friends, one saint’s eve, smoking upon the thick-gilt tiled piazza of the golden inn” ( ). the tale is then punctuated by ishmael’s digressive answers to the questions of his peruvian audience. although many critics have offered an explanation of this framing device, robert t. tally, jr., is one of the few who acknowledges that ishmael’s original peruvian telling of the story would “presumably” have been in spanish ( ). thus, within the fiction of the frame as described, the “town-ho’s story” included in moby-dick would have to be a kind of english translation of ishmael’s original telling. true to his ongoing focus on the unreliability of translation, melville complicates the versions of the tale with numerous retellings until, as in the popular children’s game, it seems impossible that the first whisperings could contain the same message as the final account. first, ishmael explains that there are two levels of information circulating philip j. egan ( ), heinz kosok ( ), and mary k. edwards ( - ) all read the framing in terms of ishmael’s narrative art. wyn kelley and amy kaplan, on the other hand, focus on the geographical and political significance of lima, interpreting the frame as commentary on colonialism (kelley, “style” ) and as a “transnational [circuit] of knowledge” that “reinforce[s] the imagined truth of national character” (kaplan, “transnational” - ). aboard the pequod: the official version, known to all, was communicated in a “short gam” that included “strong news of moby dick” ( ). there is also a “secret part of the tragedy,” unknown to the captain of either ship, that was told to tashtego by “three confederate white seamen” and then recounted again to the common sailors, partly when tashtego “rambled in his sleep”—not the most reliable method of communication ( ). ishmael reports that his own tale will combine these various versions. at the end of the story, moreover, ishmael assures his listeners of the truth of his account by claiming, “i have seen and talked with steelkilt since the death of radney” ( ). therefore, the various versions of the “town-ho’s story” circulated aboard the pequod are complicated further by yet another retelling ishmael heard after the ship’s destruction. just as ishmael’s spanish telling is translated into english, these various versions are, in a sense, “translated” into one narrative. the tale itself can thus be read as a kind of double translation. a similar play with translation appears in the court documents at the end of “benito cereno,” another story of rebellion recounted in lima, and there the emphasis on the unreliability of translation is both clearer and more deliberate. uncertain translation in “benito cereno” “benito cereno” ( ) is well known as a story of slave insurrection and as an adept treatment of the power struggle between master and slave. such readings i am indebted to donald pease for his comments and invaluable feedback regarding “the doubloon” and “the town-ho’s story” during the conference shifting tides, anxious borders at binghamton university, april to , . sundquist, for example, has emphasized “melville’s invocation of caribbean revolution” and “the historical dimensions of his masquerade of rebellion” ( ). carolyn l. karcher, in contrast, asserts that “benito cereno” is not “primarily a dramatization of slave revolt . . . but rather an exploration of the white racist mind and how it reacts in the understandably focus on melville’s treatment of domestic slavery, and indeed this is a valid and valuable interpretation of the tale. but reading the events aboard the san dominick in the tradition of the literature of travel and exploration reveals a linguistic context that has as much in common with columbus as with nat turner. as the following reading will demonstrate, melville’s earlier engagement with colonial language encounters culminates in the extensive play with translation contained within “benito cereno.” ultimately, the inherent difficulties of the translator’s task—translation’s inability to fully revoke the curse of babel and unite the globe’s multiplicity of languages—decenters any account of a fixed and universal truth, critiquing the transcendentalist universalism that can too easily slip into the imperialist mission of converting all cultural difference to western standards. as maurice s. lee has argued, the most “provocative” interpretations of “benito cereno” treat it as a story about language (“melville’s” ), but it is necessary to view the work’s play with language in the context of colonial encounter to understand its full significance. the story’s combination of colonial and linguistic themes is signaled, as face of a slave insurrection” (shadow ). similarly, joseph schiffman also views delano as “a microcosm of american attitudes of the time toward negroes” ( ). other readings focus on delano’s status as a typical “american” (see spanos, herman - ; mcwilliams, hawthorne ). indeed, with its references both to the largest successful slave rebellion and to the first caribbean island colonized by the spanish, the name san dominick suggests both. there have been a number of insightful readings of melville’s treatment of language in “benito cereno.” for example, laura barrett focuses on “[t]he novella’s linguistic uncanniness” ( ). reinhold j. dooley argues that, “by problematizing race, ‘benito cereno’ presents melville’s uneasiness concerning the indeterminateness of language and ultimately of meaning itself” ( ). for cesare casarino, “benito cereno” “investigate[s] blockages of communication, representational impasses, [and] narrative conundrums” ( ). likewise, jon hauss focuses on the importance of language in the text and argues hester blum (“atlantic” ), darryl hattenhauer ( ), and markus heide ( ) have all noted, when we learn in the concluding documents that “the ship’s proper figurehead” is “the image of christopher colon, the discoverer of the new world” (melville, “benito” ). the entire drama of the figurehead is melville’s addition, so neither the reference to columbus nor the mixed spelling of his name originates in the source text. dominique marçais notes that “benito cereno” is the only work in which melville refers to the famous navigator as “christopher colon,” and argues that “[t]he pun on columbus / colon / colonization stresses the oppressive and negative aspects of [columbus’s] whole enterprise” ( ). marçais uses melville’s strange combination of the english and spanish spellings of columbus’s name, as well as the mixed french and english in “san dominick,” to argue that the tale’s multilingualism “undoubtedly connects and indicts both the old and the new world” ( ). as the following reading will demonstrate, the partial translation of the name “christopher colon,” and the history of linguistic encounter that the man epitomizes, are but a small part of melville’s treatment of the failure of imperialist translation in this renowned story. that “the central form of masquerade examined by, and ultimately dominating, the text is linguistic” ( ). others have augmented readings of slavery and slave insurrection with interpretations that relate melville’s story to “u.s. imperial history” (doolen ), “american expansionism” (emery ), “the expansionist effort at manifest destiny” (goddard ), and a “literary pan-americanism” that “illuminates colonial and postcolonial history” (heide ). sanborn has even connected melville’s columbus reference to the history of the discourse of cannibalism. sanborn argues, “by juxtaposing the skeleton of the slaveholder with the figurehead of columbus on a ship named the san dominick, [melville] offers the legions of readers who were familiar with the history of columbus’s voyages an indirect but emphatic warning: if you conclude on the basis of bones that a group of people are cannibals, you will be repeating columbus’s monumentally self- interested mistake” (sign ). “benito cereno” is also a kind of mystery, and as in any mystery, the beginning of the story is best understood in light of its end. after the climactic unmasking of the slave rebellion aboard the san dominick, melville, following a narrative of voyages and travels in the northern and southern hemispheres by the real amasa delano, includes a lengthy section of legal documents, translated transcriptions of the depositions held to investigate the events aboard the unfortunate ship. several critics have already acknowledged the significance of the tale’s seemingly tedious denouement, but it deserves closer attention for the additional level of unreliability melville introduces to the supposedly official documents. unlike melville’s main narration, which greatly expands upon delano’s account, the translated deposition could be more aptly described as “revised” than “rewritten.” in the original version, the historical delano gives the documents this introduction: the following documents were officially translated, and are inserted without alteration, from the original papers. . . . my deposition and that of mr. luther, were communicated through a bad linguist, who could not speak the english language so well as i could the spanish . . . . the spanish captain’s deposition, together with my mr. luther’s and my own, were translated into english again, as now inserted; having thus undergone two translations. these circumstances, will, we hope, be a sufficient apology for any thing which may appear to the reader not to be perfectly consistent, one declaration with another; and for any impropriety of expression. ( ) such authorial modesty was by no means rare, but the convoluted history of the documents, which resembles the provenance of the “town-ho’s story,” certainly leaves spanos, for example, argues that, “in confirming [delano’s] epiphany in the story proper, the poststory deposition precipitates its deconstruction” (herman ). similarly, mark c. anderson ( ), joyce sparer adler ( ), and marvin fisher (“narrative” ) also focus on how the deposition fails to provide the closure it seems to promise. room to question their accuracy. but melville does not stop at the unreliability inherent in the original dual translation as described by delano. as susan weiner has also demonstrated ( - ), a close comparison of melville’s version and its source reveals a series of deliberate alterations that highlight and then increase the untrustworthiness of the original transcripts. one way melville casts doubt on the translated deposition is by creating the impression that details have been omitted. unlike delano, who claims the “[d]ocuments were officially translated, and [were] inserted without alteration” ( ), melville states that his transcripts were “selected, from among many others, for partial translation” ( , emphasis added). while “partial” might mean that only part of the transcripts were translated, it also carries the second meaning of an only partial transference from one language to another—perhaps the partial translation is made only somewhat intelligible to the reader. when comparing melville’s version with his source, however, it becomes clear that benito cereno’s deposition is not abridged as its introduction suggests, but reproduced almost in its entirety and then expanded considerably. melville often replaces simple passages with more embellished versions. for example, the source’s dry statement, “warning him that they would kill all the spaniards, if they saw them speak, or plot any thing against them” (delano ), is replaced by melville’s verbose version, “warning him and all of them that they should, soul and body, go the way of don alexandro if he saw them (the spaniards) speak or plot anything against them (the warner berthoff also describes the ambiguity inherent in delano’s original narrative and argues, “melville’s leading impulse in working out the sequence of his retelling was to capitalize on just this material ambiguity, and on the delayed double-exposure it results in” ( ). negroes)” ( ). because the suggestion that melville has abridged and condensed the deposition is quite clearly false (as comparison demonstrates, it is actually elaborated and expanded), melville’s claim appears to be a deliberate attempt to cast doubt on the “partial” translation provided to the reader, inventing cause to suspect its insufficiency or its suppression of potentially crucial details. throughout the text of the deposition, melville makes the translated documents seem even more incomplete. unlike its source, melville’s version of cereno’s deposition is punctuated by lines of asterisks. like ellipses, these asterisks suggest that something is missing, that, somewhere in the dual transference of transcription and translation, some possibly valuable or essential information has been left out. but even on the rare occasions when parts of the source transcript are actually omitted, their length is only a fraction of that of the detailed passages melville has inserted to replace and supposedly summarize them. the effect of these asterisks is compounded by the bracketed descriptions melville inserts to describe the omitted material, such as: [and so the deposition goes on, circumstantially recounting the fictitious story dictated to the deponent by babo, and through the deponent imposed upon captain delano; and also recounting the friendly offers of captain delano, with other things, but all of which is here omitted. after the fictitious, strange story, etc., the deposition proceeds:] ( ) part of this abridgement would seem to spare the reader from a repetition of events already detailed in the story proper, but the vague “with other things” and “etc.” imply that other details, perhaps unknown to the reader and perhaps important, may be withheld. in other cases, too, not only has nothing been omitted, but the descriptions themselves serve to cast further doubt on the documents. for example, melville describes an alleged deletion as “many expressions of ‘eternal gratitude’ to the ‘generous captain amasa delano’” ( ), making parts of the document seem superfluous while characterizing cereno, its source, as a fawning fool. the next bracketed comment claims to take the place of “various random disclosures referring to various periods of time” ( ), unnecessary details that make the deposition seem disorganized and pointless. both susan weiner ( ) and carolyn l. karcher (“riddle” - ) have argued that the apparent imperfections of the court documents indicate the failures of law and of due process, particularly in such cases of slave rebellion. in light of melville’s ongoing interest in language and translation, however, it is easy to recognize that the unreliability of the testimony is also caused by the language differences between the parties involved, and by the variations in meaning and connotation inevitably introduced by their translation. taking these translated transcripts as the starting point for a reading of language encounter in “benito cereno,” it becomes clear that a pervasive trope of translation supports the tale’s argument for the unreliability of cross-cultural communication. the importance of language and translation in “benito cereno” is first signaled by the message on the prow of the san dominick, which is reproduced in spanish followed by its english translation: “‘seguid vuestro jefe,’ (follow your leader)” ( ). this motto— brook thomas ( ) and bruce l. grenberg ( ) also call attention to the legal documents’ failure to bring the certainty and closure that they seem to promise. leonard tennenhouse discusses how melville “use[s] the court documents to think his way toward a kind of resolution of a historically intractable problem that was beyond the cultural scope of the novelistic imagination” ( ). he concludes, “because melville asserts power similar to that of the court over the materials of the story that is set in type, benito cereno provides a stark example of how one diasporic group achieves and maintains its hegemony in relation to others” ( ). likewise, peter west argues that “cereno’s deposition provides melville with a link between his story’s fictional narration and the rhetoric of factual writing that submerges the former mode’s complexities and indeterminacies” ( ). and its threat that colonial power and domination will only lead to death, violence, and insurrection—has been a major focus of criticism, but the motto’s linguistic significance has received less attention. typographically, the contrast between italics in quotation marks and roman type in parentheses establishes the contrast between the original and its translation, while emphasizing the dominance of the spanish version. moreover, someone familiar with spanish would note that even this short translation is not a perfect equivalent of the original. the spanish “vosotros” form of second person used in the command is informal and plural. the english “you” distinguishes neither number nor formality, so the nuances of the spanish version are lost. there are also nuances in the translation not present in the original. while “leader” means both an authority figure and a spatial director, the spanish “jefe” carries only the first denotation, meaning “boss” but not “guide.” finally, the game “follow the leader,” which predates melville’s story and which the translated motto invokes, is called in spanish “jugar a lo que haga el rey” (roughly, to play at what the king does), not as “seguid vuestro jefe” (“follow”; “follow- my-leader”). thus, the typographical and linguistic differences between the juxtaposed versions serve to introduce the recurring themes of translation and of the unreliability of language. interestingly, however, when the skeleton figurehead that accompanies the motto is revealed at the end of the story, the words are given only as “follow your leader” ( ), as if the unmasking of the actual state of things aboard the ship has translated the foreign language. such emphasis on translation is only part of melville’s general treatment of colonial language. for delano, boarding the ship is like arriving in a foreign land. he is “at once surrounded by a clamorous throng of whites and blacks” ( ), echoing stewart’s description of the nukuhivans’ “noise, loud talking, hallooing, and various rude merriment” ( ), as well as the countless similar arrivals in the archive of exploration and conquest. delano’s position as traveler is reinforced by the comparison between boarding the ship and “entering a strange house with strange inmates in a strange land” (melville, “benito” ). arriving on such a ship, the narration claims, is even stranger, immersing the visitor even more precipitously in the foreign: “the ship seems unreal; these strange costumes, gestures, and faces, but a shadowy tableau just emerged from the deep” ( ). much has been made of the gothic and supernatural description of the san dominick, but the analogy to a foreign land is of equal importance. like a traveler to an exotic country, delano attempts to make sense of the strange behavior he observes there, but by assuming the actions and words of the “natives” can be easily interpreted, he misses the heart of their “culture.” as in typee and omoo, melville pays close attention to the languages spoken aboard the san dominick. shortly after the theme of translation is introduced with the chalked motto, it becomes clear that most of the ensuing dialogue will also be a “translation” of things actually said in spanish: “captain delano . . . [feels] no small satisfaction that, with persons in their condition he could—thanks to his frequent voyages along the spanish main—converse with some freedom in their native tongue” ( ). delano is overly optimistic in this expectation of easy understanding, as he proves totally incapable of interpreting the real meaning and motive of the spaniards’ speech. later in his visit, delano again exhibits pride in his linguistic ability when he “with a free step . . . advanced to the forward edge of the poop, issuing his orders in his best spanish” ( ). delano’s seeming linguistic mastery is immediately undercut, however, by his belief that the “few sailors and many negros” who obey him are “all equally pleased” ( ). in truth, there is little equality in the positions of the spaniards and africans, and neither group is exactly “pleased” by delano’s actions. delano’s optimistic pride in his mastery of the spanish language is matched by his appraisal of the speech of both the whites and the blacks on the san dominick as he steps aboard: “but, in one language, and as with one voice, all poured out a common tale of suffering” ( ). despite his hopeful impression, the speech of the ship’s passengers is anything but monologic. the complexities of speech, both within and across languages, prevent the kind of total understanding that delano naively expects. delano’s original impression that everyone on the ship is speaking together in one language is made possible by his blindness to the true meanings of the rebelling slaves’ speech and actions. like columbus in cooper’s mercedes of castile, delano imagines the blacks live in a state of nature. thus, when he sees “a slumbering negress” with her “wide-awake fawn, stark naked,” delano muses, “there’s naked nature, now” ( ). laura barrett points out, however, that “[b]y associating the wind [also described in the passage] with the child . . . melville reminds us that the absence of language is not an indication of simplicity, nature, purity, and docility, but of duplicity, ambiguity, untranslatability” ( ). more generally, bernhard radloff has also argued that such “motifs of the natural man. . . [function] parodically . . . because the seemingly unreflective slaves are ultimately exposed as authors of conspiracy and deception” ( ). by aligning delano’s impressions with the typical racism of colonial encounter, edward s. grejda has also examined the use of animal imagery to characterize the blacks aboard the san dominick, but he points out that “[t]he animal images associated with the slaves likewise characterize the whites” and concludes that “[t]he similarity of melville highlights the failure of both to account for the real complexities of other cultures and peoples. as in much imperialist literature, delano also finds the native language of the slaves incomprehensible, but instead of seeking to learn it and understand them, he discounts non-white speech as not worth understanding. the oakum-pickers are described as producing a “continuous, low, monotonous chant; droning and druling away like so many gray-headed bag-pipers playing a funeral march” ( ). whatever they may be saying in their native language does not seem to warrant a translation. similarly, the general background noise on the ship is a “hubbub of voices” ( ), again without meaning. the speech of the blacks is further described as “noisy indocility” ( ) and “noisy confusion” ( ). like his vision of mother and child as untutored nature, delano’s perception of the slaves’ language as pure noise conceals their true threat. in contrast to delano’s underestimation of the blacks’ speech, sundquist has examined the links between the clashing of the hatchet polishers and ashanti drum language ( - ). jones disagrees with sundquist’s assumption that all of the slaves would speak the same african language, but he uses their lack of a common african language as an argument for melville’s depiction of “an active and adaptable community capable of breaking through the barrier of tribal division by assuming the language of colonial power” ( ). either way, the true state of things aboard the ship indicates that the “noisy indocility” of the slaves is a mask for linguistically capable insurrection. thus, jon hauss concludes from the deposition’s assertion that babo “understands well the spanish” that, images attached to both blacks and whites can hardly lead to a precise dichotomy of evil and good” ( - ). “[c]ontriving and enforcing a usage that shields a revolutionary restructuring of spanish society, babo turns the spaniards’ own language against them” ( ). because delano underestimates the speech of the rebelling slaves, he remains ignorant of their true power. furthermore, melville’s illustration of the blindness produced by cultural stereotypes extends beyond delano’s most obviously racist attitudes. delano’s underestimation of the africans is mirrored by his inability to look beyond spanish stereotypes to analyze benito cereno’s strange behavior. delano decides that, “to the spaniard’s black-letter text, it was best, for awhile, to leave open margin” ( ). not only does delano equate the captain with language requiring interpretation (however postponed), but, by referencing a “black-letter text” in particular, he also invokes a type of print that is emblematically dark and arcane. furthermore, while musing over all of the strange things he has witnessed, delano discounts cereno’s “capricious” behavior by thinking, “but as a nation . . . these spaniards are all an odd set; the very word spaniard has a curious, conspirator, guy-fawkish twang to it” ( ). because he is so quick to attribute any of cereno’s oddities to his spanishness, delano fails to realize that something is truly amiss. despite his reliance on stereotypes, however, delano also collapses all cultural difference. he muses, “spaniards in the main are as good folks as any in duxbury, massachusetts” ( ). this is the same kind of paradoxical attitude that thus, peter west has argued that melville highlights the “slipperiness of ‘spanish’ as a racial and national signifier” ( ). further emphasizing the importance of spain, sundquist argues, “the aura of ruin and decay that links benito cereno and his ship to charles v and his empire points forward as well to the contemporary demise of spanish power in the new world and the role of slave unrest in its revolutionary decline” ( ). maría deguzmán calls melville’s tale “an allegorical history painting about the historical relations of the imperial powers of spain and the united states and their respective involvement with slavery” ( ). see also iván jaksić’s argument for the significance of spain in nineteenth-century america, which includes a reading of “benito cereno.” allows explorers and colonizers to perceive native language both as incomprehensible noise and as a series of easily translatable universals. both extremes refuse to recognize that other cultures have legitimate differences that can only be understood after careful and extended attention. by comparing the spanish people both to americans and to british conspirators, delano erases all cultural distinction, the better discernment of which might have allowed him to apprehend the true political implications of the events aboard the ship. as sundquist, jones, and hauss have all demonstrated, “benito cereno” recounts the implications of underestimating the language of the racial other. in addition to these overt examples of linguistic encounter, the entire masquerade acted out before delano is an allegory for the failure to interpret. as sanborn aptly puts it, melville makes his readers “recognize that the seemingly natural links between signs and meanings are in fact arbitrary” (sign ). thus, in “benito cereno,” melville expands typee’s treatment of colonial language into a full-fledged critique of semiotics. while on board, delano is constantly involved in the act of interpretation as he observes one peculiar occurrence after another. after seeing a white boy hit by a black one, “captain delano inquire[s] what this meant” ( ). when the american first observes the “prisoner” atufal, the african lowers his head “as much as to say, ‘no, i am content’” ( , emphasis added). then, delano sees the key around cereno’s neck and, “from the servant’s muttered syllables diving the key’s purpose,” says, “so, don benito—padlock and key— significant symbols, truly” ( ). the narration then calls further attention to delano’s robert foulke ( ) and anna krauthammer ( ) also point toward the ways melville dramatizes acts of interpretation. failures of interpretation by noting that he is “a man of such native simplicity as to be incapable of satire or irony” ( ). later, as delano observes some of the spanish sailors, he thinks “that one or two of them returned [his] glance and with a sort of meaning” ( ). still, their intended meaning remains unclear. delano misinterprets all of these clues. he fails to translate the language of the deception until cereno and his supposedly trusty servant are struggling at his feet. the most famous of delano’s failed interpretations occurs with an old sailor tying a complicated knot. robert e. burkholder calls the scene “a focal point for the criticism of melville’s ‘benito cereno’” and “a pivotal cipher for the stratified meanings of the story as a whole” ( ). likewise, radloff asserts that the knot is “clearly emblematic of delano’s own entanglement in undecipherable events, and of these events themselves” ( ). if this incident is emblematic of “benito cereno” as a whole, it is also one of the tale’s most sustained plays with language. the man throws the knot at delano “saying in broken english,—the first heard in the ship,—something to this effect—‘undo it, cut it, quick’” ( ). the reader is thus reminded that everything prior has been said in spanish, but even this first bit of english is also translated into “something to this effect.” the sailor’s “broken english” is not totally comprehensible, so the dialogue given is only an approximation. similarly, the “elderly negro” who then takes the knot speaks in only “tolerable spanish” ( ), again emphasizing the inconsistency and unreliability of speech in an interesting corollary to melville’s depiction of absurd and perplexing gestures in typee, radloff examines how, in “benito cereno” too, “gesture, which the text frequently foregrounds as an index of meaningfulness, is no less ambiguous and inherently enigmatic than ‘conventional’ signs” ( ). he concludes, “once the opposition between the conventional (language) and the natural (the body’s comportment; the gesture) has collapsed, both semiotic systems appear as representational schemata posited by human subjectivity” ( ). even when both parties speak the same language. finally, the “negro” who throws the knot overboard does it “with some african word, equivalent to pshaw” ( ). the word “equivalent” heightens the phrase’s ambiguity, suggesting either that the african word had the same meaning as “pshaw,” or that it only sounded like “pshaw” with some other meaning unknown to either delano or the reader. either way, this is yet another example of unreliable translation and of the arbitrariness of linguistic signification. as his benevolent racism proves impervious to the many hints the spaniards are desperately trying to communicate, delano’s continuous acts of misinterpretation result in an utter failure of language. as lee succinctly puts it, “in ‘benito cereno’ no one understands anyone” (“language” ). delano perceives cereno as “apathetic and mute” (melville, “benito” ), “too much overcome to speak” ( ), talking in “tones so frenzied, that none in the boat could understand him” ( ), and falling into a “speechless faint” ( ). the old spanish sailor splicing cable is unable to communicate the situation to delano because, “as [the negroes] became talkative, he by degrees became mute” ( ). when trying to broach the subject of payment for help, delano says to cereno, “‘pardon me, but there is an interference with the full expression of what i have to say to you’” ( ). shortly afterward, the narrator states: “after this, nothing more could be said” ( ). later, the reader learns that “captain delano had intended communicating to don benito the smaller details” of his assistance, but he decides against it based on cereno’s behavior ( , emphasis added). throughout delano’s visit to the san dominick, melville sustains a trope of troubled and unreliable translation to dramatize how speech fails when cultural stereotypes get in the way of perceiving reality. at first glance, the “gray, surreal world of stasis, non-events, uncertain meanings, and dead-end clues,” which bruce l. grenberg describes as the setting of “benito cereno” ( ), may seem like an odd addition to a study of travel literature, a genre usually associated with vibrant scenery and varied adventure. but amasa delano’s narrative clearly belongs to a textual tradition of travel and exploration, and, as heide notes, its “descriptions of commercial relations . . . reflect the united states’ economic and imperial interests” ( ). moreover, in its “direct engagement with the destructive histories of imperial spanish america” (wertheimer ), “benito cereno” continues the treatment of colonial linguistic encounters begun in typee, culminating melville’s critique of translation. delano’s failed interpretation of nearly everything aboard the san dominick illustrates the danger of assuming an alien culture’s easy translatability. offering a broader critique of transcendentalism and similar forms of idealism, melville demonstrates the error of viewing language as an index of universal truth. of all of the authors examined in this project, melville is the only one to consistently take the cosmopolitan appreciation of linguistic difference that characterized early-nineteenth-century travel to europe and extend that respect for linguistic difference to the non-white, non-western cultures victimized by american expansionism and other forms of european colonialism and imperialism. typee and omoo demonstrate how the lived experience of linguistic encounter can lead to a recognition of the inherent difficulties of cross-cultural communication, at least when undertaken with an open mind instead of the imperialist drive of explorers like columbus. this recognition is the essential first step in finding a golden mean between the extremes of too easy translatability and utter incomprehensibility. as his works become increasingly philosophical, melville develops his critique of cross-cultural communication into a demonstration of the inherent incommensurability of language. finally, in “benito cereno,” melville takes the theoretical investigations of language in mardi and moby- dick and reapplies them to the kind of colonial encounter that was the subject of typee, using the trope of translation to critique u.s. imperialism. for melville, translation generally, but particularly translation in the contexts of colonialism and imperialism, reveals the incommensurability of concepts across different languages and cultures, and this incommensurability highlights the ideological tint, subjective distortion, and downright opacity inherent in language. thus, melville’s treatment of language not only undermines the discourse of colonialism, it undermines the stability of language more generally. melville decenters linguistic certainty by dramatizing the failures of translation endemic to cross-cultural encounter, going beyond a critique of linguistic stereotypes to collapse the universal idealism that justifies imperialism’s entire project. by criticizing the typical colonialist move of negating the language of the other through the assumption of transparent translation, melville deconstructs the human dependence on sign systems, a move that transcends any “us vs. them” dichotomy. chapter from travel to tourism: the shift at mid-century in the s, as the united states was expanding its influence throughout the pacific, and herman melville was portraying the sailors who made that expansion possible, traveling americans were also crossing the atlantic ocean in ever-increasing numbers. although it would not fully materialize until after the civil war, the first signs of the tourist boom were appearing as new technologies of travel made europe accessible to more than the wealthiest and most culturally elite. the cosmopolitan appreciation of european culture evidenced in the works of james fenimore cooper began to erode as the motivation for and the nature of travel changed. leisure and depth were being replaced by speed and superficiality. these changes were often subtle and gradual, and it is impossible to date the rise of tourism at any particular moment. instead, this chapter will trace the incremental shift from cosmopolitans such as cooper, who valued european languages, to the later generations of “ugly american” tourists who would find learning other languages unnecessary, or even undesirable. since the american revolution, travel’s most frequent purposes had been education, business, and politics (w. stowe ; blanton ). by the end of the nineteenth century, however, vastly increased numbers of americans were traveling for pleasure and to acquire the cultural capital of having seen the sights of the history of american travel and travel literature is the subject of a number of insightful and comprehensive studies. for more detail than can be covered here, see in particular william w. stowe’s going abroad, james buzard’s the beaten track, foster rhea dulles’s americans abroad, and larzer ziff’s return passages. these studies differ in the dates they give for the rise of mass tourism, but all trace a similar shift in nineteenth-century travel to europe. europe (dulles ). the new technology and infrastructure of tourism—faster and less expensive transportation, pervasive guides and guidebooks, fixed tours and itineraries, and more numerous establishments catering to english-only speakers—made travel more accessible, more standardized, and more efficient. this change in the practice of travel both encouraged and was encouraged by a change in motive. in contrast to the older tradition of the grand tour, which promised academic, cultural, and social edification, the increasingly common reason for travel was not to gain substantive knowledge and experience, but to acquire the cultural capital of merely having been there. as the following readings will demonstrate, both the extent to which travel literature values foreign language and the way it presents translation are more than indicators of this cultural shift. rather, the traveler’s degree of engagement with foreign language contributes to the changing attitudes toward cultural difference in direct and significant ways. michael cronin offers a succinct but insightful account of this connection. he explains, “if travel in the first stage was to facilitate national and international relations by making contacts and learning foreign languages, the second stage saw a marked preference for the eye over the ear and the increasing predominance of sightseeing” (across ). this important shift from the ear to the eye, from listening to what foreign people have to say to viewing their monuments and quickly moving on, puts more emphasis on sight than on understanding. and not only is the failure of travelers to speak and understand the local language both a cause and an effect of the increasing superficiality of tourism, but it also contributes to how americans perceived the foreign on a more conceptual level. earlier american travelers went to europe with the expectation of learning something from the differences encountered abroad, but later travelers’ inability to hear and understand made the foreign land all that more intimidating and strange. isolated by linguistic ignorance, the tourist began to feel more like an outsider in an alien world. rather than seeing europe as part of america’s cultural heritage to be understood and appreciated, european differences became increasingly threatening. moreover, the traveler’s natural defense against the discomfort of the uncanny foreign (the fear of the incomprehensible), is to further exalt the customs of home. this increased preference for the language and culture of one’s own national community makes the traveler less likely to learn the language abroad, further heightening the feeling of isolation. this chapter will argue that, as european travel became more accessible to the middle class, and the numbers of americans traveling to europe grew, travelers increasingly saw the differences encountered abroad as inferior, and this lack of interest in the cultural content of europe manifested in an increased emphasis on translation, and in the loss of cultural specificity that translation entails. to better illustrate the nuances of the shift in both travel and travel writing, i will examine several works of melville alongside a broader selection of authors. the first section will argue that the figure of the guidebook, as exemplified by bayard taylor’s views a-foot and dramatized in melville’s redburn, illuminates the changing nature of european travel while revealing how one writer’s experience can model a new set of values for future travelers. in the next section, the contrast between margaret fuller, who most thoroughly continues the cosmopolitan tradition of cooper, and harriet beecher stowe, who represents the new attitudes of tourism, demonstrates how the changes in popular travel epitomized and encouraged by bayard taylor affected the experiences of even the united states’ most celebrated authors. the final section, which examines melville’s - tour of europe and the levant and the epic poem clarel inspired by that experience, argues that even melville was not immune from the rise of tourism. taken together, these writers illustrate the varied positions toward linguistic and cultural difference that occurred in the transitional period at mid-century, as well as the incremental shift from cosmopolitanism to cultural chauvinism that occurred in the progression from travelogue to traveler to future guidebooks and to ever-increasing numbers of traveling americans. the role of the guidebook in bayard taylor and redburn the shifting characteristics of american travel writing in the nineteenth century are best illustrated through an examination of one of its most successful authors. bayard taylor is a perfect example of the new comparative affordability of european travel. views a-foot ( ), his first and most famous travelogue, also demonstrates how, even when less wealthy travelers aspire to the literary elite, their failure to penetrate european society becomes the model for future travelers, gradually lowering the expectation of and desire for genuine cultural involvement. this gap between taylor’s aspirations and his actual mode of travel exemplifies the incremental decline of cosmopolitanism from text to traveler to text. although he is largely unknown today, bayard taylor enjoyed immense popularity during his extensive career. despite his aspirations to be considered a great poet and author in the ranks of henry wadsworth longfellow and washington irving, taylor never could escape the public image of a travel writer (wermuth , ). he published nineteen volumes about travel as well as innumerable other works of literature and scholarship (see wermuth - ), but none would surpass the popularity of views a-foot. the book documents taylor’s two-year stay in europe, and at first glance, his route does not seem to differ much from cooper’s. taylor first visits england, ireland, and scotland, travels through belgium and heidelberg, and then resides in frankfurt for nearly a year. taylor’s time in frankfurt, particularly his account of visiting the university students, comes closest to the cosmopolitan experiences of taylor’s predecessors, but the pedestrian tour of germany, bohemia, switzerland, italy, and france that follows, occupying roughly two thirds of the book, is a touristic progression of inns, and sights, and scenery. not only was the volume one of the most famous examples of the genre in the mid-nineteenth century, but it is also a particularly representative example, so much so that paul c. wermuth calls it “the quintessence of the average” ( ). in fact, bruce a. harvey writes that “taylor quite likely comes the closest to being the most unexceptional travel author of his period” ( ). compared with cooper’s gleanings in europe and other earlier writings, views a-foot marks the beginning of a shift from cosmopolitanism to tourism both in the travelogue genre and in the nature of american travel to europe. in , taylor was only a young man of nineteen when he developed a plan to fund a tour of europe by sending an account of his travels to the new york tribune. in contrast to the previous genteel travelers he sought to imitate, taylor could afford neither a typical grand tour nor the college education his extended trip to europe would replace (wermuth ). indeed, as wermuth reports, taylor “had, in the best american tradition, wermuth is critical of both portions of the trip, noting that, despite taylor’s “mode of travel, he didn’t comment much on the life of ordinary germans, though he remarked about inns, food, or people he met,” and further asserting, “he stayed in germany a full year, and his observations there were not significantly better than elsewhere” ( , ). earned the trip all by himself” ( ). in this way, taylor represents the greater accessibility of european travel, and indeed, views a-foot became one of the original accounts of how to do europe “on the cheap.” unlike the wealthier classes who had been touring europe for years, taylor had to earn his money as he traveled and economize whenever he could. lacking both status and means, taylor was cut off from the high society cooper enjoyed abroad, apparently to his chagrin. considering himself “an intellectual and a literary man who deserved better,” as wermuth explains, taylor was “frequently annoyed that his lack of money forced him to live mainly with the lower class” ( - ). his walking tour of europe, punctuated with thrifty meals, second-class passages, and inexpensive lodgings, rarely penetrated very far into the culture and society that was the previous focus of the grand tour’s cosmopolitan education. taylor’s situation thus illustrates his transitional status in the changing nature of american travel to europe. on one hand, taylor’s literary aspirations reflect his desire to tour europe like the cultured and relatively wealthy gentlemen authors of the previous decades, who called on european society and visited with major literary and political figures. although taylor succeeded at least partially in establishing himself as a major author, an image he would continue to craft after his return to the u.s. (wermuth ), his lack of both money and status prevented him from participating in high society as his predecessors had done. instead, he frequently took a spectator’s approach to local culture, anticipating the kind of tourism that would dominate after the civil war. taylor’s less wealthy childhood also limited his linguistic education before the trip. he eventually learns german, but his lack of previous education makes his initial experience abroad one of linguistic isolation. although taylor valued foreign language and culture more than most of the tourists who follow him, his travelogue records his experiences rather than his aspirations. taylor did not necessarily esteem european culture and language less than earlier figures, but his narrative places less emphasis on those things, minimizing their importance for the future travelers who would use views a-foot as a guidebook. although taylor’s walking tour was ostensibly more leisurely than the increasingly common travel by railroad and steamer, he often passed through places too quickly to establish any significant intercourse with the locals, or to observe their culture on more than a superficial level. he admits, for example, “with the rapidity usual to americans we have already finished seeing milan, and shall start to-morrow morning on a walk to genoa” ( ). many previous critics, unintentionally mirroring cooper’s criticism of dodge’s travel journal in homeward bound, have charged taylor’s account with superficiality. alfred bendixen, for example, writes that taylor’s european travelogues “are not very good books” and “offer little more than superficial description along with the conventional patriotic and anti-catholic assessments” ( ). likewise, larzer ziff asserts that “[t]he information he supplies about art and architecture, the foreign words he intrudes, the costumes and the manners that catch his eye, do not so much accumulate into a picture of european culture as they do into the portrait of a young man from rural america validating the culture he had acquired from books read by lamplight and dreamed about by day” (return ). taylor’s description of a village on his trek through bohemia and moravia offers a representative example: the third night of our journey we stopped at the little village of stecken, and the next morning, after three hours’ walk over the ridgy heights, reached the old moravian city of iglau, built on a hill. it happened to be corpus christi day, and the peasants of the neighborhood were hastening there in their gayest dresses. the young women wore a crimson scarf around the head, with long fringed and embroidered ends hanging over the shoulders, or falling in one smooth fold from the back of the head. they were attired in black velvet vests, with full white sleeves and skirts of some gay color, which were short enough to show to advantage their red stockings and polished shoe-buckles. many of them were not deficient in personal beauty—there was a gipsy-like wildness in their eyes, that combined with their rich hair and graceful costume, reminded me of the italian maidens. the towns too, with their open squares and arched passages, have quite a southern look; but the damp, gloomy weather was enough to dispel any illusion of this kind. ( ) as ziff’s analysis suggests, such descriptions of scenery, climate, and dress seem to offer readers an experience of seeing these foreign lands, but this vision rarely penetrates below the surface, and the content rarely moves beyond amusing curiosities and charming bits of local color. like the typical tourist, taylor not only sees rather than understands, but he often sees only what he has come expecting to see, doing little to challenge his own expectations or to change the preconceived notions of his readers. another marker of americans’ changing attitudes toward cultural difference is taylor’s treatment of american letters. taylor’s literary aspirations may align him with earlier, cosmopolitan figures, but he proves more interested in elevating the status of his own culture than in learning from the experience of being abroad. he emphasizes his interest in american literature by repeatedly alluding to the fame american authors have gained in europe. for example, taylor describes a publisher in leipsic, otto wigan, who “has already published prescott and bancroft, and . . . intends giving out shortly, translations from some of our poets and novelists,” as well as a “young german author” who is “well versed in our literature” and “is now engaged in translating american works” ( ). in addition to taylor’s clear interest in the progress of american letters and their reception in europe, another example of the writer’s literary aspirations can be found in his meeting with “freiligrath, the poet, who was lately banished from germany on account of the liberal principles his last volume contains” ( ). taylor reports that they “conversed much upon american literature” and describes freiligrath as “a warm admirer of bryant and longfellow [who] has translated many of their poems into german” ( ). on one hand, this literary meeting echoes cooper’s encounters with sir walter scott, although taylor lacks the degree of fame enjoyed by the earlier figures, and he needed a letter from nathaniel parker willis to obtain the meeting ( ). at the same time, by turning the conversation to american literature instead of learning more about freiligrath’s german poetry and politics, taylor shows that he is more invested in furthering the esteem of his own country’s cultural production than in learning about europe. rather than aiming to become a member of a cosmopolitan intellectual community in order to learn from its foreign members, taylor proves more interested in staking a claim for his own country, changing foreign views of america instead of his own views of the foreign. taylor’s nationalistic leanings are bolstered by his initial ignorance of foreign languages. first arriving on the continent, he describes an “agreeable and yet a painful sense of novelty to stand for the first time in the midst of a people whose language and manners are different from one’s own” ( ). despite taylor’s excitement at the prospect of finally exploring europe, with its “old buildings . . . linked with many a stirring association of past history,” he admits that “the want of a communication with the living world about, walls one up with a sense of loneliness he could not before have conceived” ( ). like cooper and previous american travelers, taylor stands in awe of europe’s deeper cultural history, but his lack of linguistic education prevents him from becoming a part of the scene he admires. perhaps to minimize the isolation caused by his own linguistic inadequacy, taylor turns to observations of “the endless sound of wooden shoes clattering over the rough pavements, and people talking in that most unmusical of all languages, low dutch” ( ). rather than dwelling on his own inability to fully understand and experience europe’s deeper culture and history, taylor thus turns both local language and custom into anecdotal and quaint local color. further anticipating the later mode of touristic travel, taylor must hire a guide, “engaged because he spoke a few words of english” ( ). because of his monolingualism, taylor’s first view of the continent is through the eyes of a tourist. in heidelberg, taylor begins to reduce his initial isolation from european culture by learning the language. at first, he once again presents foreign language as local color when he describes his “polite and talkative landlady,” who “much amused” taylor and his travel companion with “her endeavors to make [them] understand” ( ). taylor adds, “as if to convey her meaning plainer, she raises both thumbs and forefingers to her mouth and pulls out the words like a long string; her tongue goes so fast that it keeps my mind always on a painful stretch to comprehend an idea here and there” ( ). this almost grotesque description of the woman pulling a string of words out of her mouth, tongue wagging at lightning speed, makes speaking german seem more like a carnival trick than an intellectual pursuit. nevertheless, taylor demonstrates his legitimate interest in learning german by taking formal lessons ( ). and, as ziff notes, taylor’s extended residence in germany does lead to his eventual mastery of the language and life-long nevertheless, buzard finds that most travelers seek to differentiate themselves from the common rabble of superficial tourists to which they inevitably belong ( ), and taylor is no exception. thus, despite taylor’s own reliance upon guides and guidebooks, he criticizes “[t]he english tourists” who “sat and read about the very towns and towers they were passing, scarcely lifting their eyes to the real scenes” (taylor ). study of its literature (return ), although this seriousness is far more evident across a broad consideration of taylor’s career than in views a-foot. after his initial “tough grapple” with the german language, taylor demonstrates his dedication when he reports, “i am just beginning to master the language, and it seems so necessary to devote every minute to study, that i would rather undergo some privation, than neglect turning these fleeting hours into gold” ( ). despite his cosmopolitan motives, the metaphor taylor uses here suggests the general shift in american attitudes toward travel. the decision to learn a language has become an economic one, and taylor demonstrates his monetary preoccupation by describing linguistic education as a conversion of time to gold. over time, the initially practical decision to avoid the expense of foreign language education would grow into an aversion on principle. even after learning german, taylor does not seem to enjoy the experience of immersion in a foreign language, and he portrays it as an unpleasant necessity rather than an invaluable opportunity. in his account of listening to “strauss’s band” in vienna, taylor describes how the viennese “talked and laughed sociably together between the pauses of the music, or strolled up and down the lighted alleys” ( - ). he reports, “we walked up and down with them, and thought how much we should enjoy such a scene at home, where the faces around us would be those of friends, and the language our mother tongue!” ( - ). although taylor is experiencing some of the best of european culture, and he can speak german well enough for a passport inspector to mistake him for an austrian ( ), he would still prefer the company of his countrymen, and even more tellingly, the sound of his native language. such homesickness is certainly understandable, but the frequency with which taylor notes his sense of isolation bespeaks a far lesser degree of comfort abroad than earlier writers describe. other foreign languages seem even more daunting than german. throughout the account, taylor mentions his difficulties with bohemian ( ), italian ( ), provençal ( ), and french ( ). these frequent complaints convey to his readers a sense of discomfort with both foreign language and culture that becomes ingrained in the model experience. upon returning to england at the end of his continental tour, taylor rejoices, “my tongue would now be freed from the difficult bondage of foreign languages, and my ears be rejoiced with the music of my own” ( ). despite his developing skill with german, foreign language ranks, for taylor, among the annoyances of travel. and its inconvenience looms far larger than any intellectual or cultural edification that being immersed in the foreign might provide. although taylor achieves the older ideal of cosmopolitan travel at least in part, he constructs his own text so that it will guide future travelers further down the path to tourism and linguistic isolationism. the success of views a-foot was not diminished by “the sheer superficiality of its observations,” but as wermuth suggests, taylor’s practice of “never penetrat[ing] very far into anything” may have attributed to its popularity ( ). indeed, the volume became a guidebook for subsequent tourists, and taylor increased its value as a manual by appending “advice and information for pedestrians” to its eighth edition (wermuth ). taylor furthers the progress of tourism when he suggests “[t]raveling with a vetturino” so that “the tourist is freed from the annoyance of quarrelling with cheating landlords” ( ). after engaging such a guide to make all of the arrangements for food and lodging, the tourist need not worry about learning enough italian to procure these necessities for himself. consequently, not only does taylor offer readers a comparatively superficial account of his own travels, but he advises them to seek even more efficiency abroad, encouraging convenience and the added superficiality that such convenience brings. as if further promoting the removal of all foreign language from travel, taylor goes on to state that “[a] translation of our written contract, will best explain this mode of traveling” ( ). like the vetturino he recommends, taylor seeks to ease the difficulties of travel for the reader by eliminating the need to understand the local language. in fact, with its greater accessibility to the less wealthy and consequently less educated, the democratization of european travel mirrors both the act of translation and the way that any travelogue “translates” the foreign into a text that can be perused from one’s own parlor. on one hand, the increased access to the foreign provided by less expensive travel, literary translation, and travel writing seems to broaden america’s cultural horizons, and for the many who would have had no access otherwise, this is at least partially the case. but on the other hand, as cooper emphasizes in his own travel writing, the act of translation tends to dilute the cultural content of the foreign text, eliding difference and homogenizing human experience. in much the same way, taylor’s travel writing, as well as the translations it contains, provides access to more people, but only in a diluted form. and over time, as those who use taylor’s writing as a guide mistake this mediation for the full experience, the aims of travel constrict, decreasing the level of cultural involvement future generations both desire and achieve. the vetturino contract is one in a series of translations of poems and other texts throughout taylor’s account. for example, taylor presents his readers with his translation of one of freiligrath’s poems, “as a specimen of the spirit in which they are written” ( ). while taylor explicitly marks the act of translation in this example, he over-optimistically suggests that his own version could replicate the german’s “spirit” of the original. when taylor describes a gathering of german students singing the “‘landsfather’ or consecration song,” he presents the text in english without mentioning that the lyrics must have been translated ( - ). the english verses, interspersed with taylor’s matter-of-fact explanations of the ceremony of drinking, clashing swords, and piercing caps, give the illusion of fully explaining everything, translating the ritual for readers so that they will not have to learn enough to decipher such a scene themselves. similarly, in his description of the austrian alps, taylor includes a translation of the ballad “the mountain boy.” the first stanza gives a sense of the piece’s general tone: a herd-boy on the mountain’s brow, i see the castles all below. the sunbeam here is earliest cast and by my side it lingers last— i am the boy of the mountain! ( ) as in the previous examples, taylor presents translation as both desirable and unproblematic. in all of these cases, taylor positions himself as the gatekeeper of foreign language. just as he suggests to readers that a good guidebook can replace a courier ( ), taylor acts as a translator of local language and culture so that his readers need not develop more than a passing acquaintance with them. moreover, taylor’s later study of german literature (see wermuth ), and his translation of goethe’s faust, further demonstrate how taylor discourages readers from learning foreign languages by acting as their cultural mediator and “guide” to the foreign. in his faust, taylor attempts to replicate both the content and versification of goethe’s original, believing that there are “few difficulties in the way of a nearly literal yet thoroughly rhythmical version of faust” (taylor qtd. haskell ). as juliana haskell demonstrates, however, because german words tend to be longer than english ones (in addition to other intrinsic differences between the languages), register suffers when content and form are held equivalent, and taylor is forced to pad his lines with superfluous syllables (haskell - ). the result is what one contemporary review called “latinized words and literary phrases,” which deviate from the direct simplicity of goethe’s german (andrews qtd. haskell ). taylor’s translation thus gives the appearance of a perfect substitute for the original when it is really an inferior version. just as in the discourse of imperialism examined in the previous chapters, taylor assumes that translation can be more straightforward than is possible, demonstrating a failure to understand and appreciate the original language and culture. the impression of equivalence is heightened further by one of taylor’s stated principles of translation, the “abnegation of the translator’s personality through which alone the original author can receive justice” (taylor qtd. haskell ). taylor’s aim of concealing the translator’s work lulls the reader into thinking that this is goethe in english. not only does the mediation of translation lose some of the qualities of the original, but that loss is concealed from the reader. of course no translation is perfect, but taylor’s exaggerated claims of equivalence present his faust as a perfect substitute for the original rather than a such a practice would lead to emerson’s claim to not “hesitate to read . . . all good books, in translations” because “what is really best in any book is translatable” (society ). compromise between content and accessibility. haskell highlights this fault when she concludes that taylor’s faust fails to “perform that higher office of a good translation, so potently to suggest the charm of the original as to win readers for goethe in the german” ( ). because no person can learn all of the world’s languages, translation is a necessary and culturally valuable method of bringing new literatures to those who cannot read the originals. nevertheless, taylor’s fault, in his travel writing as in his translation, is that his translations of both culture and text do not encourage readers to learn more or to experience the originals directly. instead, taylor subtly but pervasively discourages readers from stepping outside their monolingual world. for example, a description of taylor from the new york evening post explains, “as a journalist it was his business to make his learning vicarious; he observed and studied that other men might know” (qtd. haskell ). by extension, although taylor modeled his travel on his cosmopolitan, literary predecessors, he learned german so that his readers would not have to. wermuth’s analysis of taylor’s popular german literature lectures in the s also demonstrates how the erudite writer encouraged monolingualism in his readers and students by making his subject seem too accessible. while taylor unquestionably provided more knowledge of german culture to his audiences than they might otherwise wermuth defends the faust translation, even calling it “taylor’s most important work,” and he disagrees with haskell’s overwhelmingly negative conclusions, if not the particular faults she analyzes ( - ). according to wermuth, these lectures, which usually included a summary of the author’s life and work accompanied by translations of “some passages to give the flavor,” were so popular because “such was taylor’s skill that he was able to make these early essays interesting to those who knew little of german literature. taylor had the ability, from his journalistic experience, to pick out the salient features of material and to eliminate the rest” ( - ). have had, he simultaneously gave the impression that this was all there was to know, implicitly discouraging further study. in much the same way, although a lifetime of study converted the ignorant youth who first landed in liverpool into a scholar of german language and literature, both his travel writing and his translation mediate his own knowledge and experience for a popular audience, implicitly discouraging readers from deeper cultural experiences abroad while concealing that any cultural content may be missing. melville addresses the increasing superficiality of travel encouraged by taylor in redburn ( ), a novel conspicuously missing from the previous chapter’s account of melville’s early career. typee, omoo, mardi, and moby-dick all draw on the author’s pacific whaling experiences from to (heflin xxiii). in contrast, redburn, melville’s fourth novel, is loosely based on his first voyage, a trip between new york and liverpool on the merchant vessel st. lawrence in (heflin - ). in the novel, the young and inexperienced wellingborough redburn fulfills his longing to go to sea by enlisting on a similar transatlantic voyage—blundering over the customs and responsibilities of a sailor, seeing a bit of liverpool, and making a strange nocturnal trip to london with his english friend harry bolton before returning home. while many critics have taken melville’s claim to have written redburn for the money as a reason to disregard it, several have recognized its significance. some of the most interesting william h. gilman, for example, defends the novel against those who “look upon it as mere apprenticeship,” and he includes among its “merits” a “tender and varied depiction of the woes of a disappointed adolescent” and “a penetrating psychological realism and a true pathos” ( ). gilman’s reading is an example of those that focus on the readings view the novel as a critique of america. marvin fisher argues that “melville was already a subversive writer in redburn,” and that the targets of his critique included not only religious and economic systems but “those qualities in the american character that abetted moral hypocrisy and an impoverished imagination” ( - ). paul giles calls redburn “the most straightforward example of cross-cultural critique” in melville’s works and examines how “stereotypes are dismantled and liverpool comes to seem more like new york than redburn has supposed” ( - ). such readings recognize that redburn participates in travel literature’s common purpose of giving new context to domestic issues through the experience of the foreign. redburn’s experiences, those of a common sailor rather than a tourist, provide an interesting counterpoint to the superficial, guidebook-dependent travel of taylor and his successors. wellingborough redburn and bayard taylor share the common experience of leaving america at an early age, dependent upon themselves for support, to see first-hand a land they have only dreamed about and studied in books. but for redburn, the experience of travel also brings a new understanding of linguistic and cultural difference. redburn initially views linguistic difference as a mark of foreign exoticism. as a child, when he fantasizes about his father’s travels, he thinks, “and who could be going to bremen? no one but foreigners, doubtless; men of dark complexions and jet-black psychological and biographical implications of melville’s characterization of wellingborough redburn. the similarity of taylor’s motives to redburn’s youthful fantasies is apparent in the opening chapter to views a-foot: taylor explains his childhood dreams of visiting europe to “behold the scenes, among which [his] fancy had so long wandered,” and despite his “want of means” admits, “i could not content myself to wait until i had slowly accumulated so large a sum as tourists usually spend on their travels” ( ). whiskers, who talked french” ( ). for young redburn, not only is speaking french akin to the surface differences of complexion and facial hair, but these men “talked” not “spoke” french. the youth does not care for the content of their speech, it is only meaningless talk with the same effect as exotic mustaches. similarly, redburn describes his wish to read one of his father’s french books: “i wondered what a great man i would be, if by foreign travel i should ever be able to read straight along without stopping, out of that book, which now was a riddle to every one in the house but my father” ( ). the possibility of learning the language at home does not seem to cross his mind because french only interests him as a marker of having been to europe, as just another souvenir. for young redburn, knowing french has value only as evidence of being well-traveled. in contrast to these early fantasies of foreign language as a symbol of the cultural capital of having been to foreign lands, redburn’s experiences as a sailor give him a new perspective on linguistic alterity. when he first boards the highlander, redburn finds himself puzzled, not by the exciting european languages he fantasized about as a child, but by strange varieties of english. melville thus continues the exploration of nautical jargon found in cooper’s sea tales. when the first sailor redburn meets asks, “have you got your traps aboard?” the youth, confused, reveals his ignorance by replying that he in his discussion of redburn’s growing understanding of alterity, emory elliott similarly examines how redburn’s childhood daydreaming “reveals his inherent sense that the cultural ‘other’ will be linguistically and racially exotic and mysterious” ( ). that redburn is more interested in what being able to read french represents than in the content of the french book is also suggested by peter j. bellis’s psychological reading, in which both redburn’s father’s travel and his knowledge of french symbolize “[t]he father’s authority” ( ). “didn’t know there were any rats in the ship, and hadn’t brought any ‘trap’” ( ). shortly after, redburn hears a “curious language . . . half english and half gibberish,” whose speaker turns out to be only “an english boy, from lancashire” ( ). as melville will make even clearer as the novel progresses, the disorienting yet enriching experience of linguistic alterity is not had through the superficial kind of travel redburn fantasized about as a child, the travel sought and described by taylor, but through the genuinely cosmopolitan experience of shipboard life. the voyage to liverpool is filled with similar misunderstandings as redburn slowly learns the business of sailing and its accompanying terminology. redburn explains of the “puzzling and confounding” experience of sailing for the first time: it must be like going into a barbarous country, where they speak a strange dialect, and dress in strange clothes, and live in strange houses. for sailors have their own names, even for things that are familiar ashore; and if you call a thing by its shore name, you are laughed at for an ignoramus and a land-lubber. ( ) still uninitiated in the complexities of a sailor’s work, redburn has the same lack of appreciation for nautical terminology that he does for foreign languages. redburn’s comparison of sailors’ jargon to “a strange dialect,” like his later observation of “outlandish dutch gibberish” ( ), reduces foreign speech to content-less unintelligibility. as he gains sailing experience, however, redburn learns the same lesson demonstrated in cooper’s the pilot. as peter j. bellis notes, “where the boy’s father had mastered french, he must now learn the ‘greek’ of sailing terminology,” and “learning this new language is equated with learning the skills the words describe” ( ). strange words, such as the obscure nautical jargon of his ship, are valuable for the meaning they convey; they are more than colorful aspects of foreign scenery. redburn begins to demonstrate this growing awareness when he notes that “the mere knowing of the names of the ropes, and familiarizing yourself with their places” are but “things which a beginner of ordinary capacity soon masters,” while “[t]he business of a thorough-bred sailor is a special calling” that demands much “adroitness” and “versatility of talent” ( ). as redburn gains some of his first worldly experience, he begins to recognize the extraordinary skill required to manage a ship. redburn further learns that the sailors’ technical terminology is not superfluous obfuscation but, as david simpson argued of cooper’s nautical language, it is a precise system for designating particular and indispensable actions while avoiding the delay a more extensive explanation in land- english would cause (politics ). nautical jargon is not, as redburn first believed of his father’s french, difference for difference’s sake, but a legitimate language conveying specific and vital information. in addition to his growing appreciation for the value of linguistic difference, redburn gains a more mature perspective on his childhood fantasies through his disillusionment with his father’s guidebook, the picture of liverpool. this sequence is one of melville’s most pointed critiques of the growing practice of tourism. melville critics have read the guidebook as a symbol of redburn’s disillusionment with his father (sten, weaver ), of his youthful religious faith (l. thompson ; m. smith ), and of his naive trust in textuality (weinstein ). lawrence buell focuses particularly on redburn’s travel to england when he describes redburn’s disillusionment with the guidebook as part of “redburn’s attempt to decolonize himself, to shake off the inbred genteel anglophilia that initially makes him a maladroit sailor and leads to a pathetically naive pilgrimage in his father’s footsteps through liverpool” (“question” ). phyllis cole likewise describes how melville replaces the tradition of travel to “picturesque england” with an image of “an england closer to the negative image of the democratic nationalistic tradition” ( , ). ian s. maloney makes a connection between travel and language when he compares the guidebook to redburn’s father’s equally “useless” volumes in french ( ). signals his clear condemnation of redburn’s obsession with the book in the chapter heading “redburn grows intolerably flat and stupid over some outlandish old guide- books” ( ). although redburn assiduously studies the minutest details of the book that guided his father through liverpool, printed fifty years before, all of the landmarks he seeks are gone. on one hand, as redburn’s experiences emphasize the passage of time— he laments, for example, that the book is “nearly half a century behind the age! and no more fit to guide me about the town, than the map of pompeii” ( )—melville calls attention to the changes in travel to europe. at the same time, melville implies that all guidebooks are inherently unfit and that a traveler is better served experiencing a place anew instead of cleaving to old texts. redburn tells himself: and, wellingborough, as your father’s guide-book is no guide for you, neither would yours (could you afford to buy a modern one to-day) be a true guide to those who come after you. guide-books, wellingborough, are the least reliable books in all literature; and nearly all literature, in one sense, is made up of guide-books. ( ) as taylor observed of the “european tourists” who barely see the sights because of their absorption by guidebooks (see note ), and as tommo experiences on nukuhiva, an over- reliance on past texts prevents a real engagement with the world. guidebook in hand, one can tour the globe without becoming a jot more worldly. john samson adds an interesting economic aspect to this analysis of the failed guidebook when he argues that redburn’s “dreams of following the footsteps of genteel travelers to europe” are “subverted . . . by the reality of a laissez-faire economic system that recognizes no superiority but financial” ( ). samson thus joins benjamin s. west john samson also connects redburn with tommo in that both “narrator[s have] been reading misleading narratives” ( ). ( ) and jeffrey hotz (“out” ) in reading in redburn what west calls “melville’s critique of capitalism.” indeed, the novel’s economic criticism is linked to its critique of tourism. phyllis cole describes the resentment melville held for the easy success of bayard taylor, that “taylor is able to do everything he wants, to see the whole continent and lack ‘no necessary comfort,’ whereas melville’s hero is really poor and therefore trapped for six weeks in liverpool” ( - ). while travelers such as taylor seem to be participating in the democratization of an activity that was once the exclusive domain of the very rich, melville offers a truly democratized alternative, pointing out that the middle class to which taylor belongs is far more privileged than the majority of people redburn encounters. moreover, by critiquing the poor conditions of industrialized england, melville further emphasizes the superficiality of the pleasant and picturesque sights visited by tourists. as shirley foster explains, the “horrific sight of urban squalor and deprivation” found in redburn is off of the “well-worn tourist paths” to which most travelers confined themselves (“confusion” ). even as tourism makes european travel more accessible to the middle class, it still remains a leisure activity available only to the privileged minority, and the pervasive poverty produced by the same system of capitalism that sustains tourism is too often eclipsed by tourism’s superficial attention to quaint local color. melville’s ongoing critique of the system of transnational exchange that supports this inequity— evidenced in mardi’s maker of idols and further explored through moby- dick’s doubloon— continues in his account of redburn’s merchant voyage. one scene that particularly emphasizes economic incommensurability is redburn’s nightmarish visit to a london gambling house with harry bolton. bellis offers this fascinating reading: chips are substitutes for money, which is itself a substitute for real goods; and these signifiers, doubly removed from their referents, are then surrendered to the play of chance. gambling, in this sense, represents a fundamental dissolution of the signifying order, and harry, as a compulsive gambler, embodies this instability. ( ) harry’s gambling mirrors the larger-scale speculation of international trade, and both allow participants to play with conventions of equivalence for monetary gain, often at the expense of the unwary. in redburn as in mardi and moby-dick, melville’s play with the slippery signification of language accompanies a similar examination of the inherent incommensurability of economic systems and of the injustice caused when one party takes advantage of the imperfect translation of value across countries and cultures. despite the failure of his guidebook, redburn’s travels do make him more worldly, but melville is careful to show that redburn does not gain his newfound cosmopolitanism through sight-seeing and the usual itinerary of a tourist. instead, redburn’s experiences demonstrate that the benefits of speaking to a variety of people, such as the sailors found at the liverpool docks, far surpass any worldliness gained from seeing the notable sights. at first, redburn despairs that his “prospects of seeing the world as a sailor [are], after all, but very doubtful,” because sailors “would dream as little of traveling inland to see kenilworth, or blenheim castle, as they would of sending a car overland to the pope, when they touched at naples” ( - ). redburn initially views a sailor’s travels as “go[ing] round the world, without going into it” ( ), but he learns from his experience with the guidebook that seeing such sights can be far more superficial than he imagined, that touring is not really “going into” the world at all. at the same time, after returning to the docks from his failed touring, redburn realizes that there is more of the world there than he previously thought: surrounded by its broad belt of masonry, each liverpool dock is a walled town, full of life and commotion; or rather, it is a small archipelago, an epitome of the world, where all the nations of christendom, and even those of heathendom, are represented. for, in itself, each ship is an island, a floating colony of the tribe to which it belongs. ( ) while tourists like taylor can travel a continent without experiencing much of the true nature or daily life of its inhabitants, a common sailor can more fully experience international differences when diverse people are drawn together in the varied microcosm of shipboard life. redburn learns that speaking with such people is a better way to experience the world than following the “beaten track” of a tourist’s itinerary, thus providing a counter-example to the ongoing replacement of understanding with sight. strolling along the docks, redburn encounters a ship from bombay. he first describes its sailors as “chattering like magpies in hindostanee” ( ), but when he takes time to converse with one who “spoke good english, and was quite communicative” ( ), redburn realizes that these chattering asians might have something to say: so instructive was his discourse, that when we parted, i had considerably added to my stock of knowledge. . . . if you want to learn romance, or gain an insight into things quaint, curious, and marvelous, drop your books of travel, and take a stroll along the docks of a great commercial port. ten to one, you will encounter crusoe himself among the crowds of mariners from all parts of the globe. ( ) here, melville clearly contrasts the false worldliness redburn thought he could gain from guidebooks and tourism to the real cosmopolitanism of a sailor’s life. while redburn’s initial impressions of the multilingualism of the ship led him to belittle any language robert t. tally, jr., calls redburn’s view of the liverpool docks “a figure for internationalism and even postnationalism” and argues that, although “melville utters his most famous comment about the specifically american nationality . . . , he rejects that there is such a thing, arguing that the national identity of the united states can only be viewed in its fundamentally multinational character” ( ). difference that was not a mark of having traveled, the young sailor learns by the return voyage that the multilingual ship-board environment represents a truer cosmopolitan ideal than he could gain from superficial touring. as these examples demonstrate, melville’s appreciation of foreign language in redburn does not differ drastically from his treatment of language difference discussed in the previous chapter, but the change of setting allows his focus to shift from a critique of imperialism to a critique of the rise of tourism. as in his pacific writings, melville once again maintains his unusually cosmopolitan attitude toward “savage” cultures as well as toward the foreign cultures of europe. unfortunately, this openness to difference remains the exception. in later decades, the cultures and languages of europe increasingly are treated with the level of disrespect previously reserved for non-western peoples. travel and translation in fuller and stowe thus far, my study of american travel has focused regrettably, if necessarily, on male authors, but by mid-century, women were traveling to europe with increased frequency, and many wrote about their travels in some form (s. wright). there have already been a number of studies of women’s travel writing, much of which either remained in private journals and correspondence or was originally written as such and then published later. while taylor and redburn (and the young melville on whom redburn is loosely based) traveled with a level of anonymity typical for most americans see, for example, helen barolini’s their other side, annamaria formichella elsden’s roman fever, cheryl j. fish’s black and white women’s travel narratives, sara mills’s discourses of difference, susan l. roberson’s antebellum american women writers and the road, mary suzanne schriber’s writing home, and jennifer bernhardt steadman’s traveling economies. abroad, this section will return to the travels of more famed and established authors by examining two writers who eagerly accepted a more public persona, margaret fuller and harriet beecher stowe. although these women traveled to europe within a decade of each other, fuller between and and stowe in , their published travel writings demonstrate how the changes epitomized and encouraged by travelogues and guides like views a-foot affected the european travel of more famous american authors. when examined in contrast to fuller, who continues the tradition of literary cosmopolites like cooper and washington irving, stowe demonstrates how the shift from cultured traveler to tourist influenced even the most renowned literary celebrities, a class that was once the core of american cosmopolitanism. margaret fuller is easily one of the most cosmopolitan figures of the antebellum period. from a very young age, she received extensive education in both modern and classical languages, and she could read latin, greek, french, and italian by the age of eight (durning ). like taylor, but to a greater extent, fuller was also a translator. her first two published books were translations of johann peter eckermann’s conversations with goethe and “bettina von arnim’s correspondence with the poet karoline von günderode” (durning - ). fuller also translated goethe’s torquanto tasso, although it was not published until after her death ( ). indeed, russell e. durning’s book margaret fuller, citizen of the world is dedicated to analyzing fuller’s engagement with the languages and literatures of europe and her role “in making european literature known in america” ( ). charles capper, too, calls fuller “one of america’s first truly cosmopolitan intellectuals” (xiii). not surprisingly, when offered the opportunity to travel to europe with friends in , fuller eagerly embraced the opportunity (murray ). like taylor, fuller funded her travels, in part, by writing letters for the new york tribune. she began her trip in england, visited paris, and then remained in italy until , witnessing the unsuccessful italian revolution of - . harriet beecher stowe traveled to europe for the first time in , after the record-breaking success of uncle tom’s cabin (hedrick ). she spent the first part of the trip in england and scotland, where she toured antislavery societies. due to what joan d. hedrick calls “women’s enforced retirement from public speech,” stowe herself did not speak at these meetings, but her husband (calvin) or her brother (charles) delivered speeches she had written, and sometimes calvin composed his own (hedrick bell gale chevigny describes fuller’s shifting balance between nationalism and cosmopolitanism, arguing that, at first, fuller’s “growing italianization deepened and sharpened her americanness[,]. . . enabl[ing] her to discover how italian and american concerns were actually married, and to better identify america’s peculiar needs” ( ). however, chevigny argues that fuller’s focus on american concerns shifted as fuller rejected the “myth of america’s unique destiny” and “urged instead an egalitarian cosmopolitanism, which would reposition america morally as one nation among many” ( ). after her death, fuller’s brother arthur b. fuller collected much of her travel writing in at home and abroad; or, things and thoughts in america and europe ( ). i will use the modern and more complete edition of fuller’s tribune letters, “these sad but glorious days”: dispatches from europe, - (yale up, ). famously, during these years in italy, fuller also became involved with giovanni angelo ossoli, conceived a child, and likely married the italian in secret. when they finally decided to return to america, their ship was wrecked less than a mile away from fire island, new york. fuller refused to attempt to swim to shore, and the entire family drowned. this fascinating personal history can be found in fuller’s private correspondence, but it plays little role in the tribune dispatches, which are the subject of my reading. see meg mcgavran murray’s biography, margaret fuller: wandering pilgrim, for more details of fuller’s dramatic final years. ; foster, “construction” - ). the result of this arrangement was that stowe’s husband drew all negative criticism in the partisan world of antislavery societies, while “the public could attribute its most cherished views to [harriet] without any evidence to contradict them” (hedrick ). exhausted by the constant criticism, stowe’s husband returned to the states while his wife continued with the rest of her party to tour the continent. after returning home, stowe collected, edited, or composed a series of “letters” which she combined with sections of her brother’s journal and transcripts of the various speeches given in her honor; the result is sunny memories of foreign lands ( ) (foster, “construction” - ). like views a-foot, stowe’s travelogue became a guidebook for large numbers of traveling americans (s. wright). comparing fuller’s tribune dispatches with sunny memories reveals a clear decrease in cultural involvement from fuller to stowe, a difference which is indicative of the general, if gradual, shift from cooper’s travel to twain’s tourism. fuller helps illustrate this change when she outlines what she sees as the three types of american travelers. in contrast to the extremes of the “servile american,” who without reflection puts whatever is fashionable in europe above anything at home, and the “conceited american,” who finds nothing worthwhile abroad in comparison to his own provincial tastes, fuller praises “[t]he thinking american—a man who, recognizing the immense advantage of being born to a new world and on a virgin soil, yet does not wish one seed from the past to be lost” ( - ). fuller’s ideal relation to europe is an appreciation of what is valuable both in the future of america and in the european past, the golden mean of this spectrum, and a fair description of cooper’s cosmopolitanism. all three positions might exist at any point in the history of american travel, but while early travelers tended to be more in awe of european culture (often without sacrificing a concurrent sense of patriotism), later travelers had more culture to be proud of at home and felt less indebted to european history and monuments. fuller’s and stowe’s relative images abroad illustrate this gradual change. one factor that both accompanied and influenced traveling americans’ decreased involvement in european culture was the united states’ changing cultural status. in her first letter, fuller notes modest increases in the prominence of american writing in europe including passages from the bostonian dial included in an address by the director of the liverpool institute and extracts of american writers in bradshaw’s railway guide ( - ). fuller’s own moderate fame as an american author allows her to meet with literary and cultural figures to which the average traveler would not have had access, including william wordsworth and thomas carlyle ( , ). in private correspondence, fuller reports “that an english edition of her papers on literature and art had ‘been courteously greeted in the london journals’ and that woman in the nineteenth century ‘has been read and prized by many,’ including mazzini” (murray ). it is clear, however, that fuller was primarily known only in select intellectual circles and was not familiar to the general populace of europe. stowe, on the other hand, was undeniably a celebrity in europe as in the united states. her biographer describes how stowe’s “receptions swelled in size and enthusiasm as stowe made her triumphant tour of great britain, where the sales of uncle tom’s cabin were more than triple the already phenomenal figures of the united states, reaching a million and a half in the first year” (hedrick ). stowe’s prominence is made clear in one of the speeches given in her honor, a speech she includes in sunny memories. the rev. c.m. birrell describes how uncle tom’s cabin is “going forth over the whole earth” and remarks on editions circulated in belgium, published by the “priests of the church of rome,” and, in st. petersburg, even “translated into the russian tongue” (i: xxi). stowe travels in part to see the famous sights of europe, but she also finds hundreds of europeans flocking to see her (s. wright). throughout her travels, stowe discovers that a scottish family (i: ), a musician at a french salon (ii: - ), and italian schoolchildren (ii: ), among others, are all familiar with her work. in a secluded village in the alps, the villagers entreat the bestselling author, “o, madam, do write another! remember, our winter nights here are very long!” (ii: ). stowe may not have raised the value of american literature in european eyes singlehandedly, but another passage from a speech given in stowe’s honor suggests the great difference uncle tom had made: let us hear no more of the poverty of american brains, or the barrenness of american literature. had it produced only uncle tom’s cabin, it had evaded contempt just as certainly as don quixote, had there been no other product of the spanish mind, would have rendered it forever illustrious. (i: xxxviii) with an interesting correspondence to the commercialization of tourism, whitney womack smith describes how, during stowe’s visit to england, the popularity of uncle tom’s cabin “spawned an early example of a merchandising tie-in; abolitionist groups and english shopkeepers sold mass-produced ‘uncle tom’ goods, including almanacs, cups, picture books, card games, stationery, handkerchiefs, and dolls with likenesses of characters like uncle tom and little eva” ( ). indeed, denise kohn, sarah meer, and emily b. todd note that “by the novel had been translated into french, italian, welsh, german, portuguese, spanish, norwegian, and slovenian, among other languages” (xviii). this increased fame and recognition of american literature in europe contributed to a growing sense of america’s own cultural value and, consequently for many travelers, a decline in their appreciation of the european culture previously viewed as superior. unlike the trips of many of their female contemporaries, fuller’s and stowe’s experiences abroad are remarkable for their engagement in politics, fuller in the italian revolution and stowe in the antislavery movement. in this sense, the travel writings of both show greater depth than taylor’s focus on local color and idle amusements. apart from this similarity, however, fuller’s tribune dispatches and stowe’s sunny memories represent a shift in the nature of travel from cultural participation to tourism. fuller’s dispatches describe the changing technology of travel that contributes to the rise of tourism. for example, she recommends taking passage, as she did, on a steamer rather than on an older sailing ship. the increased accessibility, speed, and convenience of steamers would set the tone for the new, shorter tour made more accessible to middle-class travelers (sides ). yet, while fuller praises the steamer, she calls the railroad “that convenient but most unprofitable and stupid way of traveling” ( ). speed and convenience make tourism pleasant and efficient, but, as with taylor’s vetturino, they prevent a more active engagement with the land and its people. kohn, meer, and todd observe a similar change in the relative respect given to american culture abroad: “oddly juxtaposing accounts of stowe’s literary pilgrimages (typical of an old world tour) and her reception in britain (crowds gathering to greet her train), sunny memories of foreign lands illustrates the beginnings of a cultural shift in british and american relations” (xxv). taking this argument a step further, schriber calls sunny memories “stowe’s declaration of independence from the old world” and argues that stowe “thinks it imperative that americans free themselves culturally and stand on their own two feet” ( ). at the same time, fuller is careful to distinguish her travel from what was already a growing trend of superficial tourism. this critique is made apparent when she writes: the traveler passing along the beaten track, vetturinoed from inn to inn, ciceroned from gallery to gallery, thrown, through indolence, want of tact, or ignorance of the language, too much into the society of his compatriots, sees the least possible of the country. ( - ) the conveniences of tourism’s various guides, its standard itinerary of sights, and the ignorance of local languages such infrastructure allows all contribute to the superficiality of this new trend of european travel. although fuller’s initial travels in england and france follow a touristic model (roberson ), and she admits, “like others, i went through the painful process of sight-seeing, so unnatural everywhere, so counter to the healthful methods and true life of the mind,” she is glad to report, “i now really live in rome, and i begin to see and feel the real rome” (fuller - ). beyond the usual practice of criticizing mere tourists, a ubiquitous trope which, as james buzard argues, is as much a part of the “beaten track” of travel writing as any ciceroned gallery ( , - ), fuller’s thoughts on tourism, as well as her legitimate participation in italian politics and society, demonstrate a clear allegiance to the earlier mode of european travel. in great britain, stowe’s fame and political activism may have separated her from the usual tourist, but her british sightseeing, her later tour of the continent, and her a number of critics have also examined fuller’s relationship to tourism and anti- tourism. leonardo buonomo emphasizes how fuller “repeatedly expressed aspiration to be a part of the scene, a scene made of people to meet, places to explore, and historical incidents of great import” ( ). john paul russo also asserts that “fuller did not fall victim to the ‘tourist gaze,’” but instead “stresses the need to see things slowly” ( - ). taking a somewhat more complex view, heidi kolk describes fuller’s “‘dialogic’ negotiation with travel narrative” and her recognition of “a certain dissonance—between her real experiences and her provisional power as travel correspondent, between her status as leisure traveler and her vicarious participation in the revolution, between her identities as intellectual and as woman” ( , ). account of those travels in sunny memories all participate in and support exactly the kind of travel “along the beaten track” that fuller critiques. particularly in the continental sections of the trip, stowe’s travel is essentially touristic (roberson - ; hedrick ; s. wright). like her fellow tourists, stowe does not seek new and potentially enlightening experiences, but visits sights which are “already imaginatively familiar” in order to “confirm what [she] already believe[s]” (roberson ). the lack of depth in stowe’s impressions comes across in one of her concluding discussions of national character. she writes: i liked the english and the scotch as well as i could like any thing. and now, i equally like the french. . . . so i regard nations as parts of a great common body, and national differences as necessary to a common humanity. i thought, when in english society, that it was as perfect and delightful as it could be. there was worth of character, strength of principle, true sincerity, and friendship, charmingly expressed. i have found all these, too, among the french, and besides them, something which charms me the more, because it is peculiar to the french, and of a kind wholly different in contrast, some critics have emphasized the significance of stowe’s travel and travel writing beyond the merely touristic. donald ross, for example, argues that stowe aimed “to capitalize on the publicity that her trip had created in order to bring together the american and british antislavery movements and mend fences among their factions” ( ). while this may be a nobler goal than pure tourism, it still shows a lack of real concern for experiencing the culture of europe. instead, stowe focuses on showcasing herself and using her position to help an american cause. she is touring as much to be seen as to see the sights of britain. in an even more extreme attempt to recover the value of stowe’s travel writing, foster argues that stowe presented herself in a self-consciously ironic way that “prefigures the multivocalism of mark twain’s innocents abroad and a tramp abroad, especially in its use of self-reflexive irony, with both writers exploiting the relationship between a public, representative persona and a more private, individualistic observer” (“construction” - ). while stowe may have had the ironic view of her position as tourist that foster describes, it is too subtly (if at all) conveyed in sunny memories, so that even most modern readers have taken her position at face value. my purpose is neither to defend stowe’s self-awareness nor to condemn her superficiality. for the purposes of the chronology of travel i am describing, the surface position most clearly avowed by stowe has greater influence on her readers than whatever private views she might have held. from any i have ever had an experience of before. there is an iris-like variety and versatility of nature . . . which is very captivating. (ii: - ) true to the sunniness her title promises, stowe finds such national differences “perfect and delightful as . . . could be.” beyond her enjoyment of regional idiosyncrasies, however, there is little substance to her observations. she is as pleased with varieties of character as any tourist is pleased with sights. for such a tourist, galleries and old buildings may be “delightful” in their minor differences, but little is gained from such observation. not surprisingly, fuller’s and stowe’s differing emphases on the actual culture and daily life of europe—in contrast to its guidebook sights—corresponds to their understanding of local languages. as previously noted, fuller left the united states with an already extensive linguistic education, and her immersion in european society gave her ample opportunity to become fluent in both french and italian. indeed, when fuller first met her future lover ossoli, he spoke no english, so their growing relationship depended upon her own italian (see barolini ; murray ). fuller criticizes the kind of american tourist stowe will become when she writes, “the american, on many points, becomes more ignorant for coming abroad, because he attaches some value to his crude impressions and frequent blunders,” adding, “it is necessary to speak the language of these countries and know personally some of their inhabitants in order to form any accurate impressions” ( ). for fuller, speaking the local language is an essential part of worthwhile travel. according to durning, fuller had some difficulty keeping up with french conversation in paris, but during her residence in italy, she became fluent in french as well as italian ( ). in contrast, stowe had only a limited understanding of foreign languages throughout her trip to europe. while fuller’s prior education and dedication to improving her fluency allowed her to enjoy a true residence in italy, stowe, despite her fame, could never move deeper into european society than the company of those who knew english. in sunny memories, as stowe tours the sights, this language barrier hampers her appreciation for what she is seeing. when the party goes to see the luther relics, for example, they first have difficulty communicating what they want, and then, when a guide does arrive, she is “a little woman who spoke no english, whom, guide book in hand, we followed” (ii: ). similarly led by a non-english-speaking guide in the vaults of the pantheon, stowe reports, “we were marched to a place where our guide made a long speech about a stone in the floor—very instructive, doubtless, if i had known what it was” (ii: ). stowe’s appreciation for what she tours is inevitably diminished when she cannot understand what she is seeing. eventually, as the numbers of such monolingual travelers increased, hotels and other businesses of the tourist industry began to compensate for their linguistic limitations. stowe already reports, “in every hotel of each large city, there is a man who speaks english. the english language is slowly and surely creeping through europe; already it rivals the universality of the french” (ii: - ). the problem with such accommodation, however, is that it encourages and supports the growing number of tourists who never learn more than a smattering of the local language. taylor, like stowe, arrived in europe with little foreign language education, but he was forced to learn to communicate abroad. as the century progressed, and the numbers of english-speaking tourists increased, learning the local language became less and less of a necessity. another aspect of fuller’s and stowe’s disparate relations to linguistic difference is the role of translation in their travel writing and in their careers. of all of the writers examined in this study, fuller has been given by far the most attention as a professional translator. durning is critical of fuller’s early translation of goethe’s tasso, but finds a “progressive improvement” in her subsequent translations (durning - , ). his analysis of this development, particularly of fuller’s realization that translation is more challenging than she might have first thought, suggests that fuller developed an increasingly nuanced understanding of the nature of translation throughout her career. taking a more theoretical approach, christina zwarg uses fuller’s translations to examine “the way in which ‘feminist’ issues are often enmeshed and perhaps even articulated through the task of the translator” ( ). colleen glenney boggs devotes an entire chapter to fuller’s translations, arguing that fuller “developed a strategy of fragmentation and suture that brings into being an american literature that is domestically and globally transnational—or, we might say, translational” ( ). as evocative as arguments of the type made by boggs and zwarg can be, they seem somewhat too easily to find in fuller’s work all that is recognized as positive by modern transnational, postcolonial, feminist (and so on) theory, rather than examining fuller’s translations in a more historical context. nevertheless, fuller’s role as a translator is central to understanding her relationship to europe. karen a. english similarly describes how fuller is “initially mistaken about the ease of translating . . . noncanonical works of conversation and correspondence,” but how, over time, she develops a more sophisticated theory of translation in her recognition “that different kinds of writing require different kinds of translation strategies” ( ). after fuller discovers that it requires six months’ residence in italy to become fluent in italian, her understanding of the difficulties of bilingualism and translation develops even further (english ). karen a. english is alone in devoting much attention to the translations embedded within fuller’s tribune dispatches. she calls fuller “an interpreter of italian politics and culture for american newspaper readers” and counts “twenty-seven translated texts” in fuller’s dispatches ( ). in contrast to cooper’s practice of leaving foreign language untranslated, fuller’s inclusion of these translations could be read as another aspect of the touristic apparatus encouraging monolingualism. however, in contrast to taylor, fuller does not aim to obviate further study of italian language and culture. joseph c. schöpp confirms this difference when he argues that “fuller regarded translation as more than just ‘an act of simple importation,’” and that her translations “were meant to initiate a dialogue between cultures” ( ). further, durning describes how fuller desired her readers to learn foreign language, and how “she was eager to acquaint her readers with the proper tools and methods for acquiring their own knowledge of the german language so that they would not have to depend upon translations of its masterpieces” ( ). while taylor clearly intended his faust to be a substitute for the original, fuller translates documents of the italian revolution in order to draw her readers into further engagement with italian politics and culture. indeed, wanting more than merely to “initiate a dialogue,” fuller translated documents of the revolution as part of a call to action. in the winter of - , she writes, “i earnestly hope some expression of sympathy from my country toward italy. take a good chance and do something” ( ). the following summer, in one of her last dispatches, fuller emphases her call to action even further by writing, “i see you have meetings, where you speak of the italians, the hungarians. i pray you do something; let it not end in a mere cry of sentiment” ( ). as english argues, “by making her readers privy (through translation and publication) to the complex flow of historical documents and events marking the political upheavals of the italian revolution, fuller draws them into the circle of her personal experience and provides them with perspectives that transcend national boundaries and language barriers” ( ). while taylor’s translations gave readers linguistically picturesque tidbits of european verse for superficial enjoyment and local color, fuller presents her translations of political documents with a sense of urgency. for example, fuller introduces her translation of letters “from the milanese government . . . to the germans at large and the countries under the dominion of austria” by noting that she translates them, “thinking they may not in other form reach america” ( ). fuller sees such documents as politically essential yet ephemeral, and takes advantage of her residence in italy at such an important historical moment to bring information to her american readers that they otherwise might not receive. in striking contrast to fuller, stowe is unable to understand or translate much of the language of europe, but she herself has been widely translated. for stowe, all communication with europe occurs at a remove. because of the period’s protocols of female propriety, stowe does not deliver her own speeches in britain, and many of the europeans she meets have read her novel in translation. while touring the continent, stowe also relies on her brother to translate much of what she cannot understand. when telling her brother to be careful of avalanches she says, only half in jest, “i could not spare you; first, because i have not learned french enough yet; and next, because i don’t know how to make change” (ii: ). indeed, the men in stowe’s life act as mediators stowe’s correlation of linguistic and economic exchange in this comic warning have echoes in twain’s similar complaints about foreign language and money in innocents abroad. throughout the entire tour—not only do they deliver speeches, translate conversations, and broker commercial transactions, but stowe even allows her brother to speak for her in her own travelogue by including large sections of his journal with minimal alterations (foster, “construction” - ). an anecdote described by boggs epitomizes stowe’s touristic view of european language. as boggs reports, “on her first trip to europe, [stowe] hired a native speaker to instruct her by reading ‘several pages from uncle tom in french’” ( ). thus, even when she does attempt to learn some of the local language, stowe misses the opportunity to receive european cultural content at the same time and instead, with a hint of megalomania, listens to a translation of her own novel. like fuller, stowe also receives her own chapter in boggs’s study of translation in nineteenth-century american literature, but not for undertaking any of her own translations. instead, translation lies at the center of a lawsuit stowe fought shortly before leaving for her tour. in , stowe sued f. w. thomas for infringing on her copyright of uncle tom’s cabin with an unauthorized german translation published in america, stowe herself having commissioned her own german translation (boggs - ). in claiming that a translation should be subject to the same copyright laws as a reprinting, stowe’s suit treats a translation as an exact copy of the original. as boggs has examined in depth, the suit consequently raises the important issue of whether the act of translation requires sufficient creativity and invention to make it the translator’s own intellectual property. as interesting as these debates may be, stowe’s varied remarks about translation throughout sunny memories make it unlikely that she has contemplated it in these terms. for example, as boggs also notes, the argument for stowe’s side of the litigation appears to contradict her praise of madame belloc’s french translation of uncle tom’s cabin, which was published in france. stowe writes in sunny memories: [madame belloc’s] translation of uncle tom has to me all the merit and all the interest of an original composition. in perusing it i enjoy the pleasure of reading the story with scarce any consciousness of its ever having been mine. (ii: ) comparing this statement with the rationale of the lawsuit, boggs argues that “stowe distinguishes between translation as an international and an intranational practice” ( ). although boggs’s subsequent analysis of the lawsuit provides a fascinating account of different contemporary views of translation, copyright, and authorship, her conclusion is not entirely convincing because it ignores the more obvious financial motive for stowe’s apparent double standard—the desire to secure as much royalty money as possible. moreover, sunny memories contains yet another seemingly contradictory statement about translation: hamlet in french—just think of it. one never feels the national difference so much as in thinking of shakespeare in french! madame de stael says of translation, that music written for one instrument cannot be played upon another. (ii: ) while stowe implies that the unauthorized german translation of uncle tom is an exact copy, and calls the french translation an original composition, she suggests here that a translation of shakespeare should not even be attempted. to me, the most likely explanation for such inconsistency is that stowe has not theorized the practice of translation much at all, and so her ideas about what it entails are subordinate in any given statement to other social, cultural, or economic factors. in the case of stowe’s lawsuit, boggs further explains, “in international contexts, [stowe] thinks of translation as a new composition, yet wishes for translation within the american context to be an exact copy of the original” ( ). treating a translation as its own work hurts her financially, so she wants it covered under her own copyright. when complimenting belloc’s french translation, stowe is being gracious to a woman who has hosted her in paris while praising a work that can only increase her fame in a country where there is no possibility of holding a copyright. because stowe accedes to shakespeare’s conventional status as an icon of english literature, her passing remarks on hamlet in french fall into the “translator, traitor” school. it is clear that stowe has not thought enough about the nature of translation to form any firm opinions about it. by extension, it is likely that she willingly accepts her mediated involvement in european society because she has not fully considered what might be lost in such a translation. for all that fuller and stowe have in common—their interest in politics, their gender, their prominence as writers, and the closeness of their trips chronologically—a comparison of the roles that foreign language and translation play in their european travel writing illustrates how the general shift in american travel was also occurring in the travel of famed american authors. like her cosmopolitan literary predecessors, fuller spoke many foreign languages, and although she translated extensively to bring foreign literature and philosophy to american readers, she also demonstrated a clear desire for those readers to learn the original languages. stowe’s own writing was already extensively translated and reprinted, so she enjoyed greater fame upon her arrival in europe than any of her american predecessors. but stowe did not speak the languages of europe, and so she relied upon interpreters while on the continent. as technology made travel to europe more accessible to americans outside of the elite intellectual and wealthy classes, going abroad became less about participating in the cultural life of europe, with the knowledge of foreign languages such participation entailed. despite her fame and access to european society, stowe, like many other american travelers at mid- century, focused on seeing the sights along a beaten track—insulated from the necessity of communicating across language barriers and hence removed from any real cultural involvement. thus, while writers such as cooper and irving, or ben franklin and thomas paine before them, were once the most cosmopolitan of american travelers, stowe demonstrates how the decreased cultural depth of tourism—initiated by middle-class americans with less access to wealth, education, and status—began to affect how even the more famed american authors approached their time abroad. as this new mode of touring grew in prominence, even melville was not immune to its influence. melville on tour before beginning his literary career, melville traveled the world as a sailor, and the works inspired by those years depict travel as an occupation rather than a pastime. in , however, melville visited europe and the levant for a more touristic purpose. although this study has previously drawn a clear distinction between travel to europe and to parts of the non-western world, melville’s tour of the holy land is a fitting conclusion to this chapter for two reasons. first, because melville had always afforded “savage” languages a degree of cosmopolitan respect— incorporating polynesian words in his texts in the same way that cooper included french—a change in his treatment of any language marks a personal shift in the treatment of linguistic difference, a departure from the same kind of cosmopolitan appreciation with which cooper and his contemporaries viewed european languages. second, and perhaps more importantly, the inclusion of the levant in a sightseeing tour bespeaks the general expansion of touristic travel beyond europe, foreshadowing the conflation of all linguistic difference by century’s end. in this way, clarel is an obvious precursor to twain’s innocents abroad. the once essential distinction between western and non-western language will become far less important in the following discussions. in his introduction to melville’s journal of the trip, howard c. horsford contends that the author’s visit to the levant is much like those of “hundreds of accounts written by travelers,” and that melville’s subsequent movements in europe “followed tracks beaten wide and deep by english and american tourists” ( ). melville’s journal entry about his visit to frankfurt is indicative of his largely touristic itinerary: “after dinner smythe invited us to ride about town.—goethe’s statue. faust’s. cathedral. luther’s preaching place. river side. park. jews quarter. rothschilds home. &c &c &c” ( - ). it is important to note that these jottings differ from the other works examined here in that they are not finished and published prose. they are what franklin walker calls “the sort of account kept by a writer who intends to draw on it later for literary work,” including primarily “day-by-day items of observation or sentences of reflection on these observations” ( ). still, melville’s abbreviated descriptions indicate a mode of travel primarily concerned with seeing the notable sights, checking off boxes in the tourist’s typical itinerary. while laurie robertson-lorant praises melville’s journal as having nearly “the depth and intensity of his best prose fiction” ( ), in conjunction with clarel, other critics seek to distinguish melville’s travel from the usual mode of tourism. for example, vincent kenny insists that melville’s “religious pilgrimage” distinguishes itself from the superficiality of most travelers of the period (herman ). however, kenny also notes that “melville became more the tourist after [his] disheartening experience” in the holy land (“clarel” ). it exemplifies a final shift in melville’s writing from an engagement with multilingualism to the circumvention of linguistic difference. in spite of redburn’s realization that he can see more of the world at the liverpool docks than by visiting the sights of england, melville’s own trip is full of both guides and guidebooks. horsford notes that, “like most english and american tourists, [melville] almost unquestionably carried a good supply of the various handbooks for travellers issued by john murray of london” ( ). melville also frequently reports his use of a personal guide, including while in constantinople ( ), smyrna ( ), jerusalem ( - ), rome ( ), and venice ( ). martyn smith, too, notes the discrepancy between melville’s own experience with guidebooks and that of his character redburn, arguing that, “[t]raveling without the advantage of unlimited funds, [melville] clearly understood the utility of these inexpensive guidebooks” ( ). in constantinople, melville emphasizes this economic aspect of touristic travel when he notes, “breakfast at a.m. took guide ($ . per day) and started a tour” ( ). as part of the middle class to which travel was becoming increasingly accessible, melville cannot engage in the kind of extended stay in society enjoyed by cooper. instead, he must use the convenience of guided travel to maximize what he can see and do on a limited budget. in addition to his typically touristic reliance on guides, the quality of melville’s travel is also affected by the new technologies fuller observed. for example, at the beginning of january , melville complains, “it racks me, that i can only spend one day in cairo, owing to the steamer,” and he notes shortly after, “steamer for jaffa will not sail till tomorrow, so that i am wearied to death with two days in alexandria which might have been delightfully spent in cairo” ( ). although melville would like to follow his own itinerary according to his intellectual pursuits, he is forced to conform to the apparatuses of tourism. melville similarly describes how the railroad, another technology of more convenient tourism, has the potential for further drawing the traveler out of any real engagement with his destination. melville notes in his descriptions of the cairo railroad, “from the car ( st class) you seem in england. all else egypt” ( ). those who can afford to travel with the most luxury and convenience also remove themselves from any genuine experience of the foreign. melville thus is both an observer and a participant in the increasingly touristic nature of american travel. true to his presentation of foreign language in earlier works, however, melville still demonstrates an interest in the experience of multilingualism, even if new technology and the availability of english-speaking guides lessen the impact of foreign language on the traveler. at first, melville seems overwhelmed by the multiplicity of languages he hears at a steamer landing in greece. as kim fortuny insightfully observes, “diversity and dilapidation come hand in hand in the paragraphs, and melville’s attraction to the first never seems tempered by his discomfort with the latter” ( ). melville describes: “great uproar of the porters & contention for luggage. imagine an immense accumulation of the rags of all nations, & all colors rained down on a dense mob all struggling for huge bales & bundles of rags, gesturing with all gestures & wrangling in all tongues” ( ). with each person struggling with the logistics of travel, the multiplicity of languages and nationalities leads to chaos, and it is impossible to derive anything but further confusion from the hubbub. melville describes a similar experience in constantinople: great crowds of all nations—money changers—coins of all nations circulate—placards in four or five languages; [(turkish, french, greek, armenian) lottery.] advertisements of boats the same. you feel you are among the nations. great curse that of babel; not being able to talk to a fellow being, &c.—have to beware of your pockets. ( - , brackets in original) once again, melville couples linguistic difference with monetary exchange as the currency of one economic system is translated into another. in this multinational environment, there is no single accepted currency, but all parties must struggle to make different systems commensurable as “coins of all nations circulate.” likewise, vendors use multiple languages to advertise what may be bought. melville seems to relish the internationalism of the scene, but, while his respect of native language in typee followed cooper in its valuation of linguistic difference, melville wishes here, as he imagines in redburn, that the “curse of babel be revoked.” still, he does not, like twain’s exaggerated american persona, shun the foreign altogether. melville still recognizes the value of communication and exchange with other cultures, longing for a universal language that would make such communication less problematic. nevertheless, it is important to recognize, as discussed in the introduction, that this extreme form of cosmopolitanism has a tendency to slide into imperialistic coercion, forcing seemingly “inferior” cultures to lose their own sense of identity as they join a universal(ly western) brotherhood. moreover, melville’s yearning for the global fellowship a universal language would provide is undercut by his apparent fear of theft. just as the various lottery signs invite all nationalities to gamble their money away, the scene of international exchange becomes one of foreign threat as the confusion of multilingualism makes travelers easy marks for pickpockets. in this sense, the scene in greece bears a marked resemblance to the confidence-man, the manuscript of which melville had carried to london on the first leg of his journey, the journal contains a number of such passages emphasizing the multilingualism of travel and the potential chaos of international exchange. years later, however, when melville used the impressions of his - trip as inspiration for the epic poem clarel ( ), much of this multilingualism was effaced. as brian yothers describes, melville shaped the raw material of his journal into “a massive narrative poem” that “struggles to achieve a truthful reconstruction of the holy land precisely by using the latitude provided by fiction and poetry” (romance ). the majority of clarel comprises the characters’ inner monologs and philosophical discussions, and those who have examined it in depth accordingly focus on the nature and possibility of religious belief instead of reading clarel as a kind of travelogue. vincent kenny argues that clarel’s “journey through the holy land is to be his initiation into the awful mystery of tragic existence” (herman ), and william potter calls the work “nothing less than a hugely conceived study of the very nature of all belief” (xiii). in contrast to more pedestrian works of travel literature (no pun intended), clarel has a complex relationship to its place. on the one hand, as numerous critics have pointed out, the profound significance of the holy land inevitably shapes the philosophical content of the work, and melville’s own and which was published in both new york and london while he was in italy (horsford - ). focusing on the centrality of philosophical discussion, buell calls clarel “a semi- omnisciently orchestrated dialogue among contending participant-observers” (“poet” ). robert milder also sees the work as “melville’s attempt to sift the range of intellectual and emotional responses to the later nineteenth-century crisis of belief” ( ). stan goldman represents an even more specifically religious reading in his discussion of what he calls melville’s “‘protest theism’: a paradoxical combination and coalescence of both protest and love based on the need that the unsatisfied heart has for god” ( ). pilgrimage occurred at a moment of personal turmoil that influenced his impressions of the place (see jonik ; kenny, herman ; yothers, romance ). on the other hand, what harvey calls the “[e]xceptionally cosmopolitan . . . pilgrim group” fosters a variety of intellectual issues that transcend the locality of their pilgrimage ( ). clarel cannot be ignored in a study of melville’s engagement with travel, although the issues i will examine here admittedly comprise only a small fraction of the poem’s depth. to some extent, clarel does continue melville’s previous treatment of the nature of travel. at first, as in redburn, melville sets up a contrast between the youthful dreams inspired by books and the reality of actual travel. in the opening canto, clarel muses, “needs be my soul, / purged by the desert’s subtle air / from bookish vapors” (i. . - ). further comparing the reality of seeing the levant to what he has read, clarel reflects: “the books, the books not all have told” (i. . ). this contrast between traveling and reading about foreign lands is accompanied by what shirley m. dettlaff calls the “pilgrim/tourist dichotomy” ( ). according to dettlaff, melville contrasts “the hebraic pilgrim, who realizes that the journey is a spiritual one like those taken by the great saints” with “the sightseeing trip taken by a hellenic tourist,” and, as dettlaff several others have likewise emphasized clarel’s cosmopolitanism. dennis berthold argues that “clarel is not just about the author’s experiences, american politics, or palestine; rather, it is a cosmopolitan epic whose manifold ideologies demand a transnational perspective” ( ). wyn kelley argues that “clarel provides a rich canvas of teeming human activity, within which people from every conceivable region, religious background, and racial and cultural identity converge at the world’s most cosmopolitan city, lending it the diversity of their many voices and opinions” (herman ). for amy kaplan, melville depicts in clarel a “polyglot world” that “represents an extraordinary interaction of peoples and cultures as they circulate through cities of the levant” (“transnational” ). as the following reading will demonstrate, however, this potential multilingualism may be implied, but it is not depicted in the same way as the foreign languages in melville’s earlier works. argues, clarel’s “journey into the desert begins as the pseudo-quest of a mere traveler, since he still does not understand the nature of the true pilgrimage” ( , ). the contrasts between tourist and pilgrim and between books and reality come into focus in clarel’s encounter with the tract dispenser nehemiah. on the surface, “the elder” man seems to inspire clarel to become a religious pilgrim instead of a touristic and superficial traveler: a strain of trouble seamed the elder brow: “a pilgrim art thou? pilgrim thou?” words simple, which in clarel bred more than the simple saint divined; and, thinking of vocation fled, himself he asked: or do i rave, or have i left now far behind the student of the sacred lore? direct he then this answer gave: “i am a traveler—no more.” (i. . - ) in his reflections and his response, clarel renounces the identity (shared with redburn) of a youthful student of books traveling to see his dreams made real. the object of clarel’s study will become the land itself rather than the “sacred lore” he has read about it. if nehemiah is clarel’s model of a pilgrim, however, he is an exemplar of religious and psychological depth but not of linguistic diversity. nehemiah is one in a series of americans that clarel meets in the holy land, coming from “[h]is home by narragansett’s marge” (i. . ). thus the meeting represents not an encounter with the foreign but a displaced form of the domestic, much like the expatriate communities traveling americans found in increasing numbers toward the end of the century. just as nehemiah addresses clarel in unproblematically understandable english, melville associates his tracts with the curse of babel’s reversal: “his tracts all fluttering like tongues / the fire-flakes of the pentecost” (i. . - ). when the apostles began speaking in tongues, their speech was both the polyglot babble described by melville in his journal and a model of universal comprehensibility. nehemiah represents this transcendence of linguistic difference. the journal’s description of a similar tract dispenser is even more cynical: “the old connecticut man wandering about with tracts &c — knew not the language — hopelessness of it — his lonely batchelor rooms [sic]” ( - ). here, the pentecostal hope of the curse of babel’s reversal is undercut by the connecticut man’s linguistic ignorance (see horsford’s footnote - n ). although the tract dispenser’s religious propaganda may aim to overcome the curse of babel, his ignorance of the local language prevents him from achieving a more practical level of understanding. he is a hopelessly lonely figure, cut off from real intercourse with his fellow men. clarel’s early encounter with the american nehemiah is part of a larger trend throughout the work. in sharp contrast to the experiences of tommo on nukuhiva, clarel meets more fellow pilgrims and travelers than locals, and, consequently, he has little need to understand languages other than english. lawrence buell emphasizes clarel’s “medley of culturally disparate individuals,” but he admits that “america is disproportionately represented, most of the featured pilgrims being american expatriates or wanderers” (“question” ). in addition to clarel and nehemiah, two other central characters, rolfe and vine, are american. derwent, mortmain, and glaucon are also visitors to the holy land, although they are from europe. when the pilgrims are joined by three others after leaving mar saba, one of them, ungar, is again an american. tim wood goes so far as to argue that the setting of clarel “obscures an underlying american geography,” which he further describes as the “puritan transplantation of a biblical landscape” ( ). even critics who emphasize the diversity of melville’s characters focus on extra-national characteristics such as religious belief (potter ), or, even more extremely, the work’s “catalogue of depersonalizations in which the landscape presses on characters and effaces boundaries of the individual and the human” (jonik ). the pilgrims may be cosmopolitan, but the effect of this diversity is not the broadening of clarel’s cultural horizons but the discussion’s removal to a level beyond national difference. while tommo found himself to be the rare foreigner among native polynesians, clarel remains in a substantial company of countrymen, and the vast majority of people he meets are travelers rather than locals. the various nationalities represented by clarel’s party could have provided an opportunity for multilingualism, but all conversation occurs unproblematically in english. while typee and omoo are interspersed with polynesian in an effort to represent the multilingualism of the south pacific, clarel, despite the babelian confusion melville describes in his journal, contains only a smattering of foreign words. the few examples of such occurrences, notable for their rarity, include “‘resurget’—faintly derwent there. / ‘in pace’—vine” (ii. . - ); “eloi lama sabachthani” (iii. . ); and “vented a resonant, ‘bismillah!’ / strange answer which pealed from on high— / ‘dies iræ, dies illa!’” (iii. . - ). even these examples are all religious and ceremonial language, not the every-day foreign language that would indicate any real engagement with the present life of the holy land. when the “new-comer” don hannibal rohon del aquaviva appears late in the poem, his interspersed and easily understood spanish— which includes “hidalgos” (iv. . ), “reformado” (iv. . ), and “good, excellenza— excellent!” (iv. . )—is still a language of the new world (and western europe) and not of the ancient near east that clarel is visiting. just as often, the narration states that something is either read or heard in a foreign language, but little of the experience of linguistic diversity is conveyed to the reader. one such example is the description of the “paynim” arms held in mar saba: upon one serpent-curving blade love-motto beamed from antar’s rhyme in arabic. a second said (a scimiter the turk had made, and likely, it had clove a skull) in name of god the merciful! a third was given suspended place, and as in salutation waved, and in old greek was finely graved with this: hail, mary, full of grace! (iii. . - ) these inscriptions suggest the diverse linguistic history of the region, but their multilingualism is denoted rather than performed. all translations are given directly and unproblematically, as if all were written in one universal tongue. thus, while melville occasionally describes the levant as polyglot, he does not portray that multilingualism directly. indeed, while typee demonstrates a genuine attempt to depict the complex linguistic situation on nukuhiva, all of clarel is essentially a translation—not only of the polyglot levant into english, but of natural speech into verse. most readings of clarel spend some time examining the poem’s hudibrastic, and often sing-song, prosody. cody marrs argues that “melville’s crooked sentences, meters, and rhymes continually draw attention to the poem’s form” ( ). similarly noting the obtrusiveness of melville’s extremely constricting verse form, robert milder calls the language of clarel “cadences removed at once from natural speech and mellifluent epical speech” ( ). the constraints of melville’s prosodic choices do not necessarily lead to an inferior product, of course. samuel otter, defending melville against the more negative readings of his verse, argues that clarel’s “meter and syntax often convey a divided spiritual, political, and sexual condition” (“how” ). for my purposes, the important point is not what artistic or philosophical merits melville’s metrical choices may have, but simply that clarel’s language is doubly removed from the potential linguistic verisimilitude of the novel or the travelogue genres: not only is it verse rather than prose, but its particular prosody is less natural than most verse forms. in essence, melville translates all language into this constricting doggerel. occasionally, when the main narration introduces a character’s history, the fact of clarel’s pervasive intralingual translation becomes even more apparent. one such example is the preface to nehemiah’s account of nathan: no willing haste the mentor showed; awhile he fed on anxious thoughts; then grievingly the story gave—a tangled thread, which, cleared from snarl and ordered so, follows transferred, with interflow of much nehemiah scarce might add. (i. . - ) bryan short gives an excellent explanation of why tetrameter sounds more sing-song than pentameter. he takes northrop frye’s assertion that “english epic verse naturally tends to a four-beat line” and argues that “the longer line of the english epic tradition— from alliterative to blank verse—permits four accentual stresses to appear in a line less frequently than every other syllable, thus providing a hedge against strict metrics” (“form” - ). conversely, melville’s tetrameter, though not unique among other long poems, is more obtrusively metrical than the blank verse of shakespeare or milton, and its frequent rhyme takes the language even further away from natural speech. just as nehemiah must transfer his own thoughts into his story, the “tangled thread” of his narrative is ostensibly converted into the regular verse of the poem. the story of “arculf and adamnan” is similarly introduced: “but let the page / the narrator’s rambling way forget, / and make to run in even flow / his interrupted tale” (i. . - ). once again, while the original narrative of these stories is irregular and inflected, the reader gets only the smooth and unblemished verse translation. a final example is the introduction to agath’s backstory: but, more of clearness to confer— less dimly to express the thing rude outlined by this mariner, license is claimed in rendering; and tones he felt but scarce might give, the verse essays to interweave. (iv. . - ) the verse translation orders what was once chaotic, while simultaneously professing to reveal what was meant but not fully expressed. in all of these examples, the verisimilitude and polyglotism that characterize a novel (as well as a travel narrative) are subsumed into the regularity of melville’s verse. just as the pilgrims are traveling to behold religious history and not to experience local culture, the poem is not concerned with the everyday speech or the reality of present life in the levant. rather, the stories of the characters and the setting of the work are means to the end of presenting philosophical debates occurring on a level above language. accordingly, while melville as “pilgrim” may be less superficial than his touristic counterparts, he is equally uninterested in experiencing the real life of the places he visits. the character of the dragoman, the party’s guide, is one area where the pilgrims’ sheltering from linguistic difference can be directly connected to the changing nature of travel. according to ada lonni, the dragoman in nineteenth-century jerusalem was the ultimate cultural mediator, one who “interprets, translates, and transposes words and ideas from one language to another, from one culture to another” ( ). yet this role changed with the emergence of mass tourism in the holy land, particularly as organized by thomas cook: [e]verything would be easier: the travelers—whether tourists, pilgrims or scholars—were under protection, travelling without much risk, with a minimum of inconvenience. but also without any chance of fully experiencing the local atmosphere and its peculiarities. (lonni ) lonni describes how, in the wake of these changes, the dragoman was converted into a mere tour guide as cook’s standardization of the tourists’ experience obviated the responsibilities of his previous position as cultural mediator ( - ). the dragoman’s new role is suggested by melville’s depiction of the druze’s isolation from the other characters: “exiled, cut off, in friendless state, / the druze maintained an air sedate; / without the sacrifice of pride, / sagacious still he earned his bread” (ii. . - ). he may play an essential role for clarel and his fellow pilgrims, but he does so quietly and without calling attention to the necessity of his office. after all, the logistics of the tour are far from the central concern of the poem. clarel’s experience may not have the extreme standardization of twain’s, but the limited attention given to what would have been the druze’s traditional role of translator forecasts the lack of cultural exchange that will result from the convenience of modern travel. clarel thus serves as an interesting transitional example between the main body of melville’s work and the representations of tourism found in, and largely espoused by, the travel writings of mark twain. it is easy to claim that melville was more deeply concerned with philosophy and spirituality than twain, but this greater philosophical depth does not continue the profound attention to linguistic and cultural diversity found in melville’s earlier travel writings. indeed, despite its setting and premise, clarel is not so much about visiting the holy land as it is about the holy land’s failure to provide the religious and ontological answers that clarel and melville both seek. melville’s travel in the holy land may differ drastically from twain’s in this philosophical profundity, but the monolingual expatriate community that clarel finds there prefigures the travel and travel writing that will come to dominate in the last decades of the nineteenth century. the four authors examined in this chapter illustrate the many changes in american travel to europe and the extension of european modes of touring beyond the continent. although bayard taylor’s idea of travel derives from his predecessors, genteel and cosmopolitan figures like cooper who spoke the languages of europe and moved in society, taylor was unable to achieve those ideals. the apparatuses of tourism were not so developed in the mid- s that taylor could avoid learning new languages entirely, but views a-foot expands the transformation taylor was already experiencing by encouraging future travelers to seek further linguistic isolation. fuller’s inarguable cosmopolitanism demonstrates that such changes in travel were neither total nor immediate, but a comparison of her tribune dispatches to stowe’s sunny memories further illustrates the rise of tourism, demonstrating how the experiences of literary figures also became increasingly mediated, even as europe’s valuation of american culture rose. although melville remained critical of the growing superficiality epitomized by both taylor and stowe in his fictional retelling of his earlier experiences as a merchant sailor, when he visited europe and the levant later in life, he too was influenced by the increasingly touristic nature of american travel. thus melville, like taylor and stowe, and even fuller to a lesser extent, demonstrates the gradual extension of superficial, touristic travel into the formerly cosmopolitan literary sphere. the lack of attention to local language and culture—which began, for travelers like bayard taylor, with an unavoidable lack of capital, education, and status—developed from an effect of the democratization of european travel into an ideological preference. as travelogues like views a-foot and sunny memories fixed the limited cultural experiences of their authors as a model to be followed, future travelers were not only less able to move in society as did franklin or cooper, but less interested in doing so. the reason for european travel had shifted, and rather than a mind-broadening means of exposure to different languages and cultures, it became an empty commodity, stripped of all engagement with meaningful cultural difference. indeed, as the writings of twain and james will demonstrate, european language and culture seemed no more valuable to many late-nineteenth-century americans than the cannibal cultures of the south seas. chapter mark twain, mass tourism, and american nationalism after the civil war, the increased convenience and superficiality of european travel developed into a full-blown age of tourism. in the s and s, travelers like bayard taylor, margaret fuller, and herman melville had either observed with scorn or taken advantage of the new technologies of travel that streamlined americans’ movement through europe, shortening trips, lowering expenses, and decreasing the traveler’s engagement with anything resembling local culture or society. in the decades after the civil war, these technologies defined american travel abroad even more than before. trains and steamers allowed for faster travel from point to point, eliminating all substantial engagement with the real life occurring between. at the same time, a growing network of english-speaking guides and couriers obviated interaction with people outside of the tourist industry, making it unnecessary to learn the local language. in the last decades of the century, developments like the kodak camera and american express travelers checks streamlined travel and its documentation even further (f. walker ). and for many american tourists, less difficulty meant less effort, and ultimately, less engagement with foreign culture and society. as jeffrey alan melton describes it, “americans were ‘on the move’ in unprecedented numbers . . . . for the first time in history, tourism was beginning to become the norm for a significantly broader segment of the population” ( ). foster rhea dulles also summarizes the rise of this new age of tourism: “in the latter half of the nineteenth century, a series of developments made travel more comfortable, and at least relatively less expensive. there were faster steamships, improved means of transportation on the continent, and new tourist services smoothing the way for bewildered americans faced with unfamiliar customs and unintelligible languages” ( ). james buzard also highlights the economic aspect of tourism, noting the importance of “refinements made in instruments of finance, enabling tourists to change currency and replenish their purses while on tour” ( ). in his study of the tourist phenomenon, dean maccannell emphasizes the inauthenticity of the tourist experience and argues that tourists, unlike travelers, are commonly “reproached for being satisfied with superficial experiences of other peoples and other places” ( ). while the divide between tourists and anti-tourists is never straightforward—with most travelers at least attempting to differentiate themselves from the superficial masses—by the end of the nineteenth-century, american travel had attained a degree of superficiality, speed, and emphasis on consumer culture that had never before been reached. as cushing strout has put it, rather than traveling for “truth or beauty,” americans were going abroad for less elevated reasons including “pleasure, health, novelty, social prestige, or escape from the cares of dull routine” ( ). the cachet of european travel remained a constant motivator, but while earlier travelers gained that cultural capital by experiencing european life and society, tourism’s goal became the distinction of having seen europe, with an increased emphasis on sight rather than on understanding (cronin, across ). however amorphous the designation of “tourist” might be, there is little doubt that the characteristics of the late-nineteenth-century american abroad are epitomized in the travel writing of mark twain. twain captures the essence of the american tourist buzard explains how the word “tourist” gradually changed from a straightforward synonym for traveler into a negative distinction, indicating one who “is the dupe of fashion, following blindly where authentic travellers have gone with open eyes and free spirits” ( ). however, both tourists and anti-tourists shared the common “aim of making the tour pay in cultural capital accepted by home society” ( ). terry caesar also cautions against being overly concerned with “locating . . . the precise moment when tourism can be distinguished from travel” ( ). although disparaging comments about american tourists “multiplied, often with added harshness, as american access to europe became easier in the last third of the century” (buzard ), such disparagements were nothing new, and “[t]he ‘ugly american’ syndrome is virtually coterminous with the american travel text’s very origins” (caesar ). through a combination of his fellow traveling companions and his own narrative persona. although twain often satirizes the typical traveling american, continuing the same tradition as cooper’s critique of steadfast dodge in homeward bound (see chapter one), his semi-fictional travelogues celebrate other aspects of the american “innocent” abroad. both cooper and twain critique pretention without substance. but instead of cooper’s nuanced appreciation of the relative strengths and weaknesses of both american and european culture, twain champions a recourse to american simplicity. similarly, twain’s comic misuse of foreign language echoes dodge’s linguistic foibles. but while cooper demonstrates a nuanced understanding of linguistic difference, twain presents translation as either doomed to failure or too easily made literal and transparent, the same attitude that characterizes the views of “savage” languages in imperialist discourse. moreover, twain had a lifelong obsession with money and speculation (dolmetsch ), and he blurred the line between literature and commodity by publishing his travelogues as subscription books (cook - ). this capitalistic emphasis illustrates another aspect of the tourist age: the commodification of travel empties the foreign of any real meaning, replacing previously mind- and character-altering experiences with souvenirs and snapshots. just as what karl marx identifies as “a as melton points out, “for readers in the late nineteenth century, mark twain was first and foremost a travel writer instead of a novelist,” and both “the innocents abroad and a tramp abroad make ideal travel-book companions, both books capturing the vagaries of the tourist age” ( , ). g. llewellyn watson and joseph p. kopachevsky, in their study of the commoditization of tourism, examine how “cheap, . . . mass-produced” souvenirs “symbolize the tourists’ experience” ( ). fetishism of . . . commodities” severs the connection between “the commodity-form” and “the physical nature of the commodity and the material [dinglich] relations arising out of this” ( ), such mass-produced representations of experience empty any meaning from the experience itself. although twain is not entirely earnest in the presentation of these touristic values, his satire is sufficiently open-ended so that it invites the reader to agree with many of the views he might seem to critique. this chapter will argue that, without a clear condemnation of touristic superficiality, twain turns cultural difference into an empty sign resembling marx’s commodity fetish. in his three accounts of foreign travel, innocents abroad, a tramp abroad, and following the equator, twain infuses the travelogue genre with the characteristics of mass tourism. although his eventual status of literary celebrity and his extensive international travel gave twain the opportunity to pursue the high-brow european experience enjoyed by cooper—an experience eagerly, if only partially, emulated by later expatriate figures such as henry james—twain maintains the qualities of low-brow, popular literature in his accounts, appealing to the common american rather than to the literary elite. furthermore, instead of learning european language, twain suggests that the foreign is often not worth understanding. when he does attempt a translation, his mechanical and overly literal transference of meaning turns linguistic difference into absurd gibberish. as a result, twain’s works embrace tourism in both content and form, denouncing the once-admired culture of europe in favor of the tourist’s bric-a-brac of superficial impressions and asserting a nationalistic and exclusive preference for american culture and language. mark twain’s enshrined innocence twain’s first published travelogue, innocents abroad ( ), offers a perfect illustration of the changes in european travel after the civil war. its subject is the steamship quaker city’s tour of europe and the holy land, which thanks in no small part to its immortalization in innocents abroad, is widely considered to be both the beginning and the archetype of the tourist boom. indeed, the quaker city excursion was “the first luxury cruise” (ganzel ). innocents abroad was also an innovation in the genre of travel literature, a satirical hybrid that is less reverent than its more serious predecessors, but whose humorous descriptions are also too earnest to be written off as pure mockery. not only does twain’s book mark the birth of the tourist age, but, as several studies of twain’s publishing practices help demonstrate, it also contributes to the rise of mass culture more generally. in her examination of how innocents abroad was shaped by its publication as a subscription book, nancy cook describes twain’s publisher’s emphasis on “what ‘sells’” and his instructions “not that mark twain write a book but that he ‘make’ one,” resulting in “a process of compilation and revamping, even commanding material, rather than one of composing” ( - ). this attitude, and the as jeffrey steinbrink argues, the voyage “not only signaled the beginning of middle- class american tourism but also gave rise to a book in which even the present-day american tourist can recognize something of himself” ( ). franklin r. rogers, for example, describes how twain went beyond the typical conventions of burlesque travel literature that he had employed in an earlier series of letters from hawaii to the alta california newspaper by shaping those “conventions to his own artistic purposes” ( ). others have noted how the book skillfully combines the genre of travel literature with journalism, autobiography, and even fiction (canby ; cook ; ganzel ; h. smith ). market for subscription books that encouraged it, made the volume more like a commodity than a high-brow work of art. twain’s decision to publish all his travelogues as subscription books demonstrates his abiding interest in popular literature and his emphasis on the conventional attitudes that sold best in the literary marketplace. richard s. lowry goes so far as to connect this low-brow aesthetic to tourism itself, calling twain’s artistic values “an aesthetics of mass culture, an aesthetics potentially outside the realm of taste, dramatized by the blissfully ignorant tourist vandalizing the hierarchies of culture” ( ). while bayard taylor’s travel writings aspired to the older model of cosmopolitan, literary travel, even as they served as guidebooks for the rising numbers of american tourists, twain’s innocents abroad is avowedly touristic through and through. one thing that separated the quaker city pleasure cruise from the extended tours of earlier travelers was its ambitious itinerary. this was no residence in european society but a comprehensively scheduled tour of all of the old world’s obligatory sights. although the quaker city cruise was a luxury only available to the very wealthy (or famous), its passengers did not enjoy the relaxed grand tour of their earlier counterparts. the itinerary of exciting places that opens the book is so extensive that, even though the cruise is to last several months, the party will spend no more than several days in most places. in fact, the phrase “a stay of one or two days” is repeated almost like a refrain as lawrence i. berkove notes, “wherever the americans went, they had to cope with the frustration of ‘doing’ a place on a tight schedule” ( ). twain summarizes the appeal this program had for the quaker city passengers: “paris, england, scotland, switzerland, italy—garibaldi! the grecian archipelago! vesuvius! constantinople! smyrna! the holy land! egypt and “our friends the bermudians”! people in europe desiring to join the excursion—contagious sickness to be avoided—boating at the expense of the ship—physician on board—the circuit of the globe to be made if the passengers unanimously desired it” ( ). throughout the program, emphasizing that the pilgrims will arrive at each location, check off the main sights in their guidebooks, and then be quickly shuttled along to the next point of interest. another feature of a luxury cruise is that travelers need not bother themselves with the small details of navigating the culture and customs of each place they visit. as the excursion’s program states, “the ship will at all times be a home, where the excursionists, if sick, will be surrounded by kind friends, and have all possible comfort and sympathy,” and “[p]assengers can remain on board of the steamer, at all ports, if they desire, without additional expense” ( - ). a vetturino lessens the need for negotiating the local language to procure food and lodgings, but a pleasure cruise makes it unnecessary even to stay within many of the cities visited. the travelers will never truly be away from home because their floating home aboard the quaker city will be an american oasis of familiarity in the midst of the potential strangeness of europe. as his time abroad increases, even twain realizes how restrictive such rapid and preordained touring can be. while visiting russia nearly three months into the trip, twain reports, “we consulted the guide-books and were rejoiced to know that there were no sights in odessa to see; and so we had one good, untrammeled holyday on our hands, with nothing to do but idle about the city and enjoy ourselves” ( ). of course, this jab at touring fits twain’s lazy and sacrilegious persona, but it also suggests how such a stringent itinerary can prevent the traveler from appreciating the opportunity to simply be melton summarizes twain’s disillusionment: “twain marvels in his first exposure to the foreign, but his enthusiasm quickly wanes and his subsequent struggles between the beauty of his expectations and the too-often dismal reality mimic the struggle of tourists at large to reconcile the contrasts between the ‘authentic’ pictures in front of them and the delicately crafted images in their minds” ( ). in a new place. in all likelihood, their form of idling, which includes “saunter[ing] through the markets,” “criticis[ing] the fearful and wonderful costumes from the back country,” and “examin[ing] the populace as far as eyes could do it” incorporates more actual observation of foreign culture than the meaningless parade of galleries, churches, and statuary that otherwise occupies the pilgrims’ time ( ). continuing the trend examined in the previous chapter, foreign language in innocents abroad is no longer a valuable conveyor of cultural content but a comical source of annoyance and confusion. but luckily for twain and his traveling companions, the rise of tourism makes learning new languages unnecessary. indeed, when moving from country to country at such a rapid pace, speaking every local language would be nearly impossible. although twain often satirizes american tourists, there is no indication in innocents abroad that he finds the linguistic skill of earlier travelers at all admirable or desirable. previous travelers like taylor aspired to the status of cosmopolites well versed in the languages of europe, even if they did not achieve it. although twain spends much time calling attention to the language barrier and to amusing anecdotes of miscommunication, his work lacks the conviction that, whatever difficulties foreign language might present, there is inherent worth in multilingualism. as larzer ziff argues, twain’s lack of interest in language acquisition is part of the shift from older modes of travel to tourism: “the tour was laid out in advance and twain embarked on it because everything had been prepared for him. he didn’t know the language of any country he visited and his foreign acquaintanceship was limited to guides, hoteliers, waiters, and shopkeepers. at no point did he pretend otherwise or wish to alter this condition” (return ). one target of twain’s comic treatment of foreign language in innocents abroad is the americans’ failed attempts to communicate in the local languages. as david r. sewell notes, “the ‘innocence’ twain examines in the innocents abroad is in part linguistic incompetence. the americans cannot speak a comprehensible sentence in any of the languages they encounter” ( - ). for example, the party’s excursion to paris inspires many jokes about the pretention of american travelers attempting and failing to speak french. one french boatman is apparently unable to understand the americans’ butchered version of his own language. twain jokes, “he appeared to be very ignorant of french” ( ). a similar scene occurs with a french waitress: the doctor said: “avez vous du vin?” the dame looked perplexed. the doctor said again, with elaborate distinctness of articulation: “avez-vous du—vin!” the dame looked more perplexed than before. i said: “doctor, there is a flaw in your pronunciation somewhere. let me try her. madame, avez-vous du vin?—it isn't any use, doctor—take the witness.” “madame, avez-vous du vin—ou fromage—pain—pickled pigs’ feet—beurre—des œufs—du beuf—horse-radish, sour-crout, hog and hominy—any thing, any thing in the world that can stay a christian stomach!” she said: “bless you, why didn’t you speak english before?—i don’t know any thing about your plagued french!” ( ) the joke itself is hardly original, but this scene differs from previous jabs at uncultured americans in that there is nothing obviously wrong with the french as printed. this is not cooper’s critique of “nully” or “notter dam” (homeward bound i: - ). instead, twain indicates that even the basic, conversational french that should be recognizable to most readers is so hopelessly mangled as to be incomprehensible to a parisian. (after all, “avez vous du vin?” is a phrase anyone but the most stringent advocate of temperance would learn before traveling to france.) garbling the french in some way would place the doctor and twain below the level of an even marginally cultured reader, making the american tourists objects of scorn for their excessive innocence. but, by suggesting that there is something wrong with a tolerable and apparently correct attempt to speak french, twain questions the worth of learning the most basic phrases in a foreign country. even readers who might understand the french in this exchange are placed on the same level as twain’s doctor. rather than lament the futility of communication with the locals, twain further suggests that meaningful exchange is not really the point of travel anyway. throughout the section, one traveler, dan, is subjected to the derision of his party for preferring english over attempts at french. twain, in contrast, favors the romance of speaking terrible french, even at the expense of useful information: we never did succeed in making any body understand just exactly what we wanted, and neither did we ever succeed in comprehending just exactly what they said in reply—but then they always pointed—they always did that, and we bowed politely and said, “merci, monsieur,” and so it was a blighting triumph over the disaffected member [dan], any way. ( - ) the french language is part of the atmosphere the pilgrims have come to experience, and they are unwilling to forego using it, even if it leaves them wandering aimlessly through the streets. and dan’s alternative does not entail speaking the local language, either. he simply prefers that they take advantage of the innumerable parisians who can speak english. twain offers no ideal of foreign language acquisition—only the choice between insensible ambience or a retreat to monolingualism. later, twain’s multi-edged satire cuts back against the pretention of attempting to speak the languages of europe when he mocks traveling americans who “have actually forgotten their mother tongue in three months” and “can not even write their address in english in a hotel register” ( ). he provides the following example of such effrontery: “john p. whitcomb, etats unis. “wm. l. ainsworth, travailleur (he meant traveler, i suppose,) etats unis. “george p. morton et fils, d’amerique. . . . . . i love this sort of people. a lady passenger of ours tells of a fellow- citizen of hers who spent eight weeks in paris and then returned home and addressed his dearest old bosom friend herbert as mr. “er-bare!” ( - ) while twain may understand the desire to experience the local language as romantic ambience, he has no sympathy for those who wear their new-found linguistic ability as a badge of pride. making mistakes with european language is amiably comic, but the linguistic pretention of using french when english will serve deserves true derision. for twain, it is an even greater sin than the behavior typically attributed to “ugly americans.” he asserts, “it is not pleasant to see an american thrusting his nationality forward obtrusively in a foreign land, but oh, it is pitiable to see him making of himself . . . a poor, miserable, hermaphrodite frenchman!” ( - ). however, twain departs from cooper’s critique of dodge’s similar pretention by neither distinguishing between good and bad french, nor suggesting that there could be any legitimate reason to use a foreign term instead of an english one. there seems to be no possibility of effective yet unpretentious language learning. any attempts at speaking french, or any european language, are either comically incomprehensible or utterly obnoxious. of course, jokes like the passages quoted above require some rudimentary knowledge of french to understand, but twain once again differs from cooper in degree. not only is twain’s “broken french” accessible without a particularly thorough or correct understanding of the language, but twain also fails to offer the reader a model of real linguistic skill such as paul powis, eve effingham, or cooper himself. in twain, there is not only does it seem futile for american travelers to attempt to learn european languages, but europeans’ attempts at speaking or writing english are doomed to equal failure. one such example follows a franglish note twain’s comic sidekick, blucher, writes to a parisian landlord, including lines such as “monsieur le landlord—sir: pourquoi don't you mettez some savon in your bed-chambers? est-ce que vous pensez i will steal it?” ( ). immediately afterward, twain provides a specimen of the mangled english of italy: “notish.” “this hotel which the best it is in italy and most superb, is handsome locate on the best situation of the lake, with the most splendid view near the villas melzy, to the king of belgian, and serbelloni. this hotel have recently enlarge, do offer all commodities on moderate price, at the strangers gentlemen who whish spend the seasons on the lake come.” how is that, for a specimen? in the hotel is a handsome little chapel where an english clergyman is employed to preach to such of the guests of the house as hail from england and america, and this fact is also set forth in barbarous english in the same advertisement. wouldn’t you have supposed that the adventurous linguist who framed the card would have known enough to submit it to that clergyman before he sent it to the printer? ( - ) no contrast of proper and improper use of foreign language; it is always laughable or pretentious. dewey ganzel describes how the figure of blucher grew out of twain’s earlier comic sidekick, brown, and explains, “brown-blucher was, in fact, a caricature of clemens himself, or at least that part of him which was still neophyte, and as such a means— through contrast—for making the other projection of clemens, the persona ‘mark twain,’ appear more sophisticated” ( ). but while “mark twain” may be more intelligent and urbane than brown-blucher, he is not considerably more worldly. twain may be able to understand the differences of europe and comport himself with a higher degree of polish, but he is far from cosmopolitan, and comes no closer to seeing any sense in the foreign than his ignorant sidekick. as william w. stowe argues, twain represents “a middling range of american men, neither boors nor aesthetes, neither plutocrats nor workers, but common-sense middle-class democrats determined to see and judge the old world for themselves and to act out their senses of themselves and of their place in their society and culture” ( ). the basic content of this advertisement is understandable, but only by a slim margin. the juxtaposition of these two documents makes it clear that twain criticizes all attempts at multilingualism. he thus avoids the common, narrow-minded assumption that foreigners should be under a greater obligation to speak proper english than americans are to speak other languages. for twain, all attempts to speak in a foreign language are liable to produce “barbarous” nonsense. twain also uses these examples to highlight foreign grammar as a major source of linguistic confusion. sewell finds that, despite twain’s frequent jokes about the subject, he demonstrates a clear “allegiance to prescriptive grammar,” and “his deep respect for the authority of grammar, even when he kicks against it, leads him to an implicit formulation . . . : grammar is power” ( , ). in varieties of american english as well as second languages, proper grammar (or the lack thereof) is a mark of class and regional belonging. a non-native speaker’s grammatical mistakes thus emphasize how language marks the boundaries of a national community, just as the dialects in twain’s fiction are markers of both region and class. perhaps some of the errors in the italian advertisement could have been corrected by the english-speaking priest, but twain implies that all attempts to speak a second language will indelibly mark one’s origin. in innocents abroad, in contrast to earlier works like cooper’s homeward bound, there is little chance of being mistaken for a native speaker. one may perhaps peek over the linguistic barrier, but it can never fully be breached. for twain, as will become increasingly clear, this failure is at least partially desirable because it strengthens the boundaries between nations. most significantly, innocents abroad demonstrates how, when european language is stripped of all content and significance, the american tourist begins to view european culture with the disregard previously reserved for “savage” peoples. for example, rather than learn the languages of europe, twain resorts to renaming the unintelligible and unpronounceable, as in the running joke of calling all foreign guides “ferguson.” twain begins this practice in france, when one guide’s actual name, “billfinger,” like dan’s unromantic yet efficacious english, does not seem french enough ( ). later in the trip, however, twain discusses a guide in constantinople who, “[a]fter he has gotten himself up regardless of expense, in showy, baggy trowsers, yellow, pointed slippers, fiery fez, silken jacket of blue . . . considers it an unspeakable humiliation to be called ferguson” ( ). the pretension of such an ostentatious costume would be reason enough to mock the guide by renaming him ferguson, but twain further explains, “it can not be helped. all guides are fergusons to us. we can not master their dreadful foreign names” ( ). twain implies that foreign words and names are not only difficult to learn and to comprehend, but that they are somehow inherently awful. similarly, when twain and his companions camp near “temnin-el-foka,” they rename it “jacksonville,” which twain admits “sounds a little strangely, here in the valley of lebanon, but it has the merit of being easier to remember than the arabic name” ( ). twain’s rampant renaming effaces all trace of the local language and culture. like columbus in the caribbean, twain christens people and places anew at his own convenience, showing no respect for their native designations. caesar also calls attention to the importance of this trope, but he sees it as a representation of twain’s authorial power: “the guides are all re-named ferguson, rather as a comic trope for the fact that twain re-names himself as an american. . . . [h]e re- indeed, just as columbus failed to recognize the speech of the native caribbeans as a legitimate language, twain implies that anything other than american english is at least slightly ridiculous. for example, he jokes, “(they spell it vinci and pronounce it vinchy; foreigners always spell better than they pronounce)” ( ). here, as elsewhere, it is obvious that such a comment is not entirely in earnest, but the joke implies, nevertheless, that foreign rules of pronunciation are somehow less valid than those of english, and particularly those of american english. similarly, twain describes how “distances in the east are measured by hours, not miles” ( ), and complains of the trouble this new system of measurement gives him: this method of computation is bothersome and annoying; and until one gets thoroughly accustomed to it, it carries no intelligence to his mind until he has stopped and translated the pagan hours into christian miles, just as people do with the spoken words of a foreign language they are acquainted with, but not familiarly enough to catch the meaning in a moment. ( ) making a clear analogy to linguistic translation, twain calls attention to the difficulty of converting one system of meaning into another, the inherent incommensurability of cross-cultural exchange. twain also implies that his own system of measurement is both more natural and simply better by joking, “i can not be positive about it, but i think that there, when a man orders a pair of pantaloons, he says he wants them a quarter of a minute in the legs and nine seconds around the waist” ( ). once again, twain not only describes the difficulty of adapting to foreign language and customs, but he also uses such incongruous switching of sign systems to subtly convince readers that foreign customs are inherently ridiculous. tropes himself—in part by seizing the power of those who would guide him and by reducing them all to the same figure, thus restoring his own power” ( ). similar play with incommensurability can be seen in twain’s reactions to different systems of currency. when the party first arrives in the azores, for example, blucher throws a lavish dinner and then becomes mortified at the check. twain exclaims, “‘total, twenty-one thousand seven hundred reis!’ the suffering moses!—there ain’t money enough in the ship to pay that bill!” ( ). the punch line of the joke, of course, is that such a large number translates into a mere . in american dollars. later in tangier, twain sends up a similarly unbalanced exchange rate by describing how one passenger, by attempting to change a napoleon, had “swamped the bank; had bought eleven quarts of coin, and the head of the firm had gone on the street to negotiate for the balance of the change” ( ). twain then remarks that he “bought nearly half a pint of their money for a shilling” ( ). once again, the humor of these anecdotes comes from the incongruity of replacing one system of measurement with another, volume for amount or time for distance. twain makes the foreign seem both carnivalesque and silly by up- ending what americans perceive as the “normal” ways of measuring things. of course all of these examples have been couched as jokes rather than earnest deprecations of foreign language and custom, but the aggregate effect of these jokes has a subtle, or not so subtle, effect of positioning what is american as normal and logical in contrast to the absurdity of the foreign. twain’s constant belittling of the foreign also results in an elevation of the domestic. thus, not only does twain’s “innocent” perspective embrace the linguistic isolationism that would declare unblushingly, “‘hotel d’europe!’ . . . was all the italian i knew, and i was not certain whether that was italian or french” ( ), but it also results in a more pervasive if more subtle argument for american exceptionalism and cultural centrism. there is little self-deprecating irony, for example, in twain’s litany of the american traveler’s complaints: we are getting foreignized rapidly, and with facility. we are getting reconciled to halls and bed-chambers with unhomelike stone floors and no carpets—floors that ring to the tread of one’s heels with a sharpness that is death to sentimental musing. . . . we are getting used to driving right into the central court of the hotel, in the midst of a fragrant circle of vines and flowers, and in the midst, also, of parties of gentlemen sitting quietly reading the paper and smoking. we are getting used to ice frozen by artificial process in ordinary bottles—the only kind of ice they have here. we are getting used to all these things; but we are not getting used to carrying our own soap. ( ) twain calls getting used to such things “getting foreignized,” but his supposed tolerance is accompanied by the constant recognition that european customs are in many ways inferior to what the americans are used to at home. moreover, the one thing twain says they cannot tolerate, the lack of soap, becomes another running joke at the expense of the foreign. again and again, twain plays on europeans’ ignorance of soap, saying of the marseillaise, for example, that “they make half the fancy toilet soap we consume in america, but . . . only have a vague theoretical idea of its use, which they have obtained from books of travel, just as they have acquired an uncertain notion of clean shirts, and the peculiarities of the gorilla, and other curious matters” ( ). beneath this recurring joke more than any other is an undercurrent of american superiority—a cleanliness close to godliness. it is no surprise, then, that the repeated calls for soap often occur in mutilated bits of european language such as “here, cospetto! corpo di bacco! sacramento! solferino!—soap, you son of a gun!” ( ). americans may lack linguistic competence, but at least they have adequate ideas of hygiene. indeed, such stereotypes as david w. levy argues, “the europe that twain presented to his readers and held up to derision was degenerate, superstitious, degraded, and filthy; its best days were behind continue to this day as justification for american tourists’ feelings of superiority, despite their comparative linguistic ignorance. in the end, what is most significant about innocents abroad is not the touristic travel necessitated by the quaker city’s ambitious itinerary, but how the persona of mark twain enshrines the shortcomings tourism encourages into an ideal of linguistic and cultural ignorance. as implied by twain’s avowed purpose, “to suggest to the reader how he would be likely to see europe and the east if he looked at them with his own eyes instead of the eyes of those who travelled in those countries before him” (v), the author does not write from a position of greater culture and cosmopolitanism than his readers, as james fenimore cooper or margaret fuller had done. instead, he gives untraveled readers the same uncultured impressions that they would have if they were abroad, nationalistically affirming everything american in contrast to the absurdities of the foreign. twain does not, therefore, proclaim to have gained significant elevation by his extensive travel—experience and wisdom worth sharing with readers at home. he instead experiences each sight anew as an “innocent” fresh from the american frontier. twain’s critiques of european language and culture may be humorous, but his claim to represent it. americans had no cause to drop their eyes and blush at comparisons between their country and the old world” ( ). as malcolm bradbury describes, twain “presumes that very little in europe will match america’s natural wonder and democratic splendour,” and in this “comedy of assumed innocence” everything he experiences is “sifted through the filter of his simple western vision” ( ). for j.d. stahl, the “complicated and troublesome character of mark twain’s stance” lies in his “implicit claim to representativeness” (culture ). john c. mccloskey takes a more ambivalent, if not totally contradictory view, arguing that “twain admires and gawks like any other tourist, and when he makes negative judgments it is often on far different grounds from the assumed ignorance of a coonskin jacksonian catering to the ignorance of the mob” ( ). the vision of any one of his countrymen suggests that no american should take foreign culture any more seriously than he does. peter messent attributes the popularity of innocents abroad to this narrow perspective, describing “the very assertive and new sense of american national identity which it, in part, promotes” (cambridge ). manfred pütz offers an even more critical perspective of the book’s hegemonic power: while innocents abroad looks on the surface like a harmless, humorous description of early american tourist experiences, the book also reveals itself on another level as a potentially explosive mixture of aggressive culture bashing and cultural nationalism, american debunking and american self-celebration, similar to what fuelled the fantasies of proponents of american imperialism on a political plane. ( ) twain’s satire targets both the fraudulent grandeur of the old world’s famous sights and the sanctimonious pretention of american tourists, but his moments of self-deprecation ultimately fail to deflate the dangerous nationalism that pütz describes, just as his satire of american tourists proves no less touristic than the travelers it targets. likewise, berkove summarizes this dual satire: “while innocents abroad was mainly appreciated for its refreshingly humorous and sceptical view of the old world, also present in the book is its cold undercurrent of criticism of the tourists for their sanctimoniousness, hypocrisy and small-mindedness, and of americans as well as old world people for their common venality and parochialism” ( ). nevertheless, brian yothers describes how the dichotomy between twain’s own persona and the american travelers he criticizes collapses: “twain undermines the dichotomy between deluded pilgrims who read their own meanings into the landscape and the plainspoken american everyman who relates the experience of holy land travel to his readers in the precise form that they themselves would use for their own accounts. twain’s persona is seen to be reliant on the very accounts that he exposes as utterly ridiculous, and his reader is able to see that the ultimate distinction between twain and previous travelers is one of degree rather than kind” (romance ). similarly, forrest g. robinson argues, “mark twain is impatient with inflated travel writing, but indulges himself at intervals in the very style he deplores. he is critical of other tourists for their blind surrender to romantic impressions, yet cannot conceal the fact that historical melodramas, not to mention popular travel books, have influenced his own expectations and responses” ( “innocent” ). although twain follows cooper in his critique of linguistic pretention, and, as a humorist, twain finds absurdity everywhere, he offers no cosmopolitan counter-example of using linguistic difference to express precise cultural meanings. learning a language is difficult, speaking it like a native is impossible, and there is little benefit to accomplishing either. thus, while earlier generations of americans still looked on european culture with respect, even while placing themselves far above the “savage” peoples encountered in the nation’s expansion, innocents abroad depicts a growing attitude that, in comparison to american attributes like simplicity, cleanliness, and efficiency, europeans can be just as barbarous as south sea savages. twain critiques the pretentious display of european language and culture as an empty sign of cultural superiority, but he does little to differentiate fetishized cultural commodities from the real cultural value of europe. indeed, it is uncertain if he even believes the latter to exist. awful european language in a tramp abroad twain’s second book of european travel, a tramp abroad ( ), goes beyond the burlesque of tourism found in innocents abroad to look deeper at issues of language and translation. from to , clemens and his family once again traveled to europe, visiting germany, italy, and france (baetzhold ). the primary purpose of the trip was to write a new travel book, and clemens had a contract with publisher frank bliss to do so (hellwig ). however, the account of the trip published in a tramp most commentators are critical of the resulting narrative’s lack of coherence, agreeing with everett emerson’s assessment that “nothing holds the book together except the binding” ( ). many critics also join richard bridgman in characterizing the book as an “uneven performance” ( ). harold h. hellwig calls it “notable for its flights of greatness and its moments of tedium,” adding, “structurally it is weak, . . . lack[ing] one clear focus” ( ). similarly, berkove concludes, “a mixture of the ludicrous and the factual, a abroad is even more fictionalized than that of innocents abroad. as harold h. hellwig points out, “the narrator seems to be a bachelor who wishes to learn german, and to study art” ( ), a sharp contrast to the married writer traveling for material. but like his fictional persona, clemens also aimed to learn german. a tramp abroad contains several admissions of his increased, though limited, knowledge. for example, at the mannheim opera, twain notes that, while he “understood nothing that was uttered on the distant stage,” he did understand two women speaking privately nearby ( ). elsewhere he explains, “i can understand german as well as the maniac that invented it, but i talk it best through an interpreter” ( ). while there is some debate over clemens’s degree of success with the language, most agree that he was unable to master it. although tramp abroad is entertaining but not gripping. its organization is loose to begin with and is further weakened by individual episodes having little or nothing to do with the pedestrian tour” ( ). peter messent (cambridge - ) and robert sattelmeyer ( ), however, find more value in the work. clemens began his lifelong study of german in his youth (krumpelmann ), and his wife began to learn the language in (kersten ). in preparation for his trip, moreover, clemens “hired a german nurse named rosina hay, and the whole family began to study the german language” (scott ). arthur l. scott goes on to note that, although clemens “strewed german words and phrases throughout his notebooks,” eventually he found that “[h]e just could not write and study at the same time, so he dropped german” ( ). john t. krumpelmann concludes that “mark twain was really acquiring an ability to read german,” but admits that “[w]ith the spoken word he made less progress” ( - ). interestingly, robert sattelmeyer compares twain’s interest in learning german to his literary predecessors: “it was this language and this learning, broadly conceived, which had nourished the generation of harvard-educated new england writers and intellectuals whom twain had burlesqued in his whittier birthday speech, and which was still exerting a powerful influence on american intellectual life a half century later. moving to heidelberg and taking up the study of german not only replicated the actions of several generations of american students but also paid a peculiar homage to the new england literary culture to which mark twain stood in such clear contrast” ( ). twain generally turns against this older tradition, but his interest in german is one counterexample. clemens devoted much time to his project of learning german, he could never gain the fluency of travelers like cooper, taylor, or fuller. in spite of this progress in foreign language education, a tramp abroad contains many of the same jokes about cross-cultural communication found in innocents. when twain goes to see “‘king lear’ played in german,” for example, he claims: “it was a mistake. we sat in our seats three whole hours and never understood anything but the thunder and lightning; and even that was reversed to suit german ideas, for the thunder came first and the lightning followed after” ( ). not only does this complaint mirror harriet beecher stowe’s comments about the impossibility of translating shakespeare into any other language, but the joke about the reversed lightning and thunder echoes twain’s numerous jabs at german grammar, making the entire production seem both incomprehensible and ridiculous. a tramp abroad also reprises the innocents joke that europeans can understand english better than they can understand twain’s terrible renditions of their native languages. for example, harris warns, “speak in german,— these germans may understand english” ( ). another familiar joke is the bad english of foreign materials designed for tourists. reproducing “a catalogue of pictures in the old pinacotek,” twain comments about the word choice of “‘susan bathing, surprised by the two old man. in the background the lapidation of the condemned’” ( ). parenthetically, twain adds, “‘lapidation’ is good; it is much more elegant than ‘stoning.’” ( ). in addition to its bad grammar, this “peculiar kind of english” commits the cardinal sin, for twain, of making pretentious what could be said simply and more eloquently ( ). clearly, a tramp abroad continues many of the linguistic jokes found throughout twain’s first travelogue. moreover, twain is again quite critical of european customs. for example, he complains of the rudeness of baden-baden shopkeepers, “especially,” as “an english gentleman who had been living there several years” reports, “to ladies of your nationality and mine” ( ). one frequent target of true scorn is foreign food. after an exaggerated lambasting of european fare, particularly of cream and coffee, twain reports, “there is here and there an american who will say he can remember rising from a european table d’ hôte perfectly satisfied; but we must not overlook the fact that there is also here and there an american who will lie” ( ). underlying all such examples is the strong sense of nationalism expressed in the book’s conclusion: on the whole, i think that short visits to europe are better for us than long ones. the former preserve us from becoming europeanized; they keep our pride of country intact, and at the same time they intensify our affection for our country and our people; whereas long visits have the effect of dulling those feelings,—at least in the majority of cases. ( ) while cooper’s travels in europe caused him to return to america with a sharpened eye for his own country’s shortcomings, albeit with an accompanying desire to see those shortcomings remedied, twain advocates travel for the purpose of making all the at times, the jokes seem even more familiar, as in an encounter with another boatman. twain’s terrible german is incomprehensible while his companion’s english (“can man boat get here?”) is easily understood, partly because it contains so many german cognates ( ). customs of home seem even more dear—making them seem all the more like the only rational practices in an insane world. as in his previous travelogue, twain in a tramp abroad is what jeffrey alan melton calls the “consummate leisured tourist, a man of his gilded age” ( ). in contrast to earlier travelers such as cooper, who highly valued the history and culture of europe, as well as transitional figures such as taylor, who, if failing to achieve the true cosmopolitanism of their predecessors, still aspired to the older model of literary world citizen, twain mocks those who find the culture of europe worthy of admiration and emulation. moreover, the true target of twain’s critique is not necessarily the particulars of european culture, but the act of imitation itself, and, in a way, this is what makes his attitude toward linguistic and cultural difference even more isolationist. rather than cooper’s cosmopolitan, but still patriotic, desire to find the best of both sides of the atlantic, twain adheres to what pauline kleingeld describes as the “nationalist manner” of viewing patriotism as “unconditional loyalty to one’s own national community (taken as a linguistic and/or cultural community)” ( - ). as twain implies throughout a tramp abroad, this loyalty requires a kind of emersonian self-reliance on national attitudes, as expressed in the national language. there is no need to speak to foreigners as scott argues, twain is an example of fuller’s “conceited american,” rejecting any insight that visiting europe could provide in favor of an overbearing pride in all things american ( ). moreover, as messent argues, “mass tourism and twain’s own status as tourist . . . have even greater emphasis in this text than in innocents abroad. here, he explicitly mocks the sensitive traveller—with her or his delicate awareness of the education to be gained from a foreign culture . . . and the elitist tendencies that accompany the separation from the general tourist mass” (cambridge ). while dashing from sight to sight on the beaten track because all valuable ideas come from within and at home. one important difference from innocents abroad, however, is that a tramp abroad pays more attention to foreign language, if only to show its ludicrousness. just as he mocked the american travelers who turned themselves into “hermaphrodite frenchmen,” twain lampoons travel writers who include bits of untranslated foreign language in their works. he does not mention any particular authors, but this practice could easily be listed as one of james fenimore cooper’s “literary offenses.” when twain does not wish to travel to the “furka region” of the alps, he sends his agent harris, who makes an official report peppered with foreign words and phrases ( ). harris begins normally enough by describing his arrival “at the maison on the furka in a little under quatre hours,” but quickly devolves into such nonsense as, “we formed a large xhvloj as we descended the steg which winds round the shoulder of a mountain toward the rhone glacier” ( ). after nearly a hundred of such foreign inclusions, some of them recognizable french and german, others obvious gibberish, twain criticizes the document for being “much too learned” ( ). when harris explains, “dingblatter is a fiji word meaning ‘degrees,’” twain counters, “you knew the english of it, then?” ( ). twain repeatedly complains that harris’s foreign words express the same concepts as their english equivalents. such inclusions may be pretentious, but twain, in contrast to cooper and melville, can imagine no conceptual nuance that might be more precisely david m. wrobel identifies this scenario as satire of “the entire travel/adventure writing genre,” making the book “an anti-travel narrative of sorts” ( ). expressed with a foreign term. unlike the polynesian “taboo,” which, as melville makes clear, cannot be translated literally into an english equivalent, it is always possible for harris to “[know] the english of it.” as in redburn’s youthful daydreams of travel, linguistic difference becomes an empty sign of foreignness when it conveys no substantive conceptual difference; the rare phrase of foreign language acquired from travel is just as substance-less as any cheap and mass-produced souvenir. in the diatribe that follows harris’s account, twain criticizes authors who include untranslated foreign phrases, both those whose genuine erudition eclipses the understanding of most readers, and those who insert such phrases not because they better express a concept but because they lend the text a false air of cosmopolitanism. for twain, anything foreign should be immediately translated, or better yet, languages other than english should be avoided altogether. as twain says elsewhere: i have a prejudice against people who print things in a foreign language and add no translation. when i am the reader, and the author considers me able to do the translating myself, he pays me quite a nice compliment,— but if he would do the translating for me i would try to get along without the compliment. ( ) twain implies that he, like many american readers, is neither comfortable with reading foreign languages nor interested in becoming so. it is the job of the author to provide his reader with a translation so that no advanced knowledge of other languages is necessary and no further learning is encouraged. once again, this preference contrasts sharply with the practice of cooper and his contemporaries, who recognized a cultural content to to prove his point, twain undertakes his own translation of “the lorelei” in order “to give the un-german young girl a jingle of words to hang the tune on until she can get hold of a good version” ( ). despite this disclaimer, twain’s translation is, according to scott, “smooth, poetic, and readily singable” ( ). foreign language that resisted translation, a remainder of meaning lost in the transfer between languages. rather than viewing translation as a stopgap measure and a gateway to further study, ideally with some foreign words still included to convey culturally specific concepts (as cooper argues of “township” and “ville” in gleanings in europe), twain sees translation as an adequate substitute for the foreign, with no loss of any meaning that might be valuable to an american audience. another way to view twain’s more extensive treatment of foreign language in a tramp abroad is through the parallel goals the narrator gives for his parody of a typical european tour. within a few paragraphs, twain describes his plans to “undertake a journey through europe on foot,” “to study art,” and “to learn the german language” ( ). his seriousness in these undertakings is immediately undermined, however, by the failure of his pedestrian aspirations. in this first iteration of a joke repeated throughout the narrative, the travelers make “preparations for a long pedestrian trip . . . but at the last moment [change] the program, for private reasons, and [take] the express train” ( ). larzer ziff calls this “running gag” an “apparent allusion” to taylor’s views a-foot (return ). even taylor’s pedestrian tour showed evidence of the increasingly touristic nature of american travel, but twain takes taylor’s lack of engagement with according to everett emerson, these “three themes” are the only constants that “provide some unity” to the otherwise disjointed narrative ( ). while i am not so quick to criticize twain’s work as a whole, emerson’s verdict does suggest that the commentary on learning german in a tramp abroad is best understood in the context of twain’s other goals. scott ( ) and melton ( ) both examine the personal connection between twain and taylor. krumpelmann describes a letter in german that twain wrote to taylor, who, as described in the previous chapter, was well known as a scholar of german language and literature ( ). local culture even further. the new forms of transportation to which twain switches at every opportunity are at least partially responsible for the tourist boom. moreover, as james buzard argues, the concept of “place” fostered by such rapid transportation distinguishes tourism from travel on an ideological level, encouraging tourists to “impose fixed limits on accustomed attractions and stops, and to imagine the areas between them as somehow ‘empty,’ as unworthy of attention” ( ). by jumping on a passenger car to get from point a to point b, twain similarly compartmentalizes the attractions of europe, focusing on a series of itinerary stops instead of on the real cultural life in-between. twain’s jesting with european art also highlights many of the key themes raised by foreign language, including issues of representation and the conventions of travel literature. twain contributes several examples of his artistic “progress” to the illustrations of the book, including sketches of “a military tower, feet high” with a disproportionate man sitting atop it, a “etruscan tear-jug,” and an “henri ii. plate” ( , ). in his book traveling in mark twain, richard bridgman seems utterly unable to offer any explanation for twain’s various drawings, stating that “none of them seems particularly amusing, and most are not only technically crude but also virtually meaningless” ( ). what bridgman seems to miss, however, is that these sketches play with the conventions of illustrated volumes of travel writing. indeed, the sales of twain’s travelogues were particularly driven by their illustrations because they were published as subscription books, and the advance sales of such books depended as much on the quality of their binding and the quantity of their illustrations as on their content (messent, buzard contrasts such tourists with genuine travelers who, particularly when “walking and climbing,” know that they “travel every step of the way” ( ). cambridge ). this is made patently clear on the first edition’s title page, where billing for the book’s many illustrations takes the place of a subtitle: illustrated by w. fr. brown, true williams, b. day and other artists—with also three or four pictures made by the author of this book, without outside help; in all three hundered and twenty-eight illustrations. ([i]) twain’s own “artistic” contributions comprise only a part of the book’s many illustrations, which were often copied from other sources (david , ). such illustrations serve a primarily financial purpose, but they still cannot escape the playfulness of twain’s burlesque. they are part of his constant satirizing of the genre of travel literature itself. on another level, the “awfulness” of twain’s artistic skill parallels his bad german. in describing one “study” of “götz von berlichingen’s horse and cab,” twain includes among its “several blemishes” the flaws that “the wagon is not traveling as fast as the horse is” and that “there seems to be a wheel missing” ( ). further, the verisimilitude of the sketch is so poor that its creator must explain that one “thing flying out behind is not a flag, it is a curtain,” and that he is not sure whether a particular scribble “is a haystack or a woman” ( - ). part of the fun of this passage is twain’s usual self-deprecation, but his closing note—that “[t]his study was exhibited in the paris beverly r. david’s analysis of the images “borrowed” from whymper’s scrambles amongst the alps provides another example of twain’s playful approach to the illustrations of a tramp abroad: “the most peculiar of the whymper engravings found in a tramp abroad involves a collaboration between whymper and twain. mark twain took the alleged whymper original of the matterhorn, from near the summit of theodule pass and superimposed his own crude cut-out of a donkey over the scene” ( ). salon of , but did not take any medal; they do not give medals for studies” ( )— shifts the target of satire from twain’s own lack of artistic skill to the pretention of traveling artists who make equally uninspired, if somewhat more realistic, “studies.” thus, twain mocks the desire to see and experience the foreign through travel writing and its accompanying illustrations. both text and illustrations leave the reader uninitiated into the world of the foreign and, ultimately, unmoved. beyond this satire of travel literature’s conventions—and twain’s jab at readers who purchase books based on the number of their illustrations rather than the quality of either illustrations or writing—many of these jokes about perspective and verisimilitude suggest a playful approach to the idea of representation in general. for example, twain provides a “life-size” image of a broken dueling sword by “tracing a line around it with [his] pen, to show the width of the weapon” ( ). bridgman remarks of this description, “that being approximately what it appears to be, and no more, the source of humor remains obscure” ( ). from a semiotic perspective, however, the sword fragment, as an “index,” should be a closer representation of reality than the average drawing, a more “literal” transcription of its subject. but, as bridgman apparently found, this attempted verisimilitude fails to make the practice of dueling any more vivid. in light of twain’s preoccupation with the way travel writing substitutes words for actual experience, the “source of humor” here appears to be a parallel failure of artistic representation. thus, by parodying the artistic representations found in conventional travel writing, twain follows both cooper and melville in lampooning the mediated view of europe such accounts provide, but his version lacks the earlier authors’ accompanying arguments to seek less mediated access to the foreign and to go experience the world more directly. for twain, travel is all fun, with no possibility of true erudition. continuing this play with language and representation, twain most famously lampoons the process of learning a second language in one of the several appendices to a tramp abroad, “the awful german language.” while many praise the comedic quality of this sketch, and indeed it was so popular that twain continued to deliver a version of the essay throughout his lecturing career, others take its critique of german more seriously. for josef raab, “twain complains of the complexity of german in a wonderfully exaggerated manner in order to underline for his non-german-speaking american readers the alien nature of this language and the mentality behind it” ( ). it is precisely this emphasis on the alienness of the foreign that distinguishes tourists from earlier cosmopolitans. even more astutely, sewell argues that “[t]he tacit assumption of the essay is that there is, or ought to be, a language that expresses thought naturally, logically, and independently of troublesome categories of grammar” ( ). apparently ziff represents the typically positive assessments of the piece when he argues, “strikingly, two of the six appendices that were added to make up the book’s required length are actually better reading than any section of comparable length within the narrative proper: ‘the awful german language’ is an amusing yet perspicacious account of the perplexities that language presents to the eager learner” (return ). everett emerson, who rather harshly criticizes a tramp abroad as a whole, writes that the sketch “proved that mark twain was still alive and conscious” ( ). nevertheless, sewell suggests that much of twain’s ire is aimed, not at the german language in particular, but at the ridiculousness of grammar in general, which can prove challenging for native and non-native speakers of any language. supporting this more forgiving reading of twain’s critique, norbert hedderich points to moments in the essay when twain praises german, usually at the expense of english or language in general. he notes, “at the end of the essay we find ‘the virtues of the language’ . . . . it is a quite short, but important and often overlooked section. despite all his criticism, some aspects put on the defensive by his own difficulties with linguistic difference, twain longs for a language that transcends the practicalities of grammar and syntax in order to express a natural or universal truth. this desire is much like the attitude of columbus and other imperialists, as gabrielle m. patty finds when she connects twain’s sketch to the kind of ethnographic appeal that presents the reader with supposedly logical and empirical evidence to support its prejudiced opinions ( - ). prejudice masquerading as common sense is always a dangerous formula, and this is exactly what “the awful german language” presents to the unwary and uncultured reader. as the following readings will demonstrate, twain’s attempts at translation in this sketch and elsewhere are like his “innocent” portrayal of europe: while claiming to offer an unmediated, unpretentious, and no-nonsense perspective, they ignore any genuine value or interest the foreign might hold. twain begins the sketch complaining about his difficulties learning german. he explains, “harris and i had been hard at work on our german during several weeks . . . , and although we had made good progress, it had been accomplished under great difficulty and annoyance, for three of our teachers had died in the meantime” ( ). after bemoaning german’s “slip-shod and systemless” grammar, and its perplexing number of exceptions, twain launches into a parody of a phrasebook example: “a certain bird” that is “waiting in the blacksmith shop on account of the rain” ( - ). already the german language is made ridiculous by the distance between real speech and the sample sentences of a textbook, which “is always inquiring after things which are of no sort of no of german clearly fascinated him. it is the one section of the essay that is without satire” ( ). consequence to anybody” ( ). in this example, twain’s particular complaint is about the complex rules for determining the gender and case of “the rain,” deciding if it is “simply in the quiescent state of being mentioned,” “lying around, in a kind of a general way on the ground,” or “doing something actively” ( ). unfortunately, all of this analysis is for naught, as twain eventually learns that the rain must always be in a fourth case. for twain, such complex rules and exceptions, which seem to add no real meaning to the sentence (which was absurd from the start), illustrate the needless frustration caused by german’s alien grammar. as sewell notes, the sketch “gives occasional evidence of a hostility that is not simply exaggerated for comic effect” ( ). it betrays not only a genuine frustration but also a more decisive antipathy toward the language and its foreign constructions. “the awful german language” also exemplifies a common thread through many of twain’s linguistic farces. twain heightens the alienness of foreign language through a willful misunderstanding of translation. when transferring meaning between one language and another, even at the most basic level, it is not enough to mechanically translate each word as it appears in order. the syntax must also be translated into the rules of the target language. by performing what he calls “a perfectly literal translation,” ignoring the necessary changes of syntax and rendering each word in order, twain produces a ridiculously strange english translation that is supposed to convey the “awfulness” of the german original ( ). for example, he “translates” one sentence, “but when he, upon the street, the (in-satin-and-silk-covered-now-very-unconstrainedly- interestingly, holger kersten further connects language and tourism in his argument that, “in the same way other tourists collect bric-a-brac, twain seems to have intently collected the curiosities of the german language” ( ). after-the-newest-fashioned-dressed) government counsellor’s wife met” ( - ). twain presents this series of parenthetical phrases and interminable compounds as empirical evidence of german’s cumbersome construction. but the evidence is unfair. it replicates for the english-speaking reader the experience not of german as read by a fluent speaker, but of german frozen in a state of early language acquisition, when everything seems inherently foreign and strange. twain creates a similarly jarring effect by translating the gender of german pronouns literally, referring to a “fishwife” as “it,” “one of the fishes” as “he,” and a “scale” as “she” ( - ). in the resulting “tale of the fishwife and its sad fate,” twain’s unconventionally “literal” translation of german grammar is inherently confusing because english and german gender their antecedents differently ( - ). by presenting a mix of english vocabulary and german grammar that belongs to neither language, twain uses the pretense of “literal translation” to ossify the strangeness of a new system of grammar, implying that the grammar of german is inherently “awful” when its rules are merely different. the effect of this distorted version of “literal” translation is similar to twain’s tracing of the dueling sword. twain seems to present the most accurate version of german possible, but by too closely “tracing” the original, he replicates the shape but loses the true experience of german for a german speaker. a similar treatment of translation can be found in another linguistic burlesque that twain wrote during the period, “the ‘jumping frog.’ in english. then in french. then clawed back into a civilized language once more by patient, unremunerated toil” ( ). as the lengthy title suggests, the piece consists of three versions of twain’s famous story “the notorious jumping frog of calaveras county”: the original, a translation into french, and twain’s own “translation” of that french version back into english. the target of twain’s satire is a review of his works in the french periodical revue des deux mondes, which was accompanied by a french translation of “jumping frog,” both composed by marie-thérèse blanc under the penname “th. bentzon” (wilson ). in the brief explanation that introduces his collection of “jumping frog” versions, twain bristles that, although “jumping frog is a funny story, [bentzon] can’t see why it should ever really convulse anyone with laughter” ( ). twain is indignant that the translated tale offered as proof of this lukewarm praise is “not translated . . . at all,” but that bentzon “has simply mixed it all up” ( ). following these complaints, twain offers the reader a reprinting of the french version as “proof” of his grievance. he further explains, so “that even the unlettered may know my injury and give me their compassion, i have been at infinite pains and trouble to re-translate this french version back into english” ( ). although twain admits that his spoken french is poor, and that the retranslation required great effort, he also claims he “can translate very well” and implicitly suggests that his back-translation will be a more accurate representation of the french version than the french version was of the original ( ). while twain’s scathing reaction to bentzon’s translation may be attributed to his general dislike of the french (see scott , ), or to the inherent difficulty of translating either humor or dialect literature (see halliday ), several have also read it as a critique of translation more in his response, twain assumes bentzon is male. mark k. wilson and marc shell (“prized”) both provide interesting analyses of bentzon’s review and her general views of international literature. generally. in any case, the piece offers little hope of worthwhile or effective cross- cultural communication. whatever his motive, twain uses the same deliberate misunderstanding of what translation entails that is found in “the awful german language” to demonstrate to his “unlettered” readers that bentzon’s french translation is a failure. as sewell explains: twain’s retranslation is not “fair” because he does not limit himself to parodying the formal diction and grammar of bentzon’s translation. instead, he mocks the french language itself, . . . confusing tenses and pronoun genders and cognates . . . and perversely translating idioms word for word so as to make nonsense of them. ( - ) like any translator, bentzon made a series of difficult choices in rendering twain’s american idiom into french. but twain’s critique is not limited to the shortcomings of such artistic choices. instead, he retranslates french idioms, which sound natural and make perfect sense in french, in an overly literal way. in the first version of the tale, for example, simon wheeler begins: “well, there was a feller here once by the name of jim sewell suggests that “[t]he most important general implication of the sketch is that simon wheeler—and therefore mark twain—cannot exist in french, because direct discourse can never be preserved in translation” ( ). accordingly, the piece not only joins “the awful german language” in lampooning the oddities of foreign expression, but it also indicates a deeper distrust in the potential of translation to bridge the language gap, casting doubt on the possibility of any cross-cultural understanding. similarly, shell argues, “twain hints that good translation—an accurate ‘exchange’—is an impossibility” (“prized” ). sewell also argues that twain’s play with the french translation and english “retranslation” continue and complicate the “problematic of framing, translation, and quotation that figures in” the original tale ( ). supporting such a view, james e. caron reads the original story as a play with narration: “simon wheeler’s garrulity produces the marvelously humorous and exquisitely absurd spectacle of a man drifting serenely through his ‘queer yarn without ever smiling’” ( ). in addition, twain continues this play with various versions in “private history of the ‘jumping frog’ story” by comparing his own tale to an ancient greek story eerily similar in all particulars. he explains the similarity by concluding, “i think it must be the case of history actually repeating itself, and not a case of a good story floating down the ages and surviving” ( - ). smiley, in the winter of ’ —or may be it was the spring of ’ —i don’t recollect exactly” ( ). bentzon’s version begins: “—il y avait une fois ici un individu connu sous le nom de jim smiley: c’était dans l’hiver de , peut-être bien au printemps de , je ne me rappelle pas exactement” ( ). as in any translation, there are choices here worth discussing, such as “individu” for “feller,” but twain’s retranslation does not focus on such disputable preferences. instead, he back-translates the french in a ludicrously literal fashion: “it there was one time here an individual known under the name of jim smiley; it was in the winter of ’ , possibly well at the spring of ’ , i no me recollect not exactly” ( ). rather than making even the most basic grammatical changes in order to follow the rules of the target language, twain translates the idiomatic construction “il y avait,” the preposition “sous,” and the reflexive verb “me rappelle” word for word, rendering them awkward and nearly nonsensical in english. his “clawed back” translation is full of such examples. when examined from the perspective of what translation actually entails, twain’s comic rendering of the french “jumping frog” is too exaggeratedly terrible to be taken as any kind of serious evidence of bentzon’s failure. portraying twain’s ridiculous translation in the most complimentary light, sewell argues that, “by making us stumble over the manifold awkwardnesses in an overliteral french-to-english translation, twain forces us to ask whether authentic translation is ever possible” ( ). supporting this argument for twain’s critical intentions, several moments in a tramp abroad demonstrate deeper understanding of what real translation requires, twain’s fairly successful translation of “the lorelei” not least among them ( ). such examples indicate that twain’s strategic use of poor translation in “the awful german language” and “the jumping frog . . .” must be somewhat tongue in cheek. still, the extent of twain’s vitriol makes it too easy to laugh at bentzon. the spurious empiricism of offering these parallel versions as “proof” of her failure—the same empiricism found in “the awful german language”—can trick the reader into believing that twain’s translation accurately portrays the french version. indeed, the case of harriet beecher stowe demonstrates that growing numbers of americans both at home and abroad were becoming more linguistically isolated and, as a consequence, less likely to think seriously about what translation actually entails. as lawrence venuti demonstrates, translators have a history of “invisibility” that has made both readers and scholars alike underappreciate and misunderstand the complex nature of translation and the difficult choices any translator must face ( - ). in light of this widespread ignorance, it seems likely that many of twain’s readers would not have understood the violence his overly literal translation was doing to the french version, and hence may not have recognized the unfairness of his supposedly empirical evidence. missing the potential nuances of another notable translation of twain’s is the german children’s book der struwwelpeter, which twain translated as “slovenly peter.” as everett emerson describes, “in the fall [of ] the clemenses settled in berlin, where the writer devoted three days and nights to the translation of der struwwelpeter, which he called ‘the most celebrated child’s book in europe,’” and which, despite the author’s apparent intentions, was not published until ( ). while recognizing the various flaws and liberties of twain’s translation, susanna ashton and amy jean petersen call it “a work of energy and wit that may have better reflected the tenor of the original hoffmann poems than did many of the more widely published translations” ( ). stahl’s article “mark twain’s ‘slovenly peter’ in the context of twain and german culture” also provides an interesting reading of twain’s translation, which, stahl argues, “is more indebted to the american experiences of the frontier than to the german ‘kultur der zurückhaltung’ or ‘culture of restraint’” ( ). twain’s play with translation, it seems likely that many would have merely laughed at the absurdity of the french language. moreover, even when twain is most critical of translation as an artificial mediation akin to pretentious travel accounts, he differs from his predecessors in offering no alternative model of cross-cultural understanding. for twain, translation is imperfect not because some untranslated words convey meaning better—cooper’s cosmopolitan perspective—but because foreign sentiments often cannot be understood, or are not even worth understanding. although twain critiques the imperfect mediation of translation just as he critiques the superficiality of guides and guidebooks, he fails to offer any hope of real cross-cultural understanding. his only solution to mediation and miscommunication is a no-nonsense disregard for european culture. twain’s treatment of translation thus exemplifies the frequent disparity between the most critical reading of his satire and the more prejudiced or nationalist readings it often invites. as the following examination of the author’s later career reveals, this gap widened over time. despite the attitudes toward cultural difference presented in his works, samuel clemens continued in his desire to learn european language. as cooper might have predicted, this continued study, as well as his extensive time abroad, broadened clemens’s personal views of the foreign, although it did not quite change his public persona. the growing cosmopolitanism of samuel clemens this project has illustrated a gradual change in american attitudes toward other parts of the world as reflected in american travel and travel writing. but just as countries change, so, of course, do individual people, if on a shorter timeline. thus, the mark twain of epitomizes the rise of tourism, but the man at century’s end, modified by age and experience, does not so perfectly mirror the collective attitude of his nation. this natural, personal change is complicated, however, by the complex relationship between mark twain and samuel clemens. both innocents abroad and a tramp abroad uphold a nationalistic ideal of linguistic and cultural superiority that is exemplified by the persona of mark twain, but this provincialism does not necessarily correspond to the attitudes of samuel clemens, who demonstrates a growing cosmopolitanism toward the end of his life. thus, the divide between twain’s “innocent” persona and the increasingly international outlook of his creator widens throughout twain’s later career. clemens adopted the pseudonym “mark twain” in his early years as a newspaper reporter when, according to james e. caron, he began using the name to signal pieces containing “comic disruptions of journalistic norms” ( ). during his visit to hawaii as a travel correspondent for the newspaper alta california, clemens signed mark twain to his published letters, adapting the persona to the genre of burlesque travel narrative, but he used his given name while traveling around the islands (rogers - ; frear ). during the quaker city cruise, however, things became less clear as, in an oft- cited example, clemens began to occasionally sign letters (including one to his mother) “mark” (ganzel ; caron ). these facts have led to widespread disagreement over what to call the author of tom sawyer and huck finn. while some critics advocate the one extreme of treating “mark twain” as a purely fictional character (see robinson, “mark” ), others agree with ziff in asserting, that for all intents and purposes, “by the close of the century the sam clemens who in had created mark twain had turned as caron points out, “signing a letter or an inscription to one’s mother with a pseudonym obviously indicates a complex sense of identity” ( ). into him” (mark ). as caron argues, however, the relation between mark twain and samuel clemens is more complicated than this, and “‘mark twain’ therefore does not just indicate a pseudonym, but neither does it exactly signify a comic character wholly separate from its author” ( ). mark twain was a complex persona that clemens could and did embody, but the figure of mark twain does not fully encompass or represent all of the thoughts and opinions that the man could have held. the disparity between the views of foreign language expressed in twain’s published works and the real experiences of samuel clemens is only one of many areas that highlight this complex relationship. even though the distinction is never clear-cut, the divide between twain and clemens is quite useful in clarifying his changing views of american identity and nationalism. while clemens’s cosmopolitanism grew, and a degree of his worldly experience inevitably bled through into the writings he signed mark twain, the views openly professed by his authorial persona more frequently belong to the common tourist baetzhold, however, cautions against eliding the two figures: “many studies run aground because they take at face value some of the views expressed in ostensibly autobiographical works like the innocents abroad and roughing it. . . . [i]t is important to separate the man samuel clemens from the many ‘poses’ of the writer mark twain” (xii). james m. cox presents an opposing view: “for samuel clemens, mark twain became the means of realizing himself. the pseudonym neither concealed, obliterated, nor narrowed his identity, but exposed and freed it” ( ). with further relevance to the issues of mass tourism, ann m. ryan reads the figure of “mark twain” as a model of modernity: “for if the celebrity persona of ‘mark twain’ represents one of the important byproducts of urbanity—he is in many ways an artificial person, an amalgam of imagination, industry, and technology—samuel clemens, the author of that mask, narrates the impoverished truths that frequently make this artifice such a powerful commodity. twain anticipates american modernism: the intractability of race and nation, the tyrannies of industrialism and religion, and the promise, as well as the illusion, of a transnational, transhistorical, transcendent individuality. his narrative insights also resonate uncannily with the literary and political theories of a postmodern and postcolonial world” ( ). he once epitomized than to the international traveler he had become. thus, twain becomes useful for demonstrating one final change in american travel at the turn of the twentieth century. previously, in an age in which only the comparatively wealthy and cultured could travel, cooper could adequately represent the majority of americans abroad. with the growing accessibility of international travel, however, the attitudes of american travelers in europe began to correspond to the concurrent division of high- brow and low-brow literature. while clemens, the traveling, and well-traveled, dignitary began to mirror the expatriate literati epitomized by cooper—and later, but with important differences, by james—clemens’s authorial persona, mark twain, continued to emulate the low-brow and classless “ugly american.” despite its overwhelmingly touristic leanings, a tramp abroad reveals the beginnings of clemens’s increasingly cosmopolitan outlook. for example, while commenting on the broad appeal of “low-grade music” in comparison to music of the more elevated sort, “which requires a higher faculty, a faculty which must be assisted and developed by teaching” ( ), twain shifts to a parallel discussion of the inaccessibility of high-brow works of art. he then writes of painter joseph. m. w. turner: a boston newspaper reporter went and took a look at the slave ship floundering about in that fierce conflagration of reds and yellows, and said it reminded him of a tortoise-shell cat having a fit in a platter of tomatoes. in my then uneducated state, that went home to my non-cultivation, and i thought here is a man with an unobstructed eye. [sic] mr. ruskin would have said: this person is an ass. that is what i would say, now. ( ) the boston reporter’s comic image exemplifies the irreverent humor of mark twain as it would have been presented without blush or retraction in innocents abroad. but here, twain calls this no-nonsense view the opinion of an uncultured ass. it is a rare glimpse of how twain’s provincialism becomes moderated by clemens’s own growing cosmopolitanism. despite its offhand inclusion, this admission of an increased appreciation of fine art, a target of repeated derision in innocents abroad, suggests that clemens has been influenced by the culture of europe. this same open-mindedness is evidenced by clemens’s ongoing study of the german language, despite the criticisms twain expresses so strongly in print. the clemens family prepared for their trip to europe by studying foreign language, and clemens continued his study of german for the rest of his life. nevertheless, some critics show reserve in assessing clemens’s proficiency. according to richard h. cracroft, “twain was, in fact, bedeviled by the german language, and his journals and notebooks reveal increasing frustration and complaints about the ‘perplexing’ tongue” ( ). still, as carl dolmetsch chronicles in great detail in his study of clemens’s extended residence in vienna, samuel clemens’s respectable german allowed him to cut a far more cosmopolitan figure than mark twain would allow readers to believe possible. the samuel clemens who traveled on the quaker city was to a large extent, like mark twain, an american innocent, but as the author spent more and more time abroad, john b. hoben argues that the humor of twain’s critiques of german was “all the richer because it flowed from one who, in spite of his self-depreciation, was fond of it and sufficiently skilled to lecture in it and translate it with audacity, if not proficiency” ( ). further, scott describes how “mark twain’s interest in the german language continued to show itself both in his notebooks and in his private correspondence,” in which the author “lapsed into german[,] . . . copied lines of german poetry[,] and made lists of german words and expressions” ( ). raab also comments on clemens’s interest in german: “mark twain was very familiar with germany; he spoke german fairly well, and he assessed germany in a number of his writings” ( ). in contrast, ursula thomas demonstrates how the “uncritical judgment of mark twain’s prowess in learning languages” encouraged by his private notebooks “is offset by his daughter clara’s much later assessment” that her father could sometimes speak german, but “‘other times he would make no attempt to speak anything but english, and if viennese ladies and gentlemen who called were unable to speak anything but german, great misunderstandings took place as to what the topic of conversation really was’” ( - ). it would have become impossible to maintain the same level of naive provincialism. everett emerson describes how, in june , clemens began a decade of “obligatory mobility,” primarily for his wife’s health, but also because of the decreased expense of living abroad: during these years clemens visited america frequently on business; in - , one stay lasted nine months. but his residence was in europe, in aix-les-bains, marienbad, berlin, bad nauheim, florence, munich, paris, london, lucerne, vienna, and elsewhere, with a full year occupied with a round-the-world lecture tour. the retreat was symbolic of his state of mind. he was an american writer who had virtually lost his once inimitable voice and was groping now even for his identity. ( ) messent calls twain, “virtually an expatriate” during this period (cambridge ), and such expatriation had unavoidable consequences for his world outlook. if an appreciation for foreign language is one important mark of cosmopolitanism, as the past chapters have demonstrated, then these worldly views would appear to be in direct contrast to the narrowly provincial attitudes expressed in “the awful german language” or “the ‘jumping frog’ . . . clawed back.” while the mark twain persona continued to support a position of linguistic nationalism, samuel clemens became increasingly cosmopolitan in his recognition of the validity, but also of the inherent incommensurability, of different scott makes a similar argument: “from its inception a tramp abroad had no chance of approximating the bubbling spontaneity of its predecessor. gone from mark twain’s nature was the untutored americanism, half-amused but bristling, of . twelve years of associating almost exclusively with people of culture in the east and abroad had cost him much of the charming innocence which had animated his first travel book. the chasm between mark twain and the old world was contracting. on this latest excursion, for example, he even brought home foreign furnishings and bric-a-brac worth well over five thousand dollars” ( ). as scott argues, “he had not become global in his fame without becoming global in his thinking as well” (vii). carl dolmetsch ( ), janice mcintire-strasburg ( ), peter messent (“not” ), and ann m. ryan ( ) all support these arguments, calling twain a cosmopolitan and a transnational figure. languages and cultures—although he never matched cooper or melville in his ability to reach a golden mean of cross-cultural understanding between assimilation and incomprehensibility. twain’s growing ambivalence toward foreign language and culture becomes evident in his last major piece of travel writing, following the equator ( ), in which he on one hand continues many of the linguistic jokes of innocents and a tramp abroad, but on the other hand treats the issues of colonialism and imperialism with far greater seriousness. in , clemens, accompanied by his wife and one of his three daughters, began a lecture tour around the world in order to repay his extensive debts (r. cooper ). after lecturing east to west across the united states, twain visited australasia, india, and south africa, making numerous other stops along the way. after returning to london, the family was to be joined by clemens’s two other daughters, but one died before they could be reunited (r. cooper ). as scott describes, clemens had difficulty “mask[ing] the despair in his soul” after this family tragedy ( ), and it may have contributed to the increased seriousness and pessimism most critics find in following the equator. because twain was living in england at the time of its robert cooper’s around the world with mark twain provides a fascinating look at this trip as well as an account of cooper’s own experiences recreating it one hundred years later. bridgman writes that “signs of unmitigated and even invented pessimism [permeate] the book” ( ). daniel j. philippon argues, even more critically, “taken as a whole, following the equator is not twain at his best. he is often dull and uninspired; too frequently he relies on his notes, sometimes inserting them with little or no alteration into the text; and, when excessive, his quotation from the works of other writers can become tiresome” ( ). others connect the book’s seriousness to twain’s critique of imperialism. for example, robinson asserts, “its humorous interludes notwithstanding, the book is composition and publishing, it is not very surprising that many scholars have chosen the british edition of the work, entitled more tramps abroad, as the text better representative of the author’s intention. not only does it contain fewer deletions than the american version, but it was set from twain’s manuscript, and he read the proofs (e. emerson ; shillingsburg xi). in the following reading, i will use the british edition of more tramps abroad and refer to it by that name. the british title indicates continuity with twain’s previous foreign travelogues, and indeed, more tramps abroad does reiterate many of the linguistic jokes of its predecessors. for example, the section about india is full of criticism for the faulty english of twain’s servants and guides. describing one, twain writes, “where he gets his english is his own secret. there is nothing like it elsewhere in the earth; or even in paradise perhaps, but the other place is probably full of it” ( ). criticizing the poor english of foreigners is, of course, a typical offense of the “ugly american.” more interestingly, twain intensifies his previous mockery of cross-cultural exchange to outright linguistic snobbery when he reverses an old joke. this time, when his servant begins to speak incomprehensibly, twain says, “i can’t understand hindostani,” only to get the reply, “not hindostani, master—english” ( ). this time, it is not his own, but the foreigner’s (or more properly, the local’s) language that is deficient to the point of unrecognizability. also continuing a previous running gag, twain renames his indian guides, not as “ferguson” but, even more problematically, as “satan.” one reason, he explains, is that indian names are so long. and once again, the traveling american cannot first and foremost a troubled, often angry report on the misery wrought by western imperialism along the equatorial black belt” (“innocent” ). be bothered to learn the alien appellations of foreigners. in more tramps abroad, as in his earlier works and the lectures about language he continued to deliver throughout the trip, linguistic difference is merely something to laugh at. as the foregoing examples suggest, twain is most critical of language in the section about india. he mocks both the unwieldy native languages and the indians’ use of english. when twain describes a letter from a “hindoo youth,” he most clearly reveals his ideal of what foreign english should be like: “the handwriting was excellent, and the wording was english—english, and yet not exactly english. the style was easy and smooth and flowing, yet there was something subtly foreign about it—something tropically ornate and sentimental and rhetorical” ( ). there are two salient aspects to this youth’s use of english, and twain seems enamored with both of them. on the one hand, both the neat penmanship and general clarity of the piece show a fastidious concern for preserving the integrity of the english language, and they minimize any difficulties that twain may have in understanding the message. these virtues prevent two of twain’s most frequent criticisms: incomprehensibility and the massacre of english grammar. on the other hand, once any barriers to understanding are removed, twain appreciates the he jokes of another man, for example, “we named him barney for short; we couldn’t use his real name, there wasn’t time” ( ). after yet another rant on the subject, twain connects this criticism to his previous jabs at foreign language. he says of a name with “fifty eight letters in it”: “this removes the long german words from competition; they are permanently out of the race” ( ). illustrating the break between such twainian jokes and clemens’s personal views, however, it is interesting to note that the author’s journals of the trip refer to one servant only as “mousa” or “mouza,” never “satan” (r. cooper ). robert cooper gives one example of twain’s continued delivery of “the awful german language” ( ). miriam jones shillingsburg also provides extensive descriptions of the content of twain’s lectures in australia. her index contains an extensive entry for the subheading “german language” under “stories” ( ). “tropically ornate” foreignness of the man’s english. his assessment reveals not only a latent preference for picturesque primitivism, but also the suggestion that it would not be fitting for an indian man to speak or write english as if he were a white american or englishman. although twain values the ease of communication made possible by the indian’s clear english writing, he suggests that evidence of the writer’s foreignness is desirable or even necessary to mark him as manifestly “other.” once again, linguistic difference is valued not for broadening provincial perspectives but for its ability to demarcate national boundaries. despite its treatment of cross-cultural communication in india, more tramps abroad does depart from the thorough provincialism of twain’s previous works. in sharp contrast to earlier travel writings, even twain’s narrative persona tours the world not as a callow tourist but as the famous author and lecturer. indeed, the work begins by highlighting this new, cosmopolitan status. twain writes, “the starting-point of this lecturing trip around the world was paris, where we had been living a year or two” ( ). the trip begins with a cross-country lecture tour in the united states, but the clemens family must first “[sail] for america” ( ). although the details of clemens’s expatriate status are not elaborated in the narrative, this opening reveals that he is no longer the typical american citizen and resident. he is no longer an american “innocent.” the most significant sign of twain’s worldlier outlook is his critique of imperialism. in the years after the publication of more tramps abroad, twain would become active in the american anti-imperialist league, declaring his membership in (zwick ). while traveling in , however, twain already expresses great sympathy for native populations. as ziff argues, the “pages dealing with the dignity of native peoples and the despicable mendacity of their colonial exploiters foreshadow the social critic who was to become increasingly vehement in his attacks on imperialism” (mark ). nevertheless, while it is necessary to recognize twain’s obvious distaste for the injustices of imperialism, one cannot do so without also acknowledging his more subtly racist attitudes. still, more tramps abroad contains many passages expressing twain’s clear disapproval of colonial and imperial practices. for instance, he exposes the trickery and injustice of “french and english recruiting crews” who practically snatch pacific natives from their homes to be transported to australia ( ). he concludes, “thus exile to queenslande—with the opportunity to acquire civilization, an umbrella, and a pretty poor both jim zwick and amy kaplan offer extensive analysis of twain’s avowed anti- imperialism. kaplan connects his views to the experience gained from a life of traveling: “in his anti-imperialist writing from his last dark decade, twain brought lessons to bear from his earliest writing and worldwide travels. as a writer, the power—and limits—of his critique can be found less in a summary of his political ideas than in the way he wielded language as a weapon against injustice” (“conquest” ). further, john carlos rowe argues, “the scholarly identification of twain’s ideological limitations, at least by today’s standards, should in no way trivialize the great achievement of his critique of european and emerging u.s. imperialisms” (literary ). yothers suggests that “mark twain uses exoticism both to condemn racism and reinforce certain strands of racialism” (“facing” ). hellwig seems to highlight this ambivalence unintentionally: “this is a common theme in following the equator, that the civilized, european, and white ethnicities have become anti–christian and barbaric in their dealings with the native populations of the countries that they rape and pillage. the white has become a savage, more savage than the traditional ‘savages’ of the world, supposedly uncivilized and uneducated, and justifiably ruled by the superior white savage” ( ). while this reading makes twain’s obvious criticism of colonial practices clear, it also reveals that he does little to think beyond the received dichotomy of civilization and savagery. quality of profanity—is twelve times as deadly for [the kanaka] as war. common christian charity, common humanity, does seem to require, not only that these people be returned to their homes, but that war, pestilence, and famine be introduced among them for their preservation” ( ). with typically facetious humor, twain decries the supposed “benefits” of civilization that such “recruits” would acquire, and the near inevitable death and misfortune to which this abduction will subject them. twain expands upon this critique by ironically praising a mass-poisoning of australian aborigines in contrast to the more common and less criticized injustices of other colonizers. he lists a series of less human offenses including (most relevantly for the united states): “in many countries we have taken the savage’s land from him, and made him our slave, and lashed him every day, and broken his pride, and made death his only friend, and overworked him till he dropped in his tracks; and this we do not care for, because custom has inured us to it, yet a quick death by poison is loving-kindness to it” ( ). compared to such lengthy torture, twain suggests that genocide by poison may be a mercy. despite howard g. baetzhold’s perceptive observation that twain “almost invariably . . . directed his criticisms not at britain but at human nature generally” ( ), such examples show an increasing degree of sympathy toward foreign peoples. twain is somewhat more subtle when critiquing the “benefits” white civilization has conferred upon hawaii. even though his scheduled lecture there had to be canceled because of a cholera outbreak, twain takes the occasion of sailing by the islands to reflect on his trip. in his early letters to the alta california, as amy kaplan contends, twain “satirized the missionaries’ effort to ‘civilize’ the natives, yet he also saw hawaiians through the gaze of the colonizer as childlike, primitive, and inferior” (“conquest” ). in his final travelogue, however, twain is more critical of the white occupation of hawaii, as when he describes the precipitous drop in “native population” since the first white contact. he concludes: “all intelligent people praise kamehameha i. and liholiho for conferring upon their people the great boon of civilization. i would do it myself, but my intelligence is out of repair now from overwork” ( ). while popular opinion insists that the occupation and annexation of hawaii have benefited the once- savage society, twain cannot reconcile such received wisdom with the near destruction of the native population. one of the most interesting points about hawaii, and one which reoccurs in twain’s writings, is the figure of the translator ragsdale. in his letters, twain describes ragsdale with a combination of respect and anxiety. he first introduces him as “bill ragsdale, a ‘half white’ (half white and half kanaka), who translated [an official document] and clattered it off in kanaka with a volubility that was calculated to make a slow-spoken man like me distressingly nervous” (letters ). but it is not only the speed of the foreign language that makes twain uneasy. despite praising ragsdale for his ability to translate in both directions, his “turning every kanaka speech into english and every english speech into kanaka, with a readiness and felicity of language that are remarkable,” twain admits that there is “a spice of deviltry in the fellow’s nature” that will drive him to “drop in a little voluntary contribution occasionally in the way of a word or two that will make the gravest speech utterly ridiculous” ( ). twain obviously christopher mcbride even further connects twain with america’s expansionist practices by explaining that, by “[a]rguing for commercial expansion into the pacific, he discovered a colonial stance upon which most of his audience could agree” (colonizer ). admires this “rascal” for doing just what twain himself does when playing with the act of translation, twisting the transference of meaning to create humor. at the same time, twain does not seem entirely comfortable with the power this man of mixed race gains from the position of translator. still, ragsdale continued to be a powerful figure in the mind of twain, who even planned to write a novel about him. following this continued fascination, twain’s description of ragsdale in more tramps abroad is less ambivalent in its praise. twain calls him “a brilliant young fellow” who “[a]s an interpreter . . . would have been hard to match anywhere” ( ). in contrast to his earlier emphasis on ragsdale’s deceitful streak, twain describes how, after discovering an early sign of leprosy that he easily could have concealed from his fiancée, ragsdale “would not be treacherous to the girl that loved him” and “would not marry her to a doom like his” ( ). the figure of ragsdale adds yet another wrinkle to twain’s complex relationship with translation. although, in twain’s youth, the “half-caste” man may have symbolized both the power of the translator and the danger of such cultural mixing, twain’s continued interest in him reveals a deeper appreciation of translation than can be found in the majority of the author’s public works. kaplan, too, connects ragsdale’s translation to twain’s own satire: “twain is intrigued by ragsdale’s facility at translation from kanaka to english. part of this fluency gives him the power of a trickster or parodist, like twain himself” (“imperial” ; also see anarchy ). mcbride takes a more critical position when he argues that twain is “intent on disparaging this man who possesses more foreign language skill than he does” (colonizer ). baetzhold speculates that the planned novel “would have presented a contrast between the old and new civilizations in the islands, with the proponents of the old superstitions resisting the efforts of the christian missionaries” ( - ). ragsdale’s positive portrayal in more tramps abroad marks clemens’s increasingly inclusive and cosmopolitan outlook. both the growth and the limits of twain’s cosmopolitanism are perhaps best illustrated by one of the larger sections of more tramps abroad, twain’s account of his visit to australia. twain departs from his previous narrow-minded nationalism in his frank regard for australian culture. for example, twain demonstrates a relish for australian language. he admires some examples of slang, calling them “expressive ones,” and describing his first time hearing “the immortal ‘my word!’” as “positively thrilling” ( ). likewise, instead of disparaging “the curious names of australasian towns” as he had done with german words and indian names, twain appears to get great enjoyment from their strangeness. as miriam jones shillingsburg recounts, one running joke of twain’s australian lectures was his attempt to put the names of both animals and towns into doggerel verse ( - ). the fruit of these labors as it appears in more tramps abroad is a forty-eight-line poem in rhymed quatrains that uses sixty-six of the eighty- one “curious names” twain lists ( - ). here is one stanza: the murriwillumbo complaineth in song for the garlanded bowers of woolloomooloo, and the ballarat fly and the lone wollongong they dream of the gardens of jamberoo; ( ) the poem is undeniably silly, but it also betrays an enjoyment of linguistic difference untainted by harsh mockery or satire. yet, despite this clear broadening of horizons, twain’s affinity for australia may derive from the country’s resemblance to the united states. shillingsburg describes the virtues twain found that australians and americans had in common, including “fast lifts and tall buildings” as well as a nature that was “unself-conscious, frank, open, unreserved, independent, and not exclusive” ( ). twain can thus admire australia’s particularities while still emphasizing the underlying beliefs and priorities of american culture. moreover, the linguistic difference of australia, like english in india, is of the most comforting kind for twain: it is readily comprehensible, but not without markers of a distinct national community. despite twain’s undeniably expanded horizons, the ambivalent depiction of cultural difference in more tramps abroad also betrays a belief in the inevitable dominance of the english language. in a discussion of the various names of constellations, twain concludes, “in a little while now—i cannot tell exactly how long it will be—the globe will belong to the english-speaking race, and, of course, the skies also. then the constellations will be reorganized and polished up, and renamed” ( ). most obviously, this ominous pronouncement could be classed with twain’s other critiques of the british empire. but if disapproving of britain’s growing influence, twain does not suggest that anything could be done to stop it. whether this dominance would be benevolent or not, twain predicts (more or less accurately) that all the world’s peoples will eventually need to speak english. the nuances of twain’s prediction are further suggested in the entry from pudd’nhead wilson’s new calendar that introduces the book’s conclusion: “i have travelled more than anyone else, and i have noticed that even the angels speak english with an accent” ( ). on one hand, this motto suggests that twain’s extensive travels have taught him that there is no “standard” or ideal form of a language, and linguistic difference is a fact of human existence, not a mark of john carlos rowe also finds that, “[d]espite frequently expressed sympathies with native peoples throughout his travels on his global lecturing tour, twain also appears to acknowledge the inevitability of euro-american hegemony over the modern world” (literary ). blameworthy otherness. in this way, the motto contrasts with the typically provincial and linguistically isolated outlook that imagines one’s own speech is accent-less, just as only “foreigners” may seem to have an “ethnicity.” at the same time, the maxim suggests that the reach of anglophone culture extends even as far as heaven. but in lieu of a homogeneous monolingual community of cosmopolitan brotherhood, national differences are still clearly marked by accents, just like the ideal foreign english of the “hindoo youth.” indeed, twain’s presentation of anglophone imperialism is much like the “vanishing indian” trope of cooper and other american writers. twain is against the erosion of native language and culture on principle, but he appears at least partly relieved at the logistical problems such a disappearance will alleviate. by the end of the nineteenth century, the american tourist, whether visiting europe or more exotic locations, is rarely unable to find someone who speaks his or her language. twain is able to “follow the equator” all of the way around the globe filling auditoriums with those eager to hear him speak in english, and even the indian “god” who visits him has read huck finn ( ). thus, in contrast to the previous divide between “civilized” and “savage” language, twain is able to equally mock german and hindustani because neither can live up to his standard of american english, and it is equally unnecessary for a tourist to learn either. an extensive knowledge of foreign language is no longer a requirement or even a goal of cosmopolitanism. instead, it is best confined to the impressive tricks of two ancillary figures who bracket the text: “the maharaja of mysore,” who can memorize random sentences in a patchwork of languages werner sollors examines the ideology of ethnicity in depth in his book beyond ethnicity: consent and descent in american culture. ( ), and helen keller, whose passing of harvard university’s language examinations is a monument to overcoming adversity rather than a mark of usable skill ( ). in light of such anecdotes, speaking a foreign language is about as impressive as juggling—and about as practical, too. in the end, the increased cosmopolitanism of the mature samuel clemens is offset in two ways: not only is the changing outlook of the man overshadowed by the provincialism of his persona, but the increased prevalence of the english language in all parts of the globe makes the linguistic proficiency of clemens’s predecessors less and less necessary, even for a traveling literary celebrity. in the end, there can be no simple statement of clemens/twain’s views of foreign language and culture, but at best a two-dimensional chart with the blurred distinction between author and persona on one axis and the timeline of his career on the other. nevertheless, some things remain clear. twain, like both cooper and melville before him, repeatedly addresses the value of linguistic difference, the permeability of the language barrier, and the nature of translation. in many ways, he continues the critiques of his predecessors, calling attention to the dangers of mediation and the folly of those who flaunt linguistic or cultural knowledge as an empty sign of pretention. yet, in comparison to the travel writing of cooper and melville, twain’s works lack any viable alternative to the mediation of travel literature or the commodification of tourism. in many cases, he presents learning foreign language as an impossibility. even when one accomplishes this difficult task, linguistic difference serves primarily as a marker of national belonging (or not belonging), and foreign terminology does little to convey any potentially enlightening cultural content. at times, twain uses translation as a kind of window into foreign speech, but by willfully misunderstanding the complicated transference of meaning that translation entails, his assumed linguistic innocence misconveys the experience, heightening the alienness of the foreign and ultimately suggesting that there is something inherently ridiculous in both foreign language and culture. travel and translation are good jokes, but bad instructors. near the end of his career, twain becomes a strong advocate for anti-imperialism, but he never extends his critique to imperialist views of language. the health and safety of indigenous people should be preserved, but there seems to be little value in speaking to them, at least not in their native languages. but these views are not based in white supremacy. in contrast to the double standard for western and non-western culture at mid-century, twain and his traveling american contemporaries apply the same cultural and linguistic nationalism to “civilized” europeans and “primitive” savages alike. conclusion the new imperialistic cosmopolite the travel writings of james fenimore cooper, herman melville, mark twain, and their contemporaries demonstrate a strong connection between the representation of foreign language and the portrayal of cross-cultural exchange. examining these writers in turn has also traced a trajectory of american travel that both responds to and defines america’s relationships with europe and with the “uncivilized” world. although it was published before a number of twain’s own travel books, henry james’s novel the american ( ) represents the endpoint of this trajectory—the new figure of the expatriate american. reading the novel as part of the tradition of linguistic encounter elaborated in this project offers a final example of the theoretical relationships between linguistic, cultural, and economic exchange, demonstrating the value of foreign language as a lens for examining the way american authors position the united states in the world. indeed, if this study of traveling americans stopped short of the work of henry james, it would be a strange omission. james’s early education abroad gave him a particularly worldly perspective, fostering an interest in travel and tourism that would continue throughout his career. there have been countless studies of james’s “international theme,” although opinions of how james balanced his cosmopolitanism it is the consensus of critics that james’s revision of the american constitutes a different book than the original version. because i am less interested in the changing views of james across his career than in the state of american travel in the last decades of the nineteenth century, i will confine my discussion to the text as originally written and published in the s. with a sense of nationalism differ. like previous travel writing, james’s international fiction also engages with issues of multilingualism. daniel katz even connects james’s “international theme” to the idea of translation: the scene of translation abounds in james; not, of course, in the most literal sense of the word, but certainly in a more extended one: james continually, even obsessively, presents the trauma of the encounter with the radically foreign, and the resulting need to transpose that foreign into the comprehensible terms of the domestic[,] . . . the attempts on the part of characters to hear differently the meanings of their actions within a different system of exchange. ( ) as this project has demonstrated, the need to translate foreign systems of meaning, culture, and value into one’s own terms is a perpetual element of travel and travel writing. but in the case of the american, the “scene of translation” is not confined to the “extended” sense of the term as katz describes it. rather, christopher newman’s moments of cultural and economic exchange frequently occur alongside moments of linguistic transposition. sara blair highlights the various forms of exchange involved in james’s “international theme” when she describes james as “one who engages in sometimes tense if fluent exchange with the shifting currency of nation and race, and who variously and contextually works to construct a cultural subject . . . liberated into a problematically, peculiarly ‘internationalist’ or ‘cosmopolitan’ state of reception and response” ( ). andrew taylor calls james “a cosmopolitan figure in the tradition of washington irving and margaret fuller” ( ). for roslyn jolly, “henry james without travel is inconceivable” ( ). adeline r. tintner finds in james’s work “a kind of cosmopolitanism only possible to an american who has been reared and educated in europe” ( ). see robert emmet long for a description of james’s early education abroad (henry - ). annick duperray ( ) and john carlos rowe (“politics” ) both discuss james’s relation to nationalism. with a similar focus, cheryl b. torsney argues, “at the heart of the american is newman’s narrative of himself as a successful american translator with a birthright to raid the resources and markets of the old world in his desire to extend his empire of self. . . . the american can be described as an imperial fiction with a fiction of translation at its core, as a novel of disappointed cultural imperialism resulting from a failure of translation” ( ). edwin sill fussell also describes james’s engagement with the foreign previous studies have also noted strong connections between the american and twain’s innocents abroad. for example, robert emmet long asserts that “the innocents abroad makes newman plausible as he appears at the opening in the louvre, preferring copies of the old masterpieces to their originals” (henry ). cheryl l. ware makes an extensive comparison between the two works, examining their approaches to the opposition of america and europe and how “both authors explore the nature of the typical american and the quality of innocence they both saw as peculiarly american” ( - ). but in spite of these connections, the tradition of foreign language encounters in american travel literature reveals several key distinctions between newman and twain’s traveling americans. in twain’s travel writing, foreign language is inscrutable and unimportant. the quaker city pilgrims are content to be, as margaret fuller puts it in her description of the growing tourist culture, “ciceroned” from sight to sight without any engagement with the culture of europe ( ). at first glance, newman seems to conform to this model. mrs. tristram accuses newman of being “the great western barbarian,” and he earns the title in terms of language: “the henry james who so obviously took pleasure in talking to himself in french is the same henry james who shook the american dust from his feet in favor of the old world and then shook the dust of england from his feet as often as possible in favor of the continent and its romanticism of many languages” ( - ). there are countless other examples. henry seidel canby’s turn west, turn east examines the lives and careers of twain and james in tandem. jeffrey steinbrink also compares newman to “twain’s fellow pilgrims,” asserting that both “conscientiously humble themselves before masterpieces of painting, architecture, and sculpture throughout their vagabondizing” ( ). hilton obenzinger connects both to economics, arguing that “[l]ike christopher newman in james’s the american . . . twain’s acculturation is bound by the cash nexus” ( ). in their discussions of twain’s travel writing, james m. cox ( ), franklin r. rogers ( ), and peter messent (cambridge ) all reference christopher newman or the american, and armin paul frank calls the american “james’s most twainian romance-novel” ( ). in the opening louvre scene with such gauche lapses of taste as “often admir[ing] the copy much more than the original” and “the damning fault . . . of confounding the merit of the artist with that of his work” ( , , ). yet, as the following reading will reveal, newman has more in common with his cosmopolitan creator than twain’s gauche persona does. indeed, far from the “conceited american” identified by fuller and epitomized by twain’s travelers (see scott ), christopher newman falls closer to fuller’s golden mean, seeking value in europe while not becoming entirely subservient to european culture. newman certainly lacks the genteel polish of cooper’s natural aristocrats, but his desire to acquire the best of europe is a model of the new american cosmopolitanism. nevertheless, most readers of the american have taken james at his word when he explains that newman “had certain practical instincts which served him excellently in his trade of a tourist” ( ). armin paul frank calls newman “an american tourist by the book” ( ). john carlos rowe similarly describes newman “as a caricature of the american tourist, exhausted by his efforts to comprehend the artistic sublimity of the louvre[, m]arking his baedeker, buying bad copies of masterpieces, counting the churches he has visited” (“politics” - ). edwin sill fussell even characterizes the genre of the american as “tourist fiction” ( - ). indeed, when we learn that, to newman, “[t]he world . . . was a great bazaar, where one might stroll about and purchase handsome things” ( ), it is not difficult to imagine him as the epitome of the acquisitive american tourist, checking itinerary boxes and chipping bits of rock off of priceless monuments. because newman is a thoroughly “commercial person,” his european travel illustrates the growing connection between mass tourism and the culture of consumerism. william w. stowe uses the terminology of jean-christophe agnew to call this conjunction between travel and economics “acquisitive cognition, the accumulation of cultural, aesthetic, and spiritual capital” ( ). as depicted in innocents abroad, the tourist takes what can be easily acquired and leaves the rest uncomprehended. on a level of economic exchange, newman indeed epitomizes the tourist age. he clearly aspires to one goal william stowe attributes to late-nineteenth-century american travelers—to gain “a sense of cultural legitimacy, an opportunity to turn economic power into cultural power, to run dollars through the machinery of the tourist infrastructure and convert them into cultural capital” ( ). but as this study has demonstrated, just as the limits of linguistic translation are both caused and predicted by the difficulties of cultural and economic exchange in the contact zone between cultures, converting between systems of culture and currency is never straightforward. james explores this incommensurability in the opening scene of his novel, when the invaluable high culture of the museum, and of europe more broadly, is brought into the marketplace as newman commences bargaining for noémie’s copy. james further explores the relation between artworks and commodities when newman discusses his purchase with mr. tristram: “bought a picture?” said mr. tristram, looking vaguely round at the walls. “why, do they sell them?” “i mean a copy.” “oh, i see. these,” said mr. tristram, nodding at the titians and vandykes, “these, i suppose, are originals?” several critics have noted the importance of economics in james. for example, jessica berman argues that “the notion of the cosmopolitan for james . . . is always bound up with the conflict between local and global affiliations as well as with the problem of commerce” ( ). miranda el-rayess further describes james’s complex relationship with consumerism, asserting that “[h]is skilful [sic] appropriations of the structure and devices of the shop window reflect his understanding of, and susceptibility to, the pervasive influence of contemporary consumer culture” ( ). “i hope so,” cried newman. “i don’t want a copy of a copy.” ( ) thus, newman adheres to some desire for “authenticity,” but only at a remove. moreover, by asking his initial, naive question, tristram raises the possibility that the previously priceless artworks may indeed be available for purchase, at least if the price is set correctly. michael cronin’s comparison of translation to forgery adds an interesting dimension to this scene. cronin explains that translators are often encouraged conceal the act of translation so that “[t]he text [reads] like an original” or “a successful forgery,” and further, that “poor translations resemble nothing more than sloppy reproductions” (“history” ). noémie’s own “sloppy reproduction,” both of the paintings she copies and of the deportment of a true lady like claire de cintré (c. porter ), parallels the novel’s many examples of translation. thus, the novel’s plot can be read as a series of attempted exchanges between language, culture, and currency, although such translations never achieve perfect equivalency. but closer examination reveals that newman is not quite the typical tourist. despite his acquisitive nature, or perhaps because of it, newman demonstrates a far stronger desire to make the most of his travels than the average american abroad. while this play with various systems of value has been observed before. focusing on the exchange of women, carolyn porter argues, “[newman’s] desire is unfulfillable. for the transcendent value he seeks to possess is by definition untranslatable into money. in seeking to marry claire de cintré, newman wishes to acquire the unacquirable. if he were to succeed, she would have become acquirable” ( ). further comparing the women in the novel to artworks, porter continues, “in short, the painting’s transcendent value as an aesthetic object depends upon its being priceless, upon its being removed from circulation in the art market and placed beyond the reach of money. the difference between an original and a copy, then, . . . depends upon its distinction from an economic order of value. in short, the aesthetic value of an object is designated by the sign ‘not for sale’” ( ). mark seltzer’s reading of the american also examines how “aesthetic and sexual matters are not outside of or opposed to the economic, but rather are bound up with it, through and through and from the start” ( ). mr. tristram admits to never having been to the louvre in six years of parisian residence, newman insists that he “should have come here once a week” ( ). newman further claims he wants to “get the best out of [europe he] can” and insists, “i want the biggest kind of entertainment a man can get. people, places, art, nature, everything! i want to see the tallest mountains, and the bluest lakes, and the finest pictures, and the handsomest churches, and the most celebrated men, and the most beautiful women” ( ). newman’s desire for the superlatives of europe may be arrogant and acquisitive, but it also reveals a genuine interest in the best rather than the most famous, an interest that is far from the usual touristic attitude. james also endows his american with a genuine desire for intellectual growth, suggesting that, at least in some ways, newman’s travel antithesizes the lack of cultural engagement characteristic of the beaten track: he had always hated to hurry to catch railroad trains, and yet he had always caught them; and just so an undue solicitude for “culture” seemed a sort of silly dawdling at the station, a proceeding properly confined to women, foreigners, and other unpractical persons. all this admitted, newman enjoyed his journey, when once he had fairly entered the current, as profoundly as the most zealous dilettante. one’s theories, after all, matter little; it is one’s humor that is the great thing. our friend was intelligent, and he could not help that. he lounged through belgium and holland and the rhineland, through switzerland and northern italy, planning about nothing, but seeing everything. ( ) in views a-foot, bayard taylor described “english tourists” who were so engrossed in their guidebooks that “they sat and read about the very towns and towers they were passing, scarcely lifting their eyes to the real scenes” ( ). this is far from newman’s approach. james’s american has an outward disdain for a traveler’s “undue solicitude for ‘culture,’” for the fixation on what one is supposed to appreciate that replaces real experience with the words of guidebooks. what newman dislikes is not the culture itself but the act of “dawdling” about during its supposed acquisition. rather than dwelling on the process of sight-seeing, newman wants everything to have been seen. yet he does not, like the typical tourist, wish only to have the cultural capital of having been there. instead, newman wants to acquire the best of everywhere with the least effort. achieving this aim, he manages to acquire the cultural content of europe without dwelling on the acts of touring and traveling. newman is both the consummate tourist and its antithesis. his uncanny intelligence and capacity for observation allow him to see everything without becoming mired in the touristic apparatus that, in attempting to facilitate the seeing of europe, risks replacing genuine experience with an empty pantomime of travel. newman’s unusual ability to engage in real “travel” while following the beaten track of tourism is mirrored in his relation to the french language. just as newman desires to see the best that europe has to offer, he also wants to learn french. before m. nioche offers to give newman lessons, the thought that he could learn the language had not crossed the american’s mind. “but isn’t it awfully difficult,” newman asks, and he admits, “hang me if i should ever have thought of it! i took for granted it was impossible” ( - ). and yet, once newman believes it would be possible to learn a foreign language, the idea instantly appeals to him. he remarks, “i suppose that the more a man knows the better,” and “i suppose it would help me a great deal, knocking about paris, to know the language” ( ). just like cooper and other earlier travelers, newman regards language acquisition as an aid to worthwhile travel and an intellectual improvement. nevertheless, it appears that newman’s lofty aims will be foiled by his own naiveté and by the duplicity of the nioches. noémie’s father has never taught french before, and “[i]t never occurred to newman to ask him for a guarantee of his skill in imparting instruction” ( ). the reader is thus led to believe that, due to the american’s innocence in such worldly matters, the quality of newman’s french instruction will be no better than that of the odious copy he has just purchased. despite this flaw in newman’s instruction, he appears peculiarly successful in his plan to learn french. even before the lessons begin, newman is able to ask a local woman a question because “[h]e had begun to learn french” ( ). later, noémie’s praise of newman’s progress may not be entirely trustworthy, but the american responds to her banter with an apropos french phrase, “proving that he had learned more french than he admitted” ( ). indeed, m. nioche’s instruction must be better than either man could have hoped, for by the end of the novel, newman is able to “translate poor m. de bellegarde’s french” for mrs. bread, who has lived in france for decades ( ). later, when newman meets urbain’s wife outside of the convent, they appear to have a complex and detailed conversation in french. at the end of a long paragraph of madame de bellegarde’s speech, james adds, “‘you know’—this was said in english—‘we have a plan for a little amusement’” ( ). if, as this interjection seems to indicate, the rest of the conversation was in french, newman has attained a degree of fluency to rival that of james himself. thus, while newman’s commercialism and his provincial behavior in the louvre seem to mark him as the crass epitome of the ugly american tourist, this initial characterization is undermined as the novel progresses by his apparent facility with linguistic and cultural acquisition, demonstrating how the tourism revolution can result in a new kind of cosmopolitanism. fussell even suggests, “if the american had a subtitle it might be learning french” ( ). he also argues that newman’s gradual acquisition of french is central to his “progressive characterization” ( ). nevertheless, james’s treatment of french, though radically different from twain’s views of foreign language, is also a significant departure from earlier models of linguistic cosmopolitanism. while cooper called attention to the inherent differences of language, often leaving foreign language untranslated for that reason, james presents the translation between english and french as effortless and transparent. when newman and noémie first meet, they have an entire conversation without a common language. “combien,” which james labels as “the single word which constituted the strength of [newman’s] french vocabulary,” may be sufficient to indicate that the american wishes to purchase noémie’s execrable copy, but their exchange is saturated with further interpretive leaps ( ). when noémie remarks, “it’s a very beautiful subject,” newman is able to reply, “the madonna, yes” ( - ). when noémie justifies her exorbitant price by saying, “but my copy has remarkable qualities; it is worth nothing less,” james explains newman’s uncanny comprehension only so far as to remark that the american “apprehended, by a natural instinct, the meaning of the young woman’s phrase” ( ). in the exchange that follows, james ingeniously ends each statement with an english-french cognate—finish, delicate, address, constant, capricious—implying that each interlocutor has caught this final word and used its likely translation to guess the entire statement’s meaning. for example, when newman insists, “i am very faithful, i am very constant. comprenez?” noémie is able to reply, “monsieur is constant. i understand perfectly” ( ). despite the obvious help of shared vocabulary, such partial understanding can be just as faulty as total incomprehension, as cooper’s treatment of imperfect cross-cultural communication has demonstrated. but newman and noémie are remarkable for their ability to bypass any difficulties of grammar or variations in pronunciation. james makes some effort to explain this half-magical understanding as a combination of intuition and being a person “upon whom nothing is lost” (cf. james’s “house of fiction”), but the ease, accuracy, and frequency with which newman makes such guesses combine to create the impression that the “language barrier” between the americans and the french is so permeable as to be hardly a barrier at all. indeed, christopher newman’s encounter with the old world has as much in common with cooper’s presentation of columbus as with the earlier author’s european travels. when columbus encountered the natives of the caribbean, he marveled at the utter alienness of their language and culture, but at the same time laid claim to an almost supernatural perception of their meaning, at least when such meaning suited his purposes. at the time of cooper’s career, the americans involved in the united states’ own exploration and expansion shared columbus’s orientalist approach to cultural difference and his expectation of transparent translation. in contrast, americans traveling to europe in the same period tended to value both the languages and the cultures they encountered in the old world. in the american, however, james presents an encounter with french that mirrors columbus’s reaction to the native caribbean languages rather than cooper’s travel to europe. following the exchange of cognates just cited, newman and noémie discuss his namesake: “droll?” said mr. newman, laughing too. “did you ever hear of christopher columbus?” “bien sûr! he invented america; a very great man. and he is your patron?” “my patron?” “your patron-saint, in the calendar.” “oh, exactly, my parents named me for him.” “monsieur is american?” “don’t you see it?” monsieur inquired. “and you mean to carry my little picture away over there?” and she explained her phrase with a gesture. ( ). newman echoes columbus by crossing the atlantic to find “a new world” ( ). but he also shares the admiral’s claimed ability to understand the various signs and gestures of the people he meets in that foreign land with little doubt or difficulty. newman and noémie’s mutual understanding may be believable, but only barely. when describing newman’s touristic acumen later in the novel, james summarizes his faculty of seamless interpretation: “he emerged from dialogues in foreign tongues, of which he had, formally, not understood a word, in full possession of the particular fact he had desired to ascertain” ( ). like columbus searching for signs of land, gold, or the great kahn, newman always seems able to comprehend the information he seeks, possessing it as fully as columbus claimed to possess the new world for spain. at the same time, newman also mirrors columbus in his condescending bemusement with the differences of the country he visits. when valentin warns newman that his family are “a very strange people,” the american responds, “very good . . . that’s the sort of thing i came to europe for. you come into my programme” ( ). this paradoxical combination of incomprehensible exoticism and easy translatability mirrors perfectly the attitudes not only of columbus but of most americans and europeans in colonial or imperial encounters. as sara blair has argued at length, james’s work shares numerous affinities with the genre of ethnography, although blair argues that it is the “american ‘national type’” that is “comparatively ‘savage’” ( ). in contrast, the several parallels between newman and columbus suggest, as rowe observes, that newman is as much imperialist as “barbarian” (“henry” ; “nationalism” ). in the american, the ethnographer’s view of foreignness has been translated from savage others to the previously admired culture of europe. moreover, as in mercedes of castile, in which cooper juxtaposes issues of linguistic translation with the similar incommensurability of economic exchange between cultures, newman’s lessons in french, though framed as gentlemanly conversation, are perpetually imbricated in the marketplace of economic exchange. from the beginning, not only does noémie suggest the lessons as yet another way to open the american’s pocketbook, but her father admits that he has learned english from “a great commerçant” who got the young nioche a position at “a counting-house in england” ( ). this influence on nioche’s english partially explains why one benefit of the lessons for newman is “an interest in french thriftiness” and “a lively admiration for parisian economics” ( ). moreover, the lessons commence as part of the bargain for several additional copies that newman will purchase to help pay noémie’s dowry—her own price, although not the one she ends up accepting. newman’s french is thus one more commodity in a marketplace including culture, knowledge, and women (see note ). a later description of the lessons further heightens this connection between language and economics. james writes, “the shrunken little capitalist repeated his visit more than once. he seemed oppressed by a humiliating sense of having been overpaid, and wished similarly, in her study of the novel of manners, nancy bentley compares james and several other writers to ethnographers ( ). apparently to redeem his debt by offer of grammatical and statistical information in small installments” ( - ). although the initial bargain was made with the promise of real parisian conversation and without setting a price, nioche’s visits are purely economic endeavors. for him, language is a commodity that he can use to offset newman’s previous generosity. he balances the need for a kind of ethical solvency with the desire for monetary gain. thus, james follows both cooper and melville in portraying the transference of translation as one of the many exchanges of goods and meaning across different cultures. when newman is rejected by the bellegardes for such interest in commerce, however, he again takes the position of columbus, devaluing as trifles the currency of a system of exchange he cannot understand. some time after the blow of losing claire, newman observes the “stream of carriages” in hyde park: newman, as usual, marveled at the strange dingy figures which he saw taking the air in some of the stateliest vehicles. they reminded him of what he had read of eastern and southern countries, in which grotesque idols and fetiches were sometimes taken out of their temples and carried abroad in golden chariots to be displayed to the multitude. ( - ) not only does newman reject the value of the ancient and noble heritage that has made such figures so “dingy,” but, like any american imperialist, he labels as “fetish” and “grotesque” what he cannot understand. although her focus is on james’s later work, nancy bentley has closely examined the affinity between “[t]he fetishizing descriptions of furniture and art that we see in the pages of james or veblen” and the genre of ethnography ( ). she explains that, while “[t]he fetish was a sign for the unreal or irrational value, . . . the sign itself had acquired a new reality from the museum and from the shared public discourse through which a solid world of commodities was named” ( ). in the american, too, james questions the value of the nobility he seems to fetishize, but this labeling of the foreign as incomprehensible can indicate a rejection of difference as well as the enlightened critique of commodity culture bentley suggests. in the end, this correspondence with imperialist depictions of cross-cultural exchange confirms rowe’s suggestion that “the american may well be a subtle warning to james’s readers, as well as to james’s own literary ambitions, that the international destiny of the self-reliant american may have more in common with the imperial claimants of [europe] than we in our democratic enthusiasm are willing to admit” (“politics” ). reading the economic exchanges in the novel alongside the history of linguistic encounters in american travel writing reveals the growing similarity between america’s relations to its imperial possessions and its attitudes toward the rest of the “civilized” world. indeed, the suggestion of fetishism in newman’s relation to the culture of paris illustrates an important difference between cooper’s cosmopolitan view of european cultural difference and the new cosmopolitanism of the late nineteenth century. looking at james’s work more broadly, katz describes how the “cosmopolite,” james’s archetype of the worldly expatriate, has a “tendency to reify others into nothing but sheer embodiments of a totalized cultural practice,” and that this “reification can move not only in the direction of prejudice, but also in what might seem the opposite: that of mystified adoration” ( ). whether the new american abroad scorns european difference or james buzard offers yet another perspective on james’s presentation of european culture: “the urge to ‘take part’ in a foreign culture is chiefly demonstrable by ‘taking a part’ of the culture—that is by actual or imaginary acts of what james called ‘appropriation.’ the question he repeatedly confronted, though, was whether an attempt to show that one has successfully appropriated a culture does not ultimately place one in complicity with the ‘touristic’ forces that are charged with bastardizing and commodifying the culture” ( ). fetishizes it, the blurred distinctions between the national and the foreign emphasized by cooper solidify into an “us vs. them” mentality, supporting the most rigid sense of national boundaries. so even when the new cosmopolite becomes american expatriate, the barrier of cultural and linguistic difference remains just as solid as the division between civilization and savagery. as the preceding reading might suggest, it is extremely difficult to present a unified interpretation of newman’s position in relation to both french language and culture. on the one hand, he seems to be the perfect model of twain’s provincial american abroad, but on the other, his dedication to learning french, and to making the most out of his travels intellectually—instead of merely following the outer forms of tourism in order to acquire superficial cultural capital—suggest an affinity with an earlier model of cosmopolitanism. at the same time, and despite james’s own multilingualism, the difficulties of language difference and translation are not given the careful attention in the american that they receive in the european travel writing of cooper and his contemporaries. rather than feeling an admiration of foreign culture, james’s american approaches europe with the assumption of easy translatability and cultural superiority that was once the purview of imperialist endeavors. it is not surprising, however, that james’s novel should contain such contradictions, because there is a radical disjuncture within the genre and plot of the novel itself. as the work shifts from novel of manners to revenge plot, the subtle play with the themes of culture, exchange, and tourism that characterizes the opening chapters is replaced by what several critics have identified as melodrama (brooks ; tuttleton ). as the novel approaches its conclusion, newman discovers that the bellegardes’ old english housekeeper mrs. bread possesses a mysterious deathbed letter from the late marquis that might implicate his widow in some horrible crime. mrs. bread claims not to have read the letter she kept for so many years because it was written in french, but several critics have doubted the plausibility of this story. frank, for example, questions mrs. bread’s claim “that she does not know enough french ever to have read the note,” particularly “after a lifetime spent in a french household,” and further points out that if she in fact did not know what the note said, she would have shown more eagerness for newman to translate it for her ( ). however plausible it might be that mrs. bread cannot read french after so long a residence in the country—it is difficult to comprehend, but it seems equally difficult for a fully literate person to imagine being able to read but not to write—her lack of curiosity about the letter can be explained by her belief that she already knows what it contains. she tells newman: “i believe it was this way. he had a fit of his great pain, and he asked her for his medicine. instead of giving it to him she went and poured it away, before his eyes. then he saw what she meant, and, weak and helpless as he was, he was frightened, he was terrified. ‘you want to kill me,’ he said. ‘yes, m. le marquis, i want to kill you,’ says my lady, and sits down and fixes her eyes upon him. you know my lady’s eyes, i think, sir; it was with them she killed him; it was with the terrible strong will she put into them.” ( ) john a. clair further suggests that james “deliberately draws mrs. bread as a scheming woman intent upon blackmailing the bellegardes through newman—or newman himself, if necessary—to effect a financially secure existence for life” ( ). fussell explains: “she speaks both english and french; she can read english only; she can write neither tongue” ( ). this scenario is undeniably melodramatic, and it is entirely understandable that mrs. bread’s certainty about what occurred should cast doubt on her story, suggesting that she might have played a larger role in the drama than she is inclined to admit. yet, when compared to newman’s experience of linguistic encounter, mrs. bread’s extrapolation of madame de bellegarde’s involvement from what little she claims to know is no less credible than the other moments of near-telepathic translation that occur throughout the novel. in fact, mrs. bread’s uncanny interpretation of the letter she supposedly cannot read is remarkably similar to the leaps of interpretation newman and noémie take in the opening scene. in all such examples, language difference is a non-issue. meaning is available for easy appropriation in the same way that, for the ideal tourist at least, european culture is to be had for the taking. for the enterprising american, the once contrasting “civilized” culture of europe and “savage” culture of the rest of the world are equally accessible and, more tellingly, equally obtainable. the real disjunction of the novel is not the drastic shift to melodrama, but the way the new american cosmopolitanism slips into a kind of cultural and linguistic imperialism. taken as a whole, the plot seems to suggest that european difference is ultimately untranslatable— newman can never truly fathom why the bellegardes are unable to accept a “commercial person.” but newman’s inability to translate the bellegardes’ objections into values his american mind can understand is offset by the apparent ease with which he acquired the french language and his uncanny knack for understanding complex french conversation after only a few months of causal study. in the end, despite newman’s regret to not have frightened the bellegardes as much as he had hoped, the novel concludes with apparent admiration for what mrs. tristram calls his “remarkable good nature,” a defining characteristic of this representative american ( ). perhaps, then, james means the reader to think that newman is better off not understanding the obscure values of the old aristocracy. in contrast to twain’s linguistic difficulties, for james, most of european language and culture is easily acquired, and what remains—including the antique notions of honor that cause both newman’s rejection and valentin’s death—are not worth understanding. this conclusion is likely influenced by james’s own experiences in paris while composing the novel. as long describes: in one respect, james’s stay in paris had something in common with christopher newman’s experience of it in the novel. after crossing the atlantic, he proclaimed to his family: “i take possession of the old world—i inhale it—i appropriate it!” yet in his letters of that year, he complains of his limited access to parisian life, his failure to penetrate very far beyond the city’s small, enclosed american colony; and his columns to the tribune continually suggest a spectator-outsider. (henry ) peter brooks further suggests that “it may have been james’s very cosmopolitanism that doomed him to outsider status” because his works did not fit into the cannon of the particularly french writers of paris ( - ). despite his usually cosmopolitan image, james’s early experiences in paris reveal an impermeable barrier between american and peter brooks comments on similar feelings, explaining how, despite the fact that james “had the requisite command both of the french language and of french culture, and he had been admitted to the most exclusive literary circle in france[,] . . . he felt excluded and lonely” ( ). likewise martha banta describes how “[t]he twelve months that had launched the story of christopher newman’s confrontation with the ‘walls’ of parisian society marked a difficult period during which james himself had had to come to terms with those elements—internal as well as external—that seemed to prevent him from becoming the cosmopolitan man he urgently desired to be” ( ). european society. mirroring his author’s failure, newman’s plans to join the bellegarde family are also frustrated by the incommensurability of french culture, despite the frequent ease of linguistic translation. yet the cultural values that newman finds so incomprehensible are ultimately deemed worthless both by the rejected american and by his equally rejected and defensive author. the american, then, depicts a world of rigid national boundaries that cannot fully be crossed, even by those who might wish to do so. newman may be more cosmopolite than tourist, but the new cosmopolitanism of both the character and his author proves far more narrowly nationalistic than the cosmopolitanism of earlier periods. like the imperialism of columbus, it combines an underestimation of translation’s difficulties with a strict dichotomy between one’s own culture and the unknowable other. james’s novel is a fitting conclusion for this study because it presents a new dialectic of cosmopolitanism and nationalism. on one hand, james and the many american expatriates who followed him might seem to contrast sharply with the provinciality of twain’s nationalistic attitudes and with the popular views of the american tourists twain depicts. when viewed through the lens of translation and imperialist discourse, however, james’s new approach to foreign language and culture presents a different kind of cosmopolitanism than that found in cooper. cooper’s desire to negotiate the value of both european history and american innovation was based in a respect for the nuances of cultural difference. while james shares cooper’s root desire to take what is valuable from europe without denying american principles, he limits what he considers valuable to that which is easily translatable—both easily understood and unproblematically converted to dollars and cents (or, indeed, that which easily translates into both dollars and sense). anything that will not translate is not worth understanding on its own terms, but should be rejected outright. despite james’s own extensive acquisition of european language and culture, then, his work affirms what can be seen throughout twain’s travel writings—the new rigidity of national boundaries and the failure of the enlightenment’s cosmopolitan ideal. as the united states moved more firmly into the position of world power in the final decades of the nineteenth century, it began to view the cultural and linguistic differences of europe with the prejudice previously reserved for non-western lands. the changing nature of american travel to europe is but one aspect of this shift to american prominence. however, as attention to the representation of foreign language reveals, the “ugly american” tourist depicted by both twain and james is the product not only of the mass culture of tourism, but also of the expansionist and imperialist policies of the united states on a global scale. newman’s fetishization of european culture thus represents a new kind of orientalism that could be called, unmelodiously, old world-ism. whether admired or scored, european differences are reified, even by the new breed of cosmopolitan expatriates that james describes. accordingly, while the acceptance of western and non-western difference found in cooper and melville represents the continuation of enlightenment cosmopolitanism in the first half of the nineteenth century, twain and james depict two new attitudes toward cultural difference arising from the united states’ increased prominence on the international stage. the “ugly american” tourists twain describes are the precursors to the countless ignorant and xenophobic travelers who continued to depart america’s shores well into the twentieth century. yet the high-brow bastions of culture are not immune to the same nationalistic trend, as the example of james demonstrates. at the turn of the twentieth century, even the cosmopolitan expatriate approached national boundaries with 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( ): – © by johns hopkins university press “all the land had changed”: territorial expansion and the native american past in pauline hopkins’s winona colleen o’brien university of south carolina upstate the first chapter of pauline hopkins’s third and least-known book, winona, a tale of negro life in the south and southwest ( ), seems not to fit its title. although the magazine novel advertises “negro” characters and the geography of the “south and southwest,” its prehistory begins among aristocrats in england, and then recaps a particularly fraught historical episode that displaced the seneca people of western new york in the first half of the nineteenth century. the novel opens in the vicinity of what would become the seneca nation in , extending from a crucial underground railroad station—the city of buffalo, new york—to an island in the niagara river that became part of the british colonies after the french and indian war, and then returned briefly to the seneca. contested territory and unstable borders become a central theme in the novel, whose characters later traverse proslavery missouri and john brown’s bleeding kansas. the origin of the story, however, is a personal and familial conflict over land on an english estate, even further from the united states south. an aristocrat flees england and a set of trumped-up murder charges to find refuge among the seneca, who rename him white eagle. the fugitive, neé henry carlingsford, is innocent, but has been framed by his scheming cousin, titus, who covets the estate he would inherit. men greedy for land displace white eagle again when he settles in new york. the fictional white eagle experiences a very real moment in seneca history: david ogden, who had wrangled with the seneca since at least because they essentially refused to sell their land, finally gained government support to expel them from that land. by , as matthew dennis studies in american fiction explains, “the seneca lost all their remaining new york lands, except a one-square-mile reservation at oil spring, and were nearly removed to a trans-mississippi reservation in kansas.” although they managed to reclaim two reservations by , this dispute over land was a major blow to the seneca that is still unresolved. white eagle is exiled for the second time “[w]hen the indians gave up buffalo creek reservation to ogeten [sic] in , and departed from buffalo” ( ). hopkins generalizes this specific seneca event to point toward the united states government project of indian removal: the second paragraph of the novel explains, “from , the aborigines began to scatter. they gave up the last of their great reservations then before the on-sweeping anglo-saxon” ( ). yet she does not apply the image of the expansionist anglo-saxon to “white eagle, who had linked his fortunes with the seneca” ( ). not only does “white eagle” find himself on contested indian ground, he also “link[s] his fortunes” with an entirely different kind of disputed property. within the next ten years, two unnamed women who are fugitive slaves redefine his life and identity as much as the people who named him “white eagle.” he marries one of the women and adopts the other’s child. he never meets the woman who, during her flight from slavery, died and left an infant son named judah. the woman who will become white eagle’s wife carries the infant to freedom, and then the fugitive slave and exiled english aristocrat raise judah as their own. she dies after bearing him a daughter, winona, but he lives on with his two children, who are also his heirs. ultimately, his cousin, the “on- sweeping anglo-saxon” destroys white eagle ( ). after framing henry carlingford in an attempt to steal his inheritance, colonel titus has moved to missouri and become a slave owner. by a very hopkinsian twist of fate, the fugitive slaves linked to white eagle belong to titus. when titus learns that the two women left behind children whom he can claim as his own property under the fugitive slave law, he strikes out to find them. the opportunity to dispose of his cousin only sweetens the deal, and titus shoots white eagle in the back of the head before he remands winona and judah to his plantation in missouri. winona and judah are thus heirs to the carlingford estate and heirs to “the condition of their mothers”—slavery. by the end of the novel, however, brother and sister have escaped to join john brown’s militia in the kansas/missouri borderlands, where judah has the opportunity to avenge his father’s death and winona gains the right to claim what is rightfully hers. two aspects of this complex and sometimes convoluted story make it particu- larly important to scholars of american culture. first, hopkins’s literary engagement with seneca history and culture, though limited and at times problematic, offers an early “all the land had changed” example of an african american activist writer attempting to represent native american people and the issues of injustice they faced. while lois brown suggests that “hopkins does not delve as deeply as she might into issues of native american genocide, treaty conflicts, or wars,” this essay identifies subtle echoes of what hopkins perceived to be native american culture. the implicit parallel between indian removal and “the mem- ory of recent happenings in the beautiful southland, against the negro voter” is fairly clear—both groups have been denied their land and their rights. by invoking buffalo creek, furthermore, hopkins literally lays the groundwork for one of the novel’s main arguments—that connections to the land derived from work and respectful stewardship, rather than inheritance or conquest, are the foundation of freedom and justice. this emphasis on land rights leads to my second point, which is that the novel engages questions of nature and the environment in remarkable ways. her ambiguous— seneca, black, and english aristocrat—hero and heroine duo call dominant ideas of race and nature into question by their very existence. no good character falls “naturally” into the ethnic identity he or she supposedly “belongs” to (white eagle sheds his anglo-saxon cultural past, for example), and characters can seemingly transform themselves from one cultural identity to another. they can make themselves at home in whatever landscape they occupy; the resonating history of the environment empowers them. although, as paul outka argues, the laws of slavery rendered african americans powerless by natu- ralizing the identity of the enslaved into the landscape and treating them as chattels, the convergence of black and indian stories in winona attempts to recast that relationship to the land. written in , when the united states consolidated its imperial power as far as the philippines, the novel layers the historical moment of seneca dispossession with the early tremors of the civil war in bleeding kansas and a renewed eruption of white supremacist violence in the south. but the violated landscape in winona strikes back, invigorating exploited people to claim what is theirs. to illustrate how winona accomplishes all of this, section two of this essay discusses hopkins’s representation of the first nations. her specific, though fleeting, concern for seneca dispossession is not the only lens through which she invites the reader to see native history. she also introduces an important natural symbol, a plant commonly called the indian-pipe, known in native american legend but not so familiar in non-native literature. as a literary symbol, however, actual peace pipes would also have been familiar to hopkins’s readers because pipes made from red stone are the first symbolic objects to appear in henry wadsworth longfellow’s popular song of hiawatha. but hopkins also seems to build on what longfellow construed as the peace pipe’s studies in american fiction legendary significance—a reminder not to fight over land. this is because she uses the indian pipe plant (which does not appear in song of hiawatha) as a frame for the story’s action. for hopkins, the story of the indian-pipes plant is implicitly connected to land rights, stewardship, and retribution. section two also discusses winona’s perspective on environmental justice and the implicit meanings of nature and civilization, both as they are defined by her seneca- identified sibling duo and by the coercive forces of indian removal, slavery, or imperialism. in this respect, hopkins’s literary engagement with nature reflects many of the aspects of contemporary african american ecological or environmental thought. for instance, kimberly ruffin prefers the term “ecology” to assert that “( ) humans are indeed ‘natu- ral’; ( ) humans have developed a powerful and distinct culture within nature; and ( ) cultural definitions of ‘humanity’ influence an individual’s experiences among humans and with nonhuman nature.” the way that winona and judah immerse themselves in a natural world that literally quakes with divine justice does cast them as “natural,” just as cultural definitions of “humanity” and, i would add, “civilization” propounded by titus in particular and united states government policy in general stand in the way of their individual claims to the landscapes they inhabit. more importantly, hopkins takes issue with conceptions of nature and civilization that justified indian removal, slavery, and imperialism. the third section argues that, while winona critiques the way that dominant cul- tural forces naturalize the exploitation of the earth and of specific groups of people, it also suggests a different way of relating to the land. in the midst of the righteous rebellion that winona and judah participate in so that they may re-establish their own (and symbolically a native and african american) connection to the land, their interactions with the natural world become a significant part of the plot. the way that dominant culture naturalizes racial oppression and the onward march of “civilization” to exploit indigenous people and their land is at issue, yet the book also has a positive environmental aspect. hopkins comments on the ways that humans interact with the natural world, either respecting the land and practicing good stewardship, or confronting it with the intent to conquer. this corresponds to contemporary definitions of environmental criticism and suggests that we might think of hopkins as an environmentalist. by , as kimberly smith il- lustrates, african american environmental thought was in the midst of a longstanding tradition of “black agrarianism” rooted in the belief that “achieving freedom would mean, prominently, achieving the right to the land on which they labored.” winona and judah learn, first through their experience as seneca people, then as enslaved black workers, that “all the land had changed” the land can and should be the source of one’s freedom. as smith states, “an attachment to place—an attachment based on one’s positive relationship to the land rather than on legal barriers to movement” can forge an ecological or environmental sensibility that also has important implications for racial and social justice. winona and judah commune with the environment, relating to nature in powerful and productive ways that are not mediated by the landscape of slavery or delimited by hopkins’s flawed sense of native american nature. by the end of the novel, they transcend national and racial affiliations to act on behalf of universal—and environmental—justice. hopkins’s indian-pipes previous scholarship on winona argues that hopkins creates “imaginative alliances” among blacks, native americans, and even filipinos. her use of native american figures may shortchange indian culture, but it is her interest in unifying and breaking down boundaries between the “darker races” that merits further critical attention. i want to extend that discussion to consider how hopkins uses popular conceptions of native people to critique encroachment and assert land rights. because her representations of first na- tions cultures are imaginative, not based on affiliation, i refer to the ecology of people and non-human nature as a landscape, an artistic representation of place that endows it with meaning. as she draws parallels among the historical landscapes of slavery, indian removal, and united states territorial expansion in the aftermath of the spanish-american war, she subsumes these historical forces within a natural symbol, the “indian-pipe.” simply put, the lesson of the indian-pipe teaches that there are consequences for using violence to appropriate land. she also criticizes one form of appropriation while applying another. that is to say, her literary appropriation of native american lore, particularly when it builds on longfellow’s already botched appropriations, seems to come more from white authors than from actual native sources. as a novel themed largely around conflicts over land and property rights, winona gestures toward the song of hiawatha’s symbolic peace-pipes, an image that would have been quite familiar to her turn-of-the-century readers due to hiawatha’s commercial suc- cess, edmonia lewis’s statues, the emergence of “hiawatha pageants,” dramatic readings of the poem by the likes of frances watkins harper’s daughter, mary, and the musical composition of three cantatas named for and inspired by “the song of hiawatha” by the renowned samuel coleridge taylor. within the creatively rendered landscape of her novel’s varied geographic settings, hopkins employs a familiar story and plays on one of its major symbols. studies in american fiction in the opening lines of longfellow’s poem, the creator calls the nations together at a sacred site and exhorts them to live in peace. (according to native lore, this place is often identified as the coteau des prairies in south dakota.) after the warriors are “cleaned and washed from all their war paint,” they take red pipestone from the quarry and “[s]moothed and formed it into peace-pipes” ( ). the wisdom of the “creator of nations” admonishes them to recognize that “[a]ll your strength is in your union” and accept the “signal of the peace-pipe”—as a covenant and promise never to fight over land rights again ( ). because the creator has given them an abundant natural world to live in, replete with “lands to hunt in / . . . bear and bison / . . . streams to fish in” and the like, they were commanded to be content and cease “wrangling and dissension” ( ). but the landscape in winona, whether it is claimed by an english aristocrat, the seneca nation, or john brown’s freedom fighters, sees constant wrangling and dissension. when the natural world is converted to a capitalist landscape, just as when a person is remanded to slavery, all the greed and violence that precipitated longfellow’s version of the peace pipes story resurfaces. hopkins’ use of the indian-pipe plant keys into a story of retribution absent from longfellow’s poem. whereas part of the novel draws from longfellow, which is far from the most accurate or realistic way to portray native culture, hopkins’s version also echoes an addendum to the legend of the creator instructing his warriors to live in peace. in some oral traditions, the peace-pipes story has a sequel—another version in which conflicts over land resume, disturbing the era of peace initiated by the creator. in this iteration of the tale, the creator turns the leaders responsible for the strife into the plants as punishment. the way hopkins uses the symbol of the indian-pipe nonetheless signals her familiarity with this version of the story. just before titus lands on white eagle’s island to commit murder and remand winona and judah to slavery, brother and sister uncover an indian-pipe plant in the brush. the indian-pipes appear again at the end of the novel, after winona and judah have fought for and regained their freedom, when they return home to see that “the plant stems lay concealed among the bushes as of old” ( ) and justice has been restored. men like titus and his overseer, thompson, who violate the sovereignty of free soil and personhood must, like the native americans who were transformed into indian-pipes, be punished. the indian-pipes create a frame for the novel, marking both the genesis and resolution of its crises over land and entitlement. they signify the power the landscape has over its inhabitants and the manner in which the righteous draw from nature and nature’s laws to protect their sovereignty of self and entitlement to specific parcels of land. hopkins’s natural world is not a passive “other,” “all the land had changed” much as the land, as robert nelson explains in terms of native american literature, “has a life of its own”; its “vitality,” as nelson suggests, is “a quality imposed on the land by human imagination but not vice versa.” hopkins’s indian-pipes, like longfellow’s peace-pipes, become a familiar trope of unity and harmony in the natural world that contrasts dramatically with discrepancies in human power relations enacted through indian removal, slavery, and imperialism. as white eagle raises them, winona and judah’s relationship to the land ostensibly derives from their relationship with the first people—the seneca—among whom they have as- similated. because they respect the land and experience union with nature rather than the urge to conquer it, winona and judah garner power from nature. in idealized and somewhat stereotypical fashion, brother and sister travel by canoe and wear moccasins; they eat fish from the lake, mushrooms from the earth, and drink “copious draughts of pure spring water from a nearby rill” whose “gentle gurgle” mingles with the roaring of nearby niagara falls ( ). because both of their birth mothers have died, their primary mother figure is the old seneca woman nokomis (named for hiawatha’s grandmother and caregiver in the longfellow poem), who tells winona the story of the indian-pipes. nokomis serves as the memory of the landscape itself; her presence and that of the indian- pipes at the very beginning of the novel recalls a time when people lived in peace with one another and with nature, much like in the story of the peace pipes. the reader can anticipate that this golden period of peace, winona and judah’s idyllic childhood, will be disturbed. yet just as the people of the seneca nation who struggled to restore their own sovereignty, winona and judah fight to regain their inheritance of freedom as well as their father’s estate in england. in this sense, as i have indicated above, they reverse the trajectory of the “civilizing mission.” this triumph comes more through their “indian training” than their father’s anglo heritage. although hopkins represents native american culture poorly, as did longfellow, those problems are beyond the scope of this article. what i find intriguing, nonetheless, is the imagined alliance she attempts to construct between african and na- tive american struggles for sovereignty. drawing again from longfellow by taking the name of one of his major characters, hopkins introduces indian ways of knowing early in the novel. a moment after the two children “push the leaves aside together, revealing the faint pink stems of the delicate, gauzy indian-pipes,” they argue about whether “no- komis knows” and “speaks truly” of the natural world ( ). nokomis has admonished them not to touch the plants because disturbing them destroys them, much as greedily snatching up any natural resource disturbs peace. winona believes nokomis, but judah studies in american fiction doubts the tale because “in school you learn not to believe all the silly stories that we are told by the indians” ( ). although he claims, a few pages later, that they are indians, judah has already learned from anglo-american culture that indians lie. the balance of the novel, however, illustrates the truth of the indian-pipes story: that retribution awaits those who are aggressive and greedy. within moments of the conversation about the indian-pipes, titus and his over- seer, thomson, appear. the two embody the antithesis of nokomis’s reverence for the sanctity of the natural world and the natural rights of its inhabitants. as i mentioned earlier, titus kills white eagle so he will become the sole heir to the carlingford estate. when he finds winona and judah, he declares that he has “struck it rich” ( ). he kid- naps the children, taking them back to “civilization”—the plantation he has purchased in missouri ( ). civilization, as president james monroe suggested to the seneca in , meant “improving land by cultivation.” by the s, this logic of capitalist agriculture justified slavery in missouri. exploitation and greed, in this story, escalate from the familial level to the national level. like the us government, titus combines the practices of indian removal and remand to slavery when he steals winona and judah. his dishonest manipulation of the right to inherit property on a familial level mirrors the national practices of encroaching on indian territory and promoting the westward expansion of slavery that also take place in the s. titus and thomson frequently assault judah in an attempt to make him conform to a subordinate position as laborer. judah never submits to the overseer, thompson, despite numerous whippings, and instead showcases his ruggedly masculine talents by breaking horses. this is one of the ways he aligns his cultural knowledge with the landscape he inhabits. when the colonel offers to let judah tame a particularly wild horse that has beaten thomson, he forgets that he has been enslaved and instead draws from (what hopkins imagines as) his native american background to outshow thomson. first, “judah stepped forward and began giving his orders without a shade of servility, seeming to forget in the excitement of the moment his position as a slave” ( ). next, ordering an audience of thomson and titus’s rowdy, gambling white friends to “stand back, all of you,” he hypnotizes his audience: “the power of the hypnotic eye was known and practiced among all the indian tribes of the west. it accounted for their wonderful success in subduing animals” ( ). notably, the idea of his native american past relieves judah, if only momentarily, from his subjugated “position as a slave” and endows him with abilities unavailable to anglo-americans (with the exception, perhaps, of men like white eagle and john brown). the spirit he draws from is of “the west,” his current loca- “all the land had changed” tion, not seneca territory; hence we might assume that it is exuded by the landscape itself. yet the “power of the hypnotic eye” is not just a mystical, romanticized representation of native americans’ relationship to horses. rather, it is the power of “mind over instinct,” which suggests that a form of wisdom undergirds these talents ( ). although his cultural background is seneca, judah’s powers are akin to the “tribes of the west” ( ). perhaps because he is in kansas city, he is able to appropri- ate the “western” indian’s skill by proxy. the important point is that deploying these imagined cultural traits and connecting them to the landscape is an act of the mind, not instinct. in this way, constructions of identity are provisional and protean—the only thing that is “natural” is that the just can adapt and assimilate to a place when they aim to protect it from encroachment. judah proves his power through his cross-cultural affilia- tions and his ability to function within different landscapes. he maintains his “indian” qualities despite the fact that titus has remanded him and designated him, according to the authority of the compromise of , a black slave. even when the jealous and em- barrassed thomson seeks vengeance by sending judah to the slave jail for a whipping, judah refuses to submit or be broken. “strung up by his thumbs to the cross-beams,” he endures “torturing agony” without a sound, having “learned his lesson of endurance in the schools of the indian stoic” ( ). while these stereotypes may be disturbing to twenty-first century readers, it is important to remember that hopkins’s access to, or knowledge of, the indigenous people she tries to valorize was limited in boston in . hopkins’s tendency to borrow directly from other texts (like dime novels) partially explains these unfortunate inclusions. the suggestion that these qualities are of the mind—a form of wisdom—indicates that this connection to the landscape and its rightful inhabitants can be learned but must also be remembered. particularly in contested territory, the upward spiral of history consolidates memories of injustice. in this way, judah can simultaneously, or alternately, act as a seneca, an african american, or a man allied with the tribes of the west. the trope of the indian-pipes conveys an argument about the individual’s rela- tionship to the natural world that places hopkins in dialogue with a set of issues raised in environmental studies. her depiction of her characters’ relation to nature transcends what lance newman calls “the lithified historical experience of slavery in rural settings,” representing instead “the image of nature as a sacred space [that] produces militant politi- cal consciousness.” hopkins imagines what lawrence buell calls “place knowledge” as the result of “long existential immersion” in a particular locale that makes “attachment to place” a “creative force.” her depiction of winona and judah’s relationship to the studies in american fiction landscape—first as seneca children living a primeval existence, then as slaves on titus’s missouri plantation, and finally fighting in the woods against missouri rangers—gestures toward a new paradigm of entitlement and justice. magnolia farm because winona and judah ultimately extirpate the forces that create “wrangling and dissension”—the proslavery missouri rangers who exploit and enslave workers on that land, they become hiawatha figures for the twentieth century. perhaps hopkins under- stood longfellow’s hiawatha as a hero who forged a synergistic relationship to the land by cultivating corn, and then became a great leader by unifying his people. perhaps she knew of the historical hiawatha as the mohawk founder of the iroquois confederacy, who helped unite five nations who spoke different languages and practiced different customs. the latter historical possibility, which she might have read about in lewis henry mor- gan’s league of the ho-de-no-sau-nee, or iroquois ( ), would better suit her own vision of uniting “blacks in all quarters of the globe.” like this hiawatha figure, her hero and heroine offer a new model of civilization, wherein people of different “tribes” maintain their autonomy but coalesce in the interest of creating a society beyond the coercive, capitalist-agrarian models of civilization that justified indian removal and slavery. i can only speculate on hopkins’s knowledge of the iroquois by looking closely at her choice to begin the story in the seneca nation, her use of the indian-pipe, and the way that her seneca-black-anglo characters differ from the likes of titus. the figure of titus clearly represents a particular kind of relationship to the landscape that produces imperialism and exploitation. while hopkins is looking back on the antebellum period, titus’s impulses display a type of capitalist white supremacy that would further expand after reconstruction. historian gail bederman describes the way that the advent of man- hood suffrage guaranteed by the fifteenth amendment conflicted with white southerners’ need to control the political and economic landscape of the south. nationalist rhetoric evidenced the “natural” superiority of the anglo-american male through his relationship to the landscape—his ability to tame the wilderness and cultivate the “empty” space of the frontier. hopkins’s representation of white expansion into the frontier has much in com- mon with the imperial expansion that was extending as far as the philippines in , and the landscape represents what w.j.t. mitchell describes as a “fetishized commodity . . . what marx called ‘a social hieroglyph,’ an emblem of the social relations it conceals.” yet the relationship that winona and judah forge with the landscape actually reveals the “all the land had changed” workings of race and gender within social relations. although “these semiotic features of landscape, and the historical narratives they generate, are tailor-made for the discourse of imperialism, which conceives itself precisely (and simultaneously) as an expansion of ‘culture’ and ‘civilization’ into a ‘natural’ space in a progress that is itself narrated as ‘natural’,” nothing about the white man’s world is natural for hopkins. in winona, the black indian hero and heroine’s relationship to each landscape they encounter entitles them to define and disseminate a non-anglo version of civilization wherever they go. as historical revision, winona invokes native american legend (or longfellow’s version of it) to define a society’s level of civilization in terms of its ability to deal fairly and respectably in issues of property. the connection between stealing land from na- tive americans and stealing labor and self-sovereignty from african americans impels hopkins’s indictment of titus’s version of “civilization.” titus also represents the broader social and political context created by anglo-american men like him in . the rhetoric of civilization that justified slavery, manifest destiny and policies such as the roosevelt’s corollary to the monroe doctrine characterizes a specifically anglo-american form of nationalism, one intrinsically tied to the american landscape. in early twentieth-century anglo-american rhetoric, as eric kaufmann suggests, a man’s ability to identify with his natural surroundings signified his sense of belong- ing in the context of a national identity. kaufman describes an exceptionalist national ideal of anglo-masculinity that fuses thomas jefferson’s yeoman farmer with theodore roosevelt’s frontiersman who draws an exceptionally american spirit from the untamed frontier. hopkins plays with these ideals, unmasking the incipient capitalism in yeoman ideology as well as the economic impulse of the frontiersman. she connects titus to agri- cultural production on his cotton plantation and places him in the southwest frontier of missouri. ostensibly, titus cultivates his plantation in missouri (although, as discussed below, hopkins makes it clear that his slaves really do the work that legitimates such a connection to the landscape). ideally, per roosevelt, he should also be able to master the rugged terrain of the woods in kansas—and he has great confidence that, as the captain of a band of pro-slavery missouri rangers, he can do so—yet it is winona and judah who will draw from the natural power of the woods to defeat titus. while winona and judah’s experience as members of a displaced seneca na- tion creates their initial understanding of injustice, their experience as enslaved laborers opens their eyes to the economic injustice of disenfranchising slaves whose labor created the nation’s wealth. the siblings witness the magnitude and sacrifice of uncompensated african american labor. hopkins’s depiction of the capitalist slaveholder’s idyllically studies in american fiction named “magnolia farm” swelters with indignation: “the summer sun hung evenly over the great fields of cotton” where the slaves produce their master’s wealth, but they are thoroughly disenfranchised from the benefits of that wealth. even “the rambling house cast no shadow” on the fields, not even affording a little shade. as titus watches people work, in contrast, “the broad piazza at the back afforded ample shade from the mid-day rays, sheltered as it was by great pines.” he is merely a passive observer in the produc- tion of wealth as he sits on “the porch, with its deep, cool shadows.” titus epitomizes an inverted racist caricature of lazy former slaves who sit on the porch and refuse to work that would develop during reconstruction as well as the northern free labor stereotype of the aristocratic, languid southerner. he is in his element on the porch, which “commanded a view of the working force, and made it a favorite resting place for the colonel” ( ). while his slaves pick cotton in the sweltering sun, titus lounges and sips a mint julep like the patriarch of a plantation romance. but as representative of the anglo-masculine presence that supposedly built the united states and plans to civilize the americas, he proves a casual (and notably lazy) observer of the labor and produc- tion that extracts wealth from the landscape. his fraudulent masculinity neither draws vigor from the land nor cultivates it to make it productive—the slaves are the only ones with a legitimate relationship to the land. although, as hazel carby points out, winona also invokes “the historical landscape of slavery to represent the contemporary social order,” winona’s identity has not been circumscribed by that artificial landscape. her landscape of identity is hybrid, liminal, and “natural” in a way that contradicts racial science’s claims about nature. nor does winona’s gender get in the way of her participa- tion in “organized and individual acts of resistance and self-defense against oppression”; because hopkins endows winona with the ability to fashion herself anew, she has a malleable gender and a racial identity that are ready-made to answer what carby has termed the “call for organized acts of resistance against contemporary persecution”—the racial and gender repression within an increasingly expansionist, masculinist, and white supremacist nation. like the errant chiefs who are punished by being turned into indian-pipes, how- ever, the colonel will face retribution. the narrator implies that the artificial claim colonel titus has upon the landscape, based on the ridiculous premise that he has produced its wealth, epitomizes the injustice of white territorial expansion in missouri and the crime of slavery (this also parallels the project of imperialism in the early twentieth century, as i explain below). in hopkins’s estimation, his illegitimate claim to the landscape, based on coercion and the curtailment of his slaves’ liberty, results in titus’s daughter’s punish- “all the land had changed” ment. titus suffers divine retribution even before winona and judah escape; his child is crippled, a condition that hopkins attributes to her father’s moral degeneracy. equating the child’s disability with a biblical curse and divine retribution, the narrator reminds us, “it is taught that evil deeds shall be visited upon the progeny of the doer unto the third and fourth generations” ( ). from the perspective of twenty-first century ideas of disability, this is another instance of hopkins lack of sensitivity, since she attributes a child’s disability to her father’s sin. it is important to emphasize, however, that this is a biblical rather than a lamarckian inheritance: the curse references lingering proslavery arguments that noah’s curse upon ham relegated people of african descent to a condition of perpetual servitude, but it redirects the curse on the enslaver. the oppressed, in acts of divine justice, are scheduled to revisit this “evil” on their oppressors. forebodingly, the narrator suggests that colonel titus’s slaves are about to strike back at him. “all the land had changed” hopkins depicts titus’s assertions of authority and entitlement as racist manifestations of exploitation and domination. she also destabilizes primitivist association between indigenous or african people and nature, as opposed to anglo “civilization,” because she challenges the very idea of race as natural and thus undermines the myth of civiliza- tion. because they grow up on a secluded island, winona and judah are not exposed to the logic of domination and mastery that defines african or native american “blood” as inferior, nor do they even register the pseudo-science that assigns biological meaning to race. raised among seneca people on an island that provides sanctuary from slavery and the color line, winona and judah grow up oblivious to racial categories. as the rustic frontiersman ebenezer maybee explains, neither child “realizes what ‘bein’ a nigger’ means; they have no idee of their true position in this unfrien’ly world” ( ). although their experience with titus apprises them of their supposed “position,” they do not accept it. rejecting the artificial constructions of anglo-american civilization, they negotiate their racial alliances through a relationship to the natural world whose laws they abide. just as race is a lie perpetuated by the so-called civilized world, so too is gender. winona undoes the stereotype of the hypersexual african american female. although titus tries to “cultivate” her into a sex slave, the assertion that she has “the pluck of a man” and that “[s]he doesn’t whimper, but jus’ saws wood and keeps to her instructions” suggests that she can be a nurturer, a provider, or a protector—but never a “fancy girl” ( ). in this sense, the indian pipes also foreshadow the threats to the sovereignty of winona’s body. just before they are kidnapped, she chastises judah when he reaches to studies in american fiction touch the indian-pipes, telling him they will turn black. indeed, handling destroys the flowers, which blacken as they die. titus and his overseer, thomson, likewise handle winona by kidnapping and remanding her to slavery, legally blackening her, and then attempting to cultivate her exotic beauty by priming her in musical and other artistic skills in order to render her suitable for a new orleans fancy girl auction. the colonel’s investment in winona’s musical skill, which he says will “pay ten dollars for every one invested” is telling, since cultivating land is also a justification for exploitation ( ). of course, winona resists these attempts to commodify her body, and refuses to accept the racial or gender identity that titus imposes on her. dorri beam has explicated the significance of flowers to nineteenth-century evocations of female sexuality, yet the ap- pearance of these particular flowers demands further consideration in terms of questions of land and landscape. due to her vital connection to nature and her resistance to white society, winona is no submissive “fancy girl,” nor is judah a passive or obsequious black man. hopkins connects both hero and heroine’s negotiations of gender identity to their “indian training,” and their particular abilities seem to develop and expand as they move closer, geographi- cally, to indian nations other than the seneca ( ). meanwhile, their greater proximity to the system of slavery does not hinder their sense of personhood or self-sovereignty, although the missouri plantation landscape familiarizes winona and judah with african american experience and the need for an insurgent black landscape. ultimately, both brother and sister refuse to identify with the strictly delineated plantation landscape and its rigid system of production—whether physical or sexual. after the pair escapes titus’s plantation, the insurgent historical landscape of antislavery kansas becomes their third home. in kansas, “all the land ha(s) changed” ( ). the change in landscape is integral to winona’s transformation into a freedom fighter, because “the woods calmed her,” reminding her of “the primal life she had led” on the island, where her mind has “not a thought of racial or social barriers” ( ). link- ing her cultural affiliation with the seneca to her experience as an african american, she gains hope in the woods, where she hears “the whisper of a secret that has lasted from the foundation of the world”—a message of racial and gender equality grounded in natural rights ( ). winona challenges proscriptive definitions of race and gender, even in brown’s camp. when the men convene to discuss breaking an english lawyer, maxwell, out of the missouri jail, “as was the fashion of the day, the women listened but did not intrude their opinions upon the men” ( ). breaking down this particular “social barrier,” winona seeks counsel with brown and “intrude[s]” her opinions, and her plan “all the land had changed” of action, upon him ( ). he accepts her input and agrees. perhaps hopkins was aware that seneca women traditionally offered counsel within tribal leadership. this passage substantiates the claim that winona is an early black feminist text as well as a critique of economic and environmental exploitation. if we consider breaking gender barriers a form of feminism, would that not also apply to the way that winona’s and judah’s fluid racial identities break down racial barriers? although the rhetoric of anglo-masculinity attempted to naturalize racial and gender identities and use them to justify white men’s exclusive entitlement to resources and power, winona is at once very connected to the natural world and living evidence that the “natural” qualities of race and gender are protean and provisional rather than immutable. if her “pluck” and readiness with a rifle are not sufficient evidence that a woman can cross gender lines, she actually masquerades as a man to rescue her love interest—a benevolent yet very vulnerable and helpless english lawyer, maxwell. she devises a scheme to rescue maxwell by disguising herself as a mulatto, allen pinks. pinks claims to have been a “cook and a head-waiter on a steamboat aboard the missouri river” who was “stopped on suspicion of being a fugitive slave” and delivered to the state prison, where the rangers also hold maxwell ( ). when winona joins him, maxwell awakens from nightmares of “phantom terrors” to “the soft hush of a tender voice stilling the tumult” ( ). this powerful voice is also connected to the landscape: like the naturalistic “whisper of a secret” that emanates from “the foundation of the world” and calms winona, this voice gives maxwell hope ( ). it also disrupts the boundaries of racial and gender identity to enact a militant form of justice. a week later, after pinks/winona has nursed maxwell to health, the healer be- comes a warrior. at midnight, pinks, john brown, and ebenezer maybee appear in the jail to save maxwell who, “standing helpless in his cell,” recognizes winona’s disguise. awed by her bravery and overcome with love for her, “all the beauty and strength of the man, and every endowment of tenderness came upon him there as the power came upon sampson” ( ). interestingly, the beauty, strength, and tenderness that at first seem odd qualities in pinks then seem perfectly fitting to winona, whom maxwell still refers to mentally as “the man” pinks. something about this moment of recognition makes those gendered qualities acceptably masculine, and they “c[o]me upon” maxwell. he, too, acquires the seemingly disparate powers of beauty, strength, and tenderness simul- taneously; shared between a man and a woman, the gender of the qualities themselves becomes ambiguous. recalling the moments when nature, or the native american past, endow winona and judah with the power of resistance, maxwell absorbs power from winona through her very presence. studies in american fiction winona plays an instrumental role in rescuing maxwell, who previously has helped her escape slavery. she, judah, brown, and maybee deliver “the invalid” to kansas, where “freedom, cleanliness, and nourishing food” and most certainly free soil restore him to full health ( – ). as they work to protect freedom in kansas, winona continues to shift from identifying primarily as a black woman to reincorporating seneca aspects of her self. brown even calls her a “pretty squaw,” a word hopkins does not seem to find derogatory although it does add to the list of negative terms and stereotypes that hopkins applies to indians ( ). winona regains her “indian” qualities from the landscape she occupies. as was the case with her father, her connection to place signifies her freedom from socially constructed identity categories. the liberation of maxwell is only the beginning of the insurgent activity inspired by the landscape. the manner in which the natural world endows winona and judah with the power to fight for natural rights suggests that hopkins imagines nature or the landscape as a vital force and active participant in the struggle for justice. free soil kansas also provides judah a space and an outlet to act on his fantasies of revenge against the missouri plantation and its despicable anglo-masculine villains, titus and thomson. accompanied by brown’s freedom fighters in the woods of kansas, judah eventually avenges their father’s death by slaying titus in hand-to-hand combat. judah is not so transformed by slavery’s barbarism, however, that he can pull the trigger in cold blood when he corners thomson, the overseer. instead, he offers him a chance to escape by jumping off the edge of a ravine into “the possawatamie gurgling along sixty feet below over pebbles” ( ). judah offers thomson the chance to save himself by mastering a sublime and imposing landscape—a true test of anglo-american manhood that thomson fails miserably. at odds with the harmony and peace that attend judah’s synergy with the land- scape, thomson crashes into the stream in front of winona, who happens to be patrolling the forest surrounding the brown camp to look for the wounded. judah then travels down the ravine and finds winona trying to assist the man who helped murder their father and enslave them. judah and winona decide to show mercy to thomson, which results in his deathbed revelation that winona is the heir to a british fortune and land. thomson dies a rather unheroic death, nonetheless, and he clearly does not belong in the natural space that ultimately conquers him. the artificial power he garners from slavery’s fraudulent and unnatural authority fails and he cannot survive on free soil. unlike thomson, who is defeated by his surroundings, judah seems to draw energy from nature itself. thomson literally and figuratively pales in comparison to “all the land had changed” judah, whose “ebon visage” and “inexorable energy” connect him to the sacred free soil landscape ( ). as judah takes control of the scene, the world is set aright again, return- ing to the “golden period” described earlier in the novel when winona and judah find the indian-pipes ( ). the battle scene in the woods resolves into a description of the landscape that recalls the period of the great peace: “the morning sun broke in dazzling splendor over the earth; the birds were feeding their young families and flew from tree to tree in neighborly fashion; the murmur of bees humming and out of the stream far below mingled harmoniously. all was peace” ( ). the climactic point of the novel invokes an idyllic and peaceful landscape as the backdrop for a scene of justice attained: judah stands empowered to correct the wrongs of “a century of lacerated manhood” ( ). judah is the one who belongs in that beautiful setting—judah, because he has labored there, has established a legitimate claim to the natural world around him. by making the natural environment an active character in the novel, hopkins challenges conventional debates about race. the concept of the environment shaping race was longstanding (such as in the count de buffon’s early letters to thomas jefferson), but hopkins challenges imperialist ideas about nature and culture that predominated in her historical moment. rather than an entity that limits and circumscribes human develop- ment, the landscape of the new world is a source of power and self-determination for righteous rebels like winona and judah. the natural world is sacred—a source of vital inspiration and the embodiment of natural law—and capable of resisting the political boundaries that humans attempt to impose on it. drawing a correspondence between sovereign territory and the concept of a sovereign people, hopkins resists hierarchical classifications of human culture that are rigidly demarcated by supposed “natural” boundaries. by imagining themselves as connected to the natural world rather than attempting to master it, then, her heroic characters defy both political boundaries and identity categories, restoring a natural order in which one attains a sense of personal identity from a productive relationship to the land rather than artificial and externally assigned criteria. this creative force is both a way of imagining the natural environment and a way of understanding the relationship of the sovereign and inalienable self to a landscape imagined as sacred. both the national issue of indian removal and the individual issue of one vil- lainous anglo-american man’s wrangling to steal his cousin’s inheritance create the backdrop for the novel’s explicit concerns: freedom in the new us territories in the s and freedom from slavery for the hero and heroine. the parallel between these explicit concerns and the immediate concerns that hopkins faced in is important—her studies in american fiction concern for the sovereignty of colonial territories and the sovereign rights of african americans also applies to us imperialism and the specific forms of violence aimed at us blacks during what is often termed the “nadir” of race relations in the years surround- ing . events from the mid-nineteenth century are measured against the aftermath of the spanish-american war and the nadir of lynchings and race riots in the south; the narrator explicitly connects the s to the “world now living in anxiety and toil” and interrupts the story midway to compare its plot to “recent happenings in the beautiful southland” ( , ). thus indian removal, slavery, the spanish-american war, and the repeal of black voting rights in the south are part of an historical continuum that reproduces violence and exploitation. it is therefore important to look at the way the landscape becomes a subject in winona and ask whether hopkins then becomes an early proponent of eco-literacy; the implicit awareness that racial subjugation goes hand-in-hand with the destruction of the natural world presages some of the most compelling messages of the twenty-first- century environmental movement. the interdependence between the economics of labor and politics of the environment is another lesson that manifests in hopkins’s use of the indian-pipes trope. the euro-american imperialist mentality that governed national politics in hopkins’s historical moment legitimated the appropriation of bodies of land and racially-marked bodies in the name of progress and productivity, but in the frame of the indian-pipes story, these practices amount to nothing but greed and disrespect. in the twenty-first century, this mentality has precipitated a global economic and environ- mental crisis. as vandana shiva argues, “scientific and technological progress is guided by this narrow and distorted concept of productivity, which externalizes the social costs of livelihood destruction and the ecological costs of ecosystem destruction.” hopkins does not address ecosystem destruction per se, but the way that she romanticizes the natural environment in glimpses of its “primeval” grandeur suggests a longing for the past, a period before the landscape became an object of expropriation and greed. hopkins’s investment in rightful inheritance and entitlement to the country’s land provides winona’s major organizing principle, and through this principle she voices a challenge to anglo-american male political power and territorial expansion. at the same time, she conflates native and african american history, which might conveniently explain away african american entitlement to the highly desirable land available in indian territory. the occasional similarities and collisions between hopkins’s radical african american prose and anglo-american national rhetoric, particularly when she broaches the topic of expansion as a violation of sacred landscapes and sovereign bodies, highlight “all the land had changed” the complexities of her position as an african american woman trying to negotiate the intersecting paths of race, class and gender at the dawn of the twentieth century. notes . paulina hopkins, winona, a tale of negro life in the south and southwest in the magazine novels of pauline hopkins ed. henry louis gates (new york: oxford univ. press, ), . further refer- ences will be cited parenthetically in the text. . for more background on the ogden company and the seneca nation, see james e. manley, “history of lein park: lot .” town of west seneca. http://www.westseneca.net/index.php?q=history_ of_lein_park% (accessed october , ); and matthew dennis, seneca possessed: indians, witchcraft, and power in the early republic (philadelphia, univ. of pennsylvania press, ). . lois brown’s extensive biography of hopkins notes that hopkins does not mention major events in native american history, but this brief reference to the seneca has been overlooked. see lois brown, pauline elizabeth hopkins: black daughter of the revolution (chapel hill: univ. of north carolina press, ). . this english aristocrat’s conversion experience contrasts starkly with the english cousin who framed him for murder, took his family fortune, and assimilated to anglo-american culture as a slave- holder. i am not arguing that “link[ing] fortunes with the seneca” releases one from responsibility for the activities of anglo-american culture, yet the fact that “white eagle” discovers a different way of life and learns from the seneca to understand the world differently deserves comment. . brown, hopkins, . . by this i mean that they have no genetic lineage in the seneca nation, but they are seneca. to be enrolled as a citizen of the seneca nation, one needs to live and work on the reservation. the seneca adopted white members because their criteria for membership are not based on blood, but it is unclear whether hopkins was aware of this practice. . see outka, race and nature from transcendentalism to the harlem renaissance, (new york: palgrave, ). . kimberly ruffin, black on earth: african american ecoliterary traditions (athens: univ. of georgia press, ), . . kimberly smith, african american environmental thought (lawrence: univ. of kansas press, ), . . ibid., . . o’brien, “‘blacks in all quarters of the globe’: anti-imperialism, insurgent cosmopolitanism, and international labor in pauline hopkins’s literary journalism,” american quarterly . ( ): – . . michael david. mcnally, “the indian passion play: contesting the real indian in song of hiawatha pageants, – ,” american quarterly . (march ): – ; allen trachtenberg, shades of hiawatha: staging indians, making americans – (new york: hill and wang, ); “debut of miss mary harper” new york globe aug. , p. . studies in american fiction . henry wadsworth longfellow, the song of hiawatha (new york: bounty books, ), . further citations will be cited parenthetically in the text. . hopkins refers to longfellow’s poem in an installation of her “famous women of the negro race” series that features sculptor edmonia lewis. as she describes lewis’s small statues entitled “hi- awatha’s wooing” and “marriage,” hopkins states “they are charming hits, poetic, simple, and no happier illustrations of longfellow’s poem were ever made than those by miss lewis.” see hopkins, daughter of the revolution, ed. ira dworkin (new brunswick, n.j.: rutgers univ. press, ): – . . for a written version of this story, see corydon bell, john rattling-gourd of big cove; a collection of cherokee indian legends (new york: macmillan, ). . robert nelson, place and vision: the function of landscape in native american fiction (new york: peter lang, ), . . o’brien, “blacks in all quarters of the globe,” . . philip deloria’s playing indian (yale univ. press, ) is a foundational discussion of the ways literature appropriates native american culture. . dennis, seneca possessed, . . notably, similar circumstances resurfaced in with the opening of indian territory and the disenfranchisement of blacks in the south; lynchings and race riots often resulted in the confisca- tion of the black victims’ property by white aggressors. . amy kaplan uses the term “rugged masculinity” to describe this kind of figure, usually heroic, in other turn-of the-century texts. see kaplan, “romancing the empire: the embodiment of ameri- can masculinity in the popular historical novel of the s,” american literary history . ( ): – . . other displaced nations, including the cherokee, lived on lands near the kansas/missouri border in the s; they would be displaced again when the government re-ceded those lands in . . lance newman, “free soil and the abolitionist forests of frederick douglass’s ‘the heroic slave,’” american literature . ( ): , . newman points out that critics including lawrence buell in writing for an endangered world (cambridge: belknap-harvard up, ), t.v. reed, jeffrey myers and michael bennett have called for a revisionist approach to ecocriticism and new para- digms of understanding nature in african american literature. see bennett, “anti-pastoralism, frederick douglass, and the nature of slavery” in karla armbruster and kathleen wallace, eds. beyond nature writing: expanding the boundaries of ecocriticism (charlottesville: univ. of virginia press, ); jeffrey myers, converging stories: race, ecology, and environmental justice in american literature (athens, univ of georgia press, ); t. v. reed, “toward an environmental justice ecocriticism,” in joni adamson, mei mei evans, and rachel stein, the environmental justice reader: politics, poetics, and pedagogy (tucson: univ. of arizona press, ). . buell, writing, . the “creative force” in winona also presages the premises of landscape theory. hopkins treats the idea of human relationships to land in much the way barbara bender describes it—as complex, sometimes contradictory, and multivalent. in european and anglo-american cul- “all the land had changed” tural contexts, land becomes landscape through the play of human power relations, thus the way a subject relates to the land indicates his or her ability to negotiate personal power. see barbara bender, landscape: politics and perspectives (providence: berg, ). representations of idyllic land- scapes in euro-america cultures, likewise, usually mask deep social striations and exploitation. the very presence of an idyllic landscape should send up red flags, as don mitchell in the lie of the land: migrant workers and the california landscape (minneapolis: u of minnesota p, ) and stephen daniels in fields of vision: landscape imagery and national identity in england and the united states (princeton: princeton univ. press, ) point out. as denis cosgrove states, “landscapes have an unquestionably material presence, yet they come into being only at the moment of their apprehension by an external observer”; see his “modernity, community and the landscape idea,” journal of material culture . and ( ): . . for more on longfellow, morgan, marx, engels, and the hiawatha figure, see trachtenberg, shades of hiawatha, – and – . . see gail bederman, manliness and civilization: a cultural history of gender and race in the us, – (chicago: univ. of chicago press, ). . w. j. t. mitchell, landscape and power (chicago: univ. of chicago press, ), . . ibid. . whereas, as shirley samuels points out, early nineteenth-century historical novels by white authors implicate women in “claims about citizenship and identity” that legitimate supremacist “claims about national territory,” hopkins uses a female character to challenge the claims of anglo- masculine civilization and entitlement. see samuels, “women, blood, and contract,” american literary history (december ): . the struggle for sovereignty among the seneca and the buffalo creek case provide historical context to this challenge. . roosevelt did not articulate the corollary as such until , but the practices that precipitated the need to articulate it were certainly in play much earlier. . eric kaufmann, “‘naturalizing the nation’: the rise of naturalistic nationalism in the united states and canada,” comparative studies in society and history . ( ): – . for a reading of jefferson’s yeomanry as proto-capitalist, see timothy sweet, “american pastoralism and the marketplace: eighteenth-century ideologies of farming,” early american literature . ( ): – . the novel’s various settings also revise the anglo-american emphasis on landscape as a signifier of national identity. like jefferson, who locates the spirit of american identity in the sublime beauty of harpers ferry and niagara falls and in the citizens’ ability to master such imposing landscapes, hopkins refers to these same significant and highly symbolic places in her novel. the story opens “just upriver from niagara falls” and concludes as john brown sets out for harpers ferry ( ). . hopkins’s critique of the figure of the aristocratic slaveholder has much in common with the argu- ments jeremy wells makes about the south in romance of the white man’s burden: race, empire, and the plantation in american literature, – (nashville: vanderbilt univ. press, ). . hazel carby, reconstructing womanhood (new york: oxford univ. press, ), . studies in american fiction . ibid., . . carla peterson characterizes hopkins’s racial theory as a hybrid identity that “depends on a com- plex working out of both hereditary and environmental factors” in “unsettled frontiers: race, history, and romance in pauline hopkins’s ‘contending forces’,” in famous last words: changes in gender and narrative closure, ed. alison booth, (charlottesville: univ. press of virginia, ), . . see dorri beam, “the flower of black female sexuality in pauline hopkins’s winona,” in recovering the black female body: self-representations by african american women, ed. michael bennett, vanessa d. dickerson, and carla l. peterson (new brunswick, n.j.: rutgers univ. press, ), – . . lois brown sees the fact that winona and judah’s identities are “frequently misread” as a form of silencing, in brown, hopkins . what she then describes as “narrative veils” make ethnic identity somewhat inscrutable for the characters, including winona and judah ( ). in contrast, i suggest that this indeterminacy only makes them more capable of adjusting to different situations and different landscapes, always coming out stronger. . siobhan somerville discusses the jailhouse scenes, including winona’s cross-dressing and refer- ences to homosexuality, in “the prettiest specimen of boyhood’: cross-gender and racial disguise in pauline e. hopkins’s winona,” in skin deep, spirit strong: the black female body, ed. kimberly wallace-sanders (ann arbor: univ. of michigan press, ), – . . vandana shiva, “bringing people back into the economy,” center for ecoliteracy publications, , http://www.ecoliteracy.org/publications/print/vandana_shiva_print.htm (accessed october , ). where honor lies: an incident at taneytown where honor lies: an incident at taneytown terence g. crooks gettysburg magazine, number , july , pp. - (article) published by university of nebraska press doi: for additional information about this article [ this content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the covid- pandemic. ] https://doi.org/ . /get. . https://muse.jhu.edu/article/ https://doi.org/ . /get. . https://muse.jhu.edu/article/ an incident at taneytown we had just arrived in camp since our div was crowded closely together sinks had not been dug then and mr. porter having severe diarrhea was called to ease himself. he went as he sup- posed to a secluded spot across from the road and far to the rear of the barn, no tents or any thing apparently to be nuisanced when imme- diately this haskell came rushing across the fi eld with cocked pistol in hand and demanded that he should “double quick” off the fi eld. mr. porter once rose and commenced buttoning up to comply when haskell demanded he should go “double quick” again saying “go goddamn you or i will shoot you.” mr. porter then started but not moving fast enough for lt. haskell, he ran up and kicked him severely. mr. porter then turned round and said to him that he would not take that abuse but go out of the fi eld like a gentleman. scarcely had he commenced speak- ing when lt. haskell fi red on him depositing a pistol bullet in his right shoulder wounding him severely. in this instance, the shooter was also the same self- reported hero of gettysburg whose famous colonel charles powers, th new york infantry, to lt. seville aaag, second brigade, nd corps, july , , sam porter pension file cert. # , national archives, washington, dc (hereaft er cited as porter pension file). col- onel powers also included the following list of witnesses: hamlen h. murphy, co. h, th maine; lewis e. hopkins, co. h, th maine; augustus c. smith, co. g, th maine; henry niles, co. k, th new york; henry e. williams, co. d/f, th connecticut; lieutenant smith, st minnesota cmdg. (could be either lt. dewitt c. smith or william e. smith, see soldiers and sailors database [fi lm number m roll ; accessed april , ], www.nps.gov/civilwar/soldiers- and- sailors- database.htm; hereaft er cited as soldiers and sailors). near gettysburg on july , , lt. sam porter, commanding company f of the th new york infantry, wrote home to his father that his regiment “had fi erce fi ghting for the last two days. yesterday the position occupied by the division was attacked by a tremendous force. we drove them back but it was with fearful loss to us. our regt lost nearly half its number. co. f in particular suff ered fearfully. losing of . th e rebel loss is dreadful & the di- vision has taken stand of color & i should think prisoners. i did not receive a scratch. to day what is left of our regt is awaiting another attack.” th e th new york supported the battery com- manded by lt. george a. woodruff on the right of brig. gen. alexander hays’s th ird division line of the second corps, which received the attack of a. p. hill’s brigades, part of what is popularly called pick- ett’s charge. positioned about two hundred to three hundred yards south of the th new york infan- try was someone much better known to gettysburg history than lt. porter. his name was frank aretas haskell; and three days aft er independence day, he would shoot sam porter at taneytown. col. charles james powers of the th new york submitted the following details of the shoot- ing on july , , to lt. seville, acting assistant adjutant general of the second brigade in hays’s th ird division: samuel porter to father, july , , (my italics). a. p. , porter family papers, box , folder . originals in the department of rare books, special collections and preservation, university of rochester, rochester, ny (hereaft er cited as porter letters). where honor lies an incident at taneytown terence g. crooks gettysburg magazine, no. now commands.” evidently shooting a fellow offi - cer during the aft ernoon seemed to have slipped his mind or perhaps he decided against recording the event since such an admission could be used as ev- idence (he was a lawyer); or more than likely, given his nature, it was too trivial to mention. understandably, the articles of war in do not cover the possibility of the deliberate shooting of a brother offi cer. article comes closest to the situation since it states that any “offi cer or soldier who shall strike his superior offi cer or draw or lift up any weapons or off er any violence against him, being in the execution of his offi ce, on any pretence whatsoever or shall disobey any lawful command of his superior offi cer shall suff er death or such other punishment as shall, according to the nature of his off ence, be infl icted upon him by the sentence of a court of inquiry.” if article could not apply, then the off ense could be covered by article , the rather all- purpose “conduct unbecoming an offi cer and a gentleman.” although not specifi cally spelled out in regulations, it seems fair to assume that haskell’s action would be viewed as a court- martial off ense, one that could lead to dismissal from the service. th erefore, the question is, why would frank has- kell jeopardize his carefully craft ed military career with an overreaction to such a trivial occurrence? at just under six feet tall, frank haskell was not a towering fi gure but still managed to intimidate peo- ple, not with his height, but with his “erect almost martial bearing,” which made him seem bigger. ear- ly in the war, he certainly made such an impression on the young captain rufus dawes, who, with his volunteer company, had just arrived in the camp of the sixth wisconsin to join the regiment that would become part of the famed iron brigade. dawes’s men were totally untrained and “carried every variety of valise and every species of bundle, down to one shirt tied up in a red handkerchief.” under the eyes frank l. byrne and andrew t. weaver, eds., haskell of gettysburg: his life and civil war papers (kent, oh: kent state university press, ), . u.s. war department, th e laws of war (mechanicsburg, pa: stackpole books, ), , . perhaps in haskell’s mind, he felt justifi ed under article since he considered porter an inferior offi cer— assuming of course he noticed that porter was commissioned— and therefore shot him for disobeying “the lawful command of his superior offi cer.” even so, article does not endow haskell with the right to impose sentence. porter at the time was brevet cap- tain of company f and thus not an inferior. furthermore it would seem that haskell had not yet reported to general harrow, so under whose orders was he acting? his own? byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . rufus r. dawes, service with the sixth wisconsin volunteers (marietta, oh: e. r. alderman and sons, ), – . hundred- page- plus letter to his brother has been used as a reference in most discussions of the bat- tle, especially the climactic charge on july , . haskell’s modern biographer seemed to be unaware of his act of violence against porter, since it is not mentioned in the work or in haskell’s published correspondence. in his only reference to july , , haskell recalls to his brother, “i rode back to get- tysburgh [sic] the day i wrote you last [july ], in an ambulance and on the th resumed duty at div. headquarters as an aide with gen’l harrow who th e works on gettysburg where haskell is referenced are too numerous to enumerate, but two works do refl ect an interesting reaction to haskell and his claimed activity on july , , at the height of pickett’s charge. in carol reardon’s, pickett’s charge in history and memory (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), haskell is referenced fourteen times, and his words open and close her book. reardon uses haskell since his viewpoint is conducive to her thesis, but one gets the impression that she believes haskell’s exploits and seems to wonder why webb got a medal of honor and haskell did not ( ). david l. ladd and audrey ladd, editors of th e bachelder papers, vols. (dayton, oh: morningside house, ), go one step further and actu- ally award haskell a medal of honor for gettysburg, but unfortunately it is the wrong haskell and the wrong battle ( : n ). sgt. frank w. haskell of the th ird maine infantry was awarded a medal of honor on december , , for his actions at fair oaks (seven pines) on june , (soldiers and sailors). frank aretas haskell did not receive a medal of honor, but his infl uence in these works testifi es to the convincing power of his prose. col. charles james powers, th new york. courtesy of the u.s. army military history institute. an incident at taneytown when haskell graduated from dartmouth col- lege in new hampshire in , his latin teacher characterized the twenty- six- year- old student “as ambitious as lucifer,” and his biographer added that he “would risk his being in his quest for glory.” he may well have been as ambitious as the rebel angel; however, haskell’s approach was less overt and re- lied more on cunning, craft , and most important- ly appearance. he made it quite clear that he chose not to serve with the common man and desired “a position equal to his expectations.” he reveled in the role of playing the offi cer. aft er bull run, when mcclellan was creating the army of the potomac, the numerous drills, parades, and more drills gave the “ambitious former drillmaster” of the sixth wis- consin “every opportunity to shine.” rufus dawes recalled that to “see haskell ‘about face’ and salute the colonel before the regiment when we were on dress parade was an object in military bearing” and perhaps sarcastically added that if “you are going to be an adjutant, set to work at once, learning how to ‘about face’ gracefully.” for haskell, “the spirit of war” and the appearance of military competence provided a channel for his luciferian drive and fed his elitist needs, but the perceptive young dawes saw the image for what it was. in modern terminology, haskell was a west point wannabe, and he seemed to spend a great deal of energy emulating the west pointers, with whom he wished to be identifi ed. when the newly appointed brigadier general john gibbon, a for- mer artillery offi cer and a west point graduate, took command of the iron brigade in may of , all of haskell’s aspirations and posturing crystallized in the person of this no- nonsense old army reg- ular. although gibbon was born in holmesburg, pennsylvania, he was raised in north carolina and graduated west point in with future civil war notables such as a. p. hill, ambrose burnside, and “life long friend henry heth.” with the advent of the war, the true divisive and tragic nature of the confl ict struck gibbon and his family. when he decided to honor his oath of loyalty “as an offi cer in the united states army” and his three broth- dawes, service with the sixth wisconsin volunteers, , . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, , . larry tagg, th e generals of gettysburg (boston: da capo press, ), . of the men already in camp who were gathered to welcome the arrival of the new company, dawes felt embarrassed for himself and his unmilitary- looking collection of recruits. moments later dawes’s embar- rassment and confusion were compounded when he “was met at the gate way of camp randell by frank a. haskell, the adjutant of the sixth regiment, who was mounted on a spirited charger and quite stunning in his bright uniform and soldierly bear- ing.” haskell requested dawes and his men, escort- ed by himself and the “best drilled company in the state” from the fift h wisconsin infantry, to march to headquarters; but the young captain, only too con- scious of his men’s lack of soldierly appearance and drilling, declined the off er to parade and found his own way at his “own gait.” with the passing of time dawes learned to appreciate the glittering adjutant, although he “never forgot the humiliation of his ar- rival at the camp.” dawes, service with the sixth wisconsin volunteers, – . dawes, service with the sixth wisconsin volunteers, – . frank aretas haskell, aide to gen. john gibbon. courtesy of the u. s. army military history institute. gettysburg magazine, no. when dealing with frank haskell, it should be understood that most of the knowledge about has- kell is provided by himself. if he had not penned his famous letter to his brother, would he just be anoth- er faceless citation in the offi cial records? in fact, the letter to his brother is haskell’s only claim to fame in an otherwise competent career as a staff aide who, through various political connec- tions, became the short- lived colonel of the th irty- sixth wisconsin. to understand why haskell shot porter with such apparent lack of regard, one has to look no further than his famous letter to his broth- er. all of what haskell was or imagined himself to be comes to fruition in his fi rsthand account of the battle of gettysburg, oft en cited as an important source for primary information on the battle, es- pecially the culminating event known popularly as pickett’s charge. although hailed as “classic of civil war scholarship,” hardly any historians have noted that the letter is primarily a literary work— an epistle in epistolary form— that was revised, rewritten, and recast into an in medias res account to his brother, which all the while haskell probably had an eye to publish as would be in keeping with his excessive pride and ambition. even though haskell’s version of his actions at the battle has been called exaggerat- ed and fanciful, the epistle as a literary work may still contain historically accurate information, but the central focus is the persona, or fi rst person narrator, of the letter. in this case, the persona is the idealized self- created image of frank aretas haskell, or more accurately haskell of gettysburg. byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, – . see also steven j. wright, “john gibbon and the black hat brigade,” in giants in th eir tall black hats (bloomington: university of indiana press, ), . th e claim of “scholarship” is somewhat puzzling since the letter attempts to relate an event experienced by the author; and while the letter and details are carefully select- ed and craft ed, to call it a work of scholarship seems quite inappropriate, since the work is a personal narrative not insightful research. “th e epistle diff ers from the common letter in that it is a conscious literary form rather than a spontaneous chatty, private composition,” william f. th rall, a. holman, and c. h. holman, a handbook to literature, rev. ed. (new york: odyssey press, ), – . th e scope and intention of this work is not to enter into the controversy of the accuracy of haskell’s account of gettysburg. when his work was published in the s, the philadelphia brigade association took great umbrage at haskell’s portrayal of their performance on july , , during pickett’s assault. th ey published their own rebuttal entitled “th e battle of gettysburg: how general meade turned the army of the potomac over to lieutenant haskell” (philadelphia: bowers printing company, ). in the course of the broadside, the writers label haskell’s letter as a foolish and absurd narrative and spend a great deal of spleen and vituperation on the actions of gibbon’s aide— some of which do engender legitimate concerns about accuracy and veracity. for the purpose of clarity in the ensuing discussion, when speaking of the writer’s persona in the letter, “haskell” will be used; and when speaking of the real person, “haskell” will be used. ers followed north carolina into the confederacy, gibbon was disowned by his family and labeled a traitor to the southern cause. th us, by the time gibbon took command of the all- western brigade, he was a hard- bitten regular, “steel cold” and “the most american of americans” with an “up and down manner of telling the truth, no matter whom it hurts.” gibbon was haskell’s idea of the perfect soldier, someone to be admired and emulated. by special order no. on june , , frank haskell became the aide- de- camp for john gibbon aft er losing two earlier eff orts at self- promotion. although as an aide he would remain a lieutenant and a staff offi cer, his position allowed him to in- teract with the upper realms of command, where he could continue “to win the favor of powerful superiors.” unfortunately, the more haskell in- haled the heady air of the general staff , the more his life became defi ned by the pomp and pageantry of soldiering. to the ambitious aide, george brinton mcclellan was “the idol of all the army,” and even though the “idol” was no longer in command, has- kell parrots little mac’s contempt for the president, with unsubtle remarks about lincoln’s presence at a review in april of . th e fi rst lady did not es- cape his notice or venom either. haskell’s boss, john gibbon, mentions the same review but, unlike his aide, refrains from sarcasm and simply notes, “the president came down and reviewed the troops.” lt. sam porter, also present at the review, wrote to his sister mary that the president was there and that “abe certainly is the homeliest man i ever saw.” th ese comments on the president reveal a great deal about each of the individual observers. gibbon maintains a professional level and simply states the facts. porter, with an abolitionist background, feels close enough to the president to call him abe and makes an aff ectionate observation that few could argue with. th ough haskell makes a similar obser- vation as porter about lincoln, there is a sneer and a feeling of contemptuous superiority in the former. th eodore lyman, with grant and meade from the wilderness to appomattox (lincoln: university of nebraska press, ), . lyman, with grant and meade, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, ; see also “frank a. haskell,” compiled service record file, national archives, washington, dc. byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, , . john gibbon, personal recollections of the civil war (dayton, oh: morning- side press, ), . samuel porter to his sister mary, april , , porter letters, box , folder . an incident at taneytown knowing that hancock will eventually be aware of this “letter,” gibbon’s aide gives a heroic— almost sycophantic— description of the second corps commander. inspired perhaps by the meeting with hancock, haskell next moves on to impart words of wisdom about skillful “generalship and good fi ghting.” like his spiritual idol mcclellan, has- kell overestimates the number of rebels as “a little upwards of a hundred thousand men of all arms”; and as a seasoned veteran staff offi cer, he feels that meade’s alignment on cemetery ridge “was a good defensive position.” however, haskell has little patience with maj. gen. daniel edgar sickles, commander of the th ird corps, who “was neither born nor bred a soldier” but was “a man aft er show and notoriety and news- paper fame and the adulation of the mob.” now, the real frank haskell was neither born nor bred a soldier. th at man was a teacher and lawyer, but the narrator of the letter is the fi ctionalized haskell of gettysburg and is thereby free to demonize the hapless sickles. similarly to gibbon, the hero feels that politicians should not interfere with profes- sional soldiers and that political military appoint- ments should be viewed with contempt, yet the real haskell engaged in two unsuccessful attempts to gain promotion through political connections. continuing his assessment of the union command, haskell of gettysburg comments freely on each of the generals at meade’s council of war on july , implying that he too was present. once more, the descriptions of hancock and gibbon border on the embarrassing, while his appraisal of the other offi - cers reveals a condescending, almost paternalistic, viewpoint. for example, o. o. howard is a “well dressed little gentleman,” and pleasanton is “a nice little dandy.” nevertheless, at the end of the meet- ing and having the benefi t of hindsight, haskell approves the decision of the generals and concludes that their “heads were sound”— an approval which must have provided a degree of reassurance for the union high command. as the narrative continues, the description and language are fl orid and hyperbolic, typical of byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, – . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, – . quite clearly haskell perceived the signifi cance of the epic struggle at gettysburg; and so appro- priately, as a student of literature, he structured his letter in a manner similar to the classical epics with which he was intimately familiar. at the start, the invocation to the deity is omitted, but instead the modern homer delineates the epic struggle of the war so far and begins with the march to gettysburg in heroic intonation— “but a mighty work was be- fore them. onward they marched— night and day were blended.” th ey moved through the fi re of “broiling sunshine” and through “fl ooding rain.” all the ingredients of the epic are there and occur throughout the work. however, the central concern of this study is the modern homer or virgil, who unlike previous epic poets places himself directly in the action. th e hero of haskell’s epic is, of course, himself, and in his work he is quite an accom- plished soldier. when reviewing the union high command, he disapproves of hooker but approves of meade, whom he implies to know quite closely. even though he was not physically present on the fi rst day of the battle, haskell confi dently reports that the first corps was undermined by the “feeble opposition” of the eleventh corps to the advance of the enemy, which in turn left the first corps without support and lost the fi rst day of battle. as a former member of the iron brigade of the first corps, he experiences complete disgust at the elev- enth corps. derisively labeled the “flying dutch- men” aft er the chancellorsville battle, the elev- enth corps collapsed aft er “gnl. barlow was badly wounded”— barlow being a natural american, not a german immigrant— and “their retreat quickly de- generated into a disgraceful rout.” haskell also interacts freely with corps com- manders. on the evening of july , while still at taneytown, he converses with an exhausted gen- eral hancock on his way from the front to report to meade, who, nevertheless, gives the lieutenant “a detailed account of the situation at gettysburg and what had transpired aft er his arrival there.” so haskell, the lieutenant, hears about the situa- tion before the general in command; and of course, byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . gettysburg magazine, no. kell of gettysburg comes forward in all his glory. his tactical prescience is remarkable. hours be- fore the attack, he quickly spots the weakness of the second corps line and correctly wonders what would happen if “the enemy should make an assault here [at the angle] today, with two or three heavy lines,— a great overwhelming mass.” uncannily, he even guesstimates the approximate size and forma- tion of longstreet’s attack and quickly follows his insight by pointing out that meade did not agree and chose not to reinforce the position. in fact, an important point to notice in haskell’s version of the repulse is that the union general offi cers are either not present at the point of the attack or are com- pletely ineff ectual. webb cannot get his men to do anything. only haskell can motivate them, which he does, saving the day and the battle. as the attack at the angle fi nally subsides, haskell makes sure to mention that meade arrived aft er the fi ght and had no idea what happened. naturally, the heroic aide is magnanimous in victory, generous to the gal- lantry of his foes and suddenly “sorrowful” at the sight of “so many wounded”; but unsurprisingly, he has to rush off this great stage to fi nd his wounded general, at whose “request i had to tell him and a large voluntary crowd of the wounded who pressed around” the “story of the fi ght”— in other words, the fi rst performance of haskell of gettysburg. two days aft er the climactic charge that essen- tially ended the battle, the men of the second corps were ordered to march to two taverns as me- ade’s army roused itself to the pursuit of lee. aft er waiting for rations that did not appear, the second corps left two taverns and moved on to taney- town on july . in a strange reversal of stereotypes, meade’s soldiers were starving and shoeless, while lee’s rebels, perhaps not much better in the way of sartorial splendor, were well fed and had a ready supply of food on hand. th e men in porter’s th new york were ravenous since they entered the battle on the morning of july with only a small supply of food and as yet had not been resupplied. aft er waiting vainly at two taverns for supplies and spending a “miserable night without tents,” they moved on july toward taneytown, which they reached early in the aft ernoon and went “into byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, , , see also – . nineteenth- century victorian melodrama. all the men are noble “and stand nobly to their work,” and a “sublime heroism seems to pervade all.” his de- scriptions of the wounded actually refl ect the real haskell. his pictures of the men are sanitized and generalized so that no real emotion can be gen- erated. “men are dropping dead or wounded on all sides by scores and by hundreds; and the poor mutilated creatures” with varying degrees of injury “are limping and crawling towards the rear.” since they are part of haskell’s tapestry, they are all stoic suff erers who “make no sound of complaint but are as silent as if dumb and mute.” even if they did speak or scream in agony, would the staff aide have heard them? ironically, despite all his posturing and wonderful about- faces, haskell never did under- stand the common soldier in the way that gibbon did, nor did he want to. as a regular army and ca- reer offi cer, gibbon entered the war with more than a doubt about the volunteers’ ability to function as soldiers, but he learned how to deal with them and how to turn them into an effi cient fi ghting force. gibbon realized that these raw recruits were men— free men who had volunteered to serve their country in its time of need— and that they would respond to his discipline since “the hope of reward was more powerful than the fear of punishment.” in this way, he was able to reach the volunteers on a human level while still motivating with discipline and inculcating military skills. gibbon was proud of his men and even encouraged his wife to visit “some of my poor fellows in the hospitals [in bal- timore]. i hope you will keep up your good inten- tions of visiting them oft en. money spent in buying them little delicacies is well laid out, and i hope you will not spare it.” in dealing with the rank and fi le, haskell never achieved this level of concern or inti- macy. a friend of haskell recalled “that he had little sympathy for the raw soldier no matter how much he was suff ering from heat, dust and thirst when on duty or on the march.” th e climax of the letter (and the battle) is, of course, pickett’s charge, and it is here where has- byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, – . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . gibbon, personal recollections of the civil war, . wright, “john gibbon and the black hat brigade,” . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . an incident at taneytown his way to rochester to arrest a runaway ‘nigger’ for whom he had a warrant.” th e so- called runaway was frederick douglass, porter’s good friend. as soon as the older porter discovered the object of the warrant, he rushed to douglass’s home and urged him to fl ee to canada, which the renowned ex- slave did. sam’s mother, susan farley porter, like her hus- band, actively campaigned for the demise of slavery and was one of the six founding members of the rochester ladies’ anti- slavery sewing society, in which she served as its fi rst president. in the prewar years, this group of ladies raised money through festivals and bazaars to support not only douglass’s newspaper, north star, but to sponsor lectures and to publish works, such as autographs for freedom, that would draw attention to the iniquity of slavery. th e porter family also rubbed elbows with such no- tables as henry wadsworth longfellow and harriet beecher stowe as well as the colorful local celebrity frederick douglass, life and times of frederick douglass written by himself (hartford, ct: park publishing, ), – . see also alma lutz, “susan b. anthony and john brown,” rochester history , no. (july ): . bivouac for the remainder of the day and night” aft er drawing some much- needed rations. before, during, and aft er the battle, sam porter, like a large number of his compatriots, suff ered from severe diarrhea occasioned by poor diet (when available, that is), exhaustion, and stress. when they stopped near taneytown in the early aft ernoon, hays’s di- vision “was crowded closely together”; the “sinks had not been dug”; and sam, “having severe diar- rhea was called to ease himself.” th e timing could not have been poorer since who should appear but none other than that “prince of good soldiers” has- kell of gettysburg. unlike frank haskell, sam porter and his reg- iment, the th new york, have been lost in the passage of time and, with the exception of a few interested researchers, are unknown to most his- torians and the general civil war audience. as did hundreds of other regiments and hundreds of thou- sands of men, the th new york and sam porter fought in the war between the states, did their daily duty, achieved no outstanding notoriety, and then simply went home and tried to get on with what was left of their lives. shortly before his nineteenth birthday, porter packed up his schoolbooks and left the university of rochester in his third year and joined the th new york volunteer infan- try on august , , where he was mustered in with the rank of second lieutenant. porter’s family was well- known and socially active in nineteenth- century rochester, especially because of their in- volvement in the abolitionist movement. sam’s father, samuel d. porter, concealed slaves en route on the underground railroad to canada by hous- ing them in the barn on his property. at one time, sam senior got wind of a u.s. deputy marshall “on francis moses wafer diary, francis moses wafer collection, douglas library, queen’s university, kingston, ontario, p. . see also, u.s. war department, th e war of the rebellion: a compilation of the offi cial records of the union and confederate armies (washington, dc: government printing offi ce, – ), ser. , vol. , part , – , (hereaft er cited as or and followed by the volume, part, and page numbers, with all subsequent citations referencing series ); george h. washburn, a complete military history and record of the th regiment n.y. vols (rochester, ny: e. r. andrews, ; repr. ed., salem, ma: higginson book company, ), ; kent masterson brown, retreat from gettysburg (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), – ; francis a. walker, history of the second army corps (new york: charles scribner’s sons, ; repr. ed., maryland: olde soldier books, n.d.), . powers to seville, july , , porter pension file. james p. sullivan, an irishman in the iron brigade, ed. w. beaudot and l. herdegen (new york: fordham university press, ), . frederick phistester, new york in the war of the rebellion – , rd ed. (albany, ny: j. b. lyon company, ), : . lt. sam porter, th new york. from george h. washburn, a complete military history and record of the th regiment n.y. vols (rochester, ny: e. r. andrews, ; repr. ed., salem, ma: higginson book company, ). gettysburg magazine, no. in an eff ort to establish itself as a successful combat unit. so far, under mediocre to incompetent lead- ership, the performance of lincoln’s principal army approached the level of tragicomedy— neither an outright joke nor an obvious disaster. th e prob- lem was not the common soldier, who fought with uncommon courage and tenacity, but rather a lack of audacity and moral courage on the part of its commanders. starting the third spring of the war, the army was now under the command of joseph “fightin’ joe” hooker, who revitalized the army aft er fredericksburg. before the spring campaign, the young lieutenant of the th looked forward to the “chance to test hooker’s generalship” and “hoped that he may succeed in anything he under- takes.” for only a victory “can convince the army that there is more than one general in the world and to hear men constantly saying that nobody but mcclellan can command this army with success is enough to make one sick.” at chancellorsville when the decisive test came, hooker followed the pattern of previous commanders and could not summon the audacity, and thus once more lincoln’s army was outgeneraled by robert e. lee and stonewall jackson. sam porter, like most offi cers, experienced frustration yet remained practical and refused to become despondent. when hooker’s congratulato- ry order of may , , “was read to our regt,” por- ter “was glad to see that he [hooker] does not feel so much discouraged as most of the army offi cers do.” however, he wished that hooker “would try not to smooth over our disaster quite so much. we that were in the fi ght know that we were whipped,” yet porter still believed “that we can lick the rebs and [was] willing to try it at any time.” two months later at the small crossroads town of gettysburg and once again under a new leader, george gordon me- ade, the army of the potomac took a major step to- ward self- assurance when it defeated robert e. lee and the vaunted army of northern virginia. it was here also that frank aretas haskell made sure his name would be remembered to civil war history and to sam porter of the th new york. from the night of july , haskell spent his time with the wounded general john gibbon, fi rst at the porter to his father, december , , [january– early february?] , porter letters, box , folder . porter, letter may , , porter letters, box , folder . susan b. anthony. not surprisingly, then, when the opportunity to join the fi ght for the union pre- sented itself in august of with the formation of the second regiment from rochester, sam jr. ob- viously followed the civic- minded examples of his parents and became a second lieutenant in compa- ny f of the newly formed th new york. on september , , almost a month aft er its inception, the untrained men and offi cers of the th new york were thrown into the grinder at antietam, where the regiment suff ered a loss of casualties in the fi ght for bloody lane, south of the roulette farm. sam porter was part of this statistic since he suff ered a wound to the right foot that sent him home to rochester until his return to duty on november , . th e young lieutenant returned to a diff erent army of the potomac. eleven days earlier maj. gen. george brinton mcclellan was replaced by his close friend ambrose e. burnside. upon his return, porter made no mention of the change in command but did retain his optimistic outlook for better things to happen in the near fu- ture. however, such optimism was severely shaken by the fi asco at fredericksburg, when on decem- ber the th new york of palmer’s brigade and numerous other brigades were hurled futilely at the sunken road at the base of marye’s heights. shaken by the disaster, the lieutenant confessed that the “at- tack was a piece of folly” and that he “felt that god’s protecting hand had been over me and shielded me in that terrible time of danger.” aft er an experi- ence such as fredericksburg as well as an unseemly squabble over promotion, porter learned about dis- cretion and valor and left a request with his father to use his infl uence in “getting me an appointment to palmer’s or any other general staff ”— in other words, a staff position away from the fi ring line. th e “picture book war” as catton called it and the glamor of battle had faded quickly for lt. sam por- ter of the th new york. no staff position became available over the en- suing months, but porter continued to do his duty while the army of the potomac fl oundered along see nancy a. hewitt, women’s activism and social change, rochester, new york – (ithaca, ny: cornell university press, ) – , , . or, . : . porter to his father, december , , porter letters, box , folder . porter to his father, december , , porter letters, box , folder . bruce catton, mr. lincoln’s army (new york: doubleday, ), , . an incident at taneytown haskell’s loss of composure is noteworthy. had he actually come to believe that he was haskell of get- tysburg and that as the savior of gettysburg, he now supped with the gods of battle? as he unabashedly confessed to his family, he was, aft er all, “too good an offi cer”; and he obviously saw himself above the level of a mere combat lieutenant. he knew that he had done “more for the country in that battle than some who will be made major generals,” and it gave him a “twinge to think i shall get no visible reward.” furthermore, in his own mind, he was the confi dant of division, corps, and commanding generals and thus beyond the reach of the young, poorly dressed ragamuffi n who had the nerve to call himself a gentleman while in the presence of haskell of gettysburg. on the other hand, surely some sense of cosmic or comic irony was not lost on porter as he stum- bled away bleeding profusely while the hole in his blouse still smoked from the proximity of the shot. he had survived the horror of the battle of get- tysburg; but now three days later, he had just been deliberately shot for no apparent reason by a fellow union offi cer. as in any situation such as this, pa- rameters cannot be simply black and white. sam porter did have an edge to him if provoked; and given what his regiment went through in the previ- ous week, provocation would not be diffi cult. porter prided himself on honesty and fair play. as men- tioned earlier, he became involved in a volatile dis- agreement aft er fredericksburg with his superior, over what porter perceived as an injustice in pro- motion. later he would be involved in a drunken dual with a fellow regimental offi cer, which resulted more in hangovers than in injury. so it is reasonable to assume that lt. porter was not entirely an inno- cent victim in the incident with harrow’s aide, but his recalcitrance, real or imagined, gave haskell no grounds for shooting the younger soldier. shortly aft er the confrontation, col. charles powers of the th new york submitted a report dawes, service with the sixth wisconsin volunteers, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, , . now, the age- old argument can be raised that twenty- fi rst- century psychology or values are being applied to a nineteenth- century individual. such an argument seems quite off the mark. has human nature changed all that much in years? do men or women no longer pursue an image of themselves that they believe will fulfi ll their need for self- worth? given our present- day celebrity- driven society, are there no such people as a frank a. haskell? th e answers are obvious, and the objection irrelevant. second corps hospital on rock creek and then at westminster, maryland, where gibbon awaited a train to baltimore. gibbon, obviously impressed with haskell’s version of his “distinguished con- duct” at the battle, no doubt conveyed his approval to his aide and would later write “that to him more than to any one man are we indebted for the repulse of lee’s assault.” so with gibbon’s words probably still ringing in his ears, haskell revisited the scene of the battle before taking up his new job on july “as an aide with gen. harrow,” gibbon’s tempo- rary replacement. on his way to report for duty, however, what should off end his eyes but the sight of a union soldier preparing to go to the bathroom in an open fi eld. probably in a typically imperious manner, haskell “with a cocked pistol in hand” rode over to porter “and demanded that he should ‘dou- ble quick’ off the fi eld at once.” just why haskell saw it as his duty was not quite clear, since the area had not been designated, or “laid off ,” nor had it been stationed with guards to indicate the site as divisional headquarters. per- haps the hero of gettysburg, whose obsession with cleanliness was well- known in the iron brigade, saw a scruff y looking young man, without blouse, with- out insignia, not looking soldierly at all, attempting to go to the bathroom, and it off ended his vision of warfare and soldiering. obviously porter did not respond with the correct amount of awe or defer- ence to the presence of haskell of gettysburg. slowly buttoning up and arranging his clothing, porter clearly had had enough of harrow’s new aide, and the assault escalated as colonel powers clearly de- scribed earlier. haskell’s loss of control during the encounter is interesting. if his exploits on july are to be given credence, then how could an aide with the self- proclaimed charisma of command move an entire regiment into the death trap of the an- gle— a feat even the brigade commander could not achieve— but now could not command that same respect and awe from a disheveled, hungry, prob- ably untidy, and unwashed lieutenant more intent on natural demands and apparently immune to the charismatic haskell of gettysburg? even if porter was not entirely the innocent victim and perhaps exchanged heated unpleasantries with the aide, gibbon, personal recollections of the civil war, . powers to seville, july , , porter pension file. gettysburg magazine, no. anything! livermore’s version of the event obviously derived from haskell, since the story contains none of the details provided by col. charles powers and lt. col. francis e. pierce. once haskell joined hays’s staff , he became the general’s bartender and played his man fri- day. according to livermore, there was an almost comic and pathetic ritual that haskell orchestrat- ed to solemnize the general’s fondness for whisky. hays designated ten o’clock in the morning as the equivalent of the sun over the yardarm and there- fore the time for the fi rst shot of the day. howev- er, about half an hour before the designated hour, with “his red nose shining in the morning sun,” the old man began to get twitchy and demanded from haskell the time of day based on the position of the sun. haskell, deferential, “glad to be of use,” politic, “cautious and meticulous,” would answer, “half- past nine, general.” to which hays would respond, “suppose we call it ten, mr. haskell!” at this point, haskell would “gravely go into the general’s tent and mix the morning toddy.” so once again, haskell plays polonius to hays’s claudius and becomes the darling of the general staff . although his mornings may have been dulled in an alcoholic haze, hays was quite aware of the incident with porter, since aft er the war he recalled that haskell “got into trou- livermore, days and events – , . in writing and requested “that this outrage may be investigated and brought to the notice of the di- vision and corps commanders.” powers’s letter went through the usual chain of command until it arrived on july , , at the headquarters of the second army corps, where it seems to have set- tled and evaporated. hancock had been wounded at the battle, so command of the second corps was turned over to brig. gen. william hays, who had recently returned aft er his capture at chancellors- ville and who, to this time, had commanded noth- ing larger than a brigade. on july , , haskell was ordered, under special order no. , to report to second corps headquarters and was “detailed as aide de camp on the staff of the general com- manding the corps,” and that seemed to be that as far as his shooting of brother offi cer sam porter was concerned. th omas livermore, another second corps aide, recalled that haskell “was sent to our headquarters under arrest” since he had “ordered an offi cer of some regiment, who was committing a nuisance close to the tents of the headquarters to move off and upon his refusing had shot him, not mortally, however.” apparently, the fact that porter did not die seemed to somehow justify haskell’s ac- tion. finally, livermore added, “his off ense was not considered serious, and in fact i think his action was the cause of bringing him to our staff .” ironical- ly, this fi nal comment may indeed explain why the war department, twenty- two years aft er the shoot- ing, would record the following: under orders of the nd army corps dated july th, , a court of inquiry was ordered to ex- amine into the circumstances of the shooting of lieut. porter, new york vols. by lieut. has- kell on the inst. th e proceedings of said court of inquiry are not on fi le in this offi ce. almost years later, the national archives confi rmed the war department. th e court of in- quiry records, if there ever were any, seem to have also evaporated. haskell was never charged with ezra j. warner, generals in blue (baton rouge: louisiana state university press, ), ; or, . : . “frank a. haskell,” compiled service record file, national archives, wash- ington, dc. th omas l. livermore, days and events – (boston: houghton miffl in company, ; repr. ed., salem, ma: higginson book company, n.d.), . powers to seville, july , , porter pension file. david h. wallace, national archives, personal letter to the author, december , . lt. col. francis e. pierce, th new york. courtesy of the u.s. army military history institute. an incident at taneytown the battle of the wilderness. with the exception of haskell’s shot to his shoulder, all of porter’s combat wounds were to his legs and were severe enough to allow him to resign honorably, yet he returned and spent the majority of his time on staff assign- ment. not another word was said of haskell and his assault on porter; but oddly enough when porter returned to duty aft er gettysburg, he started to ac- quire those staff - offi cer jobs that he so much cov- eted. aft er his return from the wilderness wound, he spent the fi nal months of the war as aide to brig. gen. th omas smyth. was porter himself part of the cover- up and the code of silence surrounding frank haskell? at war’s end, porter returned to rochester as a brevet major, but his health, which was always fragile, deteriorated rapidly as he attempted one occupation aft er another until fi nally settling into the vocation of barrel manufacturer. unlike oth- er members of the th new york, porter seemed determined to forget the war, apparently eschewing the various gatherings of the rochester veterans. th e one event that he attended was the first annual reunion of the th new york, held at irondequoit bay on august , , to commemorate the sev- enteenth anniversary of their enlistment and their “baptism of burnt powder” at antietam. th e “boys of ’ ,” many approaching middle age, engaged in a good- natured game of baseball, which porter, a pre- war ballplayer, and his team lost – . when the call came up for a football game, porter declined, prob- ably due to the damage of three leg wounds, and moved to the sidelines to sit with his good friend and ex- colonel, charles j. powers, who was also a prewar ballplayer— a pitcher— but who sat watch- ing with his left arm powerless and virtually useless by his side. porter never got together with his old regiment again. shortly aft er the initial reunion, his health declined rapidly, and he died two years later on march , , twenty- four hours aft er the death of his father. he was thirty- six years old. th e determining force that brought back to washburn, a complete military history and record of the th regiment n.y. vols, ; powers to seville, july , , porter pension file. see washburn, a complete military history and record of the th regiment n.y. vols, , , ; bob marcotte, “th e university of rochester and the civil war: th ree heroes at gettysburg,” university of rochester, river campus libraries (based on a lecture given at department of rare books and special collections, university of rochester, december , ), http://www .lib.rochester.edu/index.cfm?page= . ble by shooting an offi cer and he ought not to have done it, but i liked him and took him on my staff .” just one good ole boy looking out for another, and the aff air “was hushed up and never came to tri- al.” later, when hays was replaced by warren as temporary commander of the second corps, has- kell still managed to ingratiate himself to the peo- ple who counted, until fi nally he received political patronage— obviously he managed to control his re- vulsion for political appointment when it involved himself— and was given command “of the new th wisconsin infantry regiment.” on june , , as part of gibbon’s division, haskell was killed leading his men in the ill- advised charge at cold harbor. on the same battleground, to the south of haskell’s charge, was the th new york of smyth’s brigade, who as veterans had learned the folly of full- frontal assaults on an entrenched position. for haskell, the boys of rochester clearly felt nothing. th ey knew he “was the offi cer who unjustly wounded” por- ter at gettysburg; and as they watched the charge, they simply reported that haskell “was killed in this charge which lasted an hour.” in fact, the indiff er- ence of the th new york was echoed by at least one member of haskell’s regiment who wrote home, “our colonel is not pitied much” since he had rushed them into combat and deserved his fate. sam porter was not with the th at cold har- bor. he was convalescing in rochester with his fourth wound of the war. aft er haskell’s unpun- ished assault— the second wound— porter returned to duty in mid- august , “not entirely recov- ered” from the shoulder wound, only to be wound- ed severely in the leg in the engagement at bristoe station. th is wound festered and leaked all winter until he was sent home. so far, porter suff ered three wounds in this war— two in combat— but nev- ertheless he returned for grant’s overland cam- paign, during which he suff ered his fi nal wound in livermore, days and events – , . “cramer deposition,” deposition a, no. . , january , , porter pension file. byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, , . terence g. crooks, “rochester’s forgotten regiment: th e th new york in the civil war,” (unpublished manuscript, may ), word – , pp. – ; washburn, a complete military history and record of the th regiment n.y. vols, . david coon to son herbert, june , , “transcription: civil war letters of private david coon ( – ),” empty nest genealogy, accessed april , , http://www.emptynestancestry.com/transcription- civil- war- letters- of - david- coon/. gettysburg magazine, no. one was shot by a fellow offi cer while attempting to go to the toilet and not honorably wounded in combat during the war’s greatest battle would not be seen as a heroic utterance or a circumstance to reveal to the social elite of rochester. recently a local rochester historian marveled at the fact that sam porter, as well as others in his regiment, kept returning to the fray aft er being seriously wound- ed. perhaps a contributing factor for sam porter was a sense of shame about the circumstances of his gettysburg wound. he may have felt compelled to redeem himself. more than likely, sam porter re- turned simply because, like many of the boys of ’ , he wanted to fi nish what he had started. no fl our- ish! no hundred- page letter about his own heroics! just a simple commitment to the union cause. in all fairness, frank haskell also felt that com- mitment, but he lacked the humility to accept a part in the war that he deemed beneath him. ambitious as lucifer, his teacher said, and determined to reign somewhere that would bring him glory, perhaps fi ctional; and to this end, he would serve those who could further his ambition. frank haskell escaped justice simply because sam porter chose not to pursue the assault. a court of inquiry can only be called by the president or if demanded by the in- jured party. offi cial inquiry into the shooting was never pursued. th at haskell was rewarded with a higher staff position only reinforced haskell’s arro- gance and his heroic image of himself. eventually, he would die for the image. before the futile and fatal charge at cold harbor, the newly appointed colonel haskell of the th irty- sixth wisconsin told a friend that he would be killed in the next battle. haskell explained, “you see, i have a green regi- ment. . . . i cannot get behind the lines as i might in the case of seasoned troops. i shall be obliged al- ways to lead. . . . and of course i shall be shot.” on june , , during “one of the war’s bloodi- est disasters frank haskell fulfi lled his ambition to command— and within three hours was dead.” al- most ironically, as his biographer suggests, the ac- tion at cold harbor was a federal version of pick- ett’s charge almost a year aft er haskell of gettysburg had shone so brightly: “he died as a soldier should see marcotte, “university of rochester and the civil war.” byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . light the assault of frank haskell was mary porter, sam’s widow. in may of she applied for a wid- ow’s pension with the claim that haskell’s gunshot wound combined with other factors contributed to the development of tuberculosis in sam porter, which led to his subsequent death. unfortunately, when mary needed corroborating witnesses to the haskell shooting, none were available. th e only one alive who had been closest to the event was lt. col. frank pierce, now enrolled in the regular army as captain in the first infantry. although some doubt persisted about mary’s claim, the war department eventually settled a monthly pension for her of sev- enteen to twenty dollars, until her death on febru- ary , , at the age of seventy- two. most of the deponents whom mary called on to support her case remembered that porter was unceremonious- ly shot by a staff offi cer for some perceived off ense that had something to do with personal hygiene. sometime before his death, even sam apparently cleaned up the story for mary and told her “that he was marching a squad across a certain lot, near get- tysburg, the next day aft er the battle when he was ordered by an inferior offi cer to leave the fi eld.” th e inferior offi cer grew abusive, and porter felt he had no need to obey this subordinate, whereupon the staff offi cer shot him. given the apparent victorian aversion to bodily functions, it is not surprising that porter provided his wife with the hygienic version. to his cousin, porter farley of the th new york, sam related a version closer to the truth. overall, sam porter spoke very little about the wound or the wound- ing, perhaps because of the growing mythology of the war in general and the battle of gettysburg in particular. aft er the war, the signifi cance of the three- day fi ght at the pennsylvania crossroads took on alarming implications. for the north, it was the fi ght that turned the rebel tide and led to ultimate victory for the union. of course, the fact that the war continued with increased savagery for anoth- er twenty- two months aft er the battle was a “mi- nor” forgotten detail in this version. for the south, gettysburg came to represent the great might have been and provided the impetus for the postwar lost cause movement. so obviously the admission that powers to seville, july , , porter pension file. an incident at taneytown haskell. given the letter to his brother and his in- ability to empathize with the foot soldier, shooting sam porter was just another staff function too triv- ial to dwell on, and his subsequent promotion only validated his attitude and act. as walt whitman so poignantly affi rmed, “the real war will never get in the books,” but “the offi cial surface courteousness of the generals” and the romantic depiction of the he- roic dead and nobly wounded will remain— in fact, still remains. frank haskell made sure his version of the war got “in the books,” and he died in a fu- tile, glorious charge that sealed his image forever. unlike his assailant, porter “never became famous” but did “become one of the solid reliable dedicat- ed young offi cers without whom the war could not have been won.” four times wounded, he survived the war and went home to help the nation heal. terence g. crooks lives in dundas, ontario, canada, where he retired aft er a thirty- year career teaching english. he holds bachelor’s and master’s degrees from the university of toronto. his interest in the civil war was fi rst sparked by his father, who took him to gettysburg for the centennial commemoration in . during his teaching career his interest continued; and now that he is retired, he has time to indulge that passion more actively. walt whitman, complete prose works (philadelphia: david mackay, ), . catharine s. crary, ed,, dear belle (middletown, ct: wesleyan university press, ), xviii. die fronting the enemy and taking more than his share of the danger.” sam porter was also constrained within the vic- torian belief of the manly image, which obliged him to cover up the truth of haskell’s assault. had a court of inquiry been pursued on porter’s insistence, the embarrassing circumstances of the assault would have emerged; and thus, in what came to be regarded as the most signifi cant campaign of the war, por- ter was not wounded in honorable battle but rather three days aft erward while attempting to relieve his diarrhea. downplaying such an unmanly wound as well as the late nineteenth century’s public sensitivity about the needs of the physical body must have over- ridden porter’s need to pursue justice. th e advent of the civil war provided an ide- al outlet for a man such as haskell. his infl ated self- concept of his own worth and his overweening pride and arrogance allowed him to move smooth- ly through the upper echelons of the union com- mand, where his unique attributes seemed to be en- couraged and appreciated. his main claim to fame, his gettysburg letter, is far from a work of civil war scholarship but is rather a paean to frank aretas byrne and weaver, haskell of gettysburg, . see also james m. aubrey, th e th irty- sixth wisconsin volunteer infantry (n.p., ; repr., salem, ma: hig- ginson book company, n.d.), ; u.s. war deparment, laws of war, ; william p. craighill, th e army offi cer’s pocket companion (new york: d.van nostrand, ; repr., mechanicsburg, pa: stackpole books, ), – . wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk params is empty sys_ exception wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk no params is empty exception params is empty / / - : : if (typeof jquery === "undefined") document.write('[script type="text/javascript" src="/corehtml/pmc/jig/ . . /js/jig.min.js"][/script]'.replace(/\[/g,string.fromcharcode( )).replace(/\]/g,string.fromcharcode( ))); // // // window.name="mainwindow"; .pmc-wm {background:transparent repeat-y top left;background-image:url(/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/wm-nobrand.png);background-size: auto, contain} .print-view{display:block} page not available reason: the web page address (url) that you used may be incorrect. message id: (wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk) time: / / : : if you need further help, please send an email to pmc. include the information from the box above in your message. otherwise, click on one of the following links to continue using pmc: search the complete pmc archive. browse the contents of a specific journal in pmc. find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/med/ Études photographiques, | Études photographiques | paul strand / kodak / robert taft versus beaumont newhall robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall difficile dialogue entre deux histoires américaines de la photographie robert taft in beaumont newhall’s shadow: a difficult dialogue between two american histories of photography françois brunet traducteur : jean-françois allain Édition électronique url : http://journals.openedition.org/etudesphotographiques/ issn : - Éditeur société française de photographie Édition imprimée date de publication : décembre isbn : issn : - référence électronique françois brunet, « robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall », Études photographiques [en ligne], | , mis en ligne le février , consulté le avril . url : http:// journals.openedition.org/etudesphotographiques/ ce document a été généré automatiquement le avril . propriété intellectuelle http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org/etudesphotographiques/ robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall difficile dialogue entre deux histoires américaines de la photographie robert taft in beaumont newhall’s shadow: a difficult dialogue between two american histories of photography françois brunet traduction : jean-françois allain une version du présent article a été présentée à la conférence “american art and the mass media”, inha/terra foundation for american art, - mai . je remercie les organisateurs, jason hill et elisa schaar, de m’avoir fait part de leurs commentaires et de m’avoir autorisé à publier cet essai. « [mon] livre allait paraître quand on m’a demandé de lire un manuscrit envoyé par un homme dont je n’avais jamais entendu parler : robert taft, professeur de chimie à l’université du kansas. le titre était : photography and the american scene. j’ai lu le manuscrit avec avidité. j’ai constaté qu’il couvrait le même champ que le mien et qu’il parvenait, dans de nombreux cas, aux mêmes conclusions. je me suis senti obligé de demander à l’éditeur, macmillan, de me confirmer que le manuscrit m’avait été adressé après que mon livre fut parti chez l’imprimeur. j’ai envoyé un rapport positif, et le livre, devenu entre-temps un classique, a paru en . c’était, en fait, un livre différent de celui que j’avais écrit. j’ai opposé des objections à certaines de ses conclusions esthétiques, qui, sur ma proposition, ont été abandonnées. peut-être un étudiant trouverait-il intéressant de frapper à la porte de l’université du robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | kansas, où les archives du professeur taft ont été déposées après sa mort, pour voir si l’on ne pourrait pas réexaminer les portions coupées de ce vieux manuscrit, qui, il y a quarante ans, ne me paraissaient pas mériter d’être publiées. » beaumont newhall, “toward the new histories of photography”, les deux premières grandes histoires américaines de la photographie du xxe siècle arrivèrent au copyright office des États-unis le même jour : le octobre . le premier ouvrage, photography : a short critical history (ci-après psch), de beaumont newhall, enregistré le août, était publié par le museum of modern art (moma) ; c’était une version légèrement révisée du catalogue précédemment paru sous le titre photography, - (ci-après p - ) et enregistré au copyright office le mars . le second était photography and the american scene : a social history, - (ci- après pas) de robert taft, publié par macmillan et enregistré moins de deux mois plus tard, le octobre . cette coïncidence inaugurait la postérité longue mais divergente des deux ouvrages, encore disponibles aujourd’hui, en . celui de newhall, psch, a été totalement réécrit pour l’édition de , révisé ensuite à deux reprises ( , ) et traduit en plusieurs langues ; en , c’était devenu le texte de référence sur l’histoire artistique internationale du médium. le livre de taft a été réédité d’abord par macmillan, puis en format de poche par dover à partir de et, plus récemment, dans une édition numérique (acls humanities e-book), mais il n’a jamais été traduit et sa notoriété ne dépasse guère le cercle des historiens et collectionneurs de la photographie américaine du xixe siècle. la coïncidence des deux parutions en - , le réseau d’interactions – jusqu’ici passé inaperçu – qui les relie, et l’émergence dans les années non pas d’une mais de deux histoires américaines de la photographie forment l’objet du présent article. jusqu’ici, le sujet n’a été abordé que du point de vue de l’histoire de l’art ; autrement dit, on s’est intéressé à la manière dont la photographie a fini par être intégrée dans l’histoire de l’art et à entrer dans les musées de beaux-arts, et au rôle joué en ce sens par beaumont newhall ( - ) et le moma. le présent article s’intègre dans une enquête différente et plus vaste, qui vise à évaluer comment, entre les années et les années , la photographie et les images photographiques ont été associées – aux États-unis comme ailleurs – à la mémoire publique, à la recherche historique et à l’écriture de l’histoire, et à ce qu’elizabeth edwards appelle « l’imagination historique ». un objet central de cette enquête est le travail de robert taft ( - ) – professeur de chimie à l’université du kansas, collectionneur d’art de l’ouest américain et historien de la photographie américaine – et son livre pas. la rédaction de cet ouvrage fut précédée de recherches monumentales (dans les archives et auprès de multiples témoins), qui occupèrent l’auteur durant une dizaine d’années et qui se reflètent dans quelque cinq cents notes de bas de page, ainsi que dans le fonds d’archives conservé à la kansas historical society (khs), à topeka, dont une partie – celle relative aux recherches de taft sur la photographie – a été récemment numérisée et mise en ligne . ces documents apportent un éclairage très intéressant sur l’entreprise de taft et son contexte, et en particulier sur son dialogue peu connu avec beaumont newhall en - . le but de cet article n’est donc pas simplement d’étudier le discours historiographique qui sous-tend le livre de taft, comme robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | je l’ai fait ailleurs , ni de tenter une interprétation nouvelle du texte bien connu de beaumont newhall, mais plutôt de cartographier le contexte plus vaste dans lequel sont apparues ces deux histoires américaines de la photographie – au même moment mais avec leurs divergences – et de mettre en évidence, par l’étude du dialogue instauré entre les deux historiens, les différences stratégiques – et les points communs – entre leurs deux histoires. et pour commencer, je soulignerai les destinées historiographiques très divergentes de ces deux textes fondateurs de l’histoire de la photographie américaine. deux destinées divergentes l’ouvrage de newhall avait acquis, au moment de sa dernière édition en , le statut de classique de l’histoire de l’art sur la photographie ; il définissait un canon. au même moment, il devenait la cible d’attaques qui dénonçaient une approche sélective du sujet, privilégiant une conception moderniste du médium (vu comme forme d’expression autodéterminante) et un choix particulier parmi les maîtres de la photographie. cette critique a trouvé son expression la plus percutante dans un article fameux de christopher phillips, paru dans october , et qui visait la domination croissante du moma – de newhall à john szarkowski – sur les conceptions de la photographie. cette critique était si pertinente, dans le contexte des déconstructions du nouveau « canon » de la photographie, qu’elle est elle-même devenue rapidement canonique . elle a, à son tour, été revisitée récemment, notamment par marta braun , christine y. hahn et, dernièrement, sophie hackett . si cette « histoire de l’histoire » se concentre en grande partie sur l’exposition de au moma et les stratégies institutionnelles qu’elle reflète (plutôt que sur le texte de newhall à proprement parler), les choix et les concepts de newhall constituent aujourd’hui un chapitre classique de l’histoire de la photographie, envisagée globalement en tant qu’histoire des idées esthétiques. le livre de robert taft, par contre, souffre encore, soixante-quinze ans après sa première parution, d’une sorte d’absence de statut. pendant des années, il a été la seule histoire générale de la photographie américaine au xixe siècle, et il n’a cessé d’être réédité par dover. dans la mesure où il se présente comme « une accumulation de faits » (pas, p. vii), et où la notion d’« histoire sociale » qu’il défend peut être considérée comme « amateur » ou « populaire », pas se rattache vaguement à la lignée – ultérieurement prolifique – de monographies, expositions et recueils sur la photographie américaine du xixe siècle, c’est- à-dire à une historiographie en partie non universitaire dans laquelle taft reste une référence tout à fait pertinente, même si beaucoup de ses « faits » ont été corrigés ou complétés . en dehors du domaine des spécialistes, le livre de taft a été – et demeure – pour les journalistes et les historiens un trésor de faits, de citations, de références et d’anecdotes . pour autant, on ne peut y voir un « récit-maître » à la newhall, comme le montre le fait que ce livre et la formidable enquête qui l’a précédé n’ont – jusqu’ici et contrairement au livre de newhall – pratiquement jamais donné lieu à une appréciation critique. en , le magazine history of photography réalisait un numéro spécial sur l’historiographie de la photographie, dans lequel taft était à peine mentionné. le dossier spécial récemment consacré par le magazine american art aux « american histories of photography » (sous la direction d’anthony w. lee) ne contient que quelques références rapides au livre de taft. michael kammen se contente de le mentionner en parlant d’ouvrage « classique ». alan trachtenberg, qui est le commentateur le plus incisif du lien entre photographie et histoire aux États-unis, semble n’avoir jamais manifesté qu’un robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | intérêt passager pour l’entreprise de taft, si ce n’est pour moquer gentiment son orientation nationaliste . dans son article de sur l’historiographie de la photographie en langue anglaise, marta braun est l’une des seules, parmi les historiens contemporains de la photographie, à accorder une certaine attention à taft et à sa relation avec newhall . autrement dit, l’entreprise monumentale de taft a servi jusqu’ici de source primaire plutôt que d’histoire. cela revient-il à rejeter la prétention du livre à fonder une « histoire sociale » ? faut-il reconnaître au seul ouvrage de newhall le double statut de texte fondateur et de travail historique conceptuellement important ? nous aborderons cette double question en comparant brièvement les récits de ces deux histoires américaines de la photographie. récits contradictoires / histoires parallèles on connaît l’argument critique de beaumont newhall sur l’histoire de la photographie, et l’on se contentera ici de le rappeler en citant les premières lignes de la préface de psch. newhall entendait poser les « fondements » esthétiques de l’histoire de la photographie, et il se fixait comme mission principale de « remédier » à la « confusion » originelle entre la photographie et les autres arts graphiques : « l’objectif de cet ouvrage est de poser des fondements qui permettent de mieux comprendre l’importance de la photographie en tant que médium esthétique […] la confusion avec les autres formes d’art graphique auxquelles elle ressemble superficiellement est en germe dans les origines même de la photographie ; pour remédier à cette confusion dommageable, il convient d’examiner la relation qu’a entretenue la photographie avec les autres arts durant son histoire brève mais riche en événements » (psch, p. ). en revanche, l’approche de « l’histoire sociale » de taft est moins connue des lecteurs d’aujourd’hui. sans entrer dans les détails, elle repose sur ce que taft appelle, par opposition à une appréciation « artistique », la « valeur historique » des photographies. bien que l’auteur évite en règle générale toute théorisation, on peut rattacher sa notion de « valeur historique » à deux grandes rubriques : l’image comme document et l’image comme événement. d’un côté, taft cherche à aborder l’image photographique en tant que document historique, approche qu’il oppose explicitement au « système d’esthétique photographique » de beaumont newhall dans le principal passage « théorique » de son livre (p. - ), au milieu du chapitre (« the cabinet photograph ») : « de toute évidence, l’historien social ne peut répondre à cette question [de savoir si la photographie est un art], et ce n’est pas non plus sa fonction. la question demeure controversée, mais il semble que se développe actuellement un système d’esthétique satisfaisant et logique reposant sur les traits distinctifs de la photographie [note de bas de page : l’analyse pénétrante récente du problème par beaumont newhall, qui au moins esquisse un système d’esthétique photographique, mérite d’être soigneusement examinée par toute personne cherchant une réponse à cette question.] cependant, l’historien social s’intéresse à une question qui, dans une certaine mesure, est liée à la question ci-dessus, à savoir “les photographies sont-elles des documents historiques ?” cette question peut trouver une réponse » ( pas, p. - ). taft est d’ailleurs, aux États-unis, l’un des tout premiers auteurs à attirer l’attention du public et des historiens sur la photographie en tant que moyen de connaissance historique, et il invite ses lecteurs à collecter et à « documenter » les photographies anciennes en tant qu’éléments constitutifs d’histoires familiales et locales. robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | « documenter » des photographies signifie évaluer leur véracité, et les accompagner de dates, de légendes et de commentaires permettant de les utiliser comme documents historiques (pas, p. - ) . d’un autre côté, taft est très conscient du rôle que joue l’image-événement dans une « histoire sociale » plus large, c’est-à-dire une histoire de « l’influence » ou de l’« impact » de la photographie dans l’histoire américaine. il isole quelques images « qui font date » (les portraits de lincoln par mathew brady, les premières photographies de la région du parc de yellowstone par william h. jackson) et qui, pour lui, « font l’histoire », là encore par opposition à la visée artistique : « il peut être intéressant aussi de noter que, si une photographie peut être appréciée pour sa valeur historique, un autre facteur d’évaluation peut entrer en jeu […] si, par exemple, je peux montrer un portrait et dire “cette photographie a joué un rôle important dans l’élection d’abraham lincoln à la présidence des États- unis”, ne devons-nous pas attribuer à cette photographie une valeur plus grande qu’à d’autres portraits de la même époque et d’un même mérite artistique ? » (pas, p. ). ces deux préoccupations fusionnent en une sorte d’histoire visuelle populaire, que défend assez ouvertement le professeur de l’université du kansas en tant que forme de culture démocratique . les paragraphes d’introduction et de conclusion du livre sont en effet tout à fait explicites quant à cette mission populaire et presque politique de la photographie : « la photographie touche aujourd’hui la vie des individus à tel point qu’il est difficile d’en énumérer tous les usages. non seulement elle conserve pour nous les portraits des êtres chers, mais elle illustre nos journaux, nos magazines, nos livres […] elle a enregistré le passé, éduqué notre jeunesse et, surtout, elle nous a donné la forme la plus populaire de divertissement jamais conçue » (pas, p. vii). « quels que puissent être les défauts et insuffisances de la presse illustrée, il est probable que l’humanité peut trouver en elle l’une des armes les plus puissantes dans le combat en faveur de l’abolition de la guerre, la lutte contre l’ignorance et la maladie, et la recherche de la justice sociale. grâce à ce médium, il devrait être possible d’atteindre plus rapidement un but recherché de longue date : la fraternité entre les hommes » (pas, p. ). comme d’autres aspects du livre de taft, ces visions « populistes » et utopistes font écho à des idées du xixe siècle que newhall, pour sa part, préfère éviter d’aborder. taft utilise des notions de progrès et d’agentivité historique qui sont empruntées à l’histoire « whig », et il s’appuie sur une vision de l’histoire américaine (que l’on peut qualifier en substance de « turnérienne ») dont le moteur serait la conquête de l’ouest . son récit, généralement écrit dans un style « populaire », facile à lire, ne fait aucune référence aux auteurs en vogue dans les années . comme le montre la citation ci-dessus, taft veille à ne pas dépasser les frontières de « l’histoire sociale » pour ne pas entrer dans des discussions sur l’art, domaine dans lequel – plusieurs passages de son livre le montrent – il se sent mal à l’aise . concernant newhall, si ses influences et ses choix ont donné lieu à des débats, il n’en reste pas moins que son texte et sa vision sont ancrés – comme il le fait lui-même remarquer dans diverses réminiscences ultérieures – dans l’histoire et l’expertise européennes de l’art, associées à une esthétique moderniste et à la stratégie défendue par alfred barr pour le museum of modern art . pour simplifier, on pourrait dire que le récit « social » de taft fonctionne comme une histoire « populaire », alors que celui de newhall est « savant », critique, esthétique et intellectualisant, ou encore que l’histoire de taft parle d’une amérique « profonde » (et s’intéresse même plus spécifiquement à l’ouest et au midwest), alors que newhall s’adresse à un lectorat new-yorkais et transatlantique. robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | l’histoire de newhall tourne autour du concept central de photographie en tant que « médium » (esthétique), concept construit sur la rencontre d’une lignée photographique « noble » (peter henry emerson, alfred stieglitz, paul strand) et de l’histoire de l’art allemande. le médium photographique y est défini à partir d’un cœur technologique et sémiologique qui permet de le distinguer des autres arts graphiques et de mesurer une qualité artistique purement photographique. taft, par contre, n’élabore pas de concepts théoriques, mais son livre comprend au moins un passage théorique important, qui commence par poser la question de la « valeur » artistique – ou historique – de la photographie, et qui distingue ensuite les valeurs historiques respectives de « l’image- document » et de « l’image-événement ». en combinant ces deux notions, taft se rapproche d’une conceptualisation de la photographie comme moyen de communication de masse, bien qu’il n’emploie jamais l’expression mass media. ainsi les grandes différences conceptuelles entre le récit de newhall et celui de taft apparaissent-elles avec évidence : médium vs mass media ; art ou esthétique vs information ou histoire ; intérêt pour les expériences formelles vs intérêt pour le portrait commercial ; intérêt pour le « pictorialisme » (newhall) vs intérêt pour la « presse illustrée » [pictorial press] (taft). une autre différence évidente entre ces deux histoires réside dans le terrain ou le corpus qu’elles prennent en considération. taft se limite strictement à la photographie américaine et, d’une façon générale, évite de se prononcer sur les inventions ou les évolutions de la photographie en europe. avec ses deux catégories de la « valeur historique » – celle de « l’image-document » et celle de « l’image-événement » –, son récit oscille entre la réalité ordinaire et l’épopée, entre l’exploration quotidienne de la « scène américaine » et la grandiose histoire de l’amérique . de plus, il se limite à la période comprise entre l’annonce aux États-unis des résultats obtenus par daguerre, à l’automne , et le lancement du kodak en - . plus, peut-être, qu’une histoire « nationaliste », on peut donc y voir une histoire de l’américanisation de la photographie. en revanche, le récit de newhall se présente en - comme international, voire internationaliste, même s’il se concentre essentiellement sur la france, la grande- bretagne et les États-unis. les éditions qui se succéderont jusqu’en élargiront ce propos international. cependant, dans le choix du corpus comme par d’autres aspects fondamentaux, les deux histoires présentent d’importants points communs. dans ses éditions successives, celle de newhall accorde toujours beaucoup de place aux photographes et inventeurs américains. comme taft, newhall isole – dès et – certains moments américains, notamment mathew brady et la guerre civile, l’apparition des appareils à main (hand-held) et le kodak . pour les deux auteurs, le photographe américain mathew b. brady est une figure centrale, soit comme pionnier de la photographie « pure » – la straight photography –, soit comme premier « historien photographique ». une autre base commune est la structure technologique des deux histoires, héritée de josef maria eder et, plus encore, de georges potonniée. enfin, et c’est peut-être l’élément le plus significatif, les deux textes expriment une même préoccupation pour le développement de la photographie et de la presse illustrée dans les années , phénomène qui justifie – plus implicitement chez newhall et plus explicitement chez taft – que l’on en écrive l’histoire. dans leurs commentaires parallèles sur la « photographie de presse » (newhall) et la « presse illustrée » (taft), les deux auteurs accordent une grande place à ce domaine, et ce pour des raisons en partie similaires (à savoir l’ubiquité de la photographie et l’écho qu’elle a), bien que taft voie dans la presse illustrée une « arme » pour parvenir à « la fraternité entre les hommes » ( robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | pas, p. , cité plus haut), alors que newhall entend isoler le genre de photographie de presse qui « transcende l’éphémère et devient un grand document ». en résumé, les deux histoires sont à la fois conceptuellement opposées et historiquement parallèles. tandis que « l’histoire critique » très élaborée de newhall configure la photographie en tant que moyen d’expression esthétique, l’histoire sociale incomplètement conceptualisée de taft envisage la photographie américaine comme un moyen de communication de masse (une fenêtre sur le passé et une force sociale). cette distinction fondamentale oppose de manière durable les deux ouvrages. par ailleurs, cependant, les deux approches ont plus d’une chose en commun, indépendamment même de leur appréciation et de leur revalorisation de la photographie américaine. toutes deux sont motivées, quoique à un degré différent, par une attention – typique du milieu du xxe siècle – accordée au pouvoir de communication de la photographie. bien que beaumont newhall, en , soit moins concerné par cette dimension sociale que robert taft, les deux histoires sont très conscientes de l’importance de la photographie dans l’amérique des années et de la nécessité d’évaluer cette importance dans une perspective historique plus vaste. en ce sens, toutes deux sont le produit d’un contexte américain plus général qui conduit dans les années à réévaluer la photographie . et, comme je le suggère en dernière partie de cet article, la réception initiale des deux livres en - semble corroborer l’intérêt que porte le public à l’historicisation de la photographie et confirmer l’attrait complémentaire qu’ont exercé ces deux ouvrages. mais d’abord, j’aimerais évoquer les interactions – jusqu’ici passées inaperçues – entre taft et newhall au stade de l’écriture de leurs livres respectifs. comme nous le verrons, la dichotomie apparemment radicale entre ces deux histoires exige d’être repensée à la lumière de la collaboration relativement intense qui s’est instaurée entre leurs auteurs. adversaires ou collaborateurs ? le témoignage des sources imprimées nous avons aujourd’hui beaucoup d’informations sur la préparation de l’exposition de beaumont newhall au moma et sur l’élaboration de son livre, ceci grâce à la masse de souvenirs publiés de l’auteur, et même s’il reste à entreprendre une étude systématique de ses archives . comme l’explique newhall dans divers entretiens, ses idées sur la photographie mûrirent entre son entrée à harvard en , le début de sa thèse de doctorat en - et la mission que lui confia alfred barr d’organiser une exposition de photographies au moma en . au-delà des diverses influences qui ont pu le marquer, ou qu’il a pu revendiquer, son objectif était clairement de fonder une approche critique de la photographie. il semble que l’exposition au moma ait été préparée à la hâte entre le printemps et l’hiver - . elle ouvrit ses portes le mars et, nous l’avons vu, le catalogue fut publié deux jours plus tôt en trois mille exemplaires ; l’édition révisée paraît avoir été préparée au premier semestre de (la préface est datée du juin). d’après les sources publiées – nous laissons de côté, pour le moment, les archives taft –, nous avons beaucoup moins d’informations sur le livre de taft, en dehors des aperçus que nous offrent ses notes de bas de page sur l’importante correspondance liée à ses recherches, et du fait que le chimiste y travaillait depuis au moins le début des années , période à laquelle il mena des recherches sur les débuts de la photographie robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | au kansas et dans l’ouest , mais aussi sur mathew brady et « l’ère du daguerréotype ». le livre fut enregistré au copyright office le octobre , macmillan étant l’éditeur. si la coïncidence des dates avec la seconde édition de newhall paraît accidentelle, certains détails dans les deux livres montrent que le dialogue entre leurs auteurs s’est engagé dès . si le catalogue de newhall p - ne mentionne pas robert taft, sa préface au psch de le mentionne bien parmi un petit groupe de collègues remerciés pour leur aide dans la « révision du texte » et la « constitution de l’index biographique ». globalement, cette révision du texte se réduit à peu de chose. dans un exemple intéressant – un passage sur l’attribution et l’appréciation des photographies de la guerre civile réalisées par mathew brady et ses « assistants » –, il est probable que le texte ou les conseils de robert taft aient inspiré des modifications, et en particulier la suppression d’une phrase qui, dans le texte de , laissait penser qu’alexander gardner aurait pu « voler certains négatifs de brady ». dans son texte, robert taft avait bien insisté sur le fait que « le travail réel de photographier la guerre a été effectué par brady et par beaucoup d’autres ». dans le même passage, le chimiste ironisait sur les « apprentis critiques de ces dernières années qui ont analysé en détail les mérites artistiques de beaucoup de photographies de guerre de brady, photographies qui, en réalité, ne furent sans doute pas prises par brady mais par certains de ses assistants ». « il est tout à fait justifié, précise taft, d’attribuer à brady le mérite qui lui revient, mais la critique artistique doit se limiter aux œuvres que l’on sait être de lui, et de lui seul. c’est un principe que les apprentis critiques ont totalement ignoré ». la principale addition au texte de newhall de était l’index biographique des photographes – qui occupe vingt-cinq pages –, et il est vraisemblable que le texte et les notes de taft furent utilisés pour certaines biographies d’américains, comme newhall le reconnaît dans l’article sur brady . newhall mentionne le livre de taft dans sa bibliographie, où il constitue le seul ajout dans la rubrique « histoires » (sur un total de trois ajouts dans l’ensemble de la bibliographie), et il l’accompagne du commentaire suivant : « […] une importante histoire du développement de la photographie dans ce pays, axée notamment sur la relation entre ce développement et notre histoire sociale ». signalons ici qu’après , lors de l’organisation et de la réorganisation du département de photographie du moma, robert taft devait être régulièrement considéré comme l’un des rares historiens spécialisés dans la photographie aux États-unis ; il fut même nommé membre du comité consultatif du département . d’après ses souvenirs, il semble que newhall ait pris conscience du travail de taft entre les deux éditions de son livre. dans un entretien de , il explique que le manuscrit de taft lui fut transmis par le spécialiste de la photographie et traducteur edward epstean, à qui l’on avait demandé de faire un rapport de lecture pour l’éditeur macmillan (probablement vers le milieu ou la fin de ) . newhall se souvenait d’avoir été frappé par les similitudes entre les conclusions de taft et les siennes, au point de demander à macmillan de certifier que le manuscrit de taft avait bien été envoyé à epstean après la publication de son propre catalogue en . dans une réminiscence de , reproduit en exergue du présent article, newhall précise que, dans son rapport sur le manuscrit de taft, il avait demandé le retrait de certains commentaires sur l’esthétique de la photographie et émis la suggestion qu’un futur « étudiant » consulte un jour les archives de robert taft au kansas pour « réexaminer » la valeur des passages supprimés. quoique robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | adepte de la « bonne fortune » comme méthode de recherche, beaumont newhall savait aussi se montrer prudent . de même, le livre de taft montre que son auteur eut connaissance de l’exposition et du livre de newhall au cours de l’année , c’est-à-dire à un moment où il mettait la dernière main à son manuscrit. en page , il reproduit un daguerréotype du metropolitan museum of art « photographié par beaumont newhall, juillet » (une mention surprenante dans un livre où la plupart des reproductions sont données sans crédits). dans son passage théorique (pas, p. - ), taft fait référence à la recherche d’un « système d’esthétique satisfaisant et logique fondé sur les traits distinctifs de la photographie », renvoyant en note à « l’analyse pénétrante » de newhall, puis rattachant à cette note de bas de page une note de fin de texte (numérotée ), qui cite p - , ainsi que plusieurs propos de « chefs de file de la photographie américaine » sur la question de la photographie en tant qu’art. cette note cite des extraits de propos publiés d’alfred stieglitz et d’edward steichen, qui défendent tous deux la straight photography, et mentionne des lettres de confirmation demandées par taft aux deux « chefs de file ». la réponse de stieglitz est datée du novembre , celle de steichen du janvier . peut-être pouvons-nous rejoindre geoffrey batchen quand il écrit, sur la base de cette association du travail de newhall avec stieglitz et steichen, que « la relation étroite entre la méthode historique adoptée par newhall et les vues de stieglitz est explicitée dans ce que taft appelle “l’histoire sociale ” ». mais ce qui semble plus tangible encore d’après les dates de ces lettres (deux des sources les plus tardives utilisées dans le livre ), de même que dans la rédaction complexe de cette page, avec ses notes à deux étages, c’est que les remarques très brèves que taft consacre à l’esthétique, voire l’ensemble de son passage théorique, ont dû être non seulement inspirées, mais provoquées, par le rapport de newhall à macmillan. cette hypothèse, si l’on pouvait la vérifier, expliquerait le sentiment étrange que ressent le lecteur de taft quand il arrive à ce passage théorique, empreint d’un effort marqué pour distinguer les historiens « artistiques » et les historiens « sociaux ». dans d’autres passages, nous l’avons vu, taft ne cache pas son scepticisme à l’égard des spéculations « artistiques » et des « apprentis critiques ». on ne sait pas si ces piques visaient beaumont newhall – ou, à travers lui, les « vues de stieglitz » – ou si elles s’adressaient à d’autres auteurs, ou encore s’il s’agissait de vestiges d’un état antérieur de la rédaction du texte. d’une façon générale, il est difficile de savoir si et comment la rencontre des deux historiens put avoir des incidences sur la coïncidence de la publication de leurs ouvrages en . cependant, les indices contenus dans les deux livres laissent clairement penser qu’il y eut entre eux un dialogue, et même une collaboration, mais aussi un affrontement latent. les archives de robert taft que j’ai pu consulter ne permettent pas encore de confirmer pleinement cette hypothèse, car certains documents majeurs manquent, et notamment le manuscrit original de taft, le rapport de newhall à macmillan et la plus grande partie de la correspondance entre taft et son éditeur. néanmoins, la documentation disponible apporte des éclairages puissants sur la relation entre les deux historiens. robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | dialogue en coulisses : le témoignage de la correspondance de taft sur la photographie il ne semble pas que les archives de robert taft conservées à la kansas historical society (khs) aient été étudiées par les historiens de la photographie. la numérisation récente d’une partie de ces archives – la correspondance sur la photographie, aujourd’hui accessible en ligne – est une bénédiction pour les chercheurs . dans cette partie du présent article, nous nous limiterons à un examen préliminaire de cette correspondance, en nous concentrant sur le dialogue taft-newhall. notons toutefois que ce dialogue n’est qu’un petit aspect de la correspondance sur la photographie, qui n’est elle-même qu’une petite partie des archives de taft à la khs. en , taft estimait avoir écrit depuis « largement plus de deux mille lettres pour réunir la documentation » ( mars , à fannie huntington morriss). dans l’ensemble, cette correspondance livre une richesse d’informations fascinante sur l’entreprise de taft, son évolution et sa lente progression vers la publication (en mars , taft était encore en quête d’un éditeur, et macmillan n’était pas son premier choix ), sur la variété des thèmes qu’elle aborde , et sur le large écho qu’elle reçut à la fin des années et au début des années . cet écho laisse imaginer un vaste réseau de correspondants concernés par l’histoire de la photographie – parmi lesquels des descendants des pionniers, des archivistes et des bibliothécaires, des historiens locaux et amateurs, des photographes professionnels, des éditeurs et des directeurs de publication, des représentants de diverses entreprises commerciales et quelques correspondants étrangers –, réseau qui est nettement différent de ceux que l’on a l’habitude d’associer à l’élaboration de l’histoire de newhall et qui mérite assurément d’être étudié plus en détail. le mai , une lettre de john tennant (de tennant and ward, éditeurs de livres sur la photographie et du american annual of photography) fait part du grand intérêt de l’éditeur d’apprendre « que vous avez achevé votre histoire » et son espoir « que macmillan l’acceptera pour publication ». tennant, qui annonçait la publication des histoires de potonniée et d’eder, traduites par edward epstean, servit peut-être de lien avec macmillan. quoi qu’il en soit, le passage suivant ne put manquer de frapper robert taft : « avez-vous vu “photography - ” de beaumont newhall ? c’est un catalogue détaillé de la récente exposition historique qui s’est tenue au museum of modern art, dont il est le bibliothécaire, mais qui comporte en introduction une brève histoire de la photographie. je crois comprendre que celle-ci fait partie d’une histoire plus complète qu’il prépare pour publication. telle qu’elle est faite, elle est très bien faite ! » (tennant à taft, mai ). dans la mesure où il n’y avait eu jusque-là aucune mention de newhall ou de son exposition dans la correspondance, il se pourrait que robert taft ait découvert l’information par cette lettre. cependant, la correspondance ne nous dit rien sur sa réaction initiale, à cause d’une lacune dans le dossier entre le mai et le octobre . la correspondance conservée reprend avec des lettres qui montrent que le livre de taft, désormais intitulé photography and the american scene, doit « être publié par macmillan l’an prochain » (taft à ellsworth ingalls, octobre ) et dans lesquelles intervient bientôt beaumont newhall. robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | la correspondance entre taft et newhall conservée à la khs commence par une lettre datée du octobre dans laquelle taft remercie newhall pour ses « suggestions et critiques » de pas « telles qu’elles ont été relayées par m. latham de macmillan ». ces remarques, poursuit taft, sont « bien vues », car elles pointent à juste titre « quelques- unes des faiblesses [du livre] ». il reste, comme je l’ai dit, à retrouver dans les archives le rapport de newhall, le manuscrit original de taft et sa correspondance avec macmillan. curieusement, toutefois, après ces remerciements, taft change de sujet et sollicite l’aide de newhall pour des illustrations (une épreuve du portrait de julia cameron par john herschel et « une copie d’un daguerréotype ou d’un ferrotype qui montre clairement l’inversion droite-gauche, c’est-à-dire une image où l’on voit du texte imprimé »). newhall répond dès le octobre ; il fait des propositions d’illustrations , mais exprime surtout, dans ce qui paraît être sa première lettre personnelle au « professeur taft », son « ravissement » d’apprendre « que macmillan publie enfin son livre », le « plaisir » et le « privilège de lire le manuscrit », et sa frustration jusque-là d’avoir freiné un « désir naturel de lui écrire [à taft] plus longuement », compte tenu du fait qu’ils étaient arrivés « tous deux indépendamment à des conclusions similaires ». promettant d’envoyer sa « petite contribution à l’histoire de la photographie », newhall fait ensuite des compliments sur plusieurs passages précis de l’ouvrage de taft (par exemple : « votre histoire [your dope] sur l’arrivée de la nouvelle de la daguerréotypie est épique »). le récit par taft de la présence de la photographie dans le bâtiment des chemins de fer transcontinentaux est « entièrement nouveau » et « extrêmement important », souligne newhall qui, en même temps, lui demande s’il pourrait inclure des vues stéréoscopiques des chemins de fer cités par taft dans une petite présentation de la photographie américaine qu’il prépare pour une exposition sur l’art américain au musée du jeu de paume, à paris, en . l’historien de l’art loue également ce qu’écrit le chimiste sur mathew brady (« qui demeure pour moi une énigme », écrit newhall, s’avouant « totalement perdu dans les attributions correctes de nombreuses vues de la guerre civile », sujet qu’il qualifie d’un « des temps forts de l’histoire de la photographie américaine »). il conclut en invitant taft à venir à new york, invitation qui ne semble pas s’être concrétisée. ce premier échange donne le ton d’une grande partie de la correspondance qui suit. dans l’édition en ligne, celle-ci comprend vingt et une lettres de newhall à taft et dix de taft à newhall – avec des lacunes évidentes –, et elle est concentrée sur la période entre octobre et mai . le dialogue taft-newhall, que l’on ne peut que résumer ici, paraît avoir immédiatement fonctionné à plusieurs niveaux et à plusieurs fins, pas toutes également explicites, et reflétant, au-delà des demandes réciproques de services, une certaine divergence entre les desseins et les statuts des deux auteurs. en - , taft requiert régulièrement l’aide de newhall pour demander des illustrations à des musées ou des bibliothèques de new york, et il fait peut-être appel à son entremise pour obtenir les lettres de stieglitz et de steichen (voir plus haut), sollicitées après que newhall eut écrit son rapport et avec sa bénédiction. À la même époque, mais aussi plus tard, newhall demande souvent à taft des informations sur des collections historiques ou des conseils sur des questions historiographiques (pour l’index de photographes de son psch de et pour divers autres projets ). cependant, la raison initiale de cet échange et son principal objet au départ est l’opinion critique de newhall sur l’analyse esthétique développée par taft dans le manuscrit sur lequel il devait rapporter pour macmillan. robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | l’absence du rapport de newhall et du manuscrit original ne nous permet pas, pour le moment, d’entreprendre une analyse approfondie des échanges entre les deux hommes. nous savons toutefois, d’après les archives, que taft retravailla le passage sur l’esthétique, peut-être à la demande de macmillan, et en vain – nous le verrons ci-après – puisque le jugement final de newhall sur la deuxième version devait être à nouveau négatif. mais il est important de souligner qu’à travers cet échange difficile, taft semble avoir été amené à affiner l’argument théorique de son livre, et même à le recentrer autour de l’histoire plutôt que de l’esthétique. tout se passe comme si c’était le besoin ressenti par taft, à la suite du rapport de newhall, de retravailler la partie « défaillante » sur l’esthétique qui l’avait conduit à élaborer, dans une sorte de réaction de contradiction, son opposition à toute réflexion esthétique, perçue comme un fardeau ou une simple mode, et à développer, comme alternative à l’esthétique, la question de la « valeur historique » des photographies. le octobre , taft remercie newhall pour le catalogue du moma et note que « ce que vous dites sur l’esthétique photographique sera particulièrement intéressant pour moi quand j’essaierai de réécrire ma partie sur la relation entre l’art et la photographie ». cette partie, ajoute taft, était « insuffisante » dans la première version, essentiellement parce que lui-même « s’intéressait peu à la question » et qu’il s’était seulement senti obligé de la mentionner parce que « la question a été soulevée si fréquemment ». dans les paragraphes qui suivent, taft développe avec force un aspect central de son livre qui, pense-t-il peut-être, n’avait pas été suffisamment clarifié dans son manuscrit : « la question qui m’a paru la plus importante et la plus intéressante, je ne l’ai posée qu’indirectement, et essentiellement dans les illustrations et dans le titre ; c’est celle-ci : “de quelle valeur est la photographie en tant que document historique ?” ma réponse est que c’est le témoignage le plus vivant et l’un des plus importants, à condition d’être correctement documenté, dont nous disposions pour compléter les témoignages écrits. vous l’avez dit, la grande différence psychologique entre la photographie et le produit final de n’importe quel autre art graphique réside dans notre croyance – fondée ou non – que la photographie recrée la scène originale avec une absolue fidélité et nous donne un aperçu du passé. l’utilisation de la photographie et son importance dans cette reconstitution du passé ont été, me semble-t-il, largement ignorées – notamment avant la période de la similigravure (pre-helf-tone period) – période durant laquelle la “straight photography” était la règle, en grande partie par nécessité. la grande exception est naturellement la photographic history of the civil war – que, soit dit en passant, j’ai eu l’occasion de maudire parfois longuement et amèrement –, mais il faut bien admettre que si la méthode photographique est importante pour enregistrer la vie anormale, elle est tout aussi importante pour enregistrer la vie normale. une histoire photographique des années serait tout aussi importante et intéressante [que l’histoire de la guerre], et aurait probablement plus de valeur. je suis fermement convaincu qu’il subsiste des milliers de photographies de cette période qui restent inconnues et qui, si elles étaient collectées et correctement documentées, constitueraient un panorama véritablement étonnant et fidèle de la scène américaine du passé. cependant, si l’histoire est importante et intéressante dans les photographies, l’aspect le plus significatif de l’histoire photographique est le rôle, ou l’influence, que la photographie a joué en déterminant l’histoire. retracer cette évolution est un véritable problème, car il est difficile de recueillir des données factuelles. j’ai néanmoins tenté l’entreprise et, si mon manuscrit présente un intérêt, c’est, je pense, en grande partie en ce qu’il montre que la photographie a influencé la vie sociale, politique et artistique de l’amérique » (taft à newhall, octobre ). robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | en l’absence du manuscrit original, il est difficile de dire dans quelle mesure, avant octobre , taft avait élaboré son argument théorique sur la valeur historique des photographies. toutefois, les propos ci-dessus ressemblent non pas à une préfiguration mais à une condensation radicale du passage théorique que l’on trouve dans les pages à de pas. en outre, taft fait ici deux remarques qui ne figurent pas dans pas, à savoir que la straight photography « était la règle » dans la période d’avant le half-tone, et que la photographie est « aussi importante pour enregistrer la vie normale » qu’elle l’est pour enregistrer la « vie anormale », en l’occurrence la guerre. ces deux remarques, qui peuvent frapper le lecteur de par leur finesse, auraient mérité d’être davantage commentées ; il est possible qu’elles n’aient pas été conservées dans le manuscrit final de pas à cause des objections prévisibles que leur opposa beaumont newhall. bien que nous n’ayons pas dans leur intégralité les deux développements successifs de taft sur l’esthétique de la photographie, on peut raisonnablement supposer qu’une des objections de newhall portait précisément sur cette affirmation selon laquelle la photographie du xixe siècle en général était « straight ». comme l’écrit l’historien de l’art dans sa réponse, datée du novembre : « la raison pour laquelle je pense qu’une discussion esthétique est indiquée dans une histoire de la photographie est que, parmi les milliers et les milliers de photographies qui existent, certaines sont meilleures que d’autres. je pense que cela s’explique par une compétence esthétique plutôt que technique. l’esthétique de la photographie a très peu à voir avec celle des autres branches de l’art ; elle commence tout juste à être étudiée. je me demande si la photographie avant la période de la similigravure était aussi « straight » que vous semblez l’indiquer dans votre lettre. que dire de h. p. robinson et de tout le mouvement pictorial ? parfois, je pense que la similigravure elle-même a apporté une nouvelle appréciation de la straight photography à cause du grand intérêt qu’elle a suscité et de l’avènement de la photographie de presse » (newhall à taft, novembre ). l’« influence » omniprésente de la photographie en tant que moyen d’information est une question qui a toute sa pertinence dans la discussion entre les deux historiens. ce même hiver - , la correspondance de taft sur la photographie est remplie de questionnaires envoyés à des directeurs de magazine concernant les fonctions et les règles passées et présentes de la presse illustrée moderne, dont les réponses ont alimenté les chapitres de pas sur la « pictorial press ». ces questionnaires et ces échanges avec les directeurs de magazine de l’époque (parmi lesquels henry luce, de life) mériteraient également d’être analysés de près. cependant, newhall ne cessera d’affirmer que certaines photographies « sont meilleures que d’autres ». d’après le dialogue taft- newhall, il apparaît d’une façon plus générale que le chimiste a pris conscience, du fait même de l’insistance de newhall, de sa propre aversion pour la question – alors à la mode – de l’esthétique photographique, et que, néanmoins, les réflexions nées de cette discussion l’ont aidé à définir une position théorique plus générale sur la photographie, l’histoire et la société. taft réécrivit, comme on le lui demandait, la partie sur l’esthétique, mais seulement pour se heurter à un autre refus vif – et cette fois décisif – de la part de newhall. le décembre , celui-ci adresse à taft une lettre assez longue qui commence curieusement sur un ton familier, voire vexant, par un « cher taft », que newhall reprendra dans ses lettres de . ce courrier contient une critique détaillée de la partie retravaillée par taft sur l’esthétique, accompagnée de son brouillon annoté et du robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | programme d’une conférence de newhall sur l’esthétique photographique « présentée à harvard jeudi dernier ». après quelques préliminaires polis, la critique de newhall commence par ce jugement assez sévère : « après beaucoup d’étude et de réflexion, j’ai le très grand regret de vous dire que, à mon avis, [la partie retravaillée sur l’esthétique] est confuse et peu satisfaisante. je vous recommande fortement d’abandonner toute considération esthétique dans votre excellent texte. comme vous le dites vous-même : “elle [l’esthétique] n’est pas l’un des intérêts premiers de l’historien social.” pour les personnes qui souhaitent approfondir la question, vous pourriez faire référence à mon livre qui, je pense, esquisse les grandes lignes sur lesquelles pourrait être construite une esthétique de la photographie » (newhall à taft, décembre ). de fait, la seconde version du manuscrit de taft – qu’il n’est pas intéressant d’analyser ici en détail en l’absence de la première version – comprenait une référence très nette aux arguments de beaumont newhall sur la distinction entre photographie et arts graphiques et sur sa contribution à un « système satisfaisant » d’esthétique (tout en contestant indirectement la pertinence esthétique de cette distinction, remarque qui semble avoir fortement déplu à newhall). dans la version publiée de pas, le développement de taft sur l’esthétique se limitait effectivement à un renvoi à l’autorité de newhall ; comme l’expliquait taft à newhall le janvier , après avoir envoyé son texte définitif à macmillan, il avait décidé d’omettre « les quelques pages qui prêtent à controverse » sur l’esthétique et d’inclure les paragraphes sur « la valeur historique », décision qui, selon lui, était un retour à son « intention initiale ». cette décision était déjà dans l’esprit de taft le décembre , quand il adressait sa première réponse à la sévère missive du décembre : « je n’ai pas encore eu le temps d’assimiler complètement toutes vos critiques. depuis que je vous ai envoyé la première mouture de mon texte, j’ai été occupé à remodeler et réécrire le dernier chapitre de mon livre. je pense qu’il est considérablement amélioré. sur votre suggestion, je l’ai rebaptisé “photography and the pictorial press”. les vacances de noël viennent de commencer et, en principe, j’aurai du temps pour moi. j’espère reprendre la rédaction finale de la partie sur la pseudo-esthétique la semaine prochaine et je vous réécrirai alors » (taft à newhall, décembre ). la « rédaction finale de la partie sur la pseudo-esthétique » correspond certainement au passage théorique de pas, pages - . « pseudo-esthétique » est un terme approprié pour un débat qui, pour l’essentiel, élimine l’esthétique en faveur d’une méthodologie de l’histoire. il ne paraît donc pas exagéré de conclure que le rapport de newhall et l’échange qui s’ensuit ont aidé taft à reformuler son analyse « peu satisfaisante » de l’esthétique et à développer en une argumentation approfondie sur la valeur « historique » des photographies – leurs conditions de fidélité et les protocoles de documentation requis pour en faire un usage historique –, section dont newhall faisait l’éloge dans sa lettre et qui, aujourd’hui, est sans doute l’une des grandes réussites de pas . en outre, taft donne une définition plus précise du pouvoir « social » des photographies, thème qui imprègne d’ailleurs le dernier chapitre de pas et les réflexions de conclusion sur la photographie et la presse illustrée comme arme au service de la « fraternité entre les hommes » (pas, p. , cité plus haut). robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | « le siècle de l’appareil photo » : notes sur la réception initiale des ouvrages de newhall et de taft marta braun fait remarquer à juste titre que « l’élan narratif » du livre de newhall finit par éclipser les autres ouvrages consacrés à l’histoire de la photographie : celui de taft, mais aussi les traductions par epstean des livres d’eder et de potonniée (publiées en ) . toutefois, cette remarque fait référence à l’édition de du livre de newhall, qui est une version totalement réécrite du texte de - . un examen des archives du new york times (nyt) pour les années - montre que l’exposition de newhall et le livre de taft firent tous deux forte impression sur les critiques de presse. si l’exposition du moma s’attire quelques critiques dans les milieux artistiques , elle « bénéficie d’une attention considérable dans la presse locale aussi bien que nationale », écrit christine y. hahn, en citant cinq recensions dans le nyt avant l’inauguration et un « grand article » dans le new york herald qui témoigne du « succès considérable » de l’exposition. le catalogue de newhall, p - , est également bien accueilli en tant que livre, comme l’atteste en particulier un article non signé, intitulé “the camera’s century”, paru le juin . pour le journaliste, si la photographie a été jusqu’ici « confondue avec tous les autres procédés graphiques », « cette confusion est désormais levée et, dans ce livre très riche en informations, la photographie est examinée à la lumière de ses propres principes » – « un très beau livre ». ce lecteur, bien que manifestement convaincu par la méthode de newhall, évalue le mérite du livre d’une manière plutôt éclectique : « dans ces pages, l’auteur retrace pas à pas depuis ses débuts semi-embryonnaires l’évolution scientifique de la photographie, mais le commun des mortels sera probablement intéressé d’abord par le rappel des photographies de la guerre civile par brady – ces remarquables vues prises à l’aide d’une chambre “à plaque humide” difficile à manier […] cependant, c’est en tant qu’art que la photographie présente le plus d’intérêt […] cet ouvrage est complet tout en étant concis ; et même si ses textes étaient beaucoup moins éclairants qu’ils ne le sont, c’est un livre qu’il vaudrait la peine d’avoir et de conserver pour les photographies qu’il contient . » néanmoins, l’exposition et le catalogue du moma ne monopolisent pas l’attention des new-yorkais amateurs de photographie, que beaucoup d’autres événements sollicitent en . et l’année suivante, à la fin de , pas de robert taft reçoit dans le nyt plus d’attention que le livre de beaumont newhall, quoique moins que l’exposition de . entre le octobre et noël , le quotidien publie trois critiques assez longues du livre de taft, soulignant son approche de la photographie en tant qu’outil pour l’étude de l’histoire. dans le premier de deux articles, ralph thompson (qui écrit régulièrement dans le nyt, y compris sur la littérature, de virginia woolf à ernest hemingway) estime « que la photographie est la plus merveilleuse des inventions humaines ». notant que certains se raccrochent à un goût « allemand » pour les appareils photo de type leica, et que d’autres « considèrent la prise de vue comme un des beaux-arts, une vocation ou une profession », le critique ajoute, en rendant explicitement hommage à la méthode de taft : « la photographie est indéniablement tout cela, mais elle est aussi – et c’est là, me semble-t-il, que réside sa véritable grandeur – une méthode d’histoire, un moyen superbe et sans égal de conserver le souvenir des hommes et des événements. cela peut paraître évident, mais tout le monde n’en a pas conscience. par exemple, parmi ceux qui ont été “fascinés” et “terriblement intéressés” par les romans récents sur la guerre civile, combien savent que l’histoire de cette même guerre a été couchée sur le papier d’une façon mille fois plus graphique que ne pourrait robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | espérer le faire une margaret mitchell au sommet de son art ? or, combien de gens ont même entendu parler de la photographic history of the civil war, ouvrage en dix volumes paru en ? » « c’est un livre long et solide, conclut thompson, le genre de livre que certains d’entre nous attendons depuis longtemps […] mais bien que solide, il n’est pas solennel . » dans son second article, qui célèbre « une année faste pour les livres d’images ou sur les images », il évoque également american photographs de walker evans et adventures of america, - : a pictorial record from harper’s weekly de john kouwenhoven, et il renouvelle ses éloges sur le livre de taft, « pas seulement pour le texte, qui est indéniablement la meilleure histoire que nous ayons sur le sujet […] la plus intelligente, érudite et complète, mais aussi pour les illustrations, au nombre d’environ trois cents ». enfin, le numéro du nyt de noël comprend un article signé s. t. williamson, qui cherche à clarifier la nature « sociale » de l’histoire de taft. le critique fait écho à la thèse de l’auteur, celle de « l’influence » de la photographie sur l’histoire américaine (« on apprend comment les photographies de jackson ont inspiré la création du parc national de yellowstone et comment une photographie a conduit henry wadsworth longfellow à écrire hiawatha. ») cette influence, dit williamson, ne doit pas être comprise comme une simple « liste » d’événements importants mais comme une « histoire » et l’objet d’un effort volontaire et continu pour « préserver et classifier », autre allusion explicite à l’appel de taft encourageant à collecter, préserver et documenter les vieilles photographies en tant que témoignages du passé visible de l’amérique : « en dépit de la valeur de la photographie comme témoignage historique, personne ne s’est soucié d’apprécier la signification sociale de la photographie ni de retracer le sens de son développement pour la vie quotidienne et les habitudes des habitants de ce pays. personne, du moins jusqu’au professeur taft […] qui a mis suffisamment d’éléments en lumière pour montrer que la prochaine étape doit être la préservation et la classification de ces témoignages historiques visuels. l’histoire des cent dernières années pourrait être racontée en photographies. son élaboration sera un processus lourd et coûteux, mais le travail mérite amplement d’être entrepris, et il faudrait s’y mettre avant que le temps ne fasse de nouveaux ravages dans les tirages et les négatifs . » en - , le nyt accordait une place comparable à l’exposition de newhall au moma et au livre de robert taft, ce qui témoigne du grand intérêt que l’on accordait alors à l’histoire de la photographie . cependant, les deux ouvrages étaient analysés par des critiques différents et sur des tons différents. les catégories distinctes de « l’art » (ou de « l’histoire de l’art ») et de « l’histoire » (ou de « l’histoire sociale ») sont déjà bien posées dans leurs comptes rendus, qui ne mélangent pas les deux ouvrages. on peut toutefois avoir le sentiment qu’à cette époque, les deux histoires appartiennent encore à un même domaine, quand bien même celui-ci serait défini comme « livre d’images » et apprécié pour son iconographie plus que pour son texte. cette proximité ambiguë est perceptible dans le nyt jusqu’en ; cette année-là, le spécialiste de la photographie au journal, le critique jacob deschin, rend compte de la nouvelle édition de l’histoire de newhall – « un ouvrage qui est plus que jamais le guide le plus lisible sur le sujet » –, avant de rendre hommage, dans un autre article consacré à la moisson de livres de l’année sur l’histoire de la photographie, à la réédition par dover du livre de taft, « un récit long, aisément et éminemment lisible […] publié pour la première fois en ». faisant preuve de déférence plus peut-être que de véritable esprit critique, deschin accorde la première place à cette réédition, qui rend un « précieux service », tout en décrivant pas dans un langage où se mêlent la distance et la curiosité : robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | « l’ouvrage offre ce que l’auteur appelle en sous-titre “une histoire sociale” de la photographie américaine entre et . les faits concrets se mêlent aux anecdotes révélatrices et à un style d’écriture facile qui maintient l’attention du lecteur en alerte de bout en bout. cette association est rarement aussi réussie que dans ce panorama absolument passionnant . » la formulation de deschin laisse penser qu’en le livre de taft, en dépit de son intérêt comme « panorama », était déjà considéré comme une relique ; et cette réédition attira moins l’attention que la nouvelle édition de newhall. néanmoins, deschin place taft sur un pied d’égalité avec newhall dans l’histoire de la photographie américaine, et il semble considérer ces deux histoires comme complémentaires plus qu’opposées ou inégales. rappelons que robert taft est mort en , peu de temps après la publication de son panorama de l’histoire de l’illustration du far west, intitulé artists and illustrators of the old west ( ) , et que c’est surtout après la mort de taft que beaumont newhall se consacre à la photo-histoire de la « scène américaine », avec the daguerreotype in america (publié pour la première fois en ) , ainsi qu’à d’innombrables articles et plusieurs rééditions de textes américains du xixe siècle. ceci explique peut-être pourquoi on retrouve dans les articles de deschin le mélange de proximité et de différence que l’on observait déjà dans les critiques des ouvrages de newhall et de taft en - . en , pour deschin comme pour beaucoup de spécialistes ultérieurs de la photographie américaine, le livre de taft a encore toute sa place dans l’histoire de la photographie américaine. ces réflexions me conduisent à suggérer que le livre de taft n’est « sorti des écrans radar » de la critique (et des études américaines) que plus tard, entre et . dans ce scénario, l’explication première de la désaffection pour le livre serait d’y voir un effet collatéral de la prééminence accordée au modèle d’histoire de newhall et à son institutionnalisation dans les grands musées d’art et sur le marché de l’art. mais il pourrait s’expliquer par un autre phénomène que l’on observe aux États-unis à cette période, à savoir la fragmentation croissante de la critique, de l’histoire de la photographie et de l’enseignement de la photographie. la reconfiguration de l’histoire de la photographie, notamment américaine, qui résulte des efforts divergents et malgré tout cumulatifs de john szarkowski au moma, de nathan lyons au visual studies workshop à rochester, de peter bunnell à la chaire de photographie de princeton, d’alan trachtenberg au département d’anglais de yale, et de la critique « postmoderniste » émergente alimentée par alan sekula, douglas crimp et rosalind krauss autour du magazine october, est retracée de façon frappante dans le récit très innovant de la photographie américaine publié par jonathan green en , première « histoire critique » depuis celle de newhall . la « lutte pour le sens » [contest of meaning] – pour reprendre l’expression de richard bolton – qui caractérise la compréhension culturelle et historique de la photographie (américaine) autour de a de moins en moins l’usage de l’histoire telle que la conçoit taft, comme « accumulation de faits », sauf à utiliser ces faits comme munitions pour déconstruire la vision « moderniste » de l’histoire. cependant, comme le prophétisait beaumont newhall, le temps devait venir de réexaminer sous une lumière nouvelle, avec de nouvelles idées et de nouveaux moyens, le moment d’« imagination historique » qui s’incarne dans photography and the american scene. robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | notes . l’épigraphe est de beaumont newhall, “toward the new histories of photography”, exposure, no , , p. , cité dans marta braun, “beaumont newhall et l’historiographie de la photographie anglophone”, Études photographiques, no , mai , p. - , note . je remercie marta braun et rachel stuhlman (george eastman house) de m’avoir communiqué une copie de cet article. b. newhall, photography : a short critical history ( psch), new york, moma, ; b. newhall, photography, - ( p - ), new york, moma, ; robert taft, photography and the american scene : a social history, - ( pas), new york, macmillan, . pour la documentation sur le copyright, voir catalog of copyright entries, respectivement : part , books, group , new series, vol. , pour l’année , nos - , washington, government printing office, , p. ; vol. , pour l’année , nos - , washington, government printing office, , p. ; vol. , pour l’année , nos - , washington, government printing office, , p. . . elizabeth edwards, the camera as historian, amateur photographers and historical imagination, - , durham, duke university press, . voir aussi la série en cours l’Œil de l’histoire de georges didi-huberman, et notamment atlas ou le gai savoir inquiet. l’Œil de l’histoire , , paris, minuit, . . robert taft collection, kansas historical society (khs), topeka. la partie de la collection récemment mise en ligne est la correspondance sur la photographie, dont je parle en partie de cet essai. je n’ai pris connaissance de cette nouvelle source qu’après avoir terminé et présenté la première version de cet article, et je remercie april watson et jane aspinwall (kansas city, nelson-atkins museum of art) de l’avoir portée à mon attention. la correspondance de taft sur la photographie a été numérisée en par une équipe de la khs qui comprenait michael a. church (coordinateur et responsable de la collection), teresa coble (responsable adjointe), ainsi que steve wood (imagerie), et mise en ligne au début de par le portail kansas memory. je remercie chaleureusement michael a. church, coordinateur des projets numériques à la khs, de m’avoir guidé dans cette correspondance et de m’avoir fourni des informations complémentaires. dans un courriel du juillet , church m’informe que de nouvelles parties de la collection seront peut-être numérisées à une date ultérieure, en fonction des réactions à la première partie de l’opération. . françois brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft (photography and the american scene, )”, e-rea, no . , , http://erea.revues.org/ . . christopher phillips, “the judgment seat of photography”, october, no , , p. - ; reproduit dans annette michelson et al. (dir.), october, the first decade, - , cambridge / londres, mit press, , p. - . . avec mary warner marien, “what shall we tell the children ? photography and its text (books)”, afterimage, , no , avril , p. - . cf. aussi richard bolton (dir.), the contest of meaning : critical histories of photography, cambridge / londres, mit press, . . m. braun, “beaumont newhall et l’historiographie de la photographie anglophone”, art. cit. dans cette note, braun donne une bibliographie complète de “l’histoire de l’histoire” ; voir en particulier le numéro spécial de history of photography, “why historiography ?”, , no , été , avec les articles d’allison bertrand, “beaumont newhall’s ‘photography - ’ : making history”, p. - ; et anne mccauley, “writing photography’s history before newhall”, p. - . robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | . christine y. hahn, “exhibition as archive : beaumont newhall, photography - , and the museum of modern art”, visual resources : an international journal of documentation, numéro spécial “following the archival turn : photography, the museum, and the archive”, , no , , p. - . selon hahn, newhall a évité de proposer une esthétique de la photographie et a été influencé par les théories artistiques globalisantes d’alois riegl et la fascination de l’époque pour la machine. . sophie hackett, “beaumont newhall, le commissaire et la machine. exposer la photographie au moma en ”, Études photographiques, no , mai , p. - . hackett souligne aussi le culte de la machine comme source de l’art moderne tel que promu notamment par alfred barr et paul strand, et le choix très étendu de l’iconographie de newhall. dans le même numéro, voir aussi l’article de matthew s. witkov ksy, “circa : histoire de l’art et nouvelle photographie”, p. - . . cf. f. brunet, “samuel morse, ‘père de la photographie américaine’”, Études photographiques, no , novembre , p. et note . concernant les recherches de taft sur l’époque des daguerréotypes, voir les analyses de cliff krainik, et en particulier son réexamen de l’article de robert taft sur “john plumbe, america’s first nationally known photographer” (american photography, , janvier , p. - ), daguerreian annual, , p. - . . cf. par exemple daniel j. boorstin, the americans, vol. , the democratic experience, new york, vintage books, , p. ; michael schudson, discovering the news : a social history of american newspapers, new york, basic books, , p. . une recherche sur google books confirme que l’ouvrage de taft est couramment consulté aujourd’hui encore. . michael kammen, “photography and the discipline of american studies”, american art, , no , automne , p. - . cf. f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit. . cf. f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit. il est assez courant de lire que l’ouvrage de taft est inspiré par une perspective nationaliste, mais il s’agit probablement d’une simplification (voir partie du présent article). . cf. m. braun, “beaumont newhall et l’historiographie de la photographie anglophone”, art. cit. j’approfondis la question dans le présent article ; voir ci-dessous les commentaires de geoffrey batchen, partie et note . pour douglas nickel, il ne semble pas que le livre de taft « ait eu une influence » sur celui de newhall, et nickel rappelle que ce dernier était le lecteur externe de macmillan : douglas r. nickel, “history of photography : the state of research”, the art bulletin, , no , , p. . . f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit., p. - . . ibid. . ibid., p. - . . .pour plus de détails, voir partie et notes et . . c. phillips, “the judgment seat of photography” art. cit. ; s. hackett, “beaumont newhall, le commissaire et la machine...”, art. cit. parmi les souvenirs publiés de beaumont newhall, citons b. newhall, “toward the new histories of photography”, art. cit. ; entretien avec beaumont newhall de mars , in paul hill et thomas cooper (dir.), dialogue with photography, new york, farrar, strauss & giroux, , p. - ; b. newhall, “the challenge of photography to this art historian”, in peter walch et thomas barrow (dir.), perspectives on photography, albuquerque, university of new mexico press, , p. - ; b. newhall, focus : memoirs of a life in photography, new york, bulfinch, . d’importantes archives de beaumont et nancy newhall sont conservées au moma (moma archives), au getty museum (getty research institute) et au center for creative photography à tucson, arizona. . cf. f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit., p. - . robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | . sur mathew brady et les photographies de la guerre civile, il est intéressant de comparer b. newhall, psch, op. cit., p. - (un chapitre à part est consacré à “brady : documentation of the civil war”, entre “ambrotypes” et “photographic realism”) et r. taft, pas, op. cit., chapitre (“civil war photographers”, p. - ). sur les appareils photo légers et le kodak, cf. psch, p. - et pas, chapitres (“a new age”, p. - ) et (“the flexible film”, p. - ). . f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit., p. - . . comparer b. newhall, psch, op. cit., p. - (“news photography”, où l’historien de l’art tente de distinguer entre l’« interprétation photographique » et la simple « sensation »), et r. taft, pas , op. cit., chapitre (“photography and the pictorial press”, p. - , qui s’intéresse beaucoup plus à l’évolution technologique, et notamment à l’invention de l’impression en demi-teinte, et à l’« impact » social). dans un entretien de , newhall déclare que les « choses excitantes » qu’a connues la photographie dans les années sont le travail de la fsa et la straight photography, la photographie expérimentale et le photojournalisme. entretien avec beaumont newhall de mars , op. cit., p. . cette « excitation » est liée, à la fin des années , à l’émergence de la « photographie documentaire » (cf. olivier lugon, le style documentaire : d’august sander à walker evans, - , paris, macula, ). . ce contexte, qui mériterait d’être étudié plus en détail, a été abordé par les commentateurs intéressés par l’élaboration de l’histoire de beaumont newhall. cf. les références données en notes à , et f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit., p. - . . pour les références des souvenirs publiés de l’historien de l’art, voir note . . cf. r. taft, “a photographic history of early kansas”, kansas historical quarterly, , no , février , p. - , http://www.kancoll.org/khq/ / _ _taft.htm. . cf. r. taft, “m. b. brady and the daguerreotype era”, american photography, , nos et , , p. - , - . . en même temps que rené auvillain, secrétaire de la société française de photographie ; h. h. blacklock, secrétaire, et j. dudley johnston, conservateur de la royal photographic society of great britain ; lewis mumford ; georgia o’keeffe ; louis walton sipley ; et monroe wheeler (b. newhall, psch, op. cit., p. ). . cf. b. newhall, p - , op. cit., p. et psch, op. cit., p. - . . r. taft, pas, op. cit., p. - . dans le texte de taft, cette critique laconique ne semble pas destinée à diminuer le mérite artistique ou autre de brady, mais à servir de mise en garde contre les excès spéculatifs de la « critique artistique ». plus loin dans le même chapitre, taft donne sur la carrière d’alexander gardner et sur l’aventure qu’il poursuit à partir de (ibid., p. - ) des détails que l’on ne trouve pas chez newhall. . b. newhall, psch, op. cit., p. . . ibid., p. . . cf. erin kathleen o’toole, “no democracy in quality : ansel adams, beaumont and nancy newhall, and the founding of the department of photographs at the museum of modern art”, thèse de doctorat, university of arizona, , p. - . o’toole cite également une lettre de james soby à dick abbott, datée du juin , où – faisant référence à la réorganisation du département de photographie du moma – soby opte à contrecœur pour l’approche « stieglitzienne des beaux-arts » et pour la « photographie professionnelle par opposition à commerciale », ajoutant : « et là-dessus, nancy newhall en sait plus que n’importe qui à l’exception de beaumont, hyatt mayor et [robert] taft, mais aucun d’eux n’est disponible » (ibid., p. ), http ://arizona.openrepository.com/arizona/bitstream/ / / / azu_etd_ _sip _m.pdf. . b. newhall, “the challenge of photography to this art historian”, art. cit., p. . edward epstean ( - ) s’intéressa à l’histoire de la photographie avant , à l’époque où il robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | travaillait dans la photogravure. traducteur de nombreuses publications françaises et allemandes sur la photographie, notamment des histoires de josef maria eder et de georges potonniée, il publia également plusieurs ouvrages historiques sous sa signature, et en particulier daguerreotype in europe and the united states, - (avec john a. tennant, s. n., ), et the centenary of photography and the motion picture (s. n., reproduit du journal of the society of motion picture engineers, ). . b. newhall, “the challenge of photography to this art historian”, art. cit., p. : « j’étais fasciné de constater que cet auteur inconnu avait traité en grande partie le même territoire que moi, et qu’il était parvenu à des conclusions semblables aux miennes. en fait, j’ai été si surpris que j’ai demandé une lettre certifiant que le manuscrit avait été envoyé à epstean après la publication de mon livre. j’ai chaleureusement recommandé la publication du livre de taft, qui, comme vous le savez sans doute tous, est devenu un classique et a été réédité deux fois. » . dans d’autres propos, cependant, newhall ne mentionne pas taft parmi ses pairs dans l’histoire de la photographie de cette époque ; cf. par exemple l’entretien avec beaumont newhall de mars , op. cit., p. . . r. taft, pas, op. cit., p. - . . geoffrey batchen, each wild idea : wri ting, photography, history, cambridge, mit press, , p. , note . À ma connaissance, batchen est le seul critique à avoir commenté l’étrange note de taft (note de fin ), mais, curieusement, il affirme, après la phrase citée, que taft « ajoute ensuite une note de fin qui donne des détails sur le catalogue de newhall pour le moma, et il poursuit immédiatement en citant les opinions de stieglitz, telles que publiées dans le new york times en ». en fait, la note de taft ne donne pas de détails sur le catalogue de newhall mais se contente de le citer ; en revanche, il cite bien les opinions des « chefs de file de la photographie américaine », car, explique-t-il, « elles [le] confortent sur la question soulevée dans le texte ». le problème est que ce commentaire étant inséré dans une note de fin, elle-même rattachée à une note de bas de page renvoyant au « système » de newhall, « la question soulevée dans le texte » est difficile à identifier, à moins qu’il ne s’agisse de la déclaration prudente selon laquelle « il semble se développer actuellement un système esthétique satisfaisant et logique reposant sur les traits distinctifs de la photographie », à laquelle renvoie la note de bas de page. la citation de stieglitz est une défense de la straight photography, et la lettre ne fait que réaffirmer cette position. les propos cités de steichen, extraits d’un entretien accordé en au new york times, vont dans le même sens (« m. steichen prône un retour aux images nettes et fait l’éloge de la “précision méticuleuse de l’appareil photo” »). il est intéressant de noter aussi que la lettre de steichen adressée à taft, qui lui demandait confirmation de ces propos, a un air de reniement (« dans le détail, ils ne peuvent être exacts ») et d’autojustification rétrospective (« à cette époque, je profitais de toutes les occasions qui se présentaient pour inciter à l’abandon du flou et quelques autres caprices qui avaient cours […] j’avais été l’un des meneurs dans la production de ces aberrations techniques »), r. taft, pas, op. cit., p. . . aucune des références que j’ai relevées dans les notes de fin de taft ne semble postérieure à janvier . . robert taft collection, khs, op. cit. la collection comprend cinquante-six boîtes, décrites dans une aide de recherche en ligne : http ://www.kshs.org/p/robert-taft-collection/ . . robert taft collection, khs, op. cit., boîtes - , accessibles par un outil de sélection de la page : http ://www.kansasmemory.org/item/ /page/ . la correspondance sur la photographie couvre la période de à . dans les notes qui suivent, je ferai référence aux lettres citées en indiquant uniquement le nom de l’auteur et la date. . taft est d’abord indécis quant à la portée qu’il veut donner à son livre, hésitant entre un sujet limité, auquel il donne le titre “the early use of photography in the explorations of the west” ( janvier à a. j. olmstead), et une approche plus ambitieuse (“a history of american photography in the period to ”, mai à horace w. davis ; “a popular history of robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | american photography in the period - ”, juin à agnes rogers allen). dès , il affirme que son projet « approche de son terme » ( avril à k. d. metcalf). À la fin de , il se met en quête d’un éditeur, tout en publiant des portions ou des premières versions de son livre, notamment sur mathew brady, dans une série d’articles pour american photography (voir r. taft, “m. b. brady and the daguerreotype era”, art. cit.). le novembre , il sollicite houghton, mifflin co., indiquant qu’il a « achevé la première version » d’un livre qui traite de la photographie américaine envisagée « comme une phase de l’histoire sociale américaine plutôt que comme une histoire technique et, à ce titre, elle devrait présenter un intérêt beaucoup plus grand pour le public en général », et proposant comme titre “an american sun shines brighter” ; la réponse est apparemment négative. en juin , taft exprime l’espoir « d’envoyer [le livre] à l’éditeur à la fin de l’été » ( juin , à l. w. sipley) ; à partir de , il semble surtout occupé à réunir l’iconographie, mais il procédera encore à d’importantes révisions sur le texte. le janvier , toujours en quête d’éditeur, il se renseigne auprès d’edward epstean sur les « deux livres annoncés par tennant and ward et que vous avez traduits sur l’histoire de la photographie » (c’est-à-dire les histoires de potonniée et de eder, qui ne paraîtront qu’en ). d’après une lettre conservée dans sa correspondance générale (je remercie michael church de me l’avoir communiquée), on apprend une chose importante : le mars , robert taft prend contact avec l’éditeur little, brown & co., qui lui adresse en retour une lettre de refus le mars (robert taft papers, kansas historical society, coll. , box , general correspondence, folder ). il est donc probable que les négociations avec macmillan n’aient commencé qu’après cette date, ce qui ne pourra être confirmé que si l’on retrouve les échanges de correspondance entre taft et macmillan. michael church m’assure que l’on n’a pas encore trouvé trace de cette correspondance dans les archives taft. . par exemple, la lettre de taft à epstean citée dans la note précédente est le point de départ d’un échange autour de la question, soulevée par epstean dans sa lettre du janvier à taft, de savoir « à quel moment le mot “photographie”, en tant que nom, adjectif ou autre a été utilisé pour la première fois, et par qui » ; ce à quoi taft répond en faisant référence à des sources allemandes et anglaises (en particulier à la lettre de john f. w. herschel à talbot du février , proposant de substituer le mot « photographic » au « photogenic » de talbot), qui ne figurent pas dans pas. . newhall conseille à taft d’utiliser la reproduction du portrait d’herschel de camera work (suggestion retenue par taft, cf. r. taft, pas, op. cit., p. ), et il lui envoie une copie d’une vue d’une rue de boston par southworth et hawes, qui est la source de l’illustration, déjà mentionnée, de l’inversion de droite à gauche qui figure, avec crédit à newhall, à la page du livre de taft. . sur cette exposition et son relatif échec, cf. laetitia barrÈre, “influence culturelle ? les usages diplomatiques de la photographie américaine en france durant la guerre froide”, Études photographiques, no , décembre , p. - et notes et . newhall décrit les projets pour cette exposition dans une lettre à taft datée du février . . la dernière lettre ou copie de lettre de taft à newhall dans le dossier est datée du mars . ensuite, il y a encore deux lettres de newhall à taft en mars et en mai . après cela, la correspondance ne comprend plus que cinq lettres de newhall à taft (entre janvier et mars ), et une de nancy newhall, qui assure l’intérim de beaumont au moma en . dans l’ensemble de la correspondance, il semble qu’il manque plusieurs lettres de taft à newhall. . concernant, par exemple, alexander gardner et la photographie de la construction des chemins de fer dans l’ouest (newhall à taft, novembre ), les daguerréotypes de la guerre du mexique (taft à newhall, novembre ), les documents de w. h. f. talbot en possession de robert taft (newhall à taft, décembre ; taft à newhall, déc. ), etc. . cf. f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit., p. - . . m. braun, “beaumont newhall et l’historiographie de la photographie anglophone”, art. cit., p. . robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | . sous le nouveau titre the history of photography from to the present day ; sur la réécriture, avec l’aide du scénariste d’hollywood ferdinand reyher, cf. l’entretien avec beaumont newhall de mars , op. cit., p. - ; m. braun, “beaumont newhall et l’historiographie de la photographie anglophone”, art. cit., p. . . cf. s. hackett, “beaumont newhall, le commissaire et la machine…”, art. cit., p. - . . c. y. hahn, “exhibition as archive...”, art. cit., p. - . les mentions de l’exposition du moma trouvées sur les archives en ligne du nyt ont paru le mars , le mars , le mars , le mars , le avril (sous la signature h.d. : « [....] l’art de la photographie est décidément sur le devant de la scène actuellement, avec assez d’expositions pour plaire à tous les goûts et occuper pendant un moment les adeptes de l’appareil photo ») ; avril , l’auteur faisant remarquer que le moma a ajouté à son exposition un groupe de daguerréotypes de sur la guerre du mexique. dans son livre, robert taft commente abondamment ces images de guerre récemment redécouvertes (r. taft, pas, op. cit., p. - et note de fin a). . nyt, juin , “miscellaneous brief reviews of recent non-fiction”, article non signé intitulé “the camera’s century”. . .le octobre , le nyt consacre un article élogieux au salon annuel de l’appareil photo (us camera salon) sous le titre “camera show to have prints”. un article sur “the new books on photography”, par edward fitch hall ( nyt, octobre ), consacré en grande partie aux ouvrages techniques ou populaires, ne mentionne pas le catalogue de newhall. . ralph thompson, “books of the times : a method of history, pictures and text, a broad view”, nyt, oct. . cf. francis trevelyan miller (dir.), the photographic history of the civil war , vol., new york, the review of reviews, ; et f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit., p. . . r. thompson, “books of the times ; walker evans and others cartoons to comic strips from harper’s weekly”, nyt, novembre . . cf. f. brunet, “l’histoire photographique de l’amérique selon robert taft…”, art. cit., p. - . . s. t. williamson, “early american photography ; mr. taft writes a social history of the camera’s first fifty years in this country”, nyt, décembre . . le livre de taft a droit à un certain nombre de recensions en dehors de celles du nyt, pas toutes favorables (cf. the saturday review, décembre , p. ). pas est même mentionné dans le numéro du magazine life du juin , où le livre et ses illustrations semblent avoir été la principale source de l’article illustré intitulé “american yesterdays, nearly a century of national history has been recorded by the camera” ; l’auteur estime que, depuis la guerre du mexique de , « en amérique, la photographie en tant qu’art vient en seconde place après la photographie comme moyen d’enregistrer l’histoire » (auteur non identifié, life, juin , p. , - ). cf. aussi robert taft à elmo scott watson, octobre , robert taft collection, khs, correspondance sur la photographie. . jacob deschin, “history updated : newhall book appears in a new edition”, nyt, novembre . . j. deschin, “history speaks volumes”, nyt, juin , section x, p. . . r. taft, artists and illustrators of the old west, - , new york, charles scribner’s sons, . . b. newhall, the daguerreotype in america, new york, duell, sloan & pearce, ; réimpression dover, . . jonathan green, american photography : a critical history to the present, new york, harry n. abrams, . robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | rÉsumÉs le présent article examine la coïncidence historique, les différences conceptuelles et le dialogue constitutif qui relient les deux récits du premier siècle de la photographie, récits publiés simultanément par les historiens américains beaumont newhall et robert taft. si le catalogue de newhall pour l’exposition du moma en et son history of photography qui paraît ensuite ont longtemps été considérés comme les éléments fondateurs d’une interprétation esthétique de la photographie, l’ouvrage de taft, photography and the american scene, de , a peu retenu l’attention de la critique malgré sa prétention légitime à être une « histoire sociale » de la photographie américaine et de sa fonction en tant que support de la mémoire et de l’histoire nationales. après une comparaison entre les deux textes, cet article éclaire la relation de travail – généralement passée inaperçue – qui s’est instaurée entre les deux historiens et analyse l’accueil initial réservé à leurs ouvrages respectifs. this paper examines the historical coincidence, conceptual difference, and generative dialogue linking the two accounts of photography’s first century, created simultaneously by the american historians beaumont newhall and robert taft. whereas newhall’s catalogue to the moma exhibition and subsequent history of photography have long been considered foundational documents for the aesthetic interpretation of photography, taft’s photography and the american scene has been given very little critical attention, in spite of its plausible claim to serve as a ‘social history’ of american photography and of its function as a medium of national memory and history. in addition to comparing the two texts, the paper sheds light on the generally unnoticed working relationship between the two historians and the initial reception of their work. auteurs franÇois brunet françois brunet est historien des images et de la culture américaine. enseignant à l’université paris diderot, il est également membre de l’institut universitaire de france. il a publié la naissance de l’idée de photo graphie (nouvelle édition, paris puf, ), photography and literature (londres, reaktion books, ) et l’anthologie agissements du rayon solaire (pau, presses de l’université de pau, ). il a été co-commissaire de l’exposition “images of the west” (musée d’art américain de giverny, ). il est directeur de publication pour un ouvrage à venir sur l’histoire et la culture des images aux États-unis (paris, hazan/université paris diderot, ). françois brunet is a historian of images and american culture ; he teaches at université paris diderot and is a fellow of the institut universitaire de france. he has published la naissance de l’idée de photographie photographie (new ed. puf, ), photography and literature (reaktion books, ) and the anthology agissements du rayon solaire (presses de l’université de pau, ). he has cocurated the exhibition images of the west (musée d’art américain de giverny, ). he is the chief editor of a forthcoming book on the history and culture of images in the united states (hazan/university paris diderot, ). robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall Études photographiques, | robert taft dans l’ombre de beaumont newhall deux destinées divergentes récits contradictoires / histoires parallèles adversaires ou collaborateurs ? le témoignage des sources imprimées dialogue en coulisses : le témoignage de la correspondance de taft sur la photographie « le siècle de l’appareil photo » : notes sur la réception initiale des ouvrages de newhall et de taft paulapombo - ene mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - rafael pombo : la traduction et les Échanges interculturels au xixe siÈcle en colombie paula andrea montoya arango professeur universidad de antioquia, colombie doctorante universidad de montreal, canada paulamontoya @yahoo.com résumé : le poète et traducteur rafael pombo ( - ) constitue un exemple intéressant pour découvrir les échanges dont ont bénéficié les intellectuels colombiens du xixe siècle. cette époque est caractérisée par la constitution des États- nations, par la recherche de modèles à imiter dans tous les domaines, et par une ambiance « interculturelle » propice pour établir des contacts. pendant son séjour de dix-sept ans aux États-unis, pombo a mené diverses activités telles que le contact avec les poètes nord-américains william cullen bryant ( - ) et henry wadsworth longfellow ( - ). ces contacts deviennent des éléments importants pour connaître un peu mieux l'histoire de la traduction en colombie ainsi que l'histoire culturelle du pays. mots clés : États-nations, interculturalité, poète, traducteur, histoire de la traduction, histoire culturelle. resumen : el poeta y traductor rafael pombo ( - ) constituye un ejemplo interesante para descubrir los intercambios que hicieron los intelectuales en colombia en el siglo xix. esta época se caracterizó por la constitución de los estado-nación, por la búsqueda de modelos a imitar en todos los campos, y por un ambiente « intercultural » propicio para establecer contactos. durante su estadía de diez y siete años en estados unidos pombo desarrollo diversas actividades, y entró en contacto con poetas estadounidenses, entre ellos, william cullen bryant ( - ) y henry wadsworth longfellow ( - ). estos contactos se convierten en elementos importantes para conocer un poco más sobre la historia de la traducción en colombia y sobre la historia cultural del país. palabras clave : estados-nación, interculturalidad, poeta, traductor, historia de la traducción, historia cultural. abstract: rafael pombo ( - ), poet and translator, is an interesting example to present the intellectual exchanges carried out during the xixth century in colombia. it is a time characterized by the constitution of nation-states, by a search for models to imitate in every domain, by an « intercultural » atmosphere proper to establish relationships. during his staying in new york, for seventeen years, pombo developed different activities and got in touch with american poets, among them william cullen bryant ( - ) y henry wadsworth longfellow ( - ). these relationships became an important fact to get to know a bit more about the history of translation in colombia and about the cultural history of our country. key words: nation-states, intercultural, poet, translator, history of translation, cultural history. cet article fait partie du travail de recherche d’une thèse en traduction soutenue le novembre à l’université d’ottawa : « le traducteur médiateur interculturel en colombie au xixe siècle : rafael pombo ( - ) ». titulaire d’une maîtrise en traduction de l’université d’ottawa et membre du groupe de recherche en traductologie de l’université d’antioquia. actuellement étudiante au doctorat en traduction à l’université de montréal. p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - . introduction : rafael pombo, traducteur de longfellow et bryant ? le nom de rafael pombo ( - ) occupe une place privilégiée dans l’histoire culturelle colombienne. lorsque nous regardons le site web de la présidence de la république de la colombie, lien consacré aux écrivains les plus représentatifs de toute l’histoire du pays, on trouve des noms tels que gabriel garcía marquez, Álvaro mútis, josé asunción silva, soledad acosta de samper, julio flórez, carlos castro saavedra et le poète rafael pombo. la mise en évidence de pombo dans ce site web montre combien le poète colombien est considéré comme une « figure représentative » de la littérature nationale. le texte d’accompagnement, de beatriz helena robledo, chercheure en littérature pour la jeunesse en colombie, signale qu’il a été embauché par la maison d’édition nord-américaine appleton pour « llevar al castellano » quelques contes de la tradition anglaise. d’après elle : « […] más que traducir, crea y recrea historias en verso que sobresalen, dentro de la literatura infantil hispanoamericana del siglo xix, de la forma que narra sus historias pombo es no sólo el gran clásico de las letras colombianas para la niñez, sino uno de los grandes iniciadores de esta modalidad literaria en la región. […] pero la mayor popularidad la alcanzó este autor en su país y en obras antológicas, en la literatura infantil, especialmente los textos contenidos en su libro cuentos pintados y cuentos morales para niños formales ( ) […] logró recrear los recuerdos de la infancia en su país y muchos de los chicos recuerdan a rin rin, el renacuajo, los vestidos de la pobre viejecita y las colas de las ovejas de la pastorcita» . dans cette présentation de robledo, deux éléments ressortent. d’une part, le « père » de la littérature pour la jeunesse en colombie, a acquis sa popularité grâce aux contes pour les enfants et aux fables. robledo termine son texte de présentation en faisant référence aux personnages traditionnels des contes tels que rin rin, la pobre viejecita ou pastorcita, dont on peut dire qu’ils font partie de la culture populaire colombienne. prenons quelques exemples pour confirmer combien l’image de pombo est ancrée dans la mémoire collective des colombiens et combien le poète représente presque un « symbole national » de l’enfance et de l’éducation en colombie : une fondation appelée « fundación rafael pombo » , dédiée au développement d’activités pour promouvoir « la formación integral de la niñez »; un grand parc d’attractions dans la capitale colombienne, mundo aventura, qui comporte un parc thématique appelé : mundo pombo dont les principales attractions sont des figures de presque deux mètres qui représentent les personnages des contes; et, finalement, le grand nombre de réimpressions de ses fables dans des livres, méthodes de lecture pour l’école, ainsi que la grande production multimédia de celles-ci . http://web.presidencia.gov.co/asiescolombia/cultura_escr_ .htm http://www.fundacionrafaelpombo.org/ http://www.bogota.gov.co/portel/libreria/php/frame_detalle_noticias_ _nyn.php?h_id= &version=a le dernier projet connu sur les fables de rafael pombo, a été entrepris par un chanteur colombien très populaire, carlos vives, en . le projet cherche à mettre en musique ses contes dans la voix de divers musiciens p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - cette image de fabuliste est, pour sûr, la plus reconnue parmi les colombiens, dont l’origine remonte à la traduction et à l’adaptation de nursery rhymes. d’autre part, la chercheure souligne, néanmoins, le talent de pombo comme traducteur, mais plutôt comme créateur, parce qu’il a fait « plus que traduire ». ce commentaire de robledo met en évidence à quel point la traduction peut être considérée comme une activité de second ordre, puisque si l’on considère qu’il a fait « plus que traduire » et que la création et la recréation sont plus importantes, cela veut dire que la traduction est envisagée comme une activité de moindre catégorie et presque proche du plagiat. il est sans doute vrai, que l’enthousiasme suscité par ces traductions a réveillé chez pombo un intérêt pour le genre et pour l’éducation pour les enfants; nous considérons que le travail mené par pombo se trouve à la frontière de la traduction, de l’adaptation et de la création. raison pour laquelle le phénomène devient plus intéressant : sans aucun doute la traduction a joué un rôle considérable. d’ailleurs, il convient de souligner que l’œuvre poétique de pombo et sa réalité de traducteur sont presque oubliées : en témoigne le manque d’études sur le poète signalé par quelques critiques (robledo, ; pöppel, ), héctor orjuela apparaissant comme son principal et presque unique spécialiste. À ce manque d’études, nous devons ajouter que sa tâche comme traducteur mérite une révision parce que, comme nous l’avons vu, plus haut, cette activité a été étudiée d’une façon superficielle sans tenir compte de tous les éléments sociohistoriques qui se trouvent autour de ces traductions . nous avons commencé en citant les traductions des contes de la tradition nord-américaine, mais il faut ajouter les auteurs considérés canoniques tels que : bryon, shakespeare, longfellow, bryant, hood, blanco white, tennyson, lamartine, hugo, musset, goethe, parmi d’autres. une étude de ce type donnera la valeur à la traduction comme un instrument fondamental dans la création de rafael pombo ainsi que la place de son travail comme traducteur dans l’histoire culturelle du pays. l’intérêt de pombo pour la traduction remonte à sa jeunesse. dès son plus jeune âge, pombo a établi un rapport entre la traduction, l’étude des œuvres et des auteurs et la création. pombo avait ans lorsqu’il a commencé à écrire des cahiers comportant des commentaires de lecture d’auteurs qu’il aimait, avec des traductions de poètes anglais et quelques-uns de ses premiers poèmes. orjuela ( ) donne le titre de quelques-uns de ces cahiers: « diario de mil curiosidades para su propio dueño que lo es verdaderamente el señor licenciado en bellas artes j. rafael pombo, seminarista que fue en la ciudad de bogotá a »; «panteón literario, la araña o poesías de josé rafael pombo y rebolledo y sus traducciones del latín, francés e inglés más curiosas. bogotá, . manuscritos del autor, así que el inglés, ocupa gran parte de esta obra, e incluso el retrato de “the english queen” [sic] victoria»; «Álbum poético de j. r. pombo, tomo i, » (quijano, ). chez rafael pombo, donc, un rapport très particulier existait avec la traduction depuis sa jeunesse et après, lorsqu’il a traduit d’autres auteurs, des articles pédagogiques et des livrets d’opéra. pombo a toujours octroyé diverses fonctions à la traduction : créatrice, pédagogique, moralisante, etc. en fait, son contexte a montré que dans son environnement la pratique de colombiens en utilisant les rythmes propres à la région tels que le bambuco, le vallenato ou le pasillo. pour plus de détails, consulter le site web officiel du musicien colombien carlos vives : http://www.carlosvives.com. il existe deux thèses de maîtrisse consacrées à l’analyse d’un point de vue linguistique, des caractéristiques les plus remarquables de ces « traductions-adaptations ». « análisis formal de « cuentos pintados » de rafael pombo », auteurs : jairo escobar argaña et gustavo reyes galeano et «análisis formal de algunas fábulas de rafael pombo», auteur: amparo hernández rojas. p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - l’écriture et pourquoi pas, la traduction, était une activité courante et un instrument pour s’approprier des idées et construire une identité nationale, comme l’ont montré quelques études menées par des chercheurs colombiens (aguirre gaviria, ; orozco, ). dans cet article nous allons montrer tout particulièrement comment rafael pombo, dans un contexte propice aux échanges interculturels, a établi des rapports considérables avec deux écrivains nord-américains, bryan et longfellow. ce faisant, il fait preuve de l’intérêt des intellectuels hispano-américains désireux de créer des liens entre les deux amériques. par conséquent, nous découvrirons l’importance de ces rapports pour l’histoire de la traduction en colombie. . un contexte propice pour les échanges pombo a vécu une période très intéressante à new york lorsqu’il y était diplomate. pendant sa période comme soldat en lorsqu’il a défendu le pays d’un coup d’État mené par le général josé maría melo, pombo a connu le général pedro alcántara herrán. celui-ci avait été nommé par le président manuel maría mallarino ministre à l’étranger pour les États-unis et le costa rica. grâce aux influences de son père qui fréquentait les sphères du pouvoir, pombo a été nommé secrétaire de la délégation colombienne aux États-unis et au costa rica, et il s’est rendu avec le général herrán à new york en (orjuela, ; robledo, ), où il a vécu pendant une période de dix-sept ans. toute une ambiance « interculturelle » entourait pombo : écrivains, diplomates, journalistes, voyageurs d’origine hispano-américaine se sont rencontrés à new york. pombo, en sa qualité de diplomate, a eu l’occasion d’entrer en contact avec diverses personnalités ; ces rencontres, une ville qui avait une vie culturelle très riche et son esprit ouvert ont motivé pombo à mener plusieurs projets, parmi eux des projets de traduction. mais avant d’observer concrètement ces échanges, il faut faire le point sur l’intérêt historique de ceux-ci. l’importance accordée à ses échanges est montrée par divers auteurs qui affirment que les rapports culturels entre les deux amériques commencent d’une façon plus « réelle » au début du xixe siècle. d’après onís ( ), gonzález ( ) et orjuela ( ), les rapports intellectuels et culturels entre l’amérique du nord et l’amérique du sud avant le xixe siècle étaient peu communs. les auteurs signalés expriment plusieurs raisons, par exemple, la période pendant laquelle chaque région était soumise par les colonisateurs, grosso modo les anglais du nord et les espagnols au sud respectivement, les rapports entre les deux amériques étaient très limités car l’ancienne rivalité entre l’angleterre et l’espagne a été un des éléments qui empêchait à l’époque un contact culturel à cause des différences de valeurs que chaque religion imposait. d’un côté, pour les anglais, les espagnols étaient des tyrans et de l’autre côté, les anglais étaient perçus par les espagnols comme des hérétiques. d’ailleurs, tout un système de valeurs sociales, culturelles et économiques les éloignaient. les américains, pour leur part, avaient peu d’intérêt pour les hispano-américains. avec les mouvements d’indépendance, la situation a beaucoup changé, et comme l’affirme orjuela ( ), les rapports ont commencé à être plus directs: « la revolución norteamericana desde el principio despertó viva simpatía entre los criollos que abrigaban la esperanza de independizarse del gobierno monárquico español » (p. ). la situation préindépendantiste et postindépendantiste a été favorable pour que les hommes de lettres de l’amérique hispanique se déplacent soit comme voyageurs, « próceres » de l’indépendance, exilés ou diplomates. de cette façon, le rôle du diplomate ou de l’exilé —la plupart des criollos lettrés— pendant cette époque a été fondamental pour établir des contacts entre les deux p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - amériques. retenons, de cette époque, que le plus important a été la traduction espagnole de la constitution nord-américaine parce que ce document sera la base sur laquelle les hispano- américains détermineront eux-mêmes leur démocratie et, en conséquence, leur indépendance de l’espagne (bastin, ). ensuite, un bon nombre de politiciens de l’amérique du sud se sont intéressés à d’autres sujets, tels que le système éducatif nord-américain. le cas le plus visible est celui de domingo faustino sarmiento ( - ), homme de lettres et politicien argentin qui s’est consacré, pendant son séjour aux États-unis, à l’étude du système éducatif nord-américain : comme diplomate, il a écrit des livres sur l’éducation et une fois devenu président de la république argentine, sarmiento a mis en place plusieurs idées dans son pays (orjuela, ). le travail de rafael pombo revêt d’une importance considérable, parce que le poète colombien est considéré comme un homme clé pour comprendre comment se sont poursuivis les échanges entre les amériques au xixe siècle. en effet, l’éducation et la littérature nord-américaine seront des sujets d’intérêt pour les hispano-américains. pour mieux y comprendre, nous utiliserons le concept d’« ambassadors of culture », proposé par la chercheure nord-américaine kirsten silva gruesz ( ). l’ « ambassadeur culturel » met en évidence une situation d’« interculturalité » des hommes de lettres hispano- américains au xixe siècle et la colombie ne fait pas exception à la règle . ces hommes lettrés ont accompli un rôle comme diplomates et ils ont vécu dans un environnement qui a permis le contact entre les États-unis et l’amérique hispanique. la situation socioculturelle des États- unis au xixe siècle avait toutes les caractéristiques d’une société où les frontières étaient faibles. pour diverses raisons, les hommes lettrés se sont déplacés « vers le nord ». les grandes villes comme new york, sont devenues des carrefours où l’on relève les premières traces d’une présence « latine » forte qui a marqué la culture nord-américaine. d’ailleurs, ces hommes ont commencé à établir divers rapports avec ce nouvel espace, et par conséquent, ces contacts ont eu comme résultat diverses situations : les traces écrites dans les zones de contact (les frontières physiques telles que le nouveau-mexique ou la californie, ou les villes qui ont hébergé de grandes communautés hispanophones telles que new york ou los angeles). une autre situation décrite par silva gruez est celle qu’elle appelle les contacts « transaméricains » et « transatlantiques » : cette situation peut être illustrée à partir de tous les réseaux de publications, des rapports de mécénat, dont la traduction, laquelle est vue par l’auteure comme une forme de « transamerican thinking ». ces contacts sont alors une preuve de ce « transnational traffic in words ». voici quelques exemples de ces échanges. nous les aborderons à partir des contacts et des publications issues de ces contacts, et de manière plus détaillée, nous regarderons les rapports que pombo a eus avec bryant et longfellow. tout d’abord, les fréquentations de pombo nous permettront de voir « l’ampleur sociale » à laquelle il avait accès : écrivains, politiciens, artistes et familles nord-américaines de l’élite. pombo habitait le gramercy park-house, un hôtel où il y avait une grande présence d’hispanophones (orjuela, ). ces cercles ont permis à pombo d’élargir ses perspectives intellectuelles et culturelles. de plus, c’était pour lui l’occasion parfaite de connaître la réalité nord-américaine de l’époque : un pays avec une présence hispanophone de plus en plus marquée. «to be an ambassador of culture involves reporting and representing, but not enforcing, the authority of that idealized realm of prestige knowledge in a place where it does not rule –whether in the hinterlands or in a cosmopolitan space where many value systems come together in chaotic plurality, as they did in american cities » (gruesz, , p. ). p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - parmi les intellectuels et les hommes de lettres hispanophones que pombo a connus, se trouvent le cubain enrique piñeyro , josé durand de guatemala et l’espagnol andrés orihuela, entre autres. pombo a rencontré aussi d’autres compatriotes tels que : mariano manrique, joaquín posada, alejandro posada, santiago pérez, luis mantilla. tous des personnages liés à la culture ou à la politique de la colombie. pombo a été en contact avec des politiciens comme tomás cipriano de mosquera, le général vénézuélien josé antonio páez, le costaricien luis molina ou le diplomate chilien carlos morla vicuña. parmi ces relations littéraires avec des écrivains nord-américains, rafael pombo était amie de la poétesse maría juana christie de serrano. il a été le premier à faire connaître cette poétesse en colombie à travers la traduction de ses poèmes qui ont été publiés dans l’anthologie parnaso colombiano, faite par julio añez en (orjuela, , ). ses relations avec les écrivains nord-américains bryant et longfellow, sont très importantes et représentent un élément interculturel très clair dans l’histoire culturelle colombienne. nous y reviendrons plus loin. terminons cette question des contacts établis par pombo, en mentionnant le musicien louis moreau gottschalk, fréquentation intéressante parce que pombo traduit en guise de cadeau pour ce dernier « le lac » de lamartine, une de ses traductions les plus connues. de plus, avec ce musicien nord-américain, pombo a partagé son goût pour la musique. goût qu’il essayera de transmettre à son retour en colombie. ces contacts sont liés à la production dont nous allons parler maintenant. pym ( ) affirme avec raison que les traducteurs ne travaillent pas seuls, qu’ils forment des réseaux qui permettent le flux des textes et des idées. tous ces contacts ont permis à pombo non seulement d’établir des liens d’amitié, mais de mener des collaborations qui ont une portée évidente sur le travail des intellectuels colombiens au-delà des frontières, collaborations que gruesz ( ) appelle « transaméricaines ». de fait, la production du poète aux États-unis est significative. orjuela ( ) affirme que pendant son séjour à new york, pombo a écrit quelques-uns de ses poèmes les plus importants, par exemple la hora de tinieblas, sans compter son journal personnel pendant ces premières années aux États-unis et sur lequel nous reviendrons rapidement pour, de façon générale, signaler comment celui-ci fournit quelques éléments de la perception culturelle et de l’ambiance « interculturelle » à cette époque à new york. le journal personnel de rafael pombo édité par romero ( ) a été écrit entre et à new york. dans ce journal personnel, pombo écrit ses premières impressions de la vie et de la géographie des États-unis. dans ces premières années, nous pouvons voir que pombo avait une vision très critique de la culture nord-américaine: « he venido aquí a espiar el siglo xix…yo preferiría tener siempre buen humor a ser banquero como estos de aquí, es decir, una máquina de echar firmas. estos son silva gruesz ( ) décrit piñeyro ( - ) comme un diplomate et écrivain cubain fondateur du journal el mundo nuevo à new york. après la guerre de à cuba, il s’est réfugié aux États-unis. il a été une figure active dans les luttes préindépendantistes à côté d’autres intellectuels cubains qui ont créé le journal la revolución de cuba. de l’avis de silva gruesz : « el mundo nuevo was a semi-monthly « illustrated encyclopedia » that digest important international and local news. it also devoted a good deal of space to belletristic essays, serialized novels, descriptive and scientific engravings, poetry and at one point even fashion plates in sixteen lavish folio pages per issue» (p. ). p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - verdaderamente los hombres más pobres del mundo. yo haciendo versos soy mucho más rico que ellos » (romero, , p. ). ce commentaire montre que pombo ne se laisse pas impressionner par la grande ville. il arrive à new york avec ses propres conceptions et il se trouve dans une position de confrontation presque permanente. de plus, il ne se laisse pas impressionner non plus par la force politique que représente le pays, qu’il appelle « la república modelo » (la république modèle). il observe avec les yeux d’un critique qui analyse tout : « la paz, libertad y costumbres hospitalarias, proverbiales, de los estados unidos son a veces bien curiosas. en louisville ha habido con motivo de las elecciones una batalla en toda forma entre know-nothings e irlandeses: quedaron muertos , heridos un sinnúmero […]. luego con decir “esto es en tiempo de elecciones” queda todo compuesto, y siguen los ee.uu. en su profesión tan lucrativa de república modelo» (ibid., p. ). mais cela ne l’a pas empêché d’admirer le paysage et les progrès technologiques et artistiques qu’offrait la ville. de fait, nous pouvons affirmer que pombo a essayé de s’« approprier » cet espace et de donner sa propre vision comme on peut le voir avec la belle description qu’il a fait des lieux new-yorkais : «acostumbrado al eterno estrépito de las fábricas y carros de nueva york, el silencio casi completo de que me encontraba rodeado y el santo objeto de cuanto más próximamente vi, me poseyeron de recogimiento y religiosa tristeza» (p. ). de cette façon, pombo décrit l’île blackwell, lieu qui servait à l’époque de refuge pour les malades mentaux. cette description fait partie des descriptions que pombo a faites de divers lieux de new york comme collaboration avec j. durand (guatémaltèque) pour un guide touristique dont nous en parlerons. pombo a parcouru la ville avec son ami et a laissé ses impressions consignées dans ce journal comme symbole de la perception culturelle d’un étranger à cette époque. c’est aussi à ce moment de sa vie que pombo a collaboré et publié des articles ou des traductions dans divers journaux nord-américains. il faut également remarquer sa participation au journal el mundo nuevo créé par son ami, le critique cubain enrique piñeyro. ce quotidien est un des journaux publiés en espagnol aux États-unis au xixe siècle, travaux très symboliques des échanges transnationaux (silva gruesz, ). pombo publie un poème anglais dans l’evening post (journal édité par bryant) et dans the church journal (son poème cadena), pombo a aussi publié des articles à caractère politique, en tant que diplomate, dans the new york herald et national intelligencer. par ailleurs, il faut mentionner la collaboration de rafael pombo dans le guide pour les voyageurs hispanophones dirigé par josé durand guía del viajero en los estados unidos ( ) ; l’aide fournie au scientifique nord-américain isaac f. holton avec qui pombo a « know-nothing era el miembro de un partido secreto, llamado know-nothingism, opuesto a la nacionalización de extranjeros. floreció en los estados unidos entre - » (romero, , p. ). dans la préface du livre josé durand ( ) affirme : « sólo nos falta dar aquí públicamente las gracias al sr. don rafael pombo, secretario de la legación de nueva granada, por la eficaz cooperación que nos ha prestado con sus escelentes [sic] artículos pág. sobre “el catolicismo en la gran república,” y pág. sobre “las norteamericanas en brodway,” » (p. iv). cette guía fait un panorama de l’ambiance politique, culturelle, économique et touristique de new york à l’époque pour les « visiteurs » (plutôt que pour les émigrants) hispano-américains. pour cette raison p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - partagé des informations sur la nouvelle grenade lorsque celui-ci écrivait son livre twenty months in the andes ( ) , livre de caractère scientifique et en même temps journal de voyage qui fait une étude de la région américaine; et des articles pour la appleton’s american cyclopedia ( ) . en somme, toutes ces collaborations signalent l’importante production du poète colombien et montrent la participation de rafael pombo à la vie intellectuelle nord-américaine de l’époque. si a cette production nous ajoutons les traductions des contes pour enfants que pombo a faits pour la maison d’édition appleton, nous pouvons réaffirmer, comme l’indique silva gruesz ( ), que pombo a contribué à tracer les premières lignes d’une identité « latino-américaine » aux États-unis et il a effectué un certain travail « cosmopolite ». mais, regardons comment a été le rapport avec les poètes longfellow et bryant et quelle est l’importance pour la réflexion sur l’histoire de la traduction en colombie. . longfellow et bryant : essai d’un dialogue interculturel. les poètes william cullen bryant ( - ) et henry wadsworth longfellow ( - ) ont eu une grande influence sur les poètes hispano-américains au milieu du xixe siècle (orjuela, ; gonzález, ; englekirk, ). comme nous l’avons signalé, les écrivains hispano-américains se sont intéressés à certaines manifestations politiques et culturelles des États-unis. les écrivains nord-américains se sont intéressés aussi à la culture espagnole. pour appuyer cette assertion, notons que les auteurs tels que washington irving, ticknor, everett, prescott sont reconnus pour avoir exprimé leurs préférence pour la culture et la littérature espagnole (gonzález, ). bryant et longfellow eux-mêmes ont établi des rapports avec la culture hispano- américaine. en ce qui concerne bryant, celui-ci est considéré comme le premier écrivain nord- américain qui s’est intéressé à la culture et à la littérature hispano-américaine : « of all our great men of letters, he was the first one to interest himself in the literary production of spanish america and the first also to visit it » (gonzález, , p., ). bryant a témoigné de l’amitié envers divers écrivains hispano-américains tels que matías romero, guillermo prieto et josé rosas moreno. son rapport le plus connu est avec le poète cubain josé maría heredia . de ce dernier, bryant a traduit le poème « en una tempestad » et il a participé à la traduction et à la s’y trouvent des descriptions sur la ville nord-américaine qui cherchent aussi à approcher les visiteurs étrangers. regardons comment pombo commence son article sur « le catholicisme dans la grande république » : « el siglo xix, en que los artistas se hacen millonarios, y en que viajamos, por decirlo así, montados en el pensamiento humano, tiene reputación de materialista, y los estados unidos muy especialmente andan de boca en boca como un pueblo sin más ley que el interés […] un español echará de menos los importantes repiques de las campanas de su país, pero en cuanto al numero de campanarios, ni castilla la vieja, ni méjico saldrán muy aventajados en el parangón» (p. ). holton f ( ) naturaliste nord-américain, présente de cette façon la collaboration de pombo dans son livre : « but to no one individual, nor, indeed, to all others, does the work owe so much as to señor rafael pombo, secretary of the granada legation. and this zeal was owing, not to a friendship to the author, to whom he was a stranger when his aid was first sought, but to a noble love for his country. may that country thank and reward him; for his faithfulness, accuracy, promptness, and zeal transcend all mere thanks of mine» (p. vi). orjuela ( ) présente quelques-uns des articles écrits par pombo: « isthmus of panamá »; « jiménez de quesada »; « new granada ». heredia a été considéré comme le premier à commencer des rapports culturels avec les États-unis et l’amérique hispanique. d’après manuel pedro gonzález ( ), heredia a travaillé comme professeur d’espagnol dans le pays « du nord ». le poète cubain a dédié la première édition de ses poésies en à ses étudiants. dans ce livre heredia a écrit un prologue bilingue avec un système de prononciation de l’espagnol. p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - publication d’ « oda al niágara » , dans la revue the united states review and literary gazette (gonzález, ). de plus, bryant a publié des articles écrits par des hispano-américains dans les publications dont il était l’éditeur, tels que united states review and literary gazette et dans le new york evening post. le poète nord-américain a aussi visité cuba et mexique. de la même façon, longfellow a entretenu des rapports avec la culture hispanique. passionné de littérature espagnole, il l’a enseignée à l’université harvard. il a traduit en anglais certaines œuvres du poète espagnol jorge manrique ( - ). longfellow a vécu en espagne où il a établi des rapports d’amitié avec les écrivains hispano-américains : irisarri, mendive, sarmiento, miralla, eusebio guiteras (orjuela, ). cependant, comment se fait-il que parmi les hommes de lettres hispaniques, rafael pombo se soit montré particulièrement intéressé par bryant et longfellow et non pas par d’autres auteurs nord-américains? tout d’abord, il faut noter que pombo n’est pas l’unique à s’intéresser aux deux poètes romantiques: « la influencia más importante de los estados unidos en la poesía hispanoamericana se efectuó a través de bryant y longfellow, poetas que despertaron gran entusiasmo en los bardos románticos y que se preocuparon por establecer contactos con los países vecinos. el papel de bryant y longfellow en las relaciones culturales de la época ayudó a mejorar la imagen negativa que el “coloso del norte” había creado en la mente de sus vecinos, pero no logró borrarla del todo» (orjuela, , p., ). il semble que les intellectuels de l’amérique hispanique, comme l’affirme orjuela ( ), sympathisaient et s’identifiaient aux thématiques et aux valeurs que représentaient les deux poètes nord-américains. aussi bien bryant que longfellow étaient vus comme d’« illustres citoyens » avec des valeurs morales et éthiques remarquables. pombo représentait la culture colombienne de l’époque, ancrée dans les fortes valeurs morales et religieuses chrétiennes. d’ailleurs, il faisait partie de toute une élite intellectuelle qui se préoccupait de la construction d’une identité et une nation (aguirre gaviria, ; orozco ). dans cet article, il ne nous est pas possible de faire une étude comparative complète des poèmes traduits par pombo des deux poètes nord-américains. mais nous examinerons les thématiques des poèmes et quelques commentaires, pour découvrir partiellement l’intérêt de pombo par les deux poètes. ce matériel est tout à fait pertinent pour dessiner un panorama général. il s’agira tout d’abord de byron et après de longfellow. pombo a traduit poèmes du poète nord-américain william cullen bryant, poèmes envoyés au poète américain avec quelques commentaires. les commentaires en forme de manuscrit se trouvent dans les archives de pombo. dans une note, orjuela ( ) affirme : « esta nota [les commentaires ajoutés aux traductions] titulada the translations carece de fecha y se les deux traductions ont suscité une polémique. en ce qui concerne la traduction d’“en una tempestad”, il semble que la traduction ait été présentée comme une création de bryant: «in connection with this translation, it is pertinent to remark on the fact that beginning with the london edition of of bryant’s poems, this composition has always been reproduced as one of his original poems, without any reference to the original. […] still another unsolved problem relative to this translation is the fact that bryant left out in his rendition the last stanza of the original without any explanation» (gonzález, , p., ). d’autre part, “oda al niágara” a paru sans le nom du traducteur, cela a été objet de diverses spéculations. p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - encuentra entre los papeles de pombo que conserva la academia colombiana de la lengua » (p. ). nous nous servirons des commentaires d’orjuela. presque toutes les traductions, faites à new york, portent le titre original entre parenthèses. bien que nous ne sachions pas exactement les dates des traductions, celles-ci pourraient avoir été réalisées entre et , avant les traductions de longfellow. leur diffusion a été discrète par rapport à celle des traductions de longfellow. cependant, quelques- unes de ces traductions ont été publiées dans des journaux colombiens et dans des anthologies de traductions. par exemple canción de la amazona griega (song of the greek amazon) et el firmamento (the firmament) ont été publiées dans antología de líricos ingleses y angloamericanos (madrid ); la jornada de la vida (the journey of life) en dans le journal la reintegración et las pampas del norte (the prairies) dans le journal la escuela normal en , deux journaux publiés en colombie. il faut remarquer la particularité du poème la vida futura (the future life) qui est accompagné du sous-titre « traducción libre, para canto » (traduction libre pour chanter). ces traductions ont parcouru le continent et elles ont traversé des frontières. rafael pombo a connu personnellement bryant, très possiblement après lui avoir envoyé les traductions. bryant a rencontré pombo dans son bureau de l’evening post à new york le mars (robledo ). d’après robledo, pombo avait avec lui deux de ses propres poèmes écrits en anglais (our madonna at home et to my father ), poèmes que pombo a donnés à bryant. celui-ci a publié our madonna at home dans l’evening post, et, d’après robledo, bryant a déclaré à pombo que le poème: « no sólo era poesía y lengua inglesa, sino que el soneto le había gustado mucho » (op.cit: ). rafael pombo a traduit du poète nord-américain des poèmes qui exaltent le paysage, sujet que pombo connaît parfaitement puisque c’était une thématique romantique qui correspond aux canons esthétiques romantiques traditionnels que pombo avait appréciés avant de quitter son pays. de plus, il est possible que pombo se soit identifié avec bryant à cause des valeurs qu’il représentait. d’après gonzález ( ) bryant était une des figures culturelles et morales les plus représentatives du xixe siècle aux États-unis. bryant était connu pour sa formation humaniste : connaissance des langues étrangères et traducteur d’auteurs classiques. d’ailleurs, sa vocation comme journaliste lui avait donné une réputation de libéral traditionnel, défenseur des causes justes, comme l’écrit gonzalez ( ) : « to my way of thinking william cullen bryant symbolizes better perhaps than any other of his contemporaries the noblest qualities of the puritan new england conscience » ( ). les commentaires, écrits en anglais par pombo, sont un reflet du respect et de l’admiration de pombo par le poète nord-américain. ceux-ci contiennent des informations à propos de la vision de pombo sur la traduction et de la façon comment pombo s’est approché aux poèmes originaux. pombo montre une position « soumise » et il en appelle à la traditionnelle «fidélité» et «littéralité». il affirm: « i have endeavored to make my translations as faithful and literal as the character of spanish poetry could allow, with only some slight additions necessary for style and les deux poèmes se trouvent dans: pombo, rafael ( ) poesías de rafael pombo tomo , bogotá: imprenta nacional, p. . p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - rhyme…» (cité par orjuela, , p., ). pombo atténue avec « slight additions », des ajouts qui sont nécessaires pour que les traductions soient de « bon goût », des ajouts qui sont très récurrents dans ses traductions. d’ailleurs, dans les commentaires, nous observons que pombo demande une certaine « légitimation ». dans le texte cité par orjuela ( ), le traducteur affirme qu’il a fait réviser les traductions par d’autres personnes, par ses « amis littéraires » (« literary friends ») avant de les envoyer à bryant. l’ambiance intellectuelle qui entoure pombo, lui a permis d’avoir des amis ayant la connaissance pour apprécier les traductions, et des traducteurs travaillant en groupe (pym, ). mais pombo demande aussi à bryant de réviser lui-même les traductions et de les corriger au besoin. pour pombo, bryant est ici « l’expert » qui a le pouvoir de juger et de « valider » ses traductions : « i have already submitted these translations to severe criticism from literary friends, and, as the manuscript shows, i have changed every line or word objected to, whenever my own taste has agreed to the remark made. now, mr. bryant is requested [sic] to mark in the manuscript any mistake, etc., he may detect, and express with the utmost frankness his opinion in regard to the plan and execution» ( ). d’ autre part, il y a chez pombo un souci constant de « la concision » de la langue anglaise : «mr. bryant knows well that the spanish language is not so monosyllabical and laconic as the english, and that, therefore, english poetry cannot be rendered in spanish line by line and in identical measures unless some ideas are left out. otherwise, the translation might be intelligible, but not written in spanish style » (cite par orjuela : ). ce commentaire signale la position de pombo face à l’obligation de respecter le « style » de la langue espagnole, et nous illustre comment pombo témoignait d’un souci de la langue espagnole, il était intéressé à la construction d’une identité nationale. la réaffirmation d’une langue et d’une littérature nationale faisait partie de cette identité; c’est ainsi, que l’intérêt de pombo par la langue d’arrivée se manifeste comme un élément très clair pour observer comme la traduction a sert à enrichir la langue espagnole. il sait qu’il est difficile de traduire mot à mot et pour cette raison il affirme qu’une « bonne » traduction en espagnol, c’est-à-dire une traduction écrite en « spanish style » ne peut pas être une traduction mot à mot, « line by line ». si le poème traduit mot à mot peut se comprendre, parce qu’il s’agit d’un « poème », c’est-à-dire parce qu’il peut transmettre l’effet stylistique propre au langage poétique, il doit avoir un style qui correspond au style de la langue d’arrivée. pombo défend et reconnaît ainsi la langue espagnole comme une langue poétique au même titre que l’anglais. en ce qui concerne longfellow, pombo a traduit compositions. les traductions ont été faites à new york et à bogota. avant de rentrer dans son pays, rafael pombo a essayé de contacter le poète comme il l’a fait avec bryant, mais la rencontre n’a pas été possible et pombo a dû se contenter de lui écrire. il a écrit à longfellow en une lettre accompagnée de sa traduction de the psalm of life/el salmo de la vida, datée de , c’est la première traduction que pombo a faite du poète nord-américain. les traductions ont aussi été publiées dans les anthologies, quelques-unes à l’étranger, et dans les divers journaux nationaux tels que el repertorio colombiano (el herrero del pueblo, ), la escuela normal (los obreros, ), p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - el nuevo tiempo literario (los niños, ); evangelina a été publié dans le journal chilien la estrella de chile en . parmi les anthologies les plus importantes, soulignons traducciones poéticas de longfellow (new york, ) publiées par le colombien rafael torres mariño, musa bilingüe (san juan, ) publiée à puerto rico par francisco javier amy et los poetas de otras tierras (bogotá, ) publiée par samper ortega. ce réseau de publications montre, d’une part, que pombo s’est intéressé à longfellow lorsqu’il était à new york, mais sa sympathie pour la poésie et la personne de longfellow a traversé les frontières et il a continué avec l’étude et la traduction de l’œuvre du poète nord- américain une fois rentré dans son pays. d’autre part, pombo a transmis aussi cet intérêt à d’autres écrivains et collègues, augmentant ainsi la popularité de longfellow en amérique hispanique. en fait, l’intérêt de pombo pour diffuser longfellow dans l’amérique hispanique lui confère le privilège d’être un des premiers traducteurs de longfellow et d’avoir suscité, autour du poète nord-américain, tout un réseau de traducteurs, écrivains et poètes hispano-américains qui se sont passionnés pour lui, en particulier en colombie. la critique littéraire affirme que longfellow a exercé une influence importante sur les hispano-américains entre et , période caractérisée par la transition du romantisme au modernisme (orjuela, ; englekirk ). bien que cuba, le mexique, le venezuela, le chili et l’espagne soient les pays où la poésie de longfellow a connu la plus grande diffusion, la colombie a eu un rapport particulier avec longfellow. d’après englekirk ( ), la colombie est le pays qui a accueilli la majorité des traducteurs : des traducteurs de longfellow, sont des colombiens, et rafael pombo est le premier (en colombie) avec la traduction de the psalm of life en : «as we have already observed, pombo’s compatriots were the most zealous of all. not only did they constitute the largest single national group, clearly indicting that longfellow’s popularity and influence was continuous and widespread in colombia, but they also provided the largest number ( as against a total of ) of different translations and could count among them – in addition to longfellow’s first translator- the four leading individual translators in point of number of poems translated: ruperto s. gómez with forty-one translations to his credit, rafael pombo with fifteen, jorge gómez restrepo with twelve, and miguel antonio caro with nine» (p. ). de cette façon, pombo est une figure qui a motivé ses compatriotes à traduire longfellow et a contribué à créer un « national group » (groupe national) de traducteurs. d’ailleurs, il a aidé à promouvoir longfellow dans d’autres pays, fait confirmé par l’aide fournie au diplomate chilien carlos morla vicuña . comme pour bryant, nous devons essayer de trouver la raison pour laquelle pombo s’est intéressé à longfellow en particulier. les raisons sont à l’évidence diverses. par exemple, les d’ailleurs, la traduction d’evangeline, dont pombo a traduit seulement les premières strophes du chant v, a été une collaboration avec le diplomate chilien carlos morla vicuña : celui-ci a traduit tout le poème et l’a publié au chili et à new york en témoignant sa reconnaissance à pombo dans la préface : « juzgo de mi deber advertir que debo a la espontánea y amistosa colaboración del afamado poeta colombiano sr. don rafael pombo, autor del original poema titulado eda [sic], algunos de cuyos interesantes fragmentos han circulado por toda la américa del sur, las catorce primeras estrofas del v canto de la segunda parte. entre ellas y las restantes no podrá menos de notarse la enorme distancia que separa la obra del literato consumado de la del novicio » (citée par englekirk, , note , p., ). p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - thématiques abordées par longfellow. manchester ( ) et englekirk ( ) affirment que longfellow, poe et whitman ont été les auteurs le plus traduits à la fin du xixe siècle et début du xxe. cependant, longfellow était le plus traditionnel des trois. la poésie de longfellow d’après englekirk ( ; ) avait des intentions moralisantes, c’était une poésie qui admirait le passé, la nature, les coutumes nationales, la tradition « indigène » et biblique. cet élément moral présenté chez longfellow peut être comparé au sentiment catholique qui a inspiré beaucoup d’intellectuels de l’amérique hispanique comme pombo, la différence étant que dans le cas du poète nord-américain ses valeurs étaient puritaines: «his poetry of the good life, of christian virtues, “de resignación y de fe en dios” of the home of children, written in no unusual diction and in facil, musical rhyms, has a certain universal appeal» (englekirk, , p., - ). un autre élément qui a pu attirer l’attention de pombo est la vision qu’avait longfellow de l’art et de la littérature utilisés comme un outil social et humaniste afin d’aider à la construction d’une identité « américaine ». d’après englekirk ( ), longfellow était un symbole qui représentait les aspirations nationales nord-américaines les plus significatives. beaucoup d’hispano-américains intéressés par longfellow partageaient des influences européennes et la recherche d’une identité, d’une « cultura auténticamente americana » (p. ). de façon générale, dans un pays avec un fort attachement à la tradition comme la colombie, longfellow était vu comme un poète idéal pour enrichir la littérature nationale et poursuivre les idéaux capables d’imprégner la culture de valeurs morales. l’affinité des idéaux entre la pensée de longfellow et de pombo est évidente. Étudions les commentaires dans la correspondance entre pombo et longfellow pour confirmer notre argument. tout d’abord, dans ce contexte d’évidente interculturalité, la correspondance que pombo et longfellow ont entretenue devient un élément à considérer puisqu’elle représente des premiers les contacts culturels entre les États-unis et l’amérique, particulièrement la colombie. englekirk ( ) signale que la correspondance entre américains et hispano-américains était très rare aussi: « en vano se buscará, sin embargo, alguna carta o indicación cualquiera de contacto epistolar con colegas de los países hispanos del sur, lo cual no ha de sorprender tanto, ya que ninguno de nuestros máximos valores literarios dirigió jamás sus pasos hacia la otra américa, donde reinaba la feroz lucha entre « la barbarie y la civilización » (p. ). pour cette raison, l’hispaniste nord-américain affirme que cette correspondance entre pombo et longfellow est un outil précieux de communication interaméricaine. d’ailleurs, il semble que cette correspondance ait été la seule que le poète nord-américain ait eu avec un écrivain hispano-américain (englekirk, ). cette correspondance a été publiée de manière fragmentée. l’academia colombiana de la lengua a publié en quelques lettres de longfellow à pombo et plus tard, antonio gómez restrepo, dans l’édition officielle de , a reproduit les mêmes lettres sans aucun contexte et sans avoir vu l’ensemble des lettres. de plus grands efforts ont été faits pour en faire une compilation complète par l’hispaniste nord-américain john e. englekirk ( ). englekirk ( ) a compilé des lettres dans les archives de longfellow à la craigie house, maison-musée de longfellow à cambridge (massachusetts). il a publié les lettres avec des détails sur l’œuvre de pombo et son rapport avec longfellow, ainsi que quelques traductions de ses poèmes faites p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - par pombo et par d’autres traducteurs colombiens. d’autre part, gerardo ramos ( ) a publié la première lettre de rafael pombo à longfellow, lettre qu’englekirk n’a pas pu trouver à cambridge. la correspondance entre les deux poètes a été courte et elle est composée de lettres dont envoyés par pombo à longfellow, lettres écrites en anglais et envoyées de new york ( janvier ; janvier et février ) et lettres écrites en espagnol et envoyées de santa fé de bogotá ( juin, juillet et octobre ). longfellow a envoyé à pombo lettres, toutes écrites en anglais à cambridge ( mars ; février et février ; novembre ). de façon générale, on peut affirmer que les lettres de pombo à longfellow sont une preuve de l’admiration du poète colombien pour le poète nord-américain. cela se reflète dans le ton presque solennel de la première lettre : « un sudamericano, de nueva granada » qui est adressée au « eminente autor de hiawatha y traductor del dante » (ramos, , p. ). pombo exprime sa motivation à lui écrire comme une façon de remercier longfellow de la traduction que ce dernier a fait des poèmes du poète espagnol jorge manrique. c’est en signe de remerciement qu’il a traduit the psalm of life : « sírvase ud. aceptarla [la traduction de the psalm of life] como un débil testimonio de antigua admiración, y como prenda del reconocimiento de mi raza [sic] por la bellísima traducción que debemos a usted de nuestras « coplas de manrique » » (p. ). il est intéressant de voir dans ce cas, la traduction comme un élément qui permet établir le contact interculturel, comme une espèce d’« acte symbolique » qui a permis à pombo de se rapprocher de longfellow. dans les lettres pombo fait une réflexion sur la littérature, la poésie et la traduction; ces affirmations sont une preuve de la profonde connaissance de pombo et de son sens critique sur la littérature du continent américain. il faut noter que les lettres de longfellow sont courtes, le poète nord-américain est aimable, mais il est direct et bref, et laisse pombo avec beaucoup de questions sans réponse . dans ces lettres, rafael pombo lui demande des conseils sur ses traductions : de la même façon qu’avec bryant, pombo cherche à « légitimer » ses traductions avec l’« expert ». d’ailleurs, pombo envoie à longfellow ses propres poèmes, fonda libre et en el niágara et d’autre matériel intéressant comme les traductions vers l’espagnol de poèmes du poète nord-américain faites par lui et d’autres collègues colombiens, des articles critiques de littérature publiées dans les journaux colombiens, ainsi que des traductions de livrets d’opéra. pombo a essayé aussi de susciter des discussions autour des sujets connus de longfellow tels que la littérature espagnole. pombo pensait que discuter des sujets en commun pourrait être la meilleure façon de se connaître un peu plus et d’établir un dialogue intellectuel fructueux. longfellow a été bref en faisant référence au «la manque du temps ». cependant, cela n’a pas empêché longfellow d’admirer les poésies de pombo : « i quite forgot in my letter to thank you for the fonda libre. accept my thanks now. it is a charming poem; very melodious and as good as anything in montemayor or gil polo » (englekirk, , p. ), ainsi que ses traductions: « your translations are excellent. they are once faithful and glowing. in particular i like that of the psalm of life. i beg you to accept my most cordial thanks» (englekirk, , p. - ). « estas cartas de longfellow, que comprenden una época de poco más de nueve años, no son ni “largas” ni muy “interesantes”. las de pombo, al contrario, sí debieron de serlo, no sólo por la cantidad de material que venía adjunto –traducciones de longfellow hechas por pombo y otros colombianos, poesías originales, recortes, sin contar lo que llegaba en paquetes aparte- sino también por los datos, informes y preguntas que exigían respuesta y que manifestaban plenamente la admiración que su autor sentía por longfellow y cuánto deseaba establecer y mantener amistad con él, aunque sólo fuera mediante cartas» (englekirk, , p. ). p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - prenons ces courtes lignes comme une preuve qui montre que leur rapport a été « positif » et teinté d’une certaine condescendance de la part de longfellow. en ce qui concerne les commentaires à propos de la traduction, pombo traite de l’importance du style en langue espagnole. il traite des sujets tels que la concision de l’anglais, effectivement un des problèmes les plus difficiles pour traduire chez pombo; les formes poétiques, en particulier l’utilisation en espagnol de l’hexamètre; et la question « classique » de la fidélité/infidélité et littéralité/liberté. lissons par exemple, le commentaire que rafael pombo fait d’un des poèmes le plus connus de longfellow et en conséquence, l’une des traductions de pombo les plus commentées par la critique : « psalm of life ». de ce poème pombo affirme: « muchos defectos tiene mi traducción, empezando por no ser literal, y sacrificar al estilo español y al metro adoptado la enérgica concisión del original inglés; pero tal vez el metro interesara al gran poeta que ha tratado de aclimatar el hexámetro en la poesía inglesa, -a pesar de que mis líneas no son hexámetros regulares según la prosodia y métricas latinas,-sino una especie de transacción, algo monótona, entre estas y las españolas» (ramos, , p. ). pombo s’inscrit dans le discours un peu traditionnel de la « littéralité », comme une façon « correcte » de traduire par opposition à la traduction libre et il adopte aussi cette « soumission » en affirmant « muchos defectos tiene mi traducción ». rappelons que cela a été la même position adoptée dans les traductions de bryant. il semble que pombo assume que pareille position constitue le « discours » sur la traduction, comme une espèce de doxa. d’ailleurs, pombo insiste sur la perte de « la enérgica concisión del original inglés ». la justification de pombo pour traduire de cette façon est intéressante parce qu’il veut « revendiquer » la langue d’arrivée et prouver que la traduction sert à mettre à l’épreuve les formes littéraires de la langue d’arrivée. pombo affirme qu’il a essayé d’imiter l’hexamètre, forme connue par longfellow, malgré des problèmes pour bien l’utiliser : « respecto del hexámetro, yo he hecho varias debilísimas tentativas, una de ellas con la eneida y otra con el childe-harold; pero mi capacidad apenas basta para entrever lo que debía ser, lamentar que no sea, y conocer que yo no puedo hacerlo.-ni una línea de mis ensayos he publicado» (ramos, , p. ). pombo montre que le style de la langue d’arrivée est important et qu’il a essayé d’enrichir la métrique espagnole à partir de la traduction. cette question de l’hexamètre est de nouveau le sujet qu’il commente dans la traduction d’Évangeline de carlos morla vicuña. pombo écrit à longfellow que cette traduction a été admirée par bryant, mais pombo se plaint du fait que le poème ne soit pas traduit en hexamètres mais en « octavas reales ». cependant pombo affirme: « but in several cases where he is unfaithful he produced with the filling up an octava exquisitely musical » (englekirk, , p. ). de nouveau, pombo établit le rapport qu’ « une bonne traduction » est « fidèle » si elle reproduit « littéralement » la forme, lorsqu’il dit que morla vicuña a été « infidèle » pour avoir utilisé l’« octava real ». néanmoins, il va réaffirmer sa position sur l’importance de penser au style de la langue d’arrivée lorsqu’il dit que le traducteur chilien est «infidèle», mais le poème est de « bon goût » musicalement. pombo légitime son commentaire en appelant au style utilisé p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - par le poète espagnol de tendance romantique, zorrilla, lequel a utilisé les octavas reales dans ses poèmes. en consequence, pombo dit: « and now and then i think he is as faithful as, under such shackles any spanish scholar could be » (englekirk, , p. ). la position de rafael pombo, bien qu’elle soit « soumise », cherche à « affirmer » la langue d’arrivée comme une langue littéraire et donc à utiliser la traduction comme un moyen d’être plus flexible avec les formes, et plus créatif pour enrichir la langue et produire des œuvres d’art en langue espagnole comme il en existe dans les autres langues. c’est intéressant aussi de connaître d’autres commentaires faits par pombo sur divers sujets. par exemple, dans la lettre que pombo a envoyée de bogota, il a présenté un panorama de la littérature et la culture colombienne de l’époque. nous pensons que ce commentaire est une façon d’affirmer son idéologie de faire de la colombie un pays riche culturellement. pombo fait une liste des réussites les plus importantes des poètes et des écrivains colombiens. parmi les événements littéraires signalés par pombo : les traductions du latin de miguel antonio caro; les travaux sur la grammaire espagnole de ce dernier et rufino josé cuervo; l’étude sur les langues indigènes menées par ezequiel uricoechea et rafael celedón, parmi d’autres. toutes ces publications ont contribué à diffuser la popularité de la colombie dans l’amérique hispanique comme l’« atenas suramericana », étiquète dont les intellectuels colombiens se montraient satisfaits. avec cette idée, pombo fait preuve de sa fierté pour le développement culturel du pays et il adopte une attitude « érudite » en faisant cette liste de tous ces événements littéraires pour essayer d’être au niveau du poète nord-américain et montrer que son pays traverse un grand progrès littéraire et culturel. finissons notre analyse en exprimant la vision de pombo sur longfellow consignée dans cette correspondance. celle-ci est la preuve de la plus grande admiration et identification de pombo avec les valeurs représentées par longfellow. pombo lui dit qu’il est en train de préparer une conférence sur lui pour être lue aux membres de l’academia colombiana de la lengua et il fait une énumération des quelque points où il décrit l’œuvre de longfellow. pombo commence par faire une apologie des valeurs et de la personnalité du poète « su espíritu y corazón cosmopolitas, sin limitacion de razas, naciones, lenguas, tiempos, sectas, etc.,» (englekirk, , p. ). d’ailleurs, pombo admire «su constante y perfecta moralidad y espiritualidad: moral viril, de deber, actividad y energía, no de inercia y devoción soñolienta » (ibid. p. ). pombo pense que longfellow doit être apprécié parce qu’il est le symbole du respect et de l’amour pour la tradition. pombo partage la vision que longfellow a de l’art et de la poésie comme des outils moraux qui élèvent l’esprit humain : « tengo para mí que la poesía debe ser a un tiempo progresista y conservadora; para destruir, la barbarie y la ignoracia bastan» (ibid. p. ). nous pouvons voir que pombo partage avec longfellow cette idée pédagogique d’éduquer travers l’art et la littérature, idées aussi marquées par une vision morale et chrétienne. après cette apologie de la personne de longfellow, pombo fait des commentaires sur son œuvre et la valeur littéraire de celle-ci. pombo admire des caractéristiques particulières de la poésie du poète nord-américain, en particulier les thématiques : la poésie descriptive, la « poesía del hogar » ou la « poesía de asunto indígena americano », « la poesía de asunto bíblico », et en général, toute la poésie de caractère narratif. en ce qui concerne cette dernière, pombo affirme que ce genre de poésie est celui qui doit figurer dans les livres pour les jeunes. il admire tous les genres et les idées que, lui-même, a voulu transmettre dans son pays. une littérature de caractère traditionnel, moral et avec des intentions pédagogiques. pour conclure, nous pouvons affirmer que l’admiration de pombo pour longfellow est grande et cette correspondance en est la preuve. ce qui retient particulièrement notre attention p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - c’est de voir comment la différence religieuse n’a pas empêché pombo de découvrir et d’admirer l’œuvre de longellow. avec cette correspondance nous voyons comment la traduction et l’admiration de pombo pour longfellow est un élément qui fait ressortir la différence de valeurs, établit le dialogue parmi les deux cultures et finalement, avec humilité et presque « soumission », reconnaît comment dans la différence se trouvent des points communs. ainsi, pombo écrira à longfellow: « nosotros como católicos y como españoles, debemos a dar a ud. una acción pública de gracias por el espíritu generoso y simpático con que toca nuestra religión, historia y lengua; y no menos debemos agradecer los aficionados a las letras el ejemplo y las lecciones que nos da con su cultivo, lo que será, en el fondo, el objeto de mi “conversación” del de agosto » (englekirk, , p. ). . conclusion : rafael pombo un médiateur interculturel cet article nous a permis d’identifier combien la figure de rafael pombo apparaît trop emblématique pour comprendre comment se sont établis les rapports avec l’étranger au xixe siècle, particulièrement avec les États-unis. la figure du « poète de l’enfance » est complémentée avec la figure de l’« ambassadeur culturel » ou du « médiateur interculturel ». mais qu’entend-on au juste par le concept de « médiation interculturelle »? lorsque pym ( ) expose son concept d’interculturalité, il fait référence à des situations dans lesquelles les traducteurs se trouvent dans une situation de contact, de «frontières». presque par nature, toutes les cultures sont en « situation de frontière » : les sociétés sont constituées par plus d’une culture, divers groupes convergent dans un espace. par ailleurs, les cultures ne sont pas fermées aux influences d’autres cultures et les contacts entre les cultures sont une activité normale : « i use the term ‘interculture’ to refer to beliefs and practices found in intersections or overlaps of cultures, where people combine something of two or more cultures at once » (pym, , p. ). ce que nous trouvons intéressant de ce concept c’est qu’avec celui-ci pym met l’accent sur trois aspects qui présentent un grand intérêt. tout d’abord, pym pense que les traducteurs se trouvent dans les « intersections » où les langues et les cultures établissent des rapports ; le traducteur incarne lui-même cette idée parce qu’il n’est pas un agent monolingue, et par conséquent, il n’est pas monoculturel. l’interculturalité est alors cet espace particulier dans lequel convergent tous ces éléments. ensuite, les traducteurs « bougent »; cette situation de déplacement des traducteurs et des traductions montre comment le traducteur ne peut pas être identifié avec une seule culture, parce qu’il est le produit de la diversité. finalement, cette situation d’interculturalité met en évidence le caractère de « profession » de la traduction : «translators are not the only people likely to be found in the cultural intersections of their urban geometry. they often work for or alongside other intermediaries like diplomats, negotiators, travelers, academics, teachers, journalists, scientists, explorers and traders of all kinds” (pym, , p. ). cette hypothèse a permis à pym d’affirmer combien les traducteurs font plus que traduire et font partie de réseaux, de « professional networks ». cela dit, nous voulons ici dire que pombo a joué un rôle comme médiateur interculturel parce qu’il a vécu une situation particulière de contact parmi les cultures. il a envisagé dans la traduction un outil pour établir les contacts et permettre que les cultures s’intègrent et partagent, il a construit un espace de communication où les deux cultures se confrontent et peuvent avoir un point de contact. p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - À travers du cas étudié ici, on a vu que pour pombo la traduction a été un « exercice intellectuel » qui a traversé toute sa carrière. la traduction doit se concevoir comme une « activité professionnelle » liée à toute l’ambiance socioculturelle et qui a eu le rôle d’« instrument de contact ». pombo est un agent qui a vu dans la traduction un outil pour s’approprier des modèles, ainsi qu’un instrument pour enrichir la langue d’arrivée, et de cette manière affirmer son identité. l’histoire de la traduction se présente dès lors comme une porte d’entrée permettant d’accéder à des situations diverses comme nous l’avons exposée ici. l’histoire de la traduction et la valeur intrinsèque donnée au traducteur, met en évidence que la traduction est une activité centrale dans la construction des savoirs et les identités et surtout elle peut nous fournir des éléments pour mieux comprendre le rapport de la colombie avec les influences étrangères et les fonctions données par ses agents, les traducteurs. p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - rÉfÉrences aguirre gaviria, beatriz eugenia. ( ). soledad acosta de samper y su papel en la traducción en colombia en el siglo xix. ikala: revista de lenguaje y cultura, ( ), pp. - . bastin, georges. ( ). subjectivity and rigour in translation history. the case of latin america. dans: bastin, george et paul bandia (ed) charting the future of translation history. (pp. - ). ottawa: university of ottawa press. -------------------- ( ). por una historia de la traducción en hispanoamérica. ikala: revista de lenguaje y cultura, ( ), pp. - . delisle, jean et judith woodsworth (ed). ( ). les traducteurs dans l’histoire. ottawa & paris: puo/unesco. [traduction vers l’espagnol. ( ). los traductores en la historia. medellín: universidad de antioquia]. --------------------- ( ). portraits de traducteurs. ottawa & arras: les presses de l'université d'ottawa & artois presses université. --------------------- ( ). portrait de traductrices. ottawa & arras : les presses de l'université d'ottawa & artois presses université. ---------------------- ( ). la historia de la traducción: su importancia para la traductología y su enseñanza mediante un programa didáctico multimedia y multilingüe. ikala: revista de lenguaje y cultura, ( ), pp. - . de onÍs, josé. ( ). the united states as seen by spanish american writers. new york: hispanic institute. durand, josé. ( ). guía del viajero en los estados unidos. new york: f. j. vingut. englekirk, john e. ( ). notes on longfellow in spanish america. hispania, ( ), (pp. - ). consulté le janvier , dans la base de données jstor. ---------------------- ( ). el epistolario pombo-longfellow. bogotá: instituto caro y cuervo. gonzÁlez, manuel pedro. ( ). two great pioneers of inter-american cultural relations. hispania, ( ), (pp. - ). consulté le janvier , dans la base de données jstor. manchester, p. t. ( ). american poetry in spanish translation. hispania, ( ), (pp. - ). consulté le janvier , dans la base de données jstor. orjuela, héctor. ( ). biografía y bibliografía de rafael pombo. bogotá: instituto caro y cuervo. --------------------- ( ). la obra poética de rafael pombo. bogotá: instituto caro y cuervo. --------------------- ( ). imagen de los estados unidos en la poesía de hispanoamérica. méxico: universidad nacional autónoma de méxico. orozco, wilson. ( ). la traducción en el siglo xix en colombia. ikala: revista de lenguaje y cultura, ( - ), pp. - . pombo, rafael. ( ). poesías completas. madrid: aguilar. pÖppel, hubert. ( ). educar o indoctrinar con literatura: las fabulas de rafael pombo y maría eastman. dans: santiago castro-gómez (Éd.), pensar el siglo xix. cultura, biopolítica y modernidad en colombia. (pp. - ). pittsburgh: biblioteca de américa & instituto internacional de literatura iberoamericana. p.a. montoya / rafael pombo: la traduction et les échanges interculurels au xixe siècle en colombie mutatis mutandis vol. no. pp. - pym, anthony. ( ). method in translation history. manchester & uk: st jerome. quijano, arturo. ( ). el curioso archivo de pombo. cromos no. . bogotá. ramos, oscar gerardo. ( ). dos documentos inéditos de pombo a longfellow. bogotá: instituto caro y cuervo. robledo, beatriz helena. ( ). rafael pombo. la vida de un poeta. bogotá: vergara & ediciones b. romero, mario germán. ( ). rafael pombo en nueva york. bogotá: editorial kelly. silva gruesz, kirsten. ( ). ambassadors of culture. the transamerican origins of latino writing. princeton: princeton university press. site web de la présidence de la république de la colombie. consulté le juin , à http://web.presidencia.gov.co/. site web de la fundación rafael pombo. consulté le juin , à http://www.fundacionrafaelpombo.org site web de la mairie de santa fé de bogotá. ( ). mundo pombo, un cuento hecho realidad. consulté le juin à http://www.bogota.gov.co/portel/libreria/php/frame_detalle_noticias_ _nyn.php?h_id= &version=a site web du parc mundo aventura. consulté le juin à http://www.mundoaventura.com.co/inicio_pombo.asp birth trauma canada- rv detailing - rv detailing los angeles - rv detailing san diego - mobile car detailing - san diego mobile car detailing los angeles blog about us terms and conditions privacy policy contact us select page blog latest news how to prevent car paint oxidation by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing it’s always beautiful to look at the dazzling gloss and shine of your car. unfortunately, it’s probably an indication of oxidation damage if your joy and pride are beginning to look a bit faded and dull.   this is called paint oxidation. this will cause the paint to lose its sheen. on severe occasions, car paint can have a cloudy or chalky look.  aside from looking unappealing, paint oxidation will also greatly lower the resale value of your car.   fortunately, we’re here to help. aside from regular mobile car detailing los angeles, here are several tips you can follow to prevent car paint oxidation.  choose high-quality paintwork  you can make a lot of difference to your car if you have high-quality paintwork. it’s always a wise move to check out durable waterborne coating solutions. for those who don’t know, waterborne paints tend to have an excellent gloss level when it comes to overall quality and finishes. in addition to that, there’s less possibility for paint flaws. it also has excellent coverage. this improves the overall aesthetic appeal.  avoid using harsh car cleaning products  you should be careful of what car cleaning products you utilize if you’re wondering what causes paint oxidation. a couple of abrasive and stronger cleaners aren’t always kind to the paint surface of your vehicle. thus, it is a wise move to switch to environmentally-friendly cleaning products. typically, they’re gentle on car paintwork. in addition to that, you’re also helping the environment.   if you hire a professional to clean your car, make sure you look for an eco-friendly car detailing company.   maintain your car regularly  one of the main reasons why paint oxidation happens is the lack of car care. unluckily, a lot of individuals don’t have the time to commit to routine car care.   if you do wash your car yourself, you can maintain it by waxing it after washing. you can also utilize a unique paint protectant. you can always hire a professional car detailing company if you do not have the time to do it on your own.   avoid accumulation of contaminants  accumulation of contaminants will affect the smooth look and shine of your car’s paintwork. you can easily avoid this from happening if you regularly wash your car. car washing will help get rid of particles and pollution on the car’s surface. it is crucial to get rid of oxidation from car paint immediately if the paintwork is beginning to feel bumpy and rough.   park in the shade  do you always park your vehicle outdoors? street parking might be your only choice if you don’t have a driveway or garage. however, you need to park your car in the shade if you want to avoid paint oxidation. this is particularly true during the summer season where the rays of the sun are stronger.   if you can’t find shade in your area, you can invest in a car cover to protect the paintwork. you might have to leave car paint correction to the experts if serious uv damage has already caused paint oxidation.   difference between detailing an old and new car by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing aside from being a mode of transportation, your cars also serve as personal statements about who you are. car owners with well-maintained vehicles are socially recognized as tasteful, detail-oriented, and responsible.   it does not matter if you’ve got an old or new car. it’s your job to maintain it as much as possible. luckily, you can easily achieve this thanks to the advancements in car detailing technology and techniques.   today, we’re going to share with you the differences between detailing an old and new car with the help of a mobile car detailing san diego company.  waxing  most professionals suggest applying a coat of wax after polishing your car. this will help avoid corrosion from other substances like hot drinks, tree sap, and bird droppings, water spots, and sun damage.   waxing includes the application of wax over the exterior of the car, letting it harden, and then buffing it out using a polisher or towel. though the procedure for waxing old and new cars might look the same, the difference is in the forms of wax used.   despite being long-lasting, the rubbing compound is abrasive. thus, it’s not appropriate for an old car since most of its protective layers are gone. typically, professionals prefer using liquid wax when detailing an old car since it’s an excellent filling agent to smooth out inconsistencies in the surface.   polishing  old cars have higher possibilities of suffering from paint oxidation since they’ve been braved in the rain, wind, and sun. also, old cars typically have more scratches, swirls, and dents. thus, they need more complex and lengthy polishing methods.   before starting the process, a professional detailer needs to personalize their car polishing procedure depending on the car’s condition. when they are servicing an old vehicle, they need to spot test areas. this will help them figure out:  the speed combinations they need to use for the polisher  the forms of motions they need to use  the amount of pressure they have to use on the surface  how aggressive the products they need to use  claying  it does not matter if you are detailing a new car or an old one. the first thing you’ve got to do is to wash it. once you’re done washing the car, then the next thing you have to do is to clay it. first, a professional detailer will knead the clay bar into a soft malleable tool. they will utilize this tool to pick up tiny contaminants from the surface of the car. therefore, this will help make the paint feel smoother and return to its original look.  unfortunately, it is much more complex to clay an old vehicle. the reason for this is that older vehicles have higher possibilities of gathering more debris. thus, it takes more materials to avoid the abrasion of the paint surface. the clay bar lubricant is one of these materials. usually, they’re included if you purchase a high-quality car wash kit. this clay bar lubricant will help avoid the debris from damaging the paint coat of your old car.       knowing the basics of rv detailing by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing if you want to maintain the excellent condition of your rv, the best thing you can do is to regularly detail its interior and exterior. unfortunately, rv detailing is not as easy as it might appear to be. there are a couple of things you have to consider first before you can proceed with the task.   detailing an rv is a process of cleaning thoroughly the exterior and interior of the vehicle to maintain and improve its look. the task is called “detailing” because it is all about perfecting the small details of your car. because of this, there are a lot of steps included.   you can make your life easier if you hire a professional rv detailing san diego company. however, if you want to do it yourself, here are several things you should know:  interior detailing  usually, interior rv detailing includes at least a couple of tasks, such as odor removal, vent cleaning, crevice and dash cleaning, cup holder cleaning, seat cleaning, carpet cleaning, and much more.   exterior waxing  once you are done cleaning thoroughly the exterior of your rv, you can wax it. you can either go for a simple spray–on and wipe–off form of wax or a wipe-on and buff–off form of wax. it depends on your preferences.   tire cleaning  cleaning the tires of your rv should be the final step in the exterior cleaning process. the reason for this is that you have to work from top to bottom.  awnings  you might have to utilize a cleaning product made specifically for rv awnings. this will help you deep clean the awning of your rv. keep in mind that you need something that’s gentle on the fabric and paint.  bug removal  getting rid of bug splatter will become much harder if you wait a long period to remove it from the front of your car. you can utilize a chemical bug remover or a car washing kit to get rid of bug splatters. however, you can also create your own solution using water and dryer sheets. you can easily avoid hard-to-remove bug splatters in the future if you wax and maintain the front of your rv.  overall exterior washing  there are a couple of techniques when it comes to washing your rv. some are wet and some are dry. make sure you clean and dry full sections at a time if you are wet washing. this will help prevent streaks. typically, you can utilize a regular rv washing soap. however, you still have to examine that you are utilizing the correct product for your form of rv siding.   roof cleaning  typically, detailing goes from top to bottom. the ideal cleaning methods and products for your rv roof differ on whether you’ve got a rubber membrane-type roof, a fiberglass roof, or another form of roof. thus, make sure you consider this. fiberglass roofs are vulnerable to oxidation. you might require a strong cleaner if they look ashy or chalky. if you’re afraid of damaging the roof, you can always hire a detailer to do the job.  tips for detailing your rv by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing whenever you’re washing an rv, there are a couple of things you have to remember. it does not matter if you’re simply an rv owner that needs some recommendations or you’re an expert detailer trying to add rvs to your services.   washing and detailing an rv is not the same as detailing a normal car. rvs are big and they’ve got a couple of components that are different from regular vehicles.   lucky for you, we’re here to help. here are several tips you can follow for rv detailing los angeles.  take your time  as an rv owner or detailer, you’ve got to understand that detailing and washing an rv thoroughly will take around to hours. this is particularly true if you’re doing it alone. thus, try to work in the shade as much as possible. also, prepare some cold drinks if it’s hot. don’t forget to take breaks as well.   also, you should expect to pay more for rv detailing services as opposed to a regular car wash if you’re planning to hire a professional.   know how to clean the roof of your rv  unlike regular vehicles, the roof of your rv is usually made out of some form of rubber. typically, it’s white. it is also the dirtiest area of an rv. thus, need a lot of care and attention. when cleaning the roof standing up, you’ve got to be very cautious. if possible, use kneepads when handwashing.   a lot of individuals will utilize normal dish soap when cleaning the roof. unfortunately, it is not recommended for plastics. dish soaps typically include degreasers. this can dry out plastic and rubber over time. eventually, it will cause cracks. perhaps you want to buy a jug of rv rubber roof cleaner when cleaning the roof. these cleaners are designed to protect and clean the roof of your rv.  buy the right tools for rv detailing  if you are detailing bigger cars, such as an rv, one of the most important tools to have is a high-quality pressure washer.   typically, almost every professional detailer out there recommends buying a gas-powered pressure washer with wheels.   aside from the pressure washer, there are several other tools you need to have as well. this includes:  water deionizer to avoid water spots  foam cannon for your pressure washer  -gallon bucket for roof cannon  cleaner wax for protection  gel gloss for finishes  huge water tanks for mobile detailing  gas-powered pressure washer  if you’ve got a pressure washer, you can easily make the job faster and more efficient. this is particularly true since you are dealing with a quite tall car. however, you’ve got to ensure you use the right pressure. you might end up damaging your car if you use too much pressure.   avoid scratches by using lamb’s wool  a lot of rv manufacturers suggest using lamb’s wool when cleaning rvs. in general, lamb’s wool is an ideal option for any type of vehicle. keep in mind that rvs get dirty quite often. if you use a stiff-bristled brush, you might end up scratching the surface of your rv.     how to detail your rv by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing the spring season is already here and summer is simply creeping in the corner. if you’re a person who loves beach parties, reunions, and nature trips, it is perhaps time to give your rv good detailing. of course, you and your loved ones would love to travel in comfort and style in a detailed and clean rv, right?  a couple of individuals believe that simply vacuuming the interior and hosing the exterior of their rv is clean enough. unluckily, this type of cleaning method won’t remove any microorganisms, oil, grime, and dirt that can damage the interior and exterior of your rv.   a mobile rv detailing can get rid of these things. aside from cleaning your car’s interior and exterior, you can also clean the under chassis and engine of your rv.   here are several tips you can follow when you want to detail your rv:   clean the water system  have you tried cleaning your car’s interior but still notice a musty odor inside? well, you’ve got to examine the water system. it might contain water from your past trips. thus, you have to drain the tank, water lines, and water heater. fill the tank with water and apply several drops of bleach. let the solution sit for a couple of minutes. this will guarantee that your water system is clean. after several minutes, drain the water and turn on the faucets and pump. this will get rid of the bleach from the system. before you refill the tank with clean water, make sure you leave the system for hours.   keep every detailing product close  if you want to lower your detailing mistakes, there are a couple of things you need. this includes:  car wax  towels for drying  brush with a long handle  squeegee  rubber gloves   a long garden hose  wheel cleaner  glass cleaner  car wash soap  tar remover  bug remover  you can try moving the cleaning solutions in tiny containers and properly label them. then, you can place these small containers in a basket or small bag that you can place put around your waste. with this, you can save a lot of time from walking around.   cover sensitive spots when detailing  utilize plastic to cover the filter, electrical wirings, spark plugs, air intake, and alternator. with this, you can avoid oil and water remover from seeping in and causing damage to your vehicle.   think about the weather and time  it’s preferable to detail your car before am. this is typically a warm morning to do the job. keep in mind that your rv is probably huge. you’ve got to complete the task before the sun gets too hot. else, water spots might form or the cleaning solution may dry up. you need to avoid these things since they can damage your car’s exterior paint.   if you think that detailing your rv is too much work, don’t worry. you can always hire a professional car detailing company to detail your rv. oftentimes, they’ll offer steam cleaning that makes the whole process more efficient and faster.   recent posts how to prevent car paint oxidation difference between detailing an old and new car knowing the basics of rv detailing tips for detailing your rv how to detail your rv search for: recent comments birth trauma canada how to prevent car paint oxidation march , it’s always beautiful to look at the dazzling gloss and shine of your car. unfortunately, it’s probably an indication of oxidation damage if your joy and pride are beginning to look a bit faded and dull.   this is called paint oxidation. this will cause the paint to lose its sheen. on severe occasions, car paint can have […] birthtraumacanada difference between detailing an old and new car march , aside from being a mode of transportation, your cars also serve as personal statements about who you are. car owners with well-maintained vehicles are socially recognized as tasteful, detail-oriented, and responsible.   it does not matter if you’ve got an old or new car. it’s your job to maintain it as much as possible. luckily, you […] birthtraumacanada knowing the basics of rv detailing march , if you want to maintain the excellent condition of your rv, the best thing you can do is to regularly detail its interior and exterior. unfortunately, rv detailing is not as easy as it might appear to be. there are a couple of things you have to consider first before you can proceed with the […] birthtraumacanada tips for detailing your rv march , whenever you’re washing an rv, there are a couple of things you have to remember. it does not matter if you’re simply an rv owner that needs some recommendations or you’re an expert detailer trying to add rvs to your services.   washing and detailing an rv is not the same as detailing a normal car. […] birthtraumacanada how to detail your rv march , the spring season is already here and summer is simply creeping in the corner. if you’re a person who loves beach parties, reunions, and nature trips, it is perhaps time to give your rv good detailing. of course, you and your loved ones would love to travel in comfort and style in a detailed and […] birthtraumacanada categories car detailing archives march latin american studies association (lasa) home congress sections publications resources careers lasa tv policies members about news join donate publish advertise maestromeetings vote home congress sections publications resources careers lasa tv policies members about news join donate publish advertise maestromeetings vote about this photo "cataratas do iguaçu" by luiz valério de paula trindade foz do iguaçu, brazil / july explore lasa exhibitors sections publications career center lasa tv members register for lasa for an inclusive and accessible congress to all. lasa offers three options: progressive model solidarity fee pay what you can media repository lasa launches a repository of virtual events organized by institutional partners. project muse a leading provider of digital humanities and social science content for the scholarly community around the world. available to lasa members outside the us and canada. exhibitors gallery an online site for exhibitors and publishers, including contact information, photos, videos, and details on an unlimited number of books. recent news & updates monthly newsletter news & noticias: april april , news from lasa in memoriam: guillermo o’ donnell ( - ) march , congress updates congress report lasa march , lasa dialogues desafíos pedagógicos en tiempos de pandemia march , more news connect with lasa share with a colleague tweets by @lasacongress latin american studies association the latin american studies association (lasa) is the largest professional association in the world for individuals and institutions engaged in the study of latin america. with over , members, over % of whom reside outside the united states, lasa is the one association that brings together experts on latin america from all disciplines and diverse occupational endeavors, across the globe. learn more english español português français latin american studies association bigelow blvd pittsburgh, pa lasa@lasaweb.org tel: ( ) - fax: ( ) - connect with lasa © latin american studies association. all rights reserved. policies jo urna l dj claciology, vo!. , no. , ea r ly d i sc o verers xxv stephen reed, m.d . , and the "celebrated" richmond boulder train of berkshire county, massachusetts, u.s.a. * by g. william holmes (u .s . geological survey, beltsville, maryland, u .s.a.) stephen reed earned an honoured place in the history of western massachusetts because of his contributions as a physician, schoolmaster, editor, scientific agriculturist, columnist, lecturer and sponsor of worthy causes and good works. today he is but dimly rememb ered in the annals of american geology for his contribution to glacial theory and for his pioneering descriptions, published and unpublished , of the richmond boulder train . this is a remark- able sequence of large amphibolite boulders that extend from a unique source point, the knob or "frye's hill" in new york state, for several tens of kilometers south-eastward into massachusetts (fig. i ) . reed first reported on this "chain of erratic serpentine rocks" in a local journal, the lenox farmer, in . this article was n ot available to the writer, although several early accounts refer to this paper. later, r eed ( ) read a scientific account of the boulder train at a national geological meeting. this p a per sparked a trans- atlantic debate that involved man y leading geologists, including sir charles lyell , edward hitchcock, ebenezer emmons, jam es hall and louis agassiz. this d ebate was not resolved until the concept of glaciation was widely accepted in the sixth and seven th d ecades of the last century. boulder trains and other less well-defined sequences of erratic blocks had been described earlier, having been observed in the late eighteenth century by, among others, de saussure ( , vo!. i , p . ) in the vicinity of l a ke geneva, and by duroch er ( , p. ) in poland and russia at about the same time as r eed's first paper. yet the richmond boulder train probably created more interest, because it was studied in the field by a relatively large number of eminent and articulate geologists, because its discove r y and publish ed d escriptions happened to fall within the fermentative p eriod when the broader question of the origin of the drift sheets was being vigorously d ebated o n both sides of the atlantic, and because of its con- spicuous nature . this last aspect is notable, for unlike many other c hains of erratics or in- dicator fan s (flint, [ ], p. ), which are traceable only by careful study of buried fragments in till, this feature is clearly a train of surface boulders. for example, it maintains its narrow width for at least km ., and it is composed offragments typically m. in diameter, a few being to m. across (fig. ). today, in spite of powerful earth-moving equipment and dynamite , many boulders are conspicuous in the open fields (fig. ). stephen reed was born in cornwall, connecticut, in and attended yale university, graduating in . there he received, for his time, a sound scientific education , coming in contact with professor benjamin silliman, and taking courses in chemistry, mineralogy, geology and natural philosophy (p ersonal communication from yale university graduate school, ). he subsequently "passed through" medical school at yale, practiced for a short while in goshen and in roxbury, connecticut, and then moved to richmond, massachusetts, in i. his interests apparently ranged far beyond medicine, for in he abandoned his * publication a uthorized by the director, u.s. geological survey. downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core jo u r n al of gla c iology '" ~ ..... '" 'r ~ i-.. '" ~/: ~ .u -:> g/.~ ~ >-/~ ~ . l: !/ u ~/.~ '" /~ i ;... "- / '--~~.:l~ ~.........:o:l..: _ _ _ ~i "" le ...... -'·$<..........> '-_-' k"' . fig. i. sketch map showing the location of the principal boulder trains in the richmond, m assachuse tts, area practice, after which , in reed's words, he " left the people to go their own way to death" (personal communication from yale university graduate school, ) . he then founded a boarding school for boys , which was regarded as both " prosperous and useful" (berkshire county eagle, ) . it was during his years as a schoolmaster in richmond that he ap- parently took notice of the lines of erratic boulders that crossed his farm fields and those to the north-west and south-east (fig. i ) . his observations were unhampered by the dense forest that now covers much of the downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core early di scove rer s fig . . one of the larger amphibolite boulders (from l.yell's ( ) account) fig. . typical distribution of amphibolite boulders in an open field. these are from the "second train" of r eed. december, berkshire hills and taconic mountains, for upland pastures were then more extensive, not only because of more intensive grazing, but because of the demand for hardwood for the local charcoal-burning iron furnaces. more important, reed's geo logic training sharpened his powers of observation, for a lthough the amphibolite boulders are different on close in- spection from th e local schist, limestone and quartzite, the weathered appearance of the erratics would not set them distinctly apart to the casual observer. as a farmer, reed was downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core journal of glaciology also aware of their unique size, because the larger boulders in the train could not be easily broken or transported to the edges of the farm fields . dr. reed also had the advantage of living during a golden age of intellectual d evelop- ment in berkshire county. literary figures of national reputation were his neighbors, writers whose subject matter frequently dealt with nature and natural phenomena (tague and kimball, i, p. - ). herman melville, nathaniel hawthorne, william cull en bryant, henry wadsworth longfellow and oliver wend ell holmes lived nearby. as reed was active in community and county affairs, he probably could not escape the influence of the intellectual climate these writers helped to create. nature study and scientific outings were popular pastimes. a typical excursion occurred in , when a young men's association from pittsfield, in the company of dr. r eed, celebrated the hundredth anniversary of the birth of baron von humboldt on perry's peak (fig. i ), complete with refreshments and the reading of odes , and ending with a cross-country hike a long the boulder train (annin, , p. )· reed's first presentation of his observations to a geologic audience (reed, ) noted the essential aspects of the boulder train: the great size of the boulders; their lithology, especially their hardness and toughness; their distribution along a length of km.; the fa ct that the width of the train did not exceed about m.; the concentration of the larger b locks on the sou th-eastern (or down-glacier) slopes; and significantly, the transport across hills higher than the source of the boulders. except for careful plotting on accurate base maps and supplementary petrographic and particle-size studies, reed's account needs little improvement. in later years when lecturing on the boulder train , he explained its origin in a manner any berkshire county farmer could understand: " if you should find apples of a particular kind strewn along the road, and following them up should find a cart loaded with fruit of the same kind, you would have no doubt where they came from" (pittsfield evming sun, , p. ). dr. reed's account in a local journal in caught the eye of edward hitchcock, the state geologist of massachusetts, who published an abstract (hitchcock, ) and later a longer account (hitchcock, ) . he made a few refinements in reed's observations, notably that the boulders extended from their source more than km. to the south-east, that there was a second train south-west of the original chain, and that the blocks were on the surface and not in the drift. in attempting to explain their origin he discounted iceberg transport, because of the large number of boulders and the straightness of the train . he rejected "packed ice" (probably meaning sea ice ) as a vehicle, because it would have to be much thicker than modern sea ice and because transport to the south- east would be b locked by the topography. he could not imagine that water currents could have transported such large fragments, and he rejected the idea that the bould ers were a medial moraine in a glacier, as he believed that the glacier could not have flowed up-hill over the ridges. he also did not believe they could be "streams of stones", such as darwin had described from the falkland islands, as the boulders were not confined to the valleys. as an honest scientist, hitchcock stated that he knew no explanation and that more information was needed. his failure to reach a conclusion may be puzzling, as he is on record (hitchcock, [a], p. a- a; i[b] ) as stating the first widely circulated explanation in america of the glacial origin of the drift. the persons who perhaps gave the most imaginative explanation were rogers and rogers ( , ) . they observed that the two main trains came from depressions at the crest of the hill from which they originated, and that the trains were slightly sinuous. rejecting g lacial transport and iceberg drifting, they held that the train was the result of a sudden discharge of the arctic ocean southward, as a wave of translation (not unlike a tsunami). the arctic waters picked up speed sweeping down the south -west slopes of the adirondack mountains and drove enormou s ice islands against the summit of the knob. this pro- downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core early discoverers duced a vortex "endowed with an excess gyratory or spiral velocity" which had a pendant column (similar to a tornado funnel or dust devil in the atmosphere) . the whirlpool then gath ered into its rotating column blocks from the summit and strewed them in a line along which its p endant apex dragged along the ground (rogers and rogers, , p . ) . only a few years later came the first published suggestion that the richmond boulder train was of glacial origin . desor ( ) stated that similar trains of boulders parallel the courses of glaciers in switzerland. however, as frequ ently occurs in the history of science, the true origin was not generally accepted until several decades had passed. sir charles l yell was among those who did not accept a g lacial origin for the richmond train (lyell , , ) . in th e company of r eed (whose name he spelled r eid ), hitchcock and james hall , lyell carefully traversed th e richmond area and plotted a total of seven parallel lines of boulders. however , th e additi o nal five train s, four of which were plotted south -west and one north-eas t of the main trains, were said to b e composed mostly of lime- stone blocks. as the lim es tone trains were not traced to a lithologically unique point source, limes tone b eing one of the commonest local rocks, they probably should not be regarded as bould er trains. p erhaps l yell' s chief contribution was his careful description , which was widely circulated in a journal ( ) and in his tome, the geological evidences cif th e antiquity ] man ( ) . h e described the larges t bould e r in th e train, the "alderman" on " dupey's mount" (fig. i ), which is m . long, and noted that in some localities as many as or blocks could b e observed lying near each other " th e smallest of them larger than a camel" . h e also published a somewhat sp ec tacular sketch of a block, m . long, near the richmond meeting house (fig. ). this information certainly stimulated wid e discussion and specula- tion. how ever , his explanation was that the blocks were transported from th e knob by "coast ice" which was able to drift south-westward through th e saddles of the ridges (lyell , , p. ) . h e rejected glacial transport, fo r h e believed that the flow of glacial ice would have caused the boulders to fan out rather th a n be deposited in a lin e (l yell , , p. ) . ind eed , many, if not most, of these features elsewh ere are in fan patterns, as implied in flint's term , indica tor fan (flint, [ ] , p. ) . the r eve rend john b. perry, like r eed an amateur geologist, n ex t made a contribution to the discu ssion of th e boulder train (perry, ) , publishing a year befor e the appearance of agassiz's ( ) short but d efinitive opinion on its origin. p er r y postulated that the train was deposited b y a glacier that had thinned to about m . and m oved around the summit of the kn ob (p err y, , p. ) . agassiz ( , p . ) disco unted an iceberg m echanism for transport of th e boulders, b ecause he observed the blocks w ere rounded and scratched. h e suggested that the boulder train was cau sed by an immense , not local , ice sheet, not less than about , to , m. thick. agassiz also stated that r eed had not received due credit for his observations . stephen r eed in , n ow an elderly and distinguish ed citizen of berkshire county, published anoth er scientific paper on the boulder trains. in the years since the publication of his first papers, he had b eco m e the editor and publisher of a weekl y j ournal , had pur- chased an agricultural supply house, had b ecom e active in community affairs in pittsfield, and had lec tured and written newspaper articl es on geology and natural history. in his last paper, publish ed o nl y a year after agassiz effec tively end ed the boulder-train d ebate, r eed d escribed a boulder train mil es ( . km. ) south of the " main" train (fig. i ) . he noted that glacial transport was supported by the fact that grinding and grooving w ere greater on the up-glacier slopes, that the larger blocks were found on the down-glacie r slopes, and that som e bould ers were found at hig her elevatio ns than their sources (r eed , ) . the most complete study of the boulder train was made by benton ( ) in a paper published a year after the death of dr. r eed . benton mapped the bould ers, u sing his own remarkably good base map, and mad e measurements of bould er den sities and sizes. although benton was able to trace the main and (less continuous) secondary trains and fragments of downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core journal of glaciology two others, he could not find evidence for the other three trains of lyell (fig. i). he sub- stantiated reed's observations, showing that boulders on the north-west slop e of the " canaan mountains" a veraged about m . in diameter, whereas those on the south-east slope averaged about m . boulders in the lenox-stockbridge valley (near tanglewood ) averaged only cm. in diameter (fig. i ). by the 's, the glacial hypothesis for the origin of drift was widely, although not univ ersally, accepted (flint, [ ], p. ) . yet the richmond boulder train continued to stimulate interest and discussion , locally and nationally. a d escription of the boulder train and a sketch of the life of dr. reed appeared prominentl y in a compre hensive history of berkshire county (smith, , vo!. i, p. ; vo!. , p. , , - ) and recently in a history of the town of richmond (annin, , p. - ) , and the feature is mentioned in most of the standard textbooks on glacial geology (wright, , p. ; flint, [ ], p . ; charlesworth , , p. ) . the erratic blocks were re-studied early in this century by taylor ( ), who essentiall y supported the observations of reed and benton, and who presented evidence for a second diverging train of buried amphibolite boulders trending southward from the knob. taylor implied that the south-trending train was evidence for an advance of the ice sheet in western massachusetts prior to the one that deposited the richmond train. more recentl y, chute (unpublished), in the course of investigations of the iron deposits of berkshire county, reviewed the literature on the richmond train and discussed some of its striking characteristics. among all the participants in the boulder-train debate, stephen reed , amateur geologist, probably deserves the most credit for presenting, directly and indirectly, solid evidence supporting the theory of continental g laciation. ms. received may references agass iz, l. . [obse rva tions on boulders in berkshir e co unty.] proceedings of the boston s ocie ty of natural h is tory, v ot. , p. - . annin , k. h . . r ichmond , m assachusetts, the story of a berkshire to w n and its people, - . north ada rns , mass. , excelsior printing co . benton , e. r. . the ri chmond b oulder trains. b ulletin of the lv[useum of comparative z oology, ha rvard college , vol. , p. - . b erkshi re county e agle, july n. [obituary of dr . stephen reed.] cha rl esworth , j . k. . th e quaternary era , wi th special reference to its glacia tion. london, e dward arnold. vols. chute, n . e. unpublish ed. th e brown iron ore distri ct of berkshire co unty, mass a c huse tts. [massachuse tts d epartment of publi c works and u .s . g eological survey c oop e rative geo logical proj ec t, open file r ep ort, written .] d eso r , e. . on p a ra llel trains of boulders in berkshire county, mass. proceedings of the b oston society of na tural h is tory, vol. , p . - . duroc h e r , m. . obse rvation s sur le phenomen e dilu vien dans le nord d e l 'europe. comptes rendus h eb- do madaires des stances de l ' a cademie des s ciences (paris), t om. , no. i , p . - . flint, r. f. [ .] glacial and pleistocene geology . n ew york , john wil ey and sons , inc . hitchco ck, e . [a]. final report on the geology of ma ssachusetts . vol. i. amherst, j. s. and c . adams. hitchcock, e. i [b]. f irst annive rsary address b efore th e association of american g eologists. american journal of s cience, st ser. , vot. , no . , p. - . hitchco ck, e. . disp ersion of blocks of stone at th e drift p eriod in berkshire county, mass. a merican j ournal of s cience, st ser. , vot. , no . i , p . - . [abstrac t.] hitchcoc k, e . . d escription of a singular case of th e dispersion of blocks of stone conn ected with drift in berkshire county, mass. american journal of science, st ser ., vot. , no. , p. - . lyell , c. . on cert a in trains of errati c blocks on th e wes tern borders of massachuse tts, united states. notices of the proceedings at the meetings of the m embers of the royal institution, vol. , p . - . lyell , c. . the geological evidences of the antiquity of man . second edition . philadelphia, j . b. lippincott and c o . perry, j . b. i. boulde r trains in berkshire county, mass. proceedings of the american associationfor the advancement of s cience, vol. , p. - . pittsfield e vening sun , july n . [obituary of dr. r eed.] r eed , s. . a chain of erratic serpentin e rocks passing through the center of berkshire county. proceedings of the association of american geologis ts , th annual m ee ting, p. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core early discoverers reed, s. . on trains of boulders and on the transport of boulders to a leve l above that of th eir source. american journal of science , rd ser. , vol. , no . ' , p . ' - . rogers, h. d. , and rogers, w. b. . [on the boulder trains of berkshire county, mass .] proceedings of the boston society of natural h istory, vol. ' , p. - . rogers, h. d. , and rogers, w. b. . an account of two remarkable trains of angular erratic blocks in berkshire, mass., with an attempt at an explanation of the phenomena. boston journal of natural h istory, vol. , p· io- . saussure, h. b. de. . voyages dans les alpes,preddes d ' un essai surl'histoire naturelle des environs de geneve. neuchatel , louis fauche-borel. smith, ]. e. a., ed. . the history of berkshire county , mass. new york, ]. b. beers co. ' vols. tague, w. h., and kimball, r. b. , ed. . berkshire , two hundred years in pictures, - . pittsfield , mass. , eagle publishing co. taylor, f. b. . richmond and great barrington boulder trains. bulletin of the geological society of america, vol. ' , p. - ' . wright, g. f. . the i ce age in north america. new york, d . appleton and co . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use. https://www.cambridge.org/core vol issue page - - early discoverers xxv - stephen reed, m.d., and the 'celebrated' richmond boulder train of berkshire county, massachusetts, u.s.a - g.william holmes wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk params is empty sys_ exception wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk no params is empty exception params is empty / / - : : if (typeof jquery === "undefined") document.write('[script type="text/javascript" src="/corehtml/pmc/jig/ . . /js/jig.min.js"][/script]'.replace(/\[/g,string.fromcharcode( )).replace(/\]/g,string.fromcharcode( ))); // // // window.name="mainwindow"; .pmc-wm {background:transparent repeat-y top left;background-image:url(/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/wm-nobrand.png);background-size: auto, contain} .print-view{display:block} page not available reason: the web page address (url) that you used may be incorrect. message id: (wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk) time: / / : : if you need further help, please send an email to pmc. include the information from the box above in your message. otherwise, click on one of the following links to continue using pmc: search the complete pmc archive. browse the contents of a specific journal in pmc. find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/med/ Çevİrİ eleŞtİrİsİ baĞlaminda eleŞtİrel bİlİncİn oluŞmasi ve eleŞtİrİ, Üst-eleŞtİrİ, Çevİrİbİlİm İlİŞkİlerİ iŞ i n b e n g İ boğaziçi Üniversitesi . giriş eleştirel bilincin oluşması ve gelişmesi toplumların gelişmesinde kuşkusuz çok önemli bir rol oynuyor. bu kadar önemli bir kavram olan eleştirel bilinç nedir ? toplumlarda eleştirel bilinci oluşturmanın bir yolu var mıdır ? bu yazıda yalnız çeviri eleştirisi bağlamında bu iki soruyu cevaplamaya çalışacağım. Çeviri eleştirisinin bilimsel bir uğraş olması gerektiği varsayımı incelemenin temelini oluşturmaktadır. bu nedenle aşağıda önce çeviri kuramı - çeviri eleştirisi ilişkisi üzerinde duracağım [kısım ], bu kısmı eleştiri normlarını betimlemek amacıyla, içinde eleştirel görüşlere yer verilen kimi yazılar üzerinde sürdüreceğim bir inceleme izleyecektir [kısım ]. son kısımda ise daha önceki kısımlarda elde edilen veriler ışığında eleştirel bilincin ne olduğu sorusunu cevaplamaya çalışacağım ve bu bilinci oluşturabilme sürecine katkıda bulunacağını düşündüğüm bazı önerileri tartışmaya sunacağım [kısım ], . eleştiri-kuram İlişkisi Çeviri çevrelerinde kuram sözcüğü kuşkuyla karşılanıyor. bu tavır özellikle ülkemizde oldukça yaygın. bir araştırma metninin, bir eleştiri yazısının içinde, bırakın kuramsal düzeyde tartışma yapmayı, yazının kuramsal çerçevesinin belirlenm esi bile bilimsellik uğruna yapılan anlamsız bir zorlama olarak değerlendiriliyor genellikle. bilim-kuram-eleştiri arasındaki zorunlu ilişki gözardı ediliyor. bunun bir nedeni sözcüğün sözlük anlamında yatıyor olabilir. Örneğin,türk dil kurumunun çıkarttığı türkçe sözlükte eleştiri sözcüğü şöyle açıklanmakta : " . bir insanı, bir konuyu, doğru ve yanlış yanlarını bulup göstermek maksadıyla işın bengi inceleme işi, tenkid [...]. . ed. bir edebiyat veya sanat eserini her yönüyle inceleyip açıklamak, anlaşılmasını sağlamak ve değerlendirmek amacıyla yazılan yazı türü, tenkit, kritik. . fel. Özellikle bilginin temellerini ve doğruluk durumunu inceleme, sınama, yargılama [...]. [eren vd„ : ]. bu üç tanımda kullanılan inceleme, açıklama, anlaşılmasını sağlama, değerlendirme, sınama, yargılama sözcüklerini eleştiri bağlamında anahtar sözcükler olarak ele alabiliriz. ancak tanımlarda bu anahtar sözcüklerle amaçlanan işin nasıl yapılacağı, amaçlanan duruma nasıl ulaşılacağı doğal olarak belirtilmemiştir. günlük kullanım için hazırlanan bir sözlükte bu gibi bilgilerin bize verilmesini zaten bekleyemeyiz. bu nedenle sözcüğün sözlük anlamını temel alarak, eleştiri yazısı hazırlamamız söz konusu olmamalıdır. ayrıca bir incelemenin kuramsal çerçevesini ve yöntemini belirtmeden kaleme alınan eleştiri yazılarında bile örtülü olarak kuramsal bir çerçeve ve bir yöntem vardır. Çoğu durumda eleştirmenin bilgisi dışında oluşan bu örtülü kuramsal çerçeve ve yöntemin sorumlusu eleştirinin üretildiği toplumda geçerliliği olan, hatta dogma haline gelmiş belli bir kuramın eleştiri bağlamında eleştirmenlere sağladığı kalıplardır. bu nedenle, kurama en yakın olduğumuz anlar, kuramın tuzağına düşme tehlikesiyle en fazla karşı karşıya kaldığımız durumlar gerçekte kuramsal bir çerçeve ve yöntem belirtmeden eleştirel görüşlerimizi kaleme aldığımız anlardır. başka bir deyişle eleştirmenin kuramdan kaçması olanaksızdır. bu durumda yapılacak en yararlı iş belki de kurama olabildiğince yakın olmaktm. ancak böylelikle kuramdan yararlanabilir veya karşı çıkıyorsak görüşlerimizi belirtebilir veya başka varsayımlardan yola çıkarak incelememizi yapabiliriz. Öyleyse önce genel anlamda kuramın ne olduğuna bakalım. kuram nedir ? kuram sözcüğü longman dictionary o f contemporary english' de şöyle açıklanıyor : " . bilinen olguları temel alan, belli bir olgu veya olayı açıklamayı amaçlayan, bir nedene dayalı kanıtları olan bir ifade veya ifadeler bütünü [...]; . bir bilim veya sanat dalında uygulama karşıtı olarak genel ilke ve yöntemlerle uğraşan alan ; bir dalda çalışma yapılabilmesi için oluşturulan ilke ve kurallar bütünü [...]." [procter vd., : ]. bu tanımlardan birincisi "bilinen olguları temel" aldığı, bu olgu/ları "açıklamayı amaç"ladığı ve "bir nedene dayalı kanıtları" olduğu için, çeviribilim terimiyle açıklayacak olursak, betimleyici kuram tanımı özelliğini taşır. İkinci tanım ise "bir bilim [..] dalında uygulama karşıtı olarak genel ilke ve yöntemlerle uğraşfmayı]" ve [bilim dalında] "çalışma yapılabilmesi için" "ilke ve kural" oluşturmayı amaçladığı için, yine çeviribilim terimiyle açıklayacak olursak kuralcı kuram tanımı özelliğini taşır. sözlükte verilen bu tanımı değerlendü'ebilmek için tarihi sürem içinde oluşan kimi çeviri kuramlarına kısaca değinebiliriz Çeviri kuramına işaret eden çalışmalarla ilk kez İ.Ö. . yüzyılda romalıların dünyasında karşılaşıyoruz. Ünlü bilge ve çevirmen cicero [İ.Ö. - ] ve horace [Î.Ö. - ] kendi çeviri süreçlerini esas alarak çeviri üzerine yazdıkları yazılarla bugünkü anlamda çeviri kuramının temellerini atmışlardır. cicero ve horace için çeviride yanıtlanması gereken temel soru, çevirinin sözcüğü sözcüğüne mi yoksa anlamı anlamına mı yapılması gerektiğidir. cicero ve horace’ın bu soruya verdiği yanıtı onların çeviri yöntemi üzerine söyledikleri sözlerden çıkartabiliriz. Örneğin dilbilim araştırmaları cicero kendi çeviri yöntemini şöyle açıklar : Çeviri yaparken ülküsel kaynak dil metni çevirmen tarafından öykünülmek üzere orada hazır beklemektedir, yoksa çok katı akılcı bir uygulamayla yok edilmek üzere değil [bassnett-mcguire, : ]. horace da art o f poetry (Şiir sanatı) adlı yapıtında genç çevirmenlere şu sözlerle öğüt v erir: aşina olduğunuz bir konuyu beylik bir biçimde ele alıp vakit kaybetmezseniz veya özgün metni bir köle gibi sözcüğü sözcüğüne çevirmezseniz veya başka bir yazarı öykünürken, zorlukların içine dalıp, utancınızdan veya kendiniz için koyduğunuz kurallar gereği işin içinden çıkılmaz bir durumda kalmazsanız, ele aldığınız konu sizin malınız olabilir [bassnett-mcguire, : ]. bu sözlerden cicero ve horace'ın sözcüğü sözcüğüne yapılan çeviriye karşı çıktığını anlıyoruz. her iki bilge de çevirmenlerin, bugün kullanılan terimlerle açıklayacak olursak, çeviri süreçlerini yönlendirmek istemekte ve süreç sırasında da ereğe öncelik vermelerini kesin bir ifadeyle önermektedirler . onlar için önemli olan çevirinin kendi kültürleri için, kendi okurları için yapılmasıdır. ancak biz cicero ve horace'ın zamanında birbirinden farklı yöntemlerle çeviri yapıldığını biliyoruz. yani cicero ve horace kendi dönemlerinde farklı yöntemlerle yapılan çevirileri göz önüne almadan, kendi deneyimleri doğrultusunda çevirmenleri yönlendirmek istemişlerdir. her ne kadar bu iki bilgenin sözlerinden onların çeviriye karşı gerçekçi bir tavır takındıklarını anlıyorsak da çeviriye ilişkin doğrulan kesin çizgilerle belirleme girişimi onları kuralcı yapmaktadır. kısaca, cicero ve horace'in çeviri kuramına işaret eden bu çalışmalarında benimsedikleri tavır, bugünkü çeviribilim terimleriyle açıklayacak olursak, süreç-ağırlıklı, ereğe yönelik ve kuralcıdır. fransız etienne dolet [ - ] ise bugünki anlamda ilk çeviri kuramcılarından. dolet'nin çevirmenlere çeviri süreci sırasında yol göstermek amacıyla yılında yayımladığı la maniire de bien traduire d'une langue en aultre (bir dilden diğer bir dile İyi Çeviri nasıl yapılır) başlıklı çalışması ilk çeviri kuramı çalışmalarından olduğu için çeviribilimde önemli bir yere sahip. dolet'ye göre bir çevirmenin iyi çevir i yapabilmesi için şu noktalara dikkat etmesi gerekiyor: . Çevirmen özgün yazarın ne demek istediğini, içlemi ve anlamı, tam olarak anlamalıdır. Çevirmen anlaşılması güç noktalara açıklık getirmek özgürlüğüne sahiptir. . Çevirmenin kaynak dil ve erek dil üzerinde tam bir hakimiyeti olmalıdır. . Çevirmen sözcüğü sözcüğüne çeviriden kaçınmalıdır. . Çevirmen günlük dilde kullanılan konuşma biçimlerini kullanmalıdır. . Çevirmen, çevirisinde doğru titremi verebilmek için sözcükleri doğru bir biçimde seçmeli ve düzenlemelidir [krş. bassnett-mcguire, : ] bu kurallardan öncelikle dolet'nin de çevirinin okur için yapıldığının bilincinde olduğunu anlıyoruz. ancak bu dolet'nin çeviri metni kaynak metne göre işın bengi önplana çıkarttığı anlamına gelmemektedir. dolet'ye göre çevirmen, çeviri süreci sırasında her ne karar alırsa alsın, bu karar özgün metindeki titremi "doğru" olarak verebilmek için alınmalıdır. dolet'nin çevirmene tanıdığı hak özgün metnin çeviriye "doğru" olarak aktarılabilmesi içindir. bu tavır dolet'nin kuramında kaynak-odaklı olduğuna işaret etmektedir. dolet, temelde kaynak-odaklı olan kuramında birkaç maddeyle çevirmenleri çeviri süreçlerinde yönlendirebilmek için bir dizi kural sunmaktadır. yani dolet'nin kuramında amaç, çeviri yapılabilmesi için "ilke ve kural" oluşturmaktır. kısaca bu kuram süreç-ağırlıklı, kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı bir kuramdır. . yüzyıla imzasını atan yazar, çevirmen, eleştirmen ve kuramcı john dryden [ - ] çevirinin birkaç kuralla yönlendirilemeyeceğinin farkında olduğu için, çeviri sorunlarını yazılarında etraflıca tartışmıştır. dryden’a göre kökleri cicero ve horace'in yazılarında olan ikili çeviri modeli, yani sözcüğü sözcüğüne veya anlamı anlamına çeviri modeli, çeviri gerçeklerine cevap verememektedir. dryden, hem sözcüğü hem anlamı koruyabilmek için çevirmenin gerektiğinde her ikisinden de uzaklaşabileceğim düşünmektedir [krş. bengi, a: ; b: ], bu durumda ortaya çıkan çeviri dryden'in terimiyle öykünmeye (mimesis) örnek olarak verilebilir. yani dryden kendi gününe kadar kabul gören ikili çeviri modeline bir üçüncü boyut eklemiştir. ancak bu yöntemin çevirmenler tarafından uygulanmasını dryden "[...] bir ölünün anısına ve ününe karşı işlenebilecek en büyük suç" [krş.snell-hornb.y, : ] olarak değerlendirmektedir. ayrıca, bu üçüncü yolu, yani öykünmeyi, yeğleyen kişilerin çevirmen olarak adlandırılıp adlandırılamayacağı konusunda da dryden'in kuşkuları vardır [krş. bengi, a: ]. yani öneri ile değerlendirme arasında çelişki gözlenmektedir. böyle bir çelişkinin altında yatan ise süreç-ağırlıklı ve kuralcı bir tavadan başka bir şey değildir. dryden'in çevirmenlere çeviri süreçleri sırasında yol göstermek üzere kaleme aldığı ve birkaç maddede toplayabileceğimiz "İlkeler", kuramın temelleri konusunda bizi aydınlatmakta. "İlkeler" şöyle: . Şiir sanatında dehasınını kanıtlamış olmasının yanısıra yazarın dilinde ve kendi dilinde usta olmayan hiçbir kimse şiir çevirmeye muktedir değildir. . sadece şairin dilini anlamamız [çeviri yapmamız için] yeterli değildir. onu diğer şairlerden ayıran ve şair kişiliğini belirleyen özel düşünce ve anlatım biçimlerini anlamamız gerekir. . benzer bir titizliği dış süslemeler, yani sözcükler konusunda göstermeliyiz. . yazarın [oluşturduğu metnin] içlemi kutsaldır ve çiğnenmemelidir [snell-hornby, : ]. yukarıda yapılan açıklamaları ve maddede topladığımız çeviri ilkelerini incelediğimizde, çeviri kuramına çok önemli katkısı olan dryden'in, yukarıda incelediğimiz öteki kuramcılar gibi, kuramında çeviri sürecini yönlendirmeyi amaçladığını ve çeviribilim terimiyle açıklayacak olursak kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı olduğunu anlarız. dilbilim araştırmaları bir başka kuram çalışması da yılında alexander tytler tarafından yapılmış. tytler'ın essay on t he principles o f trans! ation (Çeviri İlkeleri Üzerine bir Çalışma) başlıklı yazısında çeviri ilkeleri şöyle belirlenmiştir: . Çeviri özgün çalışmadaki düşüncelerin tamamını içermelidir. . [Çevirinin] yazı biçemi ve tarzı özgün çalışmayla aynı karakterde olmalıdır. . Çeviri özgün çalışma kadar rahat olmalıdır. [bassnett-mcguire, : ]. tytler, sözlerinde /-meli/ emir kipi ekini kullanarak çeviride amacın özgün metnin biçemini ve özgün metindeki düşünceleri, özgün metnin rahatlığıyla okura aktarmak olduğunu vurgulamaktadır. yani tytler'ın kuramı, çeviribilim terimiyle kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı bir kuramdır. belki de bu iki özellik nedeniyle, bu kuramda ilk dikkatimizi çeken çevirmene sunulan çelişkili görüşlerdir. Şair ve çevirmen henry wadsworth longfellow da [ - ] çeviri üzerine görüşlerini ayrıntılı olarak yazmıştır. dante'den yaptığı divina comedia (İlahi komedi) çevirisini ele alarak çeviriye ilişkin görüşlerini longfellovv şu sözlerle dile getirir: benim kitabımın değerli olduğu tek yön kitabın dante'nin söylediklerini aktarmasıdır.f...] daııte'yi çevirirken birşeyden vazgeçmek gerekir. bu, çit boyunca çiçeklenmiş hanımeli gibi güzel dizem mi olmalıdır ? evet, dizemden daha değerli bir şeyi, yani sadakati, gerçeği, daha doğrusu çitin kendisini koruyabilmek için dizemden vazgeçmek gerekir. Çevirmenin görevi yazarın söylediklerini rapor etmektir, yazarın ne demek istediğini açıklamak değil. bu.kitap üzerinde yorumda bulunan kişinin işidir. yazarın ne dediği ve nasıl d e d iğ i, işte çev irm en in üzerinde d u racağ ı konu b udur [bassnett-mcguire, : ]. longfellov/ bu sözleriyle şiir çevirmeninin görevini kesin çizgilerle belirlemiştir. Şiiri oluşturan öğelerden dizemin çevirisi onun için önemli değildir. onun önemle üzerinde durduğu konu, yazarın düşünce ve sözlerinin çeviri sırasında hiçbir yorum yapılmadan aktarılmasıdır. longfellow'a göre "yazarın ne dediği ve nasıl dediği" çeviriyi esas yönlendiren etmen olmalıdır. bu sözlerden anlaşılacağı gibi longfellov/ kurama karşı takındığı tavırda kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcıdır. ancak o, çevirmenin neyi nasıl dediğiyle , dizem arasında bağ kurmamaktadır. bu sözlerdeki çelişkiyi görmemek pek mümküm değil. ne var ki longfellovv'un çeviri kuramına karşı takındığı tavırda kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı olması bu çelişkinin nedenini anlamamızı sağlamaktadır. amerikalı çeviri kuramcıları eugene nida ve charles taber de yaptıkları kuram çalışmalarıyla .yüzyıla imza atmış iki bilim adamı. nida ve taber, kuramlarında dikkatleri alıcı dil üzerinde toplayarak çeviriye yeni bir bakış açısı getirmeye çalışırlar. onlara göre çeviri "kaynak dil iletisine en yakın doğal karşılığın alıcı dilde öncelikle anlamı ve sonra biçemi ön plana alarak yeniden üretilmesiyle oluşur" [nida ve taber, : ], nida ve taber için önemli olan iletinin çeviride kaynak dile en yakın doğal karşılığıyla oluşturulmasıdır. Çeviriye bakış açılarını bu şekilde belirleyen kuramcılar çeviri eğdeğerliği kavramını iki düzlemde ele alırlar : işın bengi Çeviride kaynak dil iletisinin biçimsel özelliklerinin korunduğu biçimsel eğdeğerlik, ve erek dilde kaynak iletiyle eşdeğer etkinin yaratılmasını amaçlayan devingen eşdeğerlik. nida ve taber'in tercihleri devingen eşdeğerliğin korunması yolundadır. kuramcılar tercihlerini şu sözlerle dile getirirler : [Çeviri] okurun anlayabileceği bilgiyi sunmakla yetinmemelidir. Çeviride ileti öyle bir biçimde sunulmalıdır ki okur iletinin duruma uygunluğunu [..] hissedebilsin ve sonra bir eylemle tepki verebilsin [nida-taber, : ], Çeviri okurunun çeviriye bir eylemle tepki verebilmesi için, alıcı kültüre özgü öğelerin çeviriye yansıması nida ve taber için kaçınılmazdır. bu tepkiyi alabilmek için, özgün metinde ima edilen bilginin çeviride açıkça ortaya çıkartıldığı çeviri türü için kullandıkları "dilsel çeviri" [nida-taber, : , ] yeterli olmayabilir; alıcı kültürü gözönüne alarak metin üzerinde değişikliklerin yapıldığı "kültürel çeviriye" [nida-taber, : - ] gereksinim duyulabilir. ancak, devingen eşdeğerlik bağlamında bütün söylediklerine karşın, kuramcıların gözünde sadık çeviri, yasal olan çeviri, "dilsel çeviri"dir. "kültürel çeviri" ise çevirmenin değil, "din erbabının, hocaların" işidir [nida-taber, : ], bu nokta kuram bağlamında çelişkili bir görüş olarak dikkatimizi çekmekte. nida ve taber'den burada yaptığımız alıntıları incelediğimizde, kuramcıların çevirmene çevirisinde belli özgürlükler tanıdığını anlarız. ancak bu özgürlükler kaynak iletinin alıcıya etkili bir biçimde aktarılmasını sağlamak içindir. ayrıca nida ve taber bu amaç doğrultusunda kuramlarında çevirmene birdizi kural sunmaktadırlar. yani, onlar da kaynak-odaklı olarak betimleyebileceğimiz kuramlarında bir dizi kural sunarak çevirmeni çeviri sürecinde yönlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadırlar. kısaca, bu kuramı kaynak-odaklı, süreç ağırlıklı ve kuralcı bir kuram olarak tanımlayabiliriz. yukarıda kimi yönleriyle değindiğimiz çeviri kuramlarının ve kuramlara temel oluşturan çeviri üst yazılarının özelliklerini kısaca belirleyecek olursak, şöyle bir genellemeye gidebiliriz: . bu kuramların hepsi çevirmeni çeviri sürecinde yönlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır, yani bu kuramların hepsi süreç ağırlıklıdır. . bu kuramların hepsi çeviri sürecini yönlendirebilmek için bir dizi "ilke ve kural" sunmaktadır, yani kuralcıdır. . süreç-ağırlıklı ve kuralcı olan bu kuramlar, ister çevirmeni kaynak doğrultusunda, ister erek doğrultusunda yönlendirmeye çalışsınlar, kaynak-odaklıdır. i) ağırlık noktası kaynak olan kuramlar, ağalık noktası olarak kaynağı benimsedikleri için çeviri gerçeklerinden kopuktur. bu kopukluk sözkonusu kuramları bir dizi çelişkili kural haline getirmiştir, ii) ağalık noktası erek olan kuramlar ise çeviri ereğe yönelik bir eylem olduğu için çeviri gerçeğine daha yakındır. ancak kuramcının önsel olarak benimsediği çeviri (çevirmen) tanımı, kuramında sunduğu kuralların belirlediği çeviri (çevirmen) tanımından farklı olduğu için, yukarıda sözünü ettiğimiz çelişki ağırlık noktası erek olarak belirlenen bu kuramların da önemli bir özelliğidir. dilbilim araştırmaları kısaca. Î.Ö. .yüzyıldan başlayarak .yüzyılın kabaca ilk yarısını içine alan sürede oluşan kuramların hepsi kaynak-odaklı, süreç-ağırlıklı ve kuralcıdırlar. bu nedenle de çelişki bu kuramların belirgin bir özelliği olarak dikkatimizi çeker. bu yazının sınırları içinde ancak kimi yönlerine değinebildiğimiz kuramların terimlerine bir göz atacak olursak bu kuramlarda niteleme sıfatlarına yer verildiğini ve bu sıfatları İyİ. doĞru, sadik sözcüklerine indirgeyebileceğimizi görürüz. Şöyle ki, bu kuramların hepsinde amaç iyi, doğru çeviri yapılmasını sağlamaktır. ağırlık noktası kaynak olan kuramlarda iyi/doğru çeviri kaynak dil / kaynak metin / kaynak yazar / kaynak kültüre sadık üretilen çeviridir. kuramlarında ereği ön plana çıkartan kuramcılar ise iyi, doğru çevirinin, kaynak dil / kaynak metin / kaynak yazar / kaynak kültüre tam sadakatle çözülemeyeceği görüşündedirler. yani bu kuramların hepsinde iyi çeviri, doğru çeviri ve sadık çeviri kavramlarının kuramları oluşturucu işlevi vardır. ancak kuramların sunduğu kurallar incelendiğinde, amaçlanan iyi, doğru çeviri düzeyinin, çevirmen tarafından ulaşılması mümkün olmayan bir düzey, daha doğrusu, ülküsel, soyut bir düzey olduğunu anlarız. bu kuramlarda kullanılan ve sözkoııusu ülküsel, soyut düzeye işaret eden niteleme sıfatları bir bakıma kuramların özünde varolan çelişkiden kaynaklanmakta, bir bakıma da bu kuramlarda saptadığımız çelişkilerin oluşmasına neden olmaktadır. bu kuramların ayrılmaz bir parçası olan "çelişki", özellikle çeviri eleştirisi alanında açık olarak kendini göstermektedir. süreç-ağırlıklı, kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı kuramlar çerçevesinde yapılan çeviri eleştirisinde, eleştirmen çeviri gerçekleriyle hiçbir bağı olmayan eleştirel görüşlerini ve beğenisini' adeta çeviride ulaşılması mümkün ve değişmez özellik gösteren bir düzey varmışçasına (ama bu düzeye ilişkin bütünlük içinde somut örnek vermeden) sunmaktadır. bu tür eleştirilerle karşı karşıya kalan ve hep "eksikli" durumda olan çevirmen ise kendisinden ne beklendiğini doğal olarak anlayamamaktadır. bu tavır sözkonusu kuramların özünde varlığını sürdüren çelişkinin çeviri eleştirisine yansımasından başka birşey değildir. içinde bulunduğumuz yıllarda ise çeviribilimde ve çeviri kuramı çalışmalarında köklü değişiklikler gözlenmektedir.bu değişiklikler içinde kimileri çeviri kuramlarına ilişkin yukarıdaki incelemede saptadığımız özellikleri temelde değiştirmemekte, ancak ayrıntıda kurama daha gerçekçi bir görünüm vermektedir. kimi değişiklikler ise kurama bakış açısını ve kuramın çeviriye bakış açısını köktenci bir biçimde değiştirmektedir. bu yazıda üzerinde durmak istediğimiz ikinci gruba giren değişiklikler. bu değişiklikleri bize toplu olarak sunan kuram ise 'li yıllardan bu yana israilli çeviri kuramcısı gideon toury'nin oluşturduğu erek-odaklı çeviri kuramı. bu kuramın çeviriye bakış açısı kısaca şöyle : . Çeviri metin gözlemlenebilir bir olgudur. Çeviri süreci ise gözleme doğrudan açık değildir. bu nedenle çeviriye ilişkin araştırmaların başlangıç noktasını gözlemlenebilir olguların, yani çeviri metinlerin, oluşturması doğaldır [krş. toury, : ]. . betimleyici alanını geliştirmeyen görgül bilimlerin tam ve özerk olabilmesi mümkün değildir. görgül bilimlerin, görgül olmayan bilimlerden farkı, görgül bilimlerin bilim dalının alanını oluşturan işın bengi nesneleri sistemli bir biçimde betimlemek, açıklamak, bu nesneler üzerinde araştırma yapmak üzere kurulmuş olmalarıdır [krş. toury, : ]. . görgül bir bilim dalı, kuramı temel alarak kendi konusuna gönderme yapar. bilim dalının amacı nesnelerin betimlenmesi olarak belirlenmiştir. betimleme eylemi sonucunda elde edilen veriler sayesinde kuram sürekli denetim altında tutulur ve gerektiğinde üzerinde değişiklikler yapılabilir [krş. toury, : ]. bu bilgiler doğal olarak çeviribilimin uygulamalı alanına yansır. . madde 'te verilen bilgilerden anlaşılacağı gibi, çeviribilimin alanları bilimdalının merkezi durumundaki ve olan ilişkilerin saptandığı betimleyici alan, olabilecek ilişkilerin belirlendiği kuram alanı ve olması gereken ilişkilerin belirlendiği uygulamalı alandır. betimleyici alanda eşsüremli ve artsüremli olarak yapılan araştırmalarda elde edilen bilgiler kurama sağlam bir veri tabanı oluşturacak ve böyle bir veri tabanını temel alan kuram da uygulamalı alanda yapılan çalışmalara gerçekçi bir görünüm verecektir krş.toury, : ]. . Çeviri amaca yönelik bir eylemdir ve çevirinin sadece erek dizgede gerçekliği vardır. erek dizgenin gerçekliği olan çeviri, erek dizgenin öteki gerçekleriyle (aynı zaman diliminde ya da geçmişte üretilen çeviri ve özgün ürünlerle) etkileşim halindedir [krş.toury, : - ], . Çeviri erek dizgenin gerçekliği olduğu için, çeviri üzerine yapılacak betimleyici çalışmalarda, çeviri metin incelemenin başlangıç noktası olarak kabul edilir. böylelikle, araştırmacının dikkati kaynak metnin (kültürün, dizgenin vb) çeviride yarattığı sorunlardan çok, çeviride saptanan çözümler üzerine çekilir [krş. toury, : - ]. . ancak bu [madde ] çeviri metnin kaynak metinle olan ilişkisini yadsımak anlamında değildir. Çeviri metnin çıkış noktası doğal olarak kaynak metindir ve çeviri metin kaynak metinle eşdeğerlik ilişkisi içindedir. ancak, eşdeğerlik kavramı bağlamında çeviri araştırmalarını yönlendirecek soru, çeviri metnin kaynak metnin eşdeğeri olup olmadığı değil, iki metin arasında ne tür ve derecede eşdeğerlik olduğudur [krş. toury, : ]. . Çeviri eşdeğerliği mutlak bir kavram olmayıp, değişiklik gösteren, tarihsel bir kavramdır. erek metin ve kaynak metin arasında saptanan ilişkiler içinde hangilerinin eşdeğerlik ilişkisi olduğunu belirleyecek etmenler ise çeviri normları bağlamında ele alınabilir [toury, : ]. . Çeviri normları çeviri süreci sırasında her aşamada etkin bir rol oynar. normlar üzerine yapılacak bir araştırma iki yönlü olarak sürdürülebilir : i) süreç-öncesi çeviri normları: çevirmenin çeviriye başlamadan önce aldığı çeviri kararlarını kapsar. bu kararlar kısaca hangi metnin çevrilmek üzere seçildiğine ve seçimin nedenlerine, çevirinin hangi dilden yapıldığına, dilbilim araştırmaları çeviri için seçilen kaynak metnin ana metin mi ara metin mi olduğuna ilişkin kararlardır, ii) Çeviri-süreci normları : çevirmenin çeviri süreci sırasında, yani çeviriyi yaparken, aldığı kararlan kapsar. bu kararlar dil malzemesinin metin içi dağılımına ve bu malzemenin metin içinde nasıl kullanıldığına, biçimlendirildiğine ilişkin kararlardır. bu iki ana başlık dışında, bir de öncül norm'dan söz edilebilir. bu norm, çevirmenin çeviriye ilişkin önsel olarak belirlediği tavrı konu alır. Çevirmen bu tavır doğrultusunda çevirisini ya kaynak-dizge normlarına öncelik vererek yapar ve yeterli çeviri üretir, ya erek-dizge normlarına öncelik vererek yapar ve kabul edilebilir çeviri üretir. ortaya çıkan çeviri her iki durumda da kaynak metinle eşdeğerlik ilişkisi içindedir [krş. madde & ; toury, : - ; türkçe terimler için krş. bengi, b], yukarıdaki maddelerden anlaşılacağı üzere, son yirmi yılın ürünü olan bu kuram, çeviribilimde bilim adamlarının kendi alanlarına bakış açısını değiştirmiştir. bu kuram sayesinde dikkatler çeviri sürecinden, süreci de içine alacak biçimde çeviri ürünlerine; çeviri sorunlarından, sorunu da içine alacak biçimde çeviri çözümlerine; kaynaktan, kaynağı da içine alacak biçimde ereğe; eşsüremle sınırlı bir bakış açısından, eşsüremi de içine alacak biçimde artsüremli bir bakış açısına; kuralcı yaklaşımlardan, kuralcı yaklaşımları da içine alacak biçimde betimleyici yaklaşımlara yönelmiştir. yani bu yaklaşım, ürün-, çözüm-, erek-odaklı, tarihsel, ilişkisel, işlevsel, devingen, dizgesel ve betimleyici bir yaklaşımdır. Çeviri değerlendirmesi bağlamında ise yüzyıl boyunca etkisini sürdüren süreç-ağırlıklı, kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı kuramlar çerçevesinde yaygın olarak ve çeviride ülküsel,soyut, ulaşılması mümkün olmayan bir durumu nitelemede kullanılan İyİ, doĞru, sadik gibi sıfatların bu kuram çerçevesinde kullanılmadığı dikkatimizi çeker. erek-odaklı kuramda bu gibi niteleme sıfatları yerlerini tarihsel ve değişken özellik gösteren bir kavram olan çeviri normlarına ve ancak çeviri normları bağlamında anlam kazanan değişken, ilişkisel ve tarihsel bir kavram olan çeviri eşdeğerliğine bırakmıştır. eşdeğerlik kavramı bağlamında tanıtılan ve yaygın olarak kullanılan terimler ise çevirmenin kaynak-dizge normlarına görece önem vererek ürettiği çeviriyi nitelemede kullanılan yeterli çeviri terimi ve çevirmenin erek-dizge normlarına görece önem vererek ürettiği çeviriyi nitelemede kullanılan kabul edilebilir çeviri terimleridir. kısaca bu kurama göre önemli olan çevirinin nasıl yapılması gerektiği değil, çevirinin neden, nasıl yapıldığı ve işlevinin ne o ld u ğ u d u r. y ani bu k u ra m ın ç e v ir iy e k a rşı b e n im se d iğ i ta v ır ve k u ra m çereçevesinde sunulan terimler gücünü çeviri gerçeklerinden almaktadır. bu nedenle de yukarıda sözünü ettiğimiz süreç-ağırlıklı, kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı kuramların özünde bulunan çelişki bu kuram için sözkonusu değildir. böyle bir bakış açısıyla yapılan çeviri eleştirisinde öncelikle çeviri metnin oluşumunda etkili olan normların ve kısıtlamaların belirlenmesi, çeviri metnin erek dizge/kültür içindeki yerinin ve işlevinin saptanması beklenmektedir. doğal olarak bu yaklaşım doğrultusunda yapılan eleştirilerde çeviri metin-kaynak metin ilişkisi de işın bengi önemlidir. ancak bu ilişki eleştiride önemle üzerinde durulması gereken tek ilişki değil, üzerinde durulması gereken ilişkilerden sadece biridir. Çeviride ülküsel, soyut bir gerçekliği simgeleyen özgün metin, çeviri eleştirisinde yalnızca varsayımsal bir yapı özelliği taşır. bu kuram çerçevesinde eleştirisini kaleme alan eleştirmen çevirilerin birtakım normlar ve kısıtlamalar altında üretildiğinin farkında olduğu gibi, kendi eleştirisinin de birtakım normlar ve kısıtlamalar altında kaleme alındığının çok iyi farkındadır. böylelikle, çeviri eleştirisinde öznel görüş ve beğeniden, nesnelliğe ve bilimselliğe doğru önemli bir adım atılmış olur. . bir Üst-eleştiri Çalışması yukarıda sözünü ettiğimiz gibi çeviri eleştirisinin bilimsel bir uğraş olmasıyla, çeviri kuramı-çeviri eleştirisi ilişkisi arasında doğrudan bağ kurulabilir. ancak bu yazının konusu olan eleştirel bilincin oluşması belli bir kuramın hiç sorgulanmadan kabul edilmesi ve eleştiriye temel alınmasıyla değil, eleştirinin temelini oluşturan kuramların sağlıklı bir biçimde sorgulanabilmesiyle mümkündür. eleştirilerin ne oranda bilimsel olduğunu ve eleştirmenlerin, eleştirel bilincin oluşmasına ne oranda katkıda bulunduklarını anlamak için öncelikle ülkemizde çeviri eleştirisinin durumunu belirlememiz gerekir. böyle bir durum belirlemesi ancak geniş çaplı araştırmaların yapılmasıyla mümkün olabilir. bu yazıda sınırlı bütünce üzerinde çeviri eleştirisi normlarını betimlemeye yönelik bir inceleme yapılacaktır. elde edilen sonuçlar doğrultusunda çeviri kuramı-çeviri eleştirisi ilişkisi ve bu ilişki çerçevesinde eleştirel bilincin durumu konusunda kimi saptamalarda bulunulacaktır. İncelemenin temelini oluşturacak bütünce metis Çeviri dergisinin .sayısında ( güz) çıkan ve içinde eleştirel görüşlere yer verilen yazılardır. bütüncenin belirlenmesinde öznellik ve raslantısallıktan bir ölçüde olsun kaçabilmek için böyle bir seçim yapılmıştır. Üst-eleştirinin konusunu oluşturacak bu metinlerin dökümü önce dergide yazının hangi üst başlık altında çıktığı belirtilerek, sonra yazarın ve makalenin adı ve sayfa numaralan verilerek aşağıya çıkartılmıştır. köşeli ayraç içinde verilen sayı ise sözkonusu metinlerin bu incelemede ele alındıkları bölümü göstennektedir. Çevİrİ tarİhİnden suat karantay, "türkiye'de oyun Çevirisi tarihine kısa bir bakış", - . [ . ] genÇ Çevİrmenler azmi ÖzkardeŞ, "sözlüksel uyumluluk bağlamında 'masa da masaymış ha!", - . [ . ] Çevİrİyle yaŞiyoruz necmiye alpay, "türkçe okurken, İkide bir...", - . [ . ] Çevrİlm em İŞ yapitlara ÖnsÖzler suat karantay, "tennessee williams ve 'sırça kümes", - . [ . ] Çevİrİ eleŞtİrİlerİ berna, sevil, "karaağaçlar altında", - .[ . ] dilbilim araştırmaları İnceleme sırasında bütünceyi oluşturan metinlerin konusuna kısaca değinilecektir. sonra bu incelemede belirlenen amaç doğrultusunda şu noktalar üzerinde durulacaktır: i) yazının temelini oluşturan kuramsal çerçeve. (bu noktayı aydınlığa çıkartabilmek için bu konuda yazarın okuruna doğrudan verdiği bilgiler, kullandığı kaynaklar ve kullandığı terimler dikkate alınacaktır.) ii) eleştiriye temel alman metnin incelenmesinde kullanılan yöntem ya da incelemenin yapısı. iii) yazarın eleştirel görüşlerini belirtmede, yani çeviri değerlendirmesinde kullandığı sözcükler, ifadeler. (bu kısımda yalnızca yazarın değerlendirmesini gösteren sözcüklere, ifadelere yer verilecektir. Özgün metinden alınan örnekler ve türkçe karşılıkları bu yazıda sürdürülen tartışmaya herhangi bir katkıda bulunmayacağı için yazının bütünlüğü bakımından gerekmedikçe alıntılanmayacaktır.) bu incelemede, incelemeye konu edilen metinlerin yazarları (yani aşağıda . ; . ; . ; . ve . maddeleri altında incelenen metinlerin yazarları) "yazar" ya da "eleştirmen" olarak anılacaklardır. İncelemeye konu edilen metinler içinde görüşleri alıntılanan bilimadamlarına/araştırmacılara/eleştirmenlere/kuramcılara vd ise "uzman" olarak gönderme yapılacaktır. "Çevirmen" de "yazari’ın incelemesinde konu edilen metinleri çeviren kişilere gönderme yapmak için kullanılacaktır. bu incelemede özgün metnin, özgün metin yazarının, çeviri metnin, çevirmenin ve incelemeyi yapan yazarın adına, gerekmedikçe değinilmeyecektir. . suat karantay, "türkiye'de oyun Çevirisi tarihine kısa bir bakış" bu yazıda türkiye'de oyun çevirileri tarihsel boyutta ele alınmıştır. yazının amacı oyun çevirisi eleştirisi yapmak değildir. bu nedenle olsa gerek sözkonusu yazı dergide Çevİrİ tarİhİnden üst başlığı altında çıkmıştır. ancak yazar tarihsel incelemesinde oyun çevirilerine ilişkin eleştirel görüşlerine sıklıkla yer vermiştir. bu nedenle de incelememizde konu edilmektedir. İncelemede, ne incelemenin temelini oluşturan kuramsal çerçeveye ne de incelemenin yöntemine ilişkin bilgi verilmiştir. metin içinde kullanılan ve "kaynakça"da dökümü yapılan kaynaklar da bu konuya açıklık getirmemektedir. yazarın yaklaşımının temelini oluşturan kuramsal çerçeveyi belirleyebilmemiz için yazarın eleştirel görüşlerini belirtmede kullandığı dili incelememiz gerekiyor. kullanılan dili belli bir çerçeve içinde sunabilmek için yazının yapısına kısaca değinelim. yazıda, hem yabancı dillerden türkçeye yapılan (oyun) çeviriler(i), hem de türkçeden yabancı dillere yapılan (oyun) çeviriler(i) üzerinde durulmaktadır. yabancı dillerden türkçeye yapılan oyun çevirilerine ilişkin, yazıda, bir yandan tanzimat dönemi, İstibdat ve meşrutiyet dönemi, cumhuriyet dönemi ( yılına kadar) olmak üzere dönemlerden, bir yandan da tercüme odası, encümen-i dâniş, tercüme işın bengi cemiyeti, tercüme bürosu olmak üzere çeviri tarihimizde önemli birer yeri olan devlet kuruluşlarından söz edilmektedir. türkçeden yabancı dillere yapılan çeviriler bağlamında ise uluslararası tiyatro enstitüsünden söz edilmektedir. yazı, türk oyunlarının yabancı dillere çevrilmesinin önemini vurgulayan bir alıntı ve iki yönlü olarak istenilen düzeyde çevirilerin yapılabilmesini sağlayacak kimi görüşlerle son bulur. İncelemesinde yazar sözkonusu dönemlerde ve sözkonusu kuruluşlarda yapılan çevirilere ilişkin eleştirel görüşlerini belirtmiştir. Örneğin, tanzimat döneminde yapılan oyun çevirilerinin "büyük bölümü", yazara göre, "ciddi çalışmalar olarak değerlendirilemez" [s. ], bu yargıdan hemen önce yazar metin and'a gönderme yaparak k.tüysüz adlı bir çevirmenin tarihinde yaptığı zorla hekim çevirisine değinmiş ve çeviriye ilişkin and'ın şu görüşlerini alıntılamıştır : "(...) [oyun] yer yer söz diziminde ufak tefek yanlışlara karşın, bugün bile sahnelerimizde oynanabilecek duru bir türkçe'yle [çevrilmiştir]" [s. ]. bu alıntı metinde tanzimat dönemi çevirilerine ilişkin görüş belirtilen tek alıntıdır. alıntıda aktarılan bilgiyle, tanzimat döneminde yapılan oyun çevirilerine ilişkin yazarın öne sürdüğü görüşleri arasında büyük bir çelişki gözlenmektedir. yazar, İstibdat ve meşrutiyet dönemlerini içine alan ve ’lı yıllara kadar uzanan zaman diliminde üretilen oyun çevirilerinde de "çeviri niteliğinin yükseltmediği]" [s. ] görüşünde olduğunu belirtmiştir. bu yargı temellendirilmemiştir. yazara göre cumhuriyet dönemi öncesinde çeviri alanında faaliyet gösteren tercüme odası ( ), encümen-i dâniş ( ), tercüme cemiyeti ( ) gibi devlet kuruluşları "çeviri tarihimizde iz bırakmamışlardır] [s. ]. en azından o dönemlerde çeviri yapan kişilerin çoğunun bu kuruluşlarda yetiştirildiği ya da çalıştığını bildiğimizden temellendirilmeyen bu yargıya nasıl varıldığı metinden anlaşılmamaktadır. yazar belli bir tarihe kadar üretilen oyun çevirilerinin niteliğine ilişkin olumsuz görüşlerini metin içinde "tercüme bürosu döneminden önce türkçe'ye çevrilmiş ve basılmış oyun sayısı fazla değildir; bu çevirilerin çoğu ciddi değerlendirmelere konu oluşturacak düzeyin çok altındadır" [s. ] diyerek yinelemiştir. yazara göre, sözkonusu tercüme bürosu döneminde de, kimi "oldukça başarılı" çeviri dışında "sözü edilmeye değer çeviriler yoktur" ve "bu dönemde yabancı dil bilen herkes, rasgele oyun çevirmiştir" [s. ]. yazar, içinde bulunduğumuz dönemde yapılan oyun çevirilerinde ise "belli bir düzeyin tutturulduğu" [s. ] görüşündedir. yine yazara göre, bu dönemde kimi çevirmenler "titiz, dikkatli, başarılı oyun çevirisi örnekleri vermişlerdir" [s. ]. yazar, oyun çevirilerinin niteliğine ilişkin görüşlerini bu sözlerle dile getirdikten sonra, türkiye’de çeviri eleştirisinin durumuna ilişkin görüşlerini de belirtir. yazara göre ülkemizde çeviri eleştirisi "genelde yıkıcı, yıldırıcı karalamalardan öteye pek geçmez - yapıcı çeviri eleştirisi neredeyse yok gibidir" [s. - ]. yazar, bu tutumu dilbilim kuramlarının çeviriye yansıması sonucu eleştirmenlerin eleştirilerine konu ettikleri çevirilerde sözcük ve tümce düzeyinde eşdeğerlik aramalarına bağlar ve böyle bir çözümleme sonucunda çevirinin "doğru" olup olmadığının saptanabileceğini belirtir [s. ], ancak , yazara göre "çeviride salt doğru çeviri değil, güzel çeviri de amaçlanır"[s. ]. bu sözlerden, yazana çevirmenden "doğru" ve "güzel" çeviri üretmesini beklediğini, eleştirmenden de eleştirisinde "doğru" ve "güzel" çeviri üretilmesini desteklemek amacıyla "yapıcı" dilbilim araştırmaları olmasını beklediği anlamını çıkartabiliriz. yani yazar için çeviri eleştirisini yönlendiren anahtar sözcükler, tanımlanmamış "doğru" ve "güzel" niteleme sıfatlarıdır. yazarın eleştirel görüşlerinin temelini oluşturan kuramsal çerçeveyi belirlemede yararlanmak üzere yukarıda örneklediğimiz alıntılardan şu sonucu çıkartabiliriz: i) yazar, çeviriye çevirinin üretildiği dizgenin, çevresiyle devingen etkileşim halinde olan bir parçası olarak değil, çevresinden soyutlanmış bir olgu olarak yaklaşmaktadır. bu nedenle olsa gerek, yazar, oyun çevirilerinin niteliğine ilişkin olumsuz görüşlere sahiptir, ii) yazar için çevirinin neden ve nasıl üretildiği önem taşımamaktadır; onun için önemli olan çevirinin niteliğidir. Çeviri niteliğinden ne anlaşılması gerektiği ise yazıda belirtilmemiştir, iii) yazarın önerisi, türkiye'de oyun çevirisi niteliğini yükseltmek için çeviri sürecini yönlendirecek birtakım ilkelerin resmi kuruluşlar aracılığıyla oluşturulmasıdır. kısaca, yazarın incelemesinin temelinde süreç-ağırlıklı, kuralcı, kaynak-odaklı bir yaklaşımın izleri görülmektedir. İncelemede saptanan çelişkili görüşler de ola ki bu yaklaşımdan kaynaklanmaktadır. . azmi Özkardeş, "sözlüksel uyumluluk bağlamında 'masa da masaymış ha!" yazar, dergide genÇ Çevİrmenler üst başlığı altında çıkan incelemesinde türkçe bir şiiri ve bu şiirin bir çevirisini ele almakta; İngiliz dilbilimci m.a.k. halliday'in metin çözümlemesi bağlamında önerdiği bir model doğrultusunda önce özgün metni incelemekte, sonra yine bu çerçeve içinde metnin çevirisine ilişkin eleştirel görüşlerini belirtmektedir. yazar, metnin çevirisinde saptadığı "eksikler ve soruıılar"ı [s. ] göz önünde bulundurarak yaptığı kendi çevirisini de ekte okurlara sunmaktadır. yukarıda değindiğimiz gibi, inceleme belli bir kuramsal çerçeve içinde yapılmıştır. hem metin içinde özetlenerek sunulan bu kuramsal çerçeveden hem bu çerçeve dışında sunulan kimi bilgilerden, yazarın çeviri ve çeviri eleştirisine karşı benimsediği tavır hakkında fikir sahibi oluyoruz. metin içinde alıntı yapılan ve kaynakçada dökümü yapılan kaynaklar çeviriye karşı benimsenen tutumun açık bir göstergesi. halliday'in "sözlüksel uyumluluk yordamı"na dayalı olan ve inclemenin temelini oluşturan görüşlere göre "...kabul edilebilir bir sözlüksel anlam ilişkisi içinde bulunan her çift sözlük birimi arasında bir uyumluluk vardır [.. ve] herhangi bir metin içerisinde yer alan sözcükler arasındaki ilişki raslantısal değildir. bu iliş k ile r b elirli alt b a şlık la r altın d a t o p l a n a b i l i r : ’y in e le m e '[..], ’eşdizimlilik’ [..], 'karşıtlık' [..], 'eşanlamlılık' [..], 'üstlük' [..]" [s. ]. yazar, bu çerçeve içinde türkçe şiirdeki "sözlüksel birimleri" saptar, saptanan kullanımların şiirin yorumlanmasındaki önemini belirler ve bu inceleme doğrultusunda özgün metin ve çeviri metin arasında bir karşılaştırma yapar. bu karşılaştırma sonucu çeviri metindeki "eksikler ve sorunlar" belirlenir. İncelemeye aynı şiirin yazar tarafından yapılan bir çevirisi de eklemiştir. yazıda, bu çevirinin karşılaştırmalı inceleme işın bengi sırasında saptanan "eksikler ve sorunlar" göz önüne alınarak yapıldığı belirtilmiştir. yazarın özgün metin üzerinde yaptığı incelemenin bilimselliği kuşku g ö tü rın ez,Ç ev rilecek metni yo ru m lam ad a bu gibi çözüm leyici yaklaşım ların ö n em ini yadsıyamayız. ancak böyle bir yaklaşımla elde ettiğimiz sonuçların, çeviriye aynen yansımasını beklememiz, şiir çevirisini çeviri gerçeklerinden koparır. Özgün metni, metnin farklı boyutlarını ele alarak inceleyen bir başka araştırmacı / çevirmen /eleştirmen de yazarın "eksikler ve sorunların [...] ışığında" yaptığı çevirisini kendi incelemesi doğrultusunda eksikli ve sorunlu bulabilir. bu gerçeğe yazar da incelemesinin "sonuç" bölümünde şu sözlerle değinmektedir: "bu yazı ve çeviri ile amaçlanan, çeviri olayına farklı bir yaklaşım, farklı bir bakış açısı getirmek, başka bir deyişle [çevirmenin] çevirisinin yanı sıra ve onunla birliklte, bu şiirin farklı da yorumlanabileceğini göstermekti. Özet olarak, doğruya giden yolun zenginlikten geçtiğini dile getirmekti istenen. tek bir doğru olup olmadığı ise bu yazının boyutlarım aşan bir sorun" [s. ], bu sözleri incelemeyi değerlendirmede çıkış noktası olarak alırsak, inceleme içinde söz edilen "eksikler ve sorunlar" [s. ] ifade olarak bu sözlerle çelişmektedir. yazar, incelemesinde genelde çeviri ve çeviri kuramlarına ilişkin çeviri kuramcılarının, çeviribilimcilerin görüşlerine yer vermiş ve kendi görüşlerine de değinmiştir. bu görüşleri yazarken kullanılan kimi ifadeler yazarın çeviri kuramına ilişkin tavrını aydınlatıcı niteliktedir. Örneğin, incelemenin "sunuş" kısmında yazar, "[..] kuramların uygulayıcıları çevirmenler ise [..] çeviri süreci içerisinde, [..] bu kuramlar yelpazesinin şu veya bu noktasında yer alıyorlar", [s. ] derken büyük bir olasılıkla çeviri sürecini yönlendirmeyi amaçlayan kuralcı kuramlardan söz etmektedir. aynı biçimde,"[..] aynı çevirmen tarafından gerçekleştirilmiş farklı çeviri ürünlerinde çeviri kuramları açısından tam bir tutarlılık veya uyum olası değil", [s. ] derken yine süreç-ağırlıklı, kuralcı, hatta kaynak-odaklı kuramlara gönderme yapmaktadır. yazarın aynı bölümde yer verdiği "[..] çevirisiz de, çeviri ile de yapılamıyor" [s. ] ifadesi ve şiir çevirisi bağlamında "[..] çevrilemeyecek, çevrilmemesi gereken şiirler" [s. ] olduğunu düşünmesi incelemenin geniş çerçevesini süreç-ağırlıklı, kuralcı ve kaynak-odaklı kuramların bizlere aşıladığı görüşlerin oluşturduğuna işaret etmektedir. kısaca, inceleme, süreç-ağırlıklı, kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı kuramların çizgisinde yapılmıştır. . necmiye alpay, "türkçe okurken, İkide bir ..." yazar, dergide Çevİrİyle yaŞiyoruz üst başlığı altında çıkan yazısında çeviri yoluyla türkçeye giren dil yanlışları üzerinde durmakta. yazıda "İyelik sorunu (sahip!)", "adıl sorunu (o, onlar ve halleri!)", "sözdizimi sorunları", "fiillerde Çoğul ekleri" gibi "yapısal olduğu düşünfülen]" sorunlar ve "yalnızca.... kalmayıp, aynı zamanda ...." kalıbı gibi kimi kalıplar; "İzin vermemek", "bir", "altında", "üye", "iyileştirme", "ödünç almak" gibi sözcük düzeyinde kimi kullanımlar üzerinde duruluyor. İnceleme sırasında önce çeviri (ya da özgün) metinden alıntı yapılıyor ve dil yanlışı belirtiliyor. alıntıyı ise yanlışın düzeltildiği bir öneri izliyor. dilbilim anıştırmaları metinde, incelemenin kuramsal çerçevesine ilişkin bilgi verilmemiştir; bu konuya açıklık getirebilecek bir kaynakça da yoktur. bu nedenle, metnin kuramsal çerçevesini anlayabilmemiz için metin-içi inceleme yapmamız gerekiyor. İncelemede, dil yanlışlarına duyulan tepki şu sözlerle dile getiriliyor; "İkide bir. irkilten yanlışlar yüzünden kendini metnin içeriğini değil dilini okur durumda yakalamak ve bu yüzden sık sık, yanlışı kafada ya da metin üstünde düzeltip bu kez içerik için, yeniden okumak zorunda kalmak; böylece dil ve çeviri yanlışlarına gitgide artan bir tepki duymak [..]" [s. ]. böyle bir tepkiyle incelemesine başlayan yazar, bu sözlerden de anlaşılayacağı gibi, incelemesinde yalnızca dil yanlışları üzerinde durur. bu yanlışlar çeviri yoluyla türkçeye, yani erek dile giren yanlışlardır. bu bakımdan, incelemenin, erek dil kullanımına ağırlık verilen bir inceleme olduğu açıktır. yazıda, kullanılan örneklerin hangi metinlerden alındığına, yazar/çevirmenin kim olduğuna, metnin yayım tarihine ve örneğin nasıl bir bağlam içinde kullanıldığına ilişkin bilgi verilmemektedir. bu bilgilerin eksikliği, yazarın verdiği kimi örnekleri değerlendirmeyi güçleştirmekte. "İyelik sorunu (sahip!)” başlığı altında verilen bir örneğe bakalım ; "birkaç kişi bu görkemli ahlaki niteliklere sahip olabilir. [..]" "türkçesi: 'birkaç kişide bu görkemli ahlaki nitelikler bulunabilir, [..]" [s. ] burada, her iki örneğin de duruma göre kullanılabileceği dikkatimizi çekiyor. birinci örnekte yazarın "sahip" sözcüğünü seçmesi ola ki aynı metin içinde yazarın önerdiği ve eşanlamlı öteki sözcükleri sıklıkla kullanmış olmasındandır. ya da yazar böyle bir kullanımla sözcüğü vurgulamak istiyor olabilir. ayrıca, "duruma uygunluk" dışında çevirmenin/yazarm sözcük seçimindeki tercihi de, başka şeylerin yanısıra, göz önünde bulundurulabilir, belki. bu ve benzeri noktaların aydınlığa kavuşabilmesi için elimizde tümce parçasından daha geniş bir metin ve metnin üretilmesine ilişkin başka bilgilerin olması gerekiyor. yazar, "sahip" sözcüğünün kullanımını pek çok örnekle sunduktan sonra, görüşlerini şöyle belirtiyor: görüldüğü gibi "sahip" sorunu, türkçe'deki iyelik anlatım olanaklarına sırt çevirmeye yol açmış. Üstelik bizi "olmak" gibi türkçe'ye fazlaca yüklenen bir fiilden de kurtarmıyor. kendi payıma, herhangi bir yararını göremiyorum. "sahip" yaygınlığının başlıca nedeni, batı dillerinin yukarıda sözünü ettiğim etkisi altında, kolaycılığa kaçılması olmalı ("’to have", "avoir", vb okullarda "sahip olmak", "malik olmak" diye öğretilmiyor mu?). [..]. [s. ], yazar, "sahip" sorununun "türkçedeki anlatım olanaklarına sırt çevirmeye yol aç"tığını düşünüyor. ancak, bu sözcüğün türkçedeki kullanımına ilişkin elimizde sayısal bilgi olmadan, yalnızca kendi seçtiğimiz örnekleri ele alarak genellemeye gitmemiz ve böyle bir genelleme sonucu sözcüğün yararlı olmadığı sonucuna varmamız, türkçenin söz varlığına zarar verebilir. işın bengi bir başka örnek şöyle : "yalnızca adıl kullanımında yanlış yapmakla kalmayıp, aynı zamanda bu kalıp da türkçe'nin gereksiz yere kalabalıklaşmasına yol açanlardan. 'kalmayıp' diyorsak, ’yalnızca'ya gerek kalmıyor. bu 'yalnızca' korkarım 'not only ... but' tâki (non seulement, vb.) 'yalnızca'dır ve yalnızca, 'kalmayıp' değil de 'değil' kullanıyorsak yerli yeriııdedir: 'yalnızca adıl kullanımında değil, iyelik kullanımında da yanlışlar yapılıyor,' gibi. 'kalmayıp' kullanımına olumlu örnek : '[Çeviri] Öykünme sanatı da değildir, çünkü bir yapıtın düşüncelerini aktarmakla kalmaz, onu dönüştürür de' ('onu'ya itirazım saklıdır !)" [s. , vurgu yazara aittir]. yazarın "türkçe'nin gereksiz yere kalabalıklaşmasına yol aç"tığını düşündüğü bu kullanım da, yazarın önerdiği kullanımlar da türkçede kullanılmakta. Örnekler bağlam içinde sunulmadığı ve metine/yazara ilişkin elimizde bilgi olmadığı için bu kullanımlar üzerine fazla bir şey söylemek mümkün değil. İncelemenin genelinde dikkatimizi çeken, yazarın dile ilişkin mutlak doğrular olduğunu varsayarak örneklerini değerlendirmesi. İncelemede dilin zaman içinde değişebileceği, bu değişimde çevirinin önemli bir payı olduğu; çeviri yoluyla dilde görülen değişikliklerin her vakit olumsuz olarak değerlendirilemeyeceği vd. gözardı edilmiş. verilen örnekler içinde türkçenin yapısına uygun olmayanlar ya da bugünün normları doğrultusunda "yanlış" olarak değerlendirilebilecekler var, kuşkusuz. ancak o durumda da verilen örneğin tarihine, kaynağına, yazarına, metnin amacına ilişkin bilgi verilmediğinden ve örnek "yanlış" sayılamayacak başka örneklerle birlikte sunulduğundan inceleme ile ilgili genel bir değerlendirme yapmak güçleşiyor. yine de incelemenin çıkış noktasını oluşturan kuramsal çerçeveyi belirleyecek olursak, bu çerçevenin temelinde dile dural bir olgu olarak yaklaşan, amacını çeviri sürecini yönlendirmek olarak belirleyen, dilin, dili kullananla ve kullananın çevresiyle bağlarını gözardı eden vd. kuralcı bir tavırdan kaynaklandığını söyleyebiliriz: kaynak-odaklı, süreç-ağırlıklı, kuralcı kuramların özünde bulunan kuralcılık. . suat karantay, "tennessee yvilliams ve sırça kümes" dergide, ÇevrİlmemİŞ yapitlara ÖnsÖzler üst başlığı altında çıkan bu yazıda, yazar, İngilizce bir oyunun türkçeye yapılmış çevirisini ele alır. yazıda önce oyun ve yazan, çevirmen ve çevirisi hakkında kısa bilgilere ve kimi eleştirel görüşlere yer verilir. sonra, bu bilgiler ışığında çeviri eleştirisi yapılır. İncelemede, incelemenin kuramsal çerçevesine ilişkin doğrudan bilgi verilmemiştir. "kaynakça" da bu konuya açıklık getirmemektedir. yazar, çevirmenin genel çeviri tutumunu açıklamak için uzmanların birbirinden tamamen farklı bakış açısı benimseyerek kaleme aldıkları eleştirilerinden yaptığı alıntılarda yansız bir ifade dilbilim araştırmaları kullanmıştır [s. - ]. bu nedenle, yazının temelini oluşturan kuramsal çerçeveyi anlıyabilmemiz için metin-içi inceleme yapmamız gerekiyor. Önce yazarın farklı çeviri yöntemlerine karşı genel tavrını belirleyici birkaç ifadeye değinelim. yazar, tiyatroda başlıkların çevirisine ilişkin görüşlerini şöyle belirtir: tüm yazın türlerinde olduğu gibi tiyatroda da başlıkların dikkatle çevrilmesi gerekir. arthur millerim 'ali my sons' adlı oyunu 'bütün oğullarım' ve 'hepsi oğlumdu' diye farklı biçimlerde çevrilmiştir. birincisi sadık bir çeviridir; İkincisi oyunun içeriğine daha uygun, daha türkçe bir başlıktır. j.m.synge'in oyunu 'the playboy of the western world' türkçe'ye sadık bir çeviriyle aktarılsa 'batı İllerinin oyuna gelen kişisi' gibi bir başlık çıkar ortaya. oysa çevirmen saffet korkut 'babayiğit' diye çarpıcı, içeriğe ters düşmeyen, güzel bir başlık seçmiştir. ahmed vefik paşa, moliere'in oyunu 'le misantrope'u 'adamcıl' diye çevirmiştir. bu, osmanlıca açısından doğru bir başlıktır ama günümüz türkçesi açısından değildir çünkü 'adamcıl' sözcüğünün türkçe sözlükte karşılığı 'insandan ürkmeyen', 'insana sokulan'dır - oysa ilgili oyun kişisi insanlardan kaçan biridir [ - ]. yukarıdaki alıntıda arthur millerim ve j.m.synge'in ilgili oyunlarının başlıklarının çevirisine ilişkin belirtilen görüşlerden, yazarın çeviri yöntemlerini bir uçta "sadık" çeviri, diğer uçta "daha uygun", "daha türkçe", "çarpıcı", "içeriğe ters düşmeyen", "güzel" çeviri olmak üzere iki kutupta değerlendirdiğini ve bu iki kutup arasında "sadık olmayanı", "sadık olana" tercih ettiğini anlıyoruz. moliere'in ilgili oyununun çevirisine ilişkin belirtilen görüşlerden ise yazarın geçmişte yapılan çevirileri, çevirilerin yapıldığı zaman dilimi içinde değil, bugünün gözlükleriyle değerlendirme eğiliminde olduğunu anlıyoruz. incelemenin konusunu oluşturan metnin çevirmeninin genel çeviri tutumuna karşı görüşlerini yazar, "Çeviri anlayışı bir uç durum oluşturan yücel, çılgın ama yer yer tadına doyulmaz çeviriler üretmiştir" [s. ], diyerek belirtmiştir. bu sözler, yazarın, çevirm enin genel çeviri stratejisini beğendiğine işaret olarak değerlendirilebilir. ayrıca bu saptama yukarıda oyun başlıkları çevirisi konusunda, yazarın "daha uygun", "daha türkçe", "daha çarpıcı" [..] çevirileri "sadık" çevirilere tercih ettiğine ilişkin yapılan saptamayla da uyum halindedir. kısaca, yazar kaynak metne tam sadakatle yapılan çevirileri değil, daha uygun, daha türkçe, çarpıcı, içeriğe ters düşmeyen, güzel çevirileri tercih etmektedir. ancak, eleştirinin konusunu oluşturan oyun çevirisine ilişkin genel görüşünü yazar şu sözlerle dile getirir : oyun ç e v irile rin d e de a ş ırılık la ra g id e n y ü c e l'in 'bahar noktası’ adlı çevirisi onun özgül çeviri anlayışının da doruk noktasını oluşturur - 'sırça kümes' [...] çevirisi bir ölçüde 'daha ılımlı', 'daha kabul edilebilir' bir çeviridir [s. ]. bu sözlerdeki anlam yukarıdaki bilgiler ışığında değerlendirildiğinde biraz bulanık; yukarıdaki saptamaları esas alarak bu sözleri değerlendirecek olursak, yazarın sözkonusu oyunun çevirisini belki yeterince aşırı uçta olmadığı için işın bengi beğenmediği gibi bir anlam çıkartabiliriz. yukandaki saptamaları göz önünde bulundurmadığımızda ise. bu sözlerden, "[çevirmenin] özgül çeviri anlayışının [..] doruk noktasını oluştur[aıı]" 'bahar noktası' çevirisini yazarın "kabul edilebilir” çeviri olarak nitelendirmediği, 'sırça kümes’ çevirisini ise 'daha kabul edilebilir' bulduğu anlamını çıkartabiliriz. -* burada belirtilen görüş ya kendi içinde ya da yukarıda alıntı yapılarak verilen görüşlerle çelişki halindedir. İncelemenin temeli oluşturan kuramsal çerçeveyi anlayabilmek için, sözkonusu metnin çevirisine ilişkin yazarın görüşlerine kısaca yer verelim. yazar, çeviri metin üzerinde yaptığı incelemede önce metnin başlığı üzerinde durur ve görüşlerini şöyle belirtir: "[çevirmenin] genel çeviri yaklaşımı [..] çevirilerine attığı başlıklara da yansır. 'salozun mavalı', 'maksat samimiyet', 'saça kümes' yücelce başlıklardır" [s. ]. bu sözlerden, yazarın çevirmenin seçimine tepki duyduğu hissedilmekte. yazar bu konudaki görüşlerini şöyle sürdürür: ’menagerie' sözcüğünün redhouse sözlüğünde karşılığı 'yabanıl hayvanlar koleksiyonu'dur. yücel'in başlıkta 'kümes' sözcüğünü kullanması aykırı düşmektedir oyunun içeriğine. yücel 'metis Çeviri' söyleşisinde şöyle savunur bu seçimini : 'ev kümes gibi bir yer ve ben düşündüm ki sahneye konurken kümes mizanseni de tutabilir. sırça kümes... ana kartlaşmış tavuk gibi, kız bir piliç. Öbür horozlar geliyor. yani daha tiyalral bir planda düşündüm (s. ). oyunun kişileri laura. amanda, tom, jim, hatta duvarda fotoğrafı asılı baba kapana kısılmış, çaresiz, kümese tıkılmış tavuklara benzetilebilir. Öyle de olsa yücel'in bu yorumunu başlığa yansıtmaya hakkı yoktur; ayrıca 'kümes sözcüğü, bu şiir dolu başlığa ve oyunun bütününe hiç de uygun düşmez [s. ], yazar, çevirmenin açıklamasına ve bir anlamda başlık seçiminin içeriğe uygun düştüğünü kendisinin de kabul etmesine karşın yorumun başlığa yansıtılmasına karşı çıkmaktadır, bu alıntıdan edindiğimiz bilgi, yukarıda yazarın çeviriye karşı benimsediği genel tavır konusunda edindiğimiz bilgiyle tamamen çelişmektedir. burada yazarın aradığı özgün başlığa sadık üretilecek çeviridir. yazar çeviri üzerine yaptığı incelemeyi çeviriden yaptığı kimi alıntılarla sürdürür. bu alıntılardan bir bölümü okura "yeterli aklanın" olarak sunulmaktadır. bu aktarımları esas alarak yazar çevirinin "kabul edilebilir bir çeviri örneği sa y ılab ileceğ in i sö y leri [s. ]. yapılan alıntıların yanında çeviriye ilişkin belirtilen görüşler şöyle : "biçem kaydırılmış"; "[çevirmen] ekinler arası farklılıkları gözeterek uygun bir kaydırmayla aktarmış"; [çevirmen] bu nedenle yadırgatıcı olmayan bir ad seçmiş [..]"; "[...] iyi bir seçim sayılmayabilir de”; "dardaııelles’in İngilizce’de 'Çanakkale boğazı' anlamına gelmesi nedeniyle, [çevirmen] böyle adlandırmış"; "uygun görülebilecek bir kaydırma"; "sevimli bir karşılık"; ilginç bir karşılık sayılabilir"; "güzel bir seçim"; "okur ya da seyirci bu kaydırma nedeniyle emily'niıı alman asıllı olduğunu anlamayacaktır, ama bu da pek önemli değildir" [s. ]. bu alıntılardan sonra, yazar, tek tek değerlendirme yapmadan çeviriden bir dizi alıntı daha yapar. bu alıntılara ilişkin görüşlerini yazar şöyle belirtir : dilbilim araştırmaları ne var ki dil kullanımındaki aşırı rahatlık [çevirmenin] williams şiirselliğini gözardı etmesine yol açıyor - oyunun o özgül havasını türk okuru tadamıyor. oyunun başkişisi amanda sık sık düzeysiz bir dille konuşuyor. (yücel'in 'metis Çeviri' söyleşisindeki gerekçelere ne yazık ki katılamıyoruz). Çeviri öylesine yerelleşiyor ki tom laura. jim gibi adlar olmasa, okuduğumuz oyunu bizden bir yazarın sanacağız neredeyse. [..] [ - ], yazar bu alıntılardan sonra, çeviriye ilişkin görüşünü "çevrilmemiş" bir yapıt 'sırça kümes' ne yazık ki.." sözleriyle noktalar. kısaca, yazar çeviride genelde "daha uygun", "daha türkçe" seçimleri tercih ettiğini belirtmekte; incelemeye temel alınan oyun çevirmeninin "çılgın ama yer yer tadına doyulmaz" çeviriler ürettiğini kabul etmekte; çevirmenin bu çevirisini çeviride sağlanan kimi "yeterli aktarımlar" nedeniyle "kabul edilebilir çeviri" olarak nitelem ekte; ama bu çeviriyi genelde "çevrilm em iş bir yapıt" olarak değerlendirmektedir. buradaki çelişki, kaynak-odaklı,süreç-ağırlıklı kuralcı kuramların özünü oluşturan çelişkinin eleştiriye yansımasından başka bir şey değildir. . . berna sevil, "karaağaçlar altında" bu yazı dergide Çevİrİ eleŞtİrİlerİ üst başlığı altında çıkan tek yazıdır. yazıda yılında yayımlanan bir çeviri oyun eleştirilmektedir. yazının kuramsal çerçevesi açık olarak belirtilmemiştir. ancak inceleme sırasında genelde oyun çevirisine ilişkin yapılan alıntılar ve incelemenin konusu olan çeviri oyuna ilişkin eleştirmenin görüşleri yazının kuramsal çerçevesini anlamamızı sağlar nitelikte. yazıda incelemenin amacı şöyle belirlenmiştir: bu yazıda dil düzeyinin yanı sıra, ekiıısel farklılıklardan doğan çeşitli çeviri sorunlarına, yanlış çeviri diye nitelenebilecek örneklere, sahne diline uygun düşmeyen bazı sözcük kullanımlarına, eğretilemelerin çevrilmesine ilişkin sorunlara da değinilecektir [s. ]. bu sözlerden, eleştirmenin özgün metnin ve çeviri metnin iki ayrı dil ve iki ayrı kültürde üretildiğinin bilincinde olduğunu anlıyoruz öncelikle. Çevirinin özüne ilişkin doğru ve önemli olan bu saptama doğrultusunda incelemede çeviri çözümleri üzerinde durulacağını bekliyebiliriz. ancak eleştirmen, çeviriye ilişkin bu önemli saptamasına karşın, eleştirisini "dil" ve "ekinsel farklılıklardan doğan " çeviri "sorunları" ve "yanlışları" üzerinde yoğunlaşarak sürdüreceğini belirtiyor. yani bu eleştiri sorun-ağırlıklı bir eleştiri olacaktır. eleştirmen genelde oyun çevirisine ilişkin uzmanların görüşlerine de yer verir yazısında. yapılan alıntılarda şu görüşler üzerinde durulmuşta : [..] çeviri metinde yer alan sözcük ve tümcelerin sessel niteliğinin , kaynak metinde yer alan seslerin anlam ve çağrışım gücünü aynı düzeyde koruyabilmesi gerekir. (frajnd: ) [s. ]. işın bengi eleştirmenin yazısında bu alıntıya yer vermesi, onun, çevirinin çıkış noktasını oluşturan kaynak metni varsayımsal bir yapı olarak değil, çeviriye aynen yansımasını beklediği bir yapı olarak ele aldığına işaret edebilir. eleştirinin konusunu oluşturan oyunda kullanılan ve "standart İngilizce kalıpların [a]" uygun olmayan dilin çeviriye aktarılmasına ilişkin ise eleştirmen aynı uzmanın şu görüşlerine yer verir yazısında : [..] iki farklı konuşma biçimi arasındaki ilişki, daima belli bir anlam ifade etmektedir. bu biçimlerden her birinin, belirli bir insan topluluğuna ilişkin , kendine özgü çağrışımları bulunmaktadır. bu da salt bir konuşma biçimi değil, bu insanların yaşama ve düşünce biçiminin dışavurumudur aynı zamanda. bu konuda izlenen yöntem, genelde erek ekinde farklı bir lehçe saptayarak bunu, özgün metinde var olan lehçe ile eşdeğer olabilecek bir biçimde kullanmaktır. (frajnd: ) [s. ]. bu alıntıdan uzmanın, özgün metindeki söz konusu dil özelliğinin çeviride erek kültüre uygun düşecek ve kaynak metinle "eşdeğer" olabilecek bir biçimde aktarılmasını uygun gördüğünü anlıyoruz. yani uzman için kaynak metin özelliklerinin erek metine yansıması önem taşıyor. ancak bu görüşün ne çevirmenler ne de eleştirmenler için yeterince bilgilendirici olmadığı da açık. doğal olarak eleştirmen de uzmanın bu görüşünü sorguluyor: [..] bu eşdeğerliği sağlayabilmek pek de kolay olmasa gerek. bir sivasli'nın, trakyalı'nın ya da karadenizli’nin özgül dili , o'neill'in çiftlik dışında bir yaşam tanımayan, sürekli gökyüzüne bakıp uzaklarda, erişilemeyecek bir yerlerde güzel şeylerin olduğunu hayal eden, kısır bir döngü içinde sıkışıp kalmış basit insanlarını anlatmakta yetersiz kalacaktır. bu konuda [çevirmen] yalın, standart bir türkçe kullanmakla yetinmiş [ ], bu sözlerden eleştirmenin özgün metinde kullanılan "özgül dilin" çeviriye aktarılamayacağmı düşündüğü anlamını çıkartabiliriz. kısaca, yukarıda görüşünü alıntıladığımız uzman böyle bir "özgül dil kullanımının" erek kültüre uygun ve kaynak metinle "eşdeğer" olabilecek bir biçimde çeviriye aktarılmasını uygun gördüğünü, eleştirmen ise aktarımın uzmanın önerdiği biçimde gerçekleşebileceğinin pek mümkün olmadığını söylemektedir. biz, bu görüşler altındaki kuramsal çerçeveyi betimleyecek olursak bu çerçevenin her iki durumda da çeviri sürecini yönlendirmeyi amaçlayan, kuralcı kaynak-odaklı kuramların oluşturduğunu söyliyebiliriz. kaynak metiıı/çeviri metin karşılaştırması sırasında eleştirmenin kullandığı ve onun çeviri değerlendirmesini yansıtan ifadeler ise şöyle: "fazla sakıncalı olmamakla birlikte amerikalıların sucuk demedikleri de göz önüne alınarak 'domuz pastırması' denilebilirdi": "İnşallah' sözcüğü müslümanlara özgü bir deyiş olduğundan kullanılmasa yerinde olurdu"; "bu örnekte de salt İslam dinine özgü bir deyiş var -'şükran günü' olarak çevrilebilirdi"; "hava tutturmak' bütünüyle türk diline özgü bir söyleyiş biçimi"; " Çevirmen oyunun başkişilerinden birini türk toplumuna mal etmeye çalışmış - çeviriyi aksatan bir kullanım"; [..]. [s. - ]. bu ifadelerden eleştirmenin çeviride erek dil, erek kültür özelliklerinin göz önüne alınmasını oyunun dilbilim araştırmaları yerlileştirilmesi olarak değerlendirdiğini ve buna karşı çıktığını anlıyoruz. bu tavır da kaynak-odaklı. kuralcı, süreç ve sorun ağırlıklı kuramların eleştiriye yansıması olarak değerlendirilebilir. ancak, eleştirmenin eğretileme çevirisine ilişkin görüşleri biraz farklı. eleştirmen özgün metindeki eğretilemelerin çeviri metinde "eşdeğer [..] eğretileme" ile karşılanmasını "en iyi çözüm" olarak değerlendamekte. İngilizce bir eğretilemenin karşılığı olarak çeviride kullanılan "karşılığını da alırlar" ifadesini eleştirmen şöyle değerlendiriyor : "[Çevirmen] eğretilemeyi, türkçe'de başka bir eğretileme bularak değil de anlamı karşılayarak çevirmeye çalışmış; ancak 'karşılığını almak' olumsuz bir durum değil; 'yaptıklarının karşılığım almak' anlamında olumlu bir kullanım. oysa 'dişediş dövüşürüz onlarla' denebilirdi" [s. ]. yani "dişediş dövüşürüz" ifadesi veya benzer erek kültüre özgü ifadeler kullanıldığında metnin yerlileşmeyeceğini düşünüyor eleştirmen. bu görüş yukarıdaki görüşlerle çelişkili. eleştirmen özel adların çevirisinin de çevirmeni "zorladığı" görüşünde. İçinde "samson" özel adı geçen bir kullanımın "sen pehlivansın değil mi?" olarak yapılan çevirisini eleştirmen şöyle değerlendirir: "samson adı güçlülüğü simgeler İngilizce'de. ancak 'pehlivan' sözcüğünün salt türk ekinine ait olduğu düşünülürse burada yapılan seçim yanlıştır." [s. ]. bu değerlendirmelerini bir bütün olarak ele aldığımızda eleştirmenin çoğunlukla kaynak metin verilerine, zaman zaman da erek dile önem vererek yaptığı değerlendirmenin temelinde süreç-ağırlıklı, kaynak-odaklı, kuralcı kuramların olduğunu söyliyebıliriz. Çevirinin yılında yapıldığını metinde belirttiği halde eleştirmen, çevirmenin "bazı yerlerde eski, sahne dilini zorlayan sözcükler kullan[dığına]" değiniyor [s. ]. yani, çeviri metin bugünün dili esas alınarak ve bugünün normlarına göre değerlendirilmektedir. bu da tarihselliği ve devingenliği göz ardı eden kaynak-odaklı, süreç-ağırlıklı, kuralcı kuramların bir özelliğidir. eleştirmen, yukarıda özetleyerek verdiğimiz değerlendirmelerinden şöyle bir sonuç çıkartır eleştirisinde : genelde [çevirm enin titiz bir çalışma yaptığı söylenebilir. ancak çevirinin yeniden ele alınıp bazı düzeltmeler yapılması dile canlılık ve doğallık kazandırılması gerekir. [Çevirmenin] bütünüyle koyu bir lehçeyle yazılmış bu oyununu çevirmekte gösterdiği yürekliliği de kutlamak gerekir. bir de çevirinin yılında yapıldığını anımsarsak, [çevirinin] yeterli ? bir çeviri olduğu sonucuna varabiliriz [s. ]. [not bana aittir]. eleştirmenin metin-içi sürdürdüğü incelemeden ve yaptığı değerlendirmelerden böyle bir sonuca nasıl vardığını anlamamız oldukça güç. Çeviriye getirilen eleştirilerle, varılan sonuç arasındaki çelişkiyi de belki eleştirinin temelini oluşturan kaynak-odaklı, süreç-ağırlıklı ve kuralcı kuramlara bağlayabiliriz. . sonuç ve Öneriler yukarıda, metis Çeviri dergisinin . sayısında yayımlanan ve içinde eleştirel görüşlere yer verilen yazı üzerinde çeviri eleştirisi normlarını betimlemek amacıyla yaptığımız incelemede, bu yazıların temelini kaynak-odaklı, süreç-ağırlıklı ve kuralcı kuramların oluşturduğunu saptadık. işın bengi bu sonuç bize (tabii elimizdeki bütünceyle sınırlı olarak) yüzyıllar boyunca çeviri dünyasını boyunduruğu altında tutan ve genel özelliği kaynak-odaklı, süreç-ağırlıklı olarak belirlenen kuralcı kuramların eleştirmenler üzerinde doğrudan etkili olduğunu göstermektedir. "kuram" sözcüğünün sözlük anlamında dahi kuramın kuralcı özelliğine koşut olarak betimleyici özelliği üzerinde durulduğu [krş. kısım ] ve yaklaşık yıldır çeviri kuramı alanında kuramın bu betimleyici özelliği üzerinde kapsamlı çalışmalar yapıldığı halde, eleştirmenler eleştirilerini özünü "çelişkili" kuralcı kuramların oluşturduğu paradigmanın çizgisinde yapmışlardır. bu durumun ne oranda yaygın olduğunu anlamak için daha geniş bütünceler üzerinde inceleme yapılması gerekmekte. ancak biz elimizdeki sonuçları esas alarak çözüme yönelik bazı önerileri burada sunabiliriz. eleştiri tarihimize bir göz atacak olursak, ülkemizde eleştirinin oluşumunda ve yaygınlaşmasında çeviri eleştirisinin çok önemli bir yeri olduğunu görürüz. hatta ülkemizde eleştirinin uzun yıllar sadece çeviri ile beslendiği görüşü oldukça yaygın. ancak, gördüğümüz kadarıyla eleştiri yazılarının temelini eleştirel bilincin oluşmasına katkıda bulunacak, çeviri kuramlarının sorgulandığı bir yapı oluşturmamaktadır. bu yazıların temelini böyle bir yapının oluşturabilmesi için çeviri kuramlarının ayrıntılı olarak incelenmesi, sorgulanması, çeviri eleştirisine yansıyacak yönlerinin belirlenmesi, gerektiğinde yeni varsayımların üretilmesi, yani kuramların oluşturulması gerekmekte, kanımca. bu çalışmalar yapıldığı taktirde farkına varmadan benimsediğimiz ve hepimizde izlerine rastladığımız kemikleşmiş bir paradigmanın çevirinin her alanına yansıyan çelişkili görüşlerinden belki kendimizi kurtarabiliriz. ancak eleştirel bilincin oluşmasında temeli hazırlayacak bu çalışmaların eleştiri yazılarında başlamasını beklemek gerçekçi olmaz. bu çalışmaların bir "laboratuarda", bir üniversite "laboratuvarında" yapılması gerekir. gerekli olan bu alt yapı nasıl oluşur ? Ülkemizde üniversite düzeyinde çeviri eğitimine geçmemizin yalnızca on yıllık bir geçmişi var. bu on yıl içinde açılan sınırlı sayıdaki çeviri bölümlerinde sunulan eğitimin amacı nitelikli yazılı ve sözlü çevirmen yetiştirmek. bu amaç doğrultusunda hazırlanan programlarda uygulamalı derslerin yanısıra kuramsal başka derslerle birlikte "Çeviri kuramı", "Çeviri eleştirisi" gibi derslere de yer verilmekte. ancak ağırlık noktası uygulama olarak belirlenen bu bölümlerde sunulan birer dönendik "kuram", "eleştiri" gibi derslerde kuramların etraflıca sorgulanabileceğini, yeni varsayımların üretilebileceğini, vd., kısaca bu derslerin eleştirel bilincin oluşmasına doğrudan katkıda bulunabileceğini düşünmek pek çok nedenle inandırıcı değil. sorgulayıcı bir uslup tam olarak benimsense bile, bu derslerde ancak bu bölümlerin alanı olan uygulamalı alanın, betimleyici ve kuramsal alanlarla ve bu alanların çeviribilimle bağları kurulabilir. bu bağların kurulması, eleştirel bilincin oluşması için gerekli olan çalışmaların başlangıç noktasını oluşturabilir. ama eleştirel bilincin oluşmasında yeterli olamaz. bu konuyu etraflıca ele alabilmek için uygulama ağırlıklı çevdi bölümlerinin yanısıra, çeviri kuramlarının büyüteç altında incelenebileceği, sorgulanabileceği; kuramların temelini oluşturacak varsayımların üretilebileceği ve sınanabileceği; yalnızca çeviri tarihine değil, aynı zamanda dilbilim araştırmaları çeviribilim talihine her yönüyle ışık tutacak kapsamlı araştırmaların yapılabileceği; çeviribilim felsefesine doğru adımların atılabileceği, kısaca ilginin çeviribilimin alt alanlarından üst alanların a çevrildiği [krş. bengi, c: , , ] Çevİrİbİlİm bölümlerinin kurulması gerektiğine inanıyorum. Ülkenin gereksinimine cevap verebilmek için belki öncelikle doktora programıyla başlayacak ama doktora programına koşut olarak lisans ve yüksek lisans programlarının da kurulmasıyla derinlik ve bütünlük kazanacak olan bir bölüm. böyle bir bölümde yapılacak çalışmalar yalnızca ülkemizde eleştirel bilincin oluşmasına değil, aynı zamanda alanlarını uygulamalı çeviribilim olarak belirlemiş olan genç çeviri bölümlerinin sağlam temeller üzerine oturmasına da doğrudan katkıda bulunacaktır. notlar . bu yazıda "eleştirel bilinç" ve "eleştiri" terimleri aynı anlamda ve değiştirilerek kullanılacaktır. . eleştiri normlarını betimlemek, eleştiri normlarını yeniden kurmak üzere eleştirileri temel alarak yapılan çalışmalar yansız olarak yapılabileceği gibi, sorgulayıcı bir üslupla da yapılabilir. bu yazıda, böyle sorgulayıcı bir üslup benimsenmiştir. bu nedenle, metin içinde yer yer üst-eleştiri ifadesi de kullanılmıştır. . bu incelemede yabancı dilden yapılan alıntıların çevirileri, aksi kaynakçada belirtilmediyse, bana aiittir. . kuralcı ve betimleyici kuram terimlerinin tanımı ve bu konuda terim düzeyinde sürdürülen tartışma için krş. bengi b: . . ; . ]. . bu kısımda Şiir Çevirisi için bir yöntem Önerisi başlığıyla yayımlanacak olan bir başka çalışmamdan yararlandım. sözkonusu çalışma henüz yayımlanmadığı için kaynakçaya alınmamıştır. . kuralcı ve süreç-ağırlıklı kuramlar, ağırlık noktaları ister kaynak, ister erek olsun, çeviribilim terimiyle açıklayacak olursak, kaynak-odaklı kuram özelliği gösterirler. yani, çevirmene erek dil/melin/kültür/dizge özelliklerini önplana alarak çeviri yapmasının önerildiği kuralcı ve süreç-ağırlıklı kuramlar,ifadeyi teknik terim olarak kullanacak olursak, erek-odaklı değil kayııak-odaklıdır. bu gibi kuramları zaman zaman erek-odaklı olarak nitelemekteyiz. ancak bu yalnızca süreçi yönlendirmeyi amaçlayan kuralcı kuramın ereği vurguladığı anlamına gelmektedir. yani böyle bir kullanımda "kaynak-odaklı" ifadesi teknik terim olarak ve "erek-odaklı" ifadesi de düz anlamıyla kullanılabilir. bugün çeviribilimde "erek-odaklı" ifadesini teknik terim olarak kullandığımızda ise kuramda vurgunun süreçten ürüne; sorundan çözüme; durallıktan devingenliğe; eşsüremden artsüreme; kuralcılıktan betimleyiciliğe kaydığını anlarız. bu nedenle, metin içinde kavramsal bulanıklığa yol açmamak için cicero ve horace'ın kurama işaret eden bu çalışmalarında dikkat her ne kadar erek üzerindeyse de ekonomik bir ifade olan erek-odaklı ifadesi kullanılmamış, açımlama yoluna gidilmiştir. bu durum dikkatlerin erek üzerinde yoğunlaştığı öteki kuralcı, kaynak-odaklı ve süreç-ağırlıklı kuramlar için de geçerlidir [kaynakodaklı ve erek-odaklı kuram tanımları için krş. bengi b: . ], . burada gönderme sözkonusun kitabın baskısına yapılmıştır. ancak kitap ilk kez yılında çıkmıştır. kuralcı kuramların etkilerini yaygın olarak gösterdikleri yıllar işın bengi bağlamında aşağıda yapılan genellemelerde bu kitabın yılında basıldığı gözönünde tutulmalıdır. . erek-odaklı çeviri kuramı terimi için krş. bengi b: . ve bu yazıda not . . burada dökümü yapılan yazılardan yalnızca biri dergide "eleştiri" üst başlığı altında çıkmıştır. Öteki yazılar başka üst başlıklar altında yayımlanmıştır. ancak, incelemenin temelini oluşturan bu yazıların hepsinde eleştirel görüşlere yer verilmiştir. bu nedenle de sözkonusu yazılar incelemeye alınmışlardır. bu yazıların hangi üst başlıklar altında yayımlandıkları ve nedenleri üzerine yapılacak bir araştırma eleştirmenlerin eleştiri normlarından çok derginin eleştiri normlarını ortaya çıkarmada yararlı olabilir. böyle bir çalışma için bkz. dizdar, : - . yukarıda belirtildiği gibi, bu yazıda yalnızca içinde eleştirel görüşlere yer verilen incelemeler ele alınmaktadır. ancak, aynı sayıda çıkan söyleşiler de şöyleşiyi yapanların ve şöyleşiye katılanların eleştirel görüşlerine ışık tutmaktadır. bu konuda yapılan bir inceleme için bkz. bahadır, : - . . aksi belirtilmedikçe alıntı içindeki vurgu bana aittir. . bu yazıda "uygulama" üzerinde durulmuştur. uygulamalı çalışmalarda "kuralcı" olmak kaçınılmaz. Özelliklerini betimleyici, dizgesel, ürün-odaklı, tarihsel vd. olarak belirlediğimiz erek-odaklı çeviri kuramı çerçevesinde sürdürülen uygulamalı çalışmalarda da kaçınılmaz olarak kuralcı oluyoruz. ancak bu kuralcılık betimleyici alanda yapılan çalışmaların sonucunu değerlendirdikten sonra günün normlarını göz önünde bulundurarak (uyum göstererek ya da karşı çıkarak) uygulanan bir kuralcılıktır. kaynak-odaklı, süreç-ağırlıklı, kuralcı kuramlar ise "doğru" ve "yanlışlar"ı mutlak değer olarak sunmakta. bu incelemenin kaynak-odaklı ve kuralcı olarak değerlendirilmesinde bu noktanın dikkate alınması gerekiyor. . burada sözü edilen (üst)eleştiri yazıları için bkz. paker, : - ve doltaş, : - . . adamcıl sözcüğü yazarın da belirttiği gibi "misanthrope" sözcüğünün tam karşılığıdır. sözcüğün karşılığının bugünkü türkçe sözlük'te "insandan ürkmeyen", "insana sokulan" olarak verilmiş olmasının ne ahmed vefik paşa üzerinde ne de bügünün okuru, araştırmacısı üzerinde bağlayıcı etkisi vardır. sözcüğe yalnızca eski tarihli sözlüklerde değil, günümüzde basılan kimi sözlüklerde de "misanthrope” karşılığı olarak yer verilmektedir, [eski sözlükler içinde örn. bkz. güntekin vd., (tarih belirtilmemiş, giriş misanthrope), cilt : ; yakın tarihli sözlükler içinde örn. bkz. alkım vd., : (giriş adam altında adamcıl); iz vd., : (giriş misanthrope,-ist). bu nedenle yazarın değerlendirmesi bugünün gözlükleriyle bile sınırlı bir değerlendirmedir. . metinde kabul edilebilir ifadesi (ve daha ılımlı ifadesi) tırnak içinde yazılmıştır. kaynağa gönderme yapılmamıştır. bu nedenle sözkonusu ifadenin teknik terim olarak mı yoksa düz anlamıyla mı kullanıldığı, teknik terim ise hangi anlamda kullanıldığı açık değildir. bu terimin farklı anlamları için krş. bengi, : . . ve not . . burada da "yeterli aktarım” ve "kabul edilebilir çeviri" ifadeleri açıklanmamıştır. günümüzde "yeterli çeviri" ve "kabul edilebilir çeviri" ifadeleri düz anlamlarının dışında teknik terim olarak ve farklı anlamlarda kullanıldıkları için, terimlerin tanımlanması okur için önem taşımakta [krş. not. ], . metin içinde oyun çevirisine ilişkin malcolm griffiths ve marta frajd adlı araştırmacıların görüşlerine yer verilmiştir. metne ekli "kaynakça"da griffiths alıntısı ile ilgili döküm verilmiştir, ancak frajn'la ilgili döküm yoktur. dilbilim araştırmaları . burada kullanılan "yeterli" sözcüğüne ilişkin herhangi bir kaynak verilmemiştir; kavram tanımknmamışur. eleştiride dile getirilen ve genelde eleştirmenin çeviriye ilişkin olumsuz görüşlerini yansıtan ifadelerden, "yeterli" sözcüğünün teknik terim olarak değil sözcüğün düz anlamıyla kullanıldığını zannediyorum [krş. not ]. . burada vurgu kurulması istenen bölüme verilecek addan çok, bölüm programının içeriği üzerindedir. amacını nitelikli yazılı ve sözlü çevirmen yetiştirmek olarak belirleyen bir bölümün adını "Çeviribilim bölümü" olarak belirlemesi (ya da değiştirmesi), bu yazıda sözü edilen sorunu çözemez. kaynakÇa alkım. u. bahadır vd. redhouse yeni türkçe-İngilizce sözlük. İstanbul: redhouse press. alpay, necmiye "türkçe okurken, İkide bir ...", metis Çeviri, güz, : - . bahadır, Şebnem "metis Çeviri'de yayımlanan söyleşiler Üzerine", metis Çeviri, yaz/güz, - : - . bassnett-mcguire, susan translatioıı stııdies. london and new york: methuen. bengi, işın a "Çeviri bir süreçtir.. ya Çeviribilim ?", argos, kasım , no. : - . _____ b "a re-evaluation öf the concept of equivaleııce in the literary translations of ahmed midhat efendi." (yayımlanmamış doktora tezi.) ankara: hacettepe Üniversitesi. _____ a "Üniversite düzeyinde Çeviri eğitimi Üzerine gözlemler ve yazılı Çeviri dalında bir yüksek lisans programı Önerisi", metis Çeviri, bahar: , - . _____ b "Çeviribilim terimleri sözlüğüne doğru", metis Çeviri, yaz-güz, / : - . _____ c "Çeviribilimde 'bütünleyici bir yaklaşım' üzerine eleştirel görüşler ve Öneriler", varlık, temmuz, : - . dizdar, dilek "metis Çeviride Çeviri eleştirisi", m etis Ç eviri, yaz/güz, - : - . doltaş, dilek "yazın Çevirisine farklı bir bakış: esnek aktarımın sınırları", metis Çeviri, kış, : - . eren, haşan vd. türkçe sözlük ( ). ankara: türk tarih kurumu basımevi. güntekin, reşat nuri vd. (*) fransızca - türkçe resimli büyük dil kılavuzu. İstanbul, kanaat kitabevi (cilt ii). İz, fahir and h.c. hony english - turkish dictionary. oxford at the clarendon press. karaııtay, suat a "türkiye'de oyun Çevirisi tarihine kısa bir bakış", metis işın bengi Çeviri. güz, : - . _____ b "tennessee williams ve sırça kümes", metis Çeviri, güz, : - . nida, eugene a. & charles r. taber the theory and practice o f translation. leiden: e.j. brill. Özkardeş, azmi "sözlüksel uyumluluk bağlamında 'masa da masaymış ha!", metis Çeviri, güz, : - . paker. saliha "Çeviride 'yaıılış/doğru' sorunu ve Şiir Çevirisinin değerlendirilmesi", yazko Çeviri, xiii, - . procter, paul vd. longman dictionary o f contemporary english. great britain : longman group ltd. sevil. berna "karaağaçlar altında", metis Çeviri, güz, : - . snell-homby. mary translation studies. an integrated approach. amsterdam / philadephia: john benjamins publishing co. toury. gideoıı in search o f a theory o f translation. tel aviv university. the porter iııstitute for poetics and semiotics. _____ "a rationale for descriptive translation studies", the manipulation of literatüre. studies in literary translation. der. theo hermans. london and sydney: croom helm, - . (*) (*) tarih belirtilmemiştir. please scroll down for article this article was downloaded by: [wright, tom] on: june access details: access details: [subscription number ] publisher routledge informa ltd registered in england and wales registered number: registered office: mortimer house, - mortimer street, london w t jh, uk studies in travel writing publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t the results of locomotion: bayard taylor and the travel lecture in the mid- nineteenth-century united states tom f. wright online publication date: june to cite this article wright, tom f.( ) 'the results of locomotion: bayard taylor and the travel lecture in the mid- nineteenth-century united states', studies in travel writing, : , — to link to this article: doi: . / url: http://dx.doi.org/ . / full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf this article 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mid-nineteenth-century united states tom f. wright* during the mid-nineteenth century, appearances by returning travellers were a ubiquitous feature of the american popular lecture circuit. attending such talks was one of the few means by which the majority of citizens acquired an insight into distant cultures. these ‘travel lectures’ became an idiom of an emerging mass entertainment culture, one of the period’s more under-appreciated and idiosyn- cratic cultural practices. drawing upon a range of archival materials, this essay explores the scope of the phenomenon during the period – , and argues that these oratorical events represented interpretive performances or ‘dramas of appraisal’ through which performers brought reformist themes to the platform. focusing on the career of the poet, writer and diplomat bayard taylor – the archetypal ‘travel lecturer’ of the period – it reveals the ways in which he used the form to advance a moral vision of mid-century american cosmopolitanism. keywords: travel; lecture; oratory; oratorical culture; performance; cosmopoli- tanism; nineteenth century; united states; bayard taylor in a chapter of little women ( ) entitled ‘literary lessons’, louisa may alcott’s heroine jo is disturbed from her writing and ‘prevailed upon to escort miss crocker to a lecture’ at the concord lyceum: it was a people’s course – the lecture on the pyramids, – and jo rather wondered at the choice of such a subject for such an audience, but took it for granted that some great social evil would be remedied, or some great want supplied by unfolding the glories of the pharaohs, to an audience whose thoughts were busy with the price of coal and flour, and whose lives were spent in trying to solve harder riddles than that of the sphinx. unmoved at the speaker ‘prosing away about belzoni, cheops, scarabeti and hieroglyphics’, jo proceeds instead contentedly to compose stories in her head before ‘the lecture ended, and the audience awoke’. the incident gently satirised an american scene immediately familiar to much of alcott’s domestic audience. on winter evenings during the mid-nineteenth century, hundreds of communities throughout the nation gathered in meeting halls and lyceums to consume edifying addresses by visiting orators. the period represented the peak of the american popular lecture system, offering eclectic ‘people’s courses’ of talks in towns such as alcott’s concord, massachusetts. alongside lectures on temperance and ethical conduct, the appearances of returning travellers delivering eyewitness accounts of exotic locations were a ubiquitous feature of the circuit. speaking at the brooklyn athenaeum in february , new england abolitionist and orator wendell phillips delivered just such an address, a lecture entitled ‘street life *email: tomwright@post.harvard.edu issn – print/issn – online � taylor & francis doi: . / http://www.informaworld.com d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e in europe’. the brooklyn eagle reported that, introducing the topic to his audience he remarked that: the system of public lecturing might be considered from one point of view as a great labor-saving machine. one man travels through books and brings back to you the result of his journeying; another travels over the globe and brings back the result of his locomotion. such presentations of the ‘results of locomotion’ became an established idiom of an emerging mass entertainment culture, one of the more under-appreciated and idiosyncratic cultural practices of the period. attending such talks was one of the scarce means by which many americans acquired an insight into distant geographies and cultures. these presentations – which i term ‘travel lectures’ – covered a diverse array of oratorical performances, but often involved a single figure recounting and interpreting esoteric personal experiences. it was a form attempted by figures as various as anna dickinson, herman melville and mark twain, and the specialism of a handful of principal performers such as bayard taylor, the archetypal ‘travel lecturer’ of the period. beginning to think about the travel lecture through its appearance in little women allows us to glimpse its uncertain contemporary status. alcott’s ironic portrayal suggests that audiences routinely assumed the utility of lyceum discourses, uncritically presuming that they would meet ‘some’ broad national appetites and address ‘some’ imprecise reform agendas. moreover, she posits that this reflex assumption blinded lecture-goers to the tangential irrelevance of addresses such as travel accounts. they were thus axiomatically middlebrow cultural productions, of putative cultural capital but lacking in import, occupying an ambiguous cultural status. partly as a result, like alcott’s heroine jo, modern scholarship seems to have taken the popular travel lecture, ‘for granted’, as an innocuous sideshow to more contentious, pungent oratory. surprisingly for an aspect of culture so important to so many, there has been a relative lack of recent engagement with nineteenth-century public lecturing in the united states, aside from the work of donald scott, angela ray and david chapin. this is in part an inevitable consequence of the ephemeral nature of lecture culture. nonetheless, the materials for its study – broadsides, newspaper reports, advertisements and manuscripts – are far from scant, and combine to provide glimpses of the transnational appetites and curiosities of the mid-century republic. in what follows, i draw upon a range of such materials to offer an outline sketch of the broad phenomenon of the travel lecture during the years – , the period of its greatest popularity and a fleeting moment before visual technologies diluted its essentially literary character. reconsidering the diverse cultural work performed by these lectures, i adopt alcott’s phraseology to recover the ways in which they both supplied various ‘great wants’ of mid- century culture and assailed some of the republic’s ‘great social evils’. i trace this interplay through the richly suggestive figure of taylor, whose attempts to advance a moral vision of exemplary cosmopolitanism reveals the ambivalence and limits of the travel lecture form. the lyceum and popular lecture system what became known as the ‘lyceum movement’ originated from a pioneering institution for community education established in millbury, massachusetts in , aiming to provide workers with a secular, non-partisan centre for civic life. catalysed by the self- improvement ethos of the jacksonian era, a loosely connected network of between and similar lyceums had developed nationally by . their initial participatory t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e character gradually evolved into a commercial circuit based upon the hosting of lectures in seasons that ran from october to april, and by the boston evening transcript observed that ‘every town or village of any sort of enterprise or pretentions has its annual course of popular lectures, while the cities support several courses’. in smaller communities, performances took place in town halls; in the major cities, venues and lecture-sponsoring organisations proliferated, and stages such as boston’s tremont temple and philadelphia’s musical fund hall became hallowed platforms. though northern authors maintained that the system ‘never existed in the south and could not be tolerated there’, a southern circuit had been in existence since the s and venues such as the richmond and charleston lyceums became important lecturing centres. according to scott, ‘by fairly conservative estimate, attendance at public lectures probably reached close to half a million people each week during the lecture season’. an average lecture price of c prescribed a certain income, and lecture-going was traditionally associated with female and young male members of the emerging middle classes, a self-consciously refined arena for communal edification. furthermore, as one observer saw it, the lyceum had a markedly nativist emphasis, with ‘foreign immigrants’ tending ‘to avoid it – or to taste of it, as they do of any other national dish, with courtesy but not with relish’. in practice, the movement represented an institutional attempt to foster the ethos and values of northeastern civic nationalism. in addition to being trailed in advance, noteworthy lectures were recorded in prominently placed newspaper reports, which ranged from brief précis to verbatim transcriptions. these evocative reports were often interpretative, providing a commentary on attendance and audience reaction, and were an essential part of the ‘text’ of any lecture, generating a potentially revealing discursive interplay between journalist and performer. such reports raise inevitable authorial problems, with some rendered in direct reported speech, others in a shifting hybrid of transcription and editorial exegesis. crucially, this reporting practice meant that the audience for any given lecture was threefold: a primary audience in the venue, perhaps a few thousand at most; a second audience of thousands more readers who consumed lectures in papers such as the new york tribune with national readership; and a potential third group who read subsequent appropriated reprints of these lecture reports in local papers across the nation. these institutional arrangements gave birth to the short-lived profession of the ‘public lecturer’ and the dominance of the national marketplace by a small number of eminent names largely drawn from the metropolitan elites of boston and new york who toured the country lucratively each winter. hailed by putnam’s magazine in as ‘the intellectual leaders of intelligent progress in the country’, these celebrity lecturers included such renowned cultural figures as ralph waldo emerson, brooklyn preacher henry ward beecher, and temperance speaker john b. gough. travel lectures one condition of the circuit was that speakers brought to the platform some form of practical first-hand knowledge, and in this way, physicians, military veterans and cultural arbiters of all kinds found enthusiastic audiences. so too did the broader group of individuals returning from distant excursions. in the mid-century republic, travellers were by definition people of consequence, and accounts of their experience were seen to promise both entertainment and information. for the purposes of this discussion, the ‘travel lecture’ is defined as an oral rendition of first-hand experience, imparting esoteric studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e knowledge about distant places or peoples, most often delivered by americans returning from international excursions. it represented a discursive space where several other modes of expression and inquiry – natural history, popular anthropology, comparative politics, autobiography, landscape description – overlapped in the lecture hall. approaches and registers ranged from the urbane to the demotic, from scientific analysis to touristic reminiscence. as scott maintains, ‘the travel lecture was less a travelogue than a kind of comparative ethnography’ an oratorical performance that fused description and comparison to communicate the realities of unfamiliar geographic and social conditions, with the cardinal aim of allowing audiences to ‘travel’ vicariously. no season would have been complete without at least one lecture topic occasioned by a period of travel, and these performances became a hallmark of courses from the humblest lyceum to prestigious courses such as boston’s lowell institute series. a high- water mark of the vogue for these lectures can be seen in the records of the salem, massachusetts lyceum course of – (figure ). in this season, which featured some of the circuit’s leading names, five out of lectures were on subjects that newspaper accounts confirm as reports of international or domestic travel: ‘france’, ‘cuba and the cubans’, ‘europe’, ‘the arabs’ and ‘the valley of the mississippi’. as this course suggests, the repertoire of locations covered in these lectures was eclectic, a range that provides an index to the fashions of the period and antebellum society’s thirst for knowledge about the world beyond the republic. perennially popular subjects were locations such as the holy land, western europe, and the developing american west; most attractive of all were the even more exotic locations of africa, the far east and the arctic. the range of travel orators was also diverse, the personalities of individual performers frequently being as important an attraction as their chosen theme. the atlantic monthly observed in that ‘narratives of personal travel . . . have been quite popular, and indeed, have been the specialties of more than one of the most popular of american lecturers, whose names will be suggested at once by this statement’. first, there were those such as taylor or the arctic explorers elisha kent kane and isaac hayes, whose fame largely rested on voyages; second, there were more substantial public figures such as mendelssohn quintette club – concert george sumner – france ralph waldo emerson – american character george b. cheever – reading and mental cultivation w.h. hurlbut – cuba and the cubans william r. alger – peter the great john p. hale – last gladiatorial exhibition at rome octavius b. frothingham, salem – europe thomas starr king – property george w. curtis – young america henry ward beecher – ministrations of the beautiful theodore parker – the function of the beautiful bayard taylor – the arabs henry w. bellows – new england festivals anson burlingame – the valley of the mississippi d.a. wasson – independence of character prof. guyot – distribution of the races wendell phillips – the lost arts in the massachusetts lyceum during the american renaissance, ed. kenneth w. cameron figure . salem lyceum course – . t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e phillips or emerson, who sporadically reflected upon their travels on the platform. reports also testify to travel accounts delivered by some curious or unexpected figures. during the early s, audiences throughout the country were treated to rev. w.h. milburn, former chaplain to the us congress, speaking on ‘what a blind man saw in paris’ and ‘what a blind man saw in london’. in , civil war general william t. sherman regaled cincinnati with an unlikely account of ‘his travels among the greek islands’. perhaps most peculiar, in the lowell daily citizen tells us of ‘a fellow named mckinney’: who escaped jail at dayton, ohio, went to new madison, indiana, and gave a course of lectures on his travels in the holy land. he did the thing so well that he was invited to repeat his lectures in the college there, but before he had finished an officer came along in pursuit, and he was obliged to make a precipitate retreat. as carl bode observed, ‘the traveler who brought back his tales could generally count on prompt engagements’, in part due to lecture committees’ approval of travel reports as reliably uncontroversial. public lecturing operated within a carefully regulated discursive space, and as oliver wendell holmes sr was later to remark, there was ‘an implied contract to keep clear of doubtful matters’. alongside biography or conduct, ‘travel’ presentations were viewed as an ideal way of achieving this whilst simultaneously meeting the lyceum’s original function of ‘diffusing’ useful information. these lectures could aid an appreciation of novel agricultural processes; could foster an understanding of other nations and peoples; and could underwrite democratic decisions with an awareness of competing traditions and social formulations. as henry david thoreau remarked of the self-censorship of the lyceum, ‘the little medicine [audiences] get is disguised with sugar’: these lectures offered the ‘sugar’ of pleasurable evocation, alongside ‘medicinal’ acts of cultural translation. to be sure, the ostensible emphasis of these events was frequently on entertainment, most clearly in such presentations as the ‘thrilling’ arctic narratives of kane and hayes. lectures could consist of mere international small talk, as in a series of lectures on ‘england and the english’ delivered by rev. c. pinkney in baltimore in , which dealt mostly in physical descriptions of queen victoria and albert. they could also offer vehicles for light satirical commentary, as in playwright dion boucicault’s ‘sketches of european society’, which humorously lampooned the foibles of the french and british nobility. they could even occasionally resemble theatrical performance, as with gough’s series of flamboyant lectures on london during the s, the highlight of which was a series of well-received impersonations of cockney street characters and parliamentary figures. other categories of lecturer offered more substantively educational experiences to audiences. some such as french-american naturalist paul du chaillu used reports as the basis for popular scientific instruction, and the popularity of his accounts of africa was the subject of a harper’s weekly article in (figure ). as depicted in little women, others offered historical and archaeological descriptions, frequently accompanied with visual aids, as in an new york lecture on ‘modern jerusalem’ ‘illustrated with splendid illuminated paintings, from drawings taken on the spot’ (figure ). subjects and locations were often topical, supplying news and fresh information, with a number of lecturers providing first-hand accounts of the european revolutions of , the great exhibition of and the paris exposition of . particularly urgent were those addresses by civil war participants which provided northern audiences with eyewitness accounts of the progress of the union forces in the south. studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e a popular sub-genre of presentation supplied another ‘great want’ of eastern audiences in the form of explanations and interpretations of westward expansion. frequently performed by missionaries, clerics or settlers, these lectures often had the more or less explicit aim of spurring internal emigration, offering inspiration and guidance for easterners hoping to emulate pioneer success. they could be anthropological, as figure . ‘mr. paul du chaillu lecturing to the young people of boston’, harper’s weekly, march . figure . mr. dickinson, ‘lecture descriptive of modern jerusalem’, new york, . reproduced with permission of american antiquarian society. t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e in rev. parsons’s report on ‘the physical, social and moral condition of wisconsin territory’ in worcester, massachusetts (figure ). other examples were straightfor- wardly autobiographical, such as rev. peter cartwright’s lectures on ‘pioneer life in the west’ at the episcopal church in manhattan in . this brand of lecture represented part of the dominant imperialist discourse surrounding manifest destiny, but eastern audiences were also occasionally treated to oppositional visions of western developments, as in the talks of native american chief kah-ge-ga-gah-bowh (aka ‘george copway’), who lectured widely during the s and s describing the landscapes of wisconsin and the threatened practices of the ojibway tribe. as this survey demonstrates, the performances of travellers supplied a range of the ‘great wants’ of nineteenth-century culture: providing excitement, escapism, adventure, instances of heroism, patriotic reassurance and guidance. travel lectures also sometimes aimed to remedy ‘great evils’ of antebellum society, and a number of performers used the form as an oblique but effective medium for bringing reformist themes to the platform. many used accounts of experience abroad to rebuke american society, as was the case with new york tribune editor horace greeley’s admonitory account of the great exhibition entitled ‘the crystal palace and its lessons’, which lamented the state of american industry and advocated reform of free trade. similarly, phillips’s ‘street life in europe’ drew on experience of old world racial attitudes to condemn the relative intolerance exhibited in the cities of the us. others used a comparative frame as a warning, as with educationalist horace mann’s lecture on ‘great britain’ which drew on descriptions of the english labouring classes to argue for the necessity of republican educational institutions. during the late s, women’s rights reformer anna e. dickinson toured an eyewitness report of utah entitled ‘whited sepulchres’, a piece that began as a descriptive travel narrative, before evolving into an outspoken critique of gender relations under mormonism. figure . rev. parsons, ‘the physical, social and moral condition of wisconsin territory’, worcester, ma, . reproduced with permission of american antiquarian society. studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e the most incendiary of such lectures were those by orators who used reports of both international and domestic travel as vehicles for abolitionist sentiment. this was true of both international and domestic topics. speaking before the boston mercantile library association in , the well-travelled senator charles sumner offered an account of ‘white slavery in the barbary states’, marvelling at how ‘the evil i am about to describe . . . banished at last from europe, should have entrenched itself in both hemispheres between the same parallels of latitude’. in a lecture featured in the salem course of – , free soil party spokesman anson burlingame spoke on the seemingly innocuous topic of ‘the valley of the mississippi’, but the cambridge chronicle reported that he ‘elected this subject . . . for the purpose of fixing a few transient memorials of that wonderful valley’, before documenting the lecture’s escalation to a crescendo of anti- slavery rhetoric: ‘in the name of humanity, i protest: let the declaration go forth from old fanueil hall, let it rise from every section of the republic . . . by every shining mountain, nebraska shall be free!’ in providing this broad platform for cross-cultural reflection, the eyewitness travel report offered a significant degree of freedom to orators, a potential discursive range far beyond any notional remit. performers could exploit an innocuous set of broad conventions of the travel report – evocative first-hand description, curious information, comparative cultural interpretation – to pronounce on almost any subject. rhetorically, they were acts of inductive reasoning, treating empirical experience of distant practices to argue for local reform. as with the wider genre of nineteenth-century travel writing, these lectures centred on potent messages about ‘nationhood’ and ‘otherness’, articulated with varying degrees of conscious obliqueness. however, the oral form transformed the purchase of this wider literary mode; in this still largely pre-visual mode, language was called upon to usher expectant audiences into distant lands. moreover, oral renditions of travel material allowed for the evolving emotional or dramatic movement of the travel account to be experienced communally. travel talks were therefore above all performances of interpretation, or dramas of appraisal. though often fragmentary in their record of audience response, newspaper reports occasionally provide a sense of this galvanising public atmosphere. as lawrence levine has remarked of the performance culture of the period, ‘the very ethos of the times encouraged active audience participation’, a reality amply illustrated in reports of two lectures on british themes in s’ new york. an account of emerson’s lecture on ‘england’ in recorded that ‘the loudest and most animated cheering occurred at the mention of the name of oliver cromwell – proof positive that he was before an audience who sprung from the people of whom oliver was one’. three years later, a report on mann’s ‘great britain’ detailed the dramatic silencing of a heckler: a gentleman from the gallery said he would like to say a word on the other side of the question. he was from the manufacturing districts, and could say that the statements were exaggerated; that – the gentleman’s voice was overpowered by a storm of sibillation. both cases testify to the readiness with which certain audiences endorsed or appropriated the symbolism of orators’ cross-cultural representations. moreover, the experience of reading these reports reminds us that the importance of these events only partly lay in their initial oral expression. the implications of these dramas of appraisal were transformed through their reproduction in the print media, and reporters and editors participated in the encoding and dissemination of performances. promotional materials were also central to this process, and advertising for these events reveals a range of motivations for attendance. some lectures were marketed as purely t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e informational, others as more aspirational, as with gough’s talks on london, which were specifically recommended to philadelphia audience members ‘who design visiting the english metropolis’. most others were advertised simply in terms of narrative value or descriptive appeal. performers deficient in these prized qualities were not highly regarded, the most prominent example being melville, whose short-lived platform career speaking on ‘the south seas’, and ‘statues in rome’ during the mid- s suffered from his apparent failure to provide such stimulation. these performances existed as part of what david chapin has termed ‘a culture of curiosity, built on knowledge of the world presented as both amusement and useful education’. the purveyors of such knowledge occupied a unique place in mid-century culture, their lecturing activities providing ‘the possibility of forging careers’ in lewis perry’s terms ‘as intellectual middlemen’. the act of travel rendered performers crucially distinct from most of their audience, and the ‘result’ of locomotion could be gauged by how separate and distinct these performers had become. due to their accomplishments, travel lecturers represented exemplars, but were also obliged by lyceum conventions to interpret privileged experiences in a demotic way, to be simultaneously exceptional and representative. bayard taylor: performing cosmopolitanism of no performer of the period was this more true than bayard taylor, the travel writer, poet and diplomat whose lectures dominated the platform of the s. an harper’s weekly illustration entitled ‘the lyceum committeeman’s dream’ (figure ) depicted him striding purposefully in russian attire amidst a cohort of fellow celebrity orators, figure . ‘the lyceum committeeman’s dream – popular lecturers in character’, harper’s weekly, november . bayard taylor top centre. studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e including susan b. anthony, wilkie collins and mark twain. one historian of the lyceum has termed him among ‘the most admired and talked-about men in antebellum america’, and his harper’s weekly obituary recalled that: for a long time in his earlier life, his lectures of travel were more charming and attractive to the public than any other lyceum oratory; special trains were run, and no hall was large enough for the crowds that wished to hear him. born into moderate means in pennsylvania in , taylor rose to prominence as a result of serialised newspaper dispatches of his youthful adventures as an impoverished but resourceful traveller in europe during the early s. when these experiences were subsequently published as views afoot: europe seen with a knapsack and staff ( ), a generation of middle-class americans were offered an innovatory guide to enjoying the old world ‘on the cheap’. possessed of acquisitive linguistic gifts and considerable personal charm, he found himself a natural traveller, and his combined voyages were on a vaster scale than any author or lyceum performer, covering more ground than perhaps any other american of his age. at the height of gold fever in taylor travelled west to california and mexico, excursions which resulted in el dorado: adventures in the path of empire ( ). in he travelled to the levant and sailed down the nile; in he pressed on to india and china before achieving his greatest coup the following year, accompanying us commodore perry on the successful commercial ‘opening’ of japan. the output from these and other voyages was prolific – including a journey to central africa ( ); the lands of the saracen ( ); a visit to india, china and japan ( ); and northern travel ( ) – and taylor became a literary sensation, widely hailed as a patriotic hero. upon his return from japan in , he observed to his publisher that ‘curiosity is alive to see ‘‘the great american traveller’’. it provokes me and humiliates me, but i suppose it is natural, and i must submit to it.’ taylor duly embarked upon the lecture circuit, satisfying the curiosity of audiences across the nation who ‘longed to look upon this friend who had been with them such a pleasant companion in so many strange lands’. he proved an immediate success, and though he soon grew to resent the time-consuming pressures of lecturing, he could not resist its rewards and repeatedly undertook full winter tours. taylor’s account books state that between and he delivered almost lectures, netting him an average salary of $ versus the $ he received from publishing. his repertoire consisted of a nucleus of five main lectures on exotic locations – ‘the arabs’ (toured from ), ‘japan and loo choo’ ( ); ‘india’ ( ), ‘life in the north’ ( ) and ‘moscow’ ( ) – alongside which taylor frequently delivered a more abstract piece entitled ‘the philosophy of travel’ ( ). in later years his attention turned to presentations on german literature and, to mixed success, ambitious socio- political addresses on such grand themes as ‘the american people’ ( ) and ‘american life’ ( ). this latter group have been the only pieces to have received critical attention, but it is on the first group of popular eyewitness reports that his considerable contemporary fame rested. taylor periodically appeared in the costume of the region about which he was speaking, adopting oriental robes while performing ‘the arabs’ or an oversized cossack cap for touring ‘moscow’ (see figures and ). this theatrical element of his ‘act’ was central to his appeal. however, unlike fellow performers who became increasingly reliant upon visual aids, ‘magic lanterns’ and illustrations, reports suggest that taylor’s art was a primarily oral, literary phenomenon. for the modern reader, some of this literary appeal t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e is elusive. in his published works, he is often a repetitive and wearisome guide, his admirably complete immersions in local culture frequently marred by a stylistic tendency for superlatives and extraneous statistics. the lecture scripts are necessarily comparatively condensed, and the more effective for it. mature pieces such as ‘moscow’ are relatively tightly focused, finely wrought collage-like compositions that weave exotic cultural allusion to figures from western and eastern traditions, anecdotes, precise geographic detail and rhapsodic imagery. in alcott’s terms, taylor’s performances met several great wants of antebellum culture: his accounts afforded vicariously pleasurable escapist experiences, and his appraisals met the ‘great want’ of international classification. an account of an performance of ‘japan and loo choo’ in cambridge, massachusetts, centred on just such an act of classification, beginning with a comparison between the chinese and the inhabitants of japan, with the lecturer concluding the latter to be ‘immensely superior in capability and in promise . . . the chinese however, are a stupid, almost witless race, fitted to their stagnant condition’. such troubling moments represented influential codifications of races in hierarchical relation to putative american progress. during his platform career taylor’s style developed from this early reductive emphasis on racial hierarchy towards meeting the ‘great want’ of aesthetic stimulation through vivid geographic sketches that served as dramatic highlights. it was this latter quality that was figure . ‘bayard taylor’, putnam’s monthly, vol. . , august . studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e clearly most admired by audiences. ‘japan and loo choo’ was praised in new york in for its ‘extremely graphic . . . descriptions of the island scenes’ that generated ‘the strongest expressions of pleasure from the audience’; an ohio report recorded that ‘his listeners can see clearly in their minds eye the things of which speaks’. having attended ‘moscow’ in , the philadelphia press deemed him ‘a true, faithful word- painter of scenes that come within the range of his perceptive intellect – taylor’s powers are certainly extraordinary’. one such dioramic set-piece occurs towards the beginning of ‘moscow’, a recollection of taylor’s first sight of the capital, worth quoting at length for its cumulative effects: your eyes, accustomed to the cool green of the woods and swamps, are at first dazzled with the light. the sun is reflected from hundreds of gilded domes, whose long array fills up one third of the horizon, the nearest ones flashing in your face, and the farthest sparkling like stars in the distance. i have heard people attempt to compliment nature by saying of a celebrated view: ‘how like a scene in a theatre!’ yet one’s first impressions of moscow might be expressed in almost these words. its sudden burst of splendour – its confusion of gold and prismatic figure . bayard taylor carte de visite, c. (berg collection, new york public library). t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e colors – does not belong to the sober landscape which surrounds it or the pale northern sky which looks down upon it. it is an immense dramatic show, gotten up for a temporary effect, and you can scarcely believe that it may not be taken to pieces and removed as soon as its purpose has been achieved. whence comes this wilderness of grass-green roofs, of pink, blue and yellow houses, out of which rise by hundreds spire and towers, stranger and more fantastic than ever were builded [sic] in the dream of an insane architect? whence these gilded and silvered domes, which blind your eyes with reflected suns, and seem to dance and totter in their own splendour, as you move? it can be no city of trade and government, of pleasure and scandal, of crime and religion, which you look upon. it was built while the lamp was yet in aladdin’s hands. rather than capturing a static image, the varied rhythms and constructions of the passage strive to dramatise a process of observation and appraisal. taylor emulates the assault of moscow on the senses, a spectacle represented as celestial, feral, enchanted, yet delicately insubstantial. russian otherness is figured against the propriety of the ‘sober’ landscape, offsetting the city’s ‘confusion’ and the strange daring of its architecture. to experience taylor reciting such a passage and rehearsing its rhetorical questions was to participate in his succession of metaphysical uncertainties, to share in the essentially passive theatricality of travel. the passage’s invocation of such theatrical aspects alludes to an interplay of visual and literary arts in the contemporary performance culture of spatial representation, and offers a commentary on the pictorial character of his own prose, a ‘dramatic show gotten up for temporary effect’. in the absence of magic lanterns or illuminated paintings, mimetic literary executions such as taylor’s provided audiences with their most vivid encounters with distant scenes. even in such passages as this, taylor’s account retains a curiously informational character in its specification of ‘one third of the horizon’, and a diffidence of tone in the tentative gesture of ‘it might be expressed’. just as central to the effect of such scenes was taylor’s pronominal flexibility. his scripts often let the third-person ‘traveller’ drive his narrative (‘this tale will naturally recur to the mind of the traveller, who approaches moscow’), achieving a sense of objective distance from his own travels. as with other performers, he also frames his experience with reference to plural ‘we’ and ‘us’ of american identity (‘if any of us had asked his neighbour, three years ago . . .’; ‘in finland, we find a different class . . .’). significantly, however, taylor largely avoids the first- person singular, characteristically employing the second-person to establish a voice simultaneously intimate and authoritative. in the above passage, the action of viewing moscow thus takes place specifically for its listeners (‘your eyes’, ‘your face’, ‘you can scarcely believe’). by modulating the addressee of his lectures in this way, taylor presented his exploits as merely one in a succession of potential voyages, intimating the essentially representative typicality of his exploits, and the plausibility of audience repetition of such feats. this stylistic self-effacement contributed to taylor’s self-conscious attainment of fellowship with his audiences. his lectures resisted mystifying himself or his achievements, aiding the process of what ray has termed ‘the symbolic creation of taylor as the public’s own observer, simultaneously a celebrity and a compatriot’. in the wisconsin patriot thought ‘his manner [is] not that of the orator, but that of the companion – conversational’; in the springfield news maintained that ‘everybody likes bayard taylor because he is a man of the people and puts on no airs’. the early image of taylor as the resourceful, indigent everyman of views afoot appears to have remained with popular audiences, and central to this appeal was his position as part of but crucially apart from the antebellum literary establishment. studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e among these elite contemporaries, he enjoyed a markedly less positive reputation. fellow poet and editor park benjamin coined the notorious, widely circulated witticism that taylor had ‘travelled more and seen less than any man living’. melville, perhaps harbouring a degree of resentment at his rival’s lyceum success, is believed by some to have used taylor as the basis for ‘the cosmopolitan’, the worldly but naive dilettante in the confidence man ( ). a contemporary coolly remarked of his lecturing that ‘reports of his latest trip are always well-received by the large class who (as goethe says in his analysis of playgoers) do not care to think, but only to see that something is going on’. modern critical opinion of his lecturing has generally concurred, considering him at best as a minor heir to the genteel tradition of such derided figures as henry wadsworth longfellow, at worst as a mere shill of colonialism, a disseminator of the racial prejudices of his day. david mead concluded of his platform career that ‘his appeal was conscious and calculated; he had no share in the ideal of spreading culture’. taylor’s colonial vision clearly represents the most challenging aspect of his work for modern readers. his books were filled with repeated claims of the nature that ‘every important triumph which man has achieved since his creation belongs to the caucasian race. our mental and moral superiority is self-evident.’ in his lectures, a prominent aspect of this vision lay in the repeated theme of the celebration of the ‘mobility’ of nations. in ‘the course of history’ he observed in ‘the philosophy of travel’, ‘we shall find that a country is progressive, in proportion as its people travel. none of the great nations of the ancient world ever grew up to power on its original soil’. this process of international mobility was characteristically expressed in a troublingly violent register, typified by the frequent rhetorical suggestion that the traveller ‘should rather seek to penetrate the national character of each country he visits’. taylor was evasive about the processes and implications of imperialism, remarking of his role in the ‘opening up’ of japan to us trade that: i leave it to others to discuss the question whether japan has not a perfect right to exclude herself from intercourse with the world . . . destiny does not pause to consider these questions. there are certain things which happen, whether they seem to be right or not. this celebration of destiny is twinned in the dramatic closing tableaux of ‘japan and loo choo’ with a vivid expression of militarist patriotism: we carried with us, as a token of our nationality, a small boat’s ensign, and on arriving at the gate of the capital, one of the sailors fastened it to a light staff which he stuck into the barrel of his musket, and thus we carried the flag in triumph through the centre of the town. however troubling they may seem, emphasis on these seemingly oblivious imperial aspects alone risks missing the broader personal and party-political agenda at work in taylor’s lecturing. correspondence from his earliest days of touring registers his realisation of the potential of his new role, expressing pleasure in the ‘great satisfaction’ of ‘magnetizing so many persons at once’. it also indicates that at least for a time, he consciously sought to articulate serious lessons through what he described as his ‘lecturing crusade’ across the nation. reports repeatedly record this resolute aspect to his performances, noting taylor’s characteristic transition from graphic description to abstract cross-cultural analysis. in , the wisconsin patriot reported having ‘listened with great pleasure to this most philosophical of travellers, and most travelled of philosophers’. in , the philadelphia press praised ‘the lecturer’s happy manner of tinging his vivid and life-like descriptions with the sober colors of sound philosophical content’. the consistent message of taylor’s later lectures ultimately appears less one of imperial destiny than a whiggish enactment of exemplary stances of appraisal. in ‘the philosophy t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e of travel’, he announced the broad aim of ‘presenting some of the nobler aims of travel . . . rescuing the practice from the imputation of being merely the result of an unsettled state of mind, or an unstable character’. these nobler aims were most clearly expressed in a passage of direct guidance: i know of no better advice to give to one who wishes to obtain that broad and living experience of the world which travel only can supply, than follow the example of st. paul and become all things unto all men. you can establish no magnetic communication with another race, without conforming in some degree to their manners and habits of life. unless you do this, you carry your own country with you wherever you go, and you behold new forms of life merely from the outside, without feeling the vital pulse which throbs beneath. the only true way of judging of a man’s actions is to place ourselves in his situation, and take our bearings from that point; and the only way to understand a people thoroughly is to become one of them, for a time. all of his lectures were at least in part hymns to these benefits of breadth of experience, which for taylor amounted to the cultivation of an attitude of cultural openness and cosmopolitanism. taylor believed that he was witnessing the close of an age of authentic cultural cosmopolitanism, an ethos and way of life whose passing he mourned. throughout his multiple careers as traveller, diplomat and man of letters, he worked up a distinct vision of this lost cosmopolitan ideal, one reliant on versatility, adaptation and resistance to the wilder claims of nationalism. it was an ethos central to his cultural agenda, at the heart of such projects such as his cyclopaedia of modern travel ( ), but was one he sought to convey most energetically on the lecture platform. taylor was one among several whig voices who used the lyceum to urge for a reining in of boosterist passions, and the tendency of the united states to overvalue itself. one of the most popular performances of the period, wendell phillips’s ‘the lost arts’ (included on the – salem course discussed earlier) was a comparable attack on self-indulgent nationalist boosterism, advocating a greater respect for the achievements of past global civilisations. such sentiments became a major theme of taylor’s lectures, disseminated by plentiful lecture reports. in ‘the arabs’ reminded audiences in georgia that ‘those who have only associated with their own race have but a little knowledge of human character’; ‘man and climate’ opened in brooklyn in ‘with some general remarks setting forth the desirableness of acquiring a knowledge of the different branches of the human family’. while unfailingly affirmative about american life, these lectures drew upon taylor’s foreign experience to advocate a more sophisticated, cosmopolitan form of patriotism. this cosmopolitanism was reiterated through the aesthetic values of taylor’s lectures. their stylistic layering and multicultural allusiveness supplied for audiences a stance of elegant discrimination, and the frequently unassuming nature of his observations communicated a position of confident discernment. it was also part of the casualness of his tone, a disavowal of the high seriousness of his peers on the platform, favouring meandering over linear narrative. in ‘japan and loo choo’, for example, he said: i propose, therefore, to give you my impressions of the japanese, with such illustrations as may suggest themselves, rather than a connected narrative of my experience, much of which has already been made public. if a cosmopolitan stance can be defined as partly that of boredom, then taylor’s lecturing frequently exemplified this blasé attitude. ‘in walking through palaces you lose your sense of the value of jewels’, he remarked in ‘moscow’, ‘you look upon them at last with as much indifference as upon pine wood and pottery’. these values were imparted through his urbane platform persona. in , the newark advocate thought his style ‘dignified, studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e simple and unaffected’; in , the cambridge chronicle considered his ‘easy conver- sational style’ to have ‘afforded a pleasant contrast to the spread eagle and pompous lectures so much in vogue’. taylor’s cosmopolitanism was almost a matter of physical bearing, his insouciance and costumes offering audiences the spectacle of the cosmopolite. taylor has long been associated with genteel literary culture, a milieu whose association has dogged his reputation, but whose own members are currently attracting revived interest for their comparably cosmopolitan emphases. while he certainly enjoys many affinities with this tradition and with the whig culture of greeley’s tribune, the intimate accessibility of his everyman persona also embodied a type of non-elite cosmopolitanism. as a lyceum celebrity, he personified the obtainable goal of travel, its potential for social mobility and personal growth, offering audiences a form of ‘performed cosmopolitanism’. it was in one sense cosmopolitanism as commodity whereby, for the price of admission, lyceum-goers could vicariously obtain ‘that broad and living experience of the world’. attending his performances, taylor’s admirers gained exposure to an aspirational way of life: literary, itinerant, and amicable, an apparent representative of broadminded republican manhood. as the s began, taylor’s lyceum career faced a growing problem. correspondence reveals his recognition of the absurdities of the occupation, not least the fact that conditions for the traveller on the provincial platform circuit were often as oppressive and treacherous as those in the regions about which he spoke. eager to focus on more literary endeavours, he was increasingly unwilling to accumulate the experiences necessary for fresh travel lectures, turning to socio-political themed talks that were perhaps not best suited to his talents. partly due to this shift in subject matter and his continued association with the abolitionist new york tribune, taylor became embroiled in the unavoidable clamour towards sectional conflict, and suffered a high-profile cancellation of his speaking engagements before the young men’s christian association in richmond in . as civil war broke out, taylor continued to lecture to northern audiences, perhaps now more than ever meeting the ‘great wants’ of escapism through his exotic accounts. nonetheless, an washington, dc, performance of ‘moscow’ led to a memorable exchange with one such audience member who retained a belief in taylor’s potential to remedy the most urgent of ‘great social evils’. having attended the lecture at willard’s hall on december, abraham lincoln wrote to taylor, with whom he had a passing personal acquaintance, requesting the commission of a lecture on the realities of russian serfdom, as an instructive parallel to confederate slavery: my dear sir. i think a good lecture or two on ‘serfs, serfdom, and emancipation in russia’ would be both interesting and valuable. could not you get up such a thing? yours truly a. lincoln. though evidently deeply flattered, taylor, due to time constraints, was forced to reply to his president in the negative: i am very much gratified by the manifestation of your personal interest in the subject, and hope that i may be able to contribute, though so indirectly, to the growth of truer and more enlightened views among the people. this exchange testifies to a mutual belief in the reformist potential of the lecture circuit, and to lincoln’s keen sense of the ‘value’ of popular amusements in shaping national opinion. perhaps disclosing lingering doubts regarding his own abilities, it reveals taylor’s awareness of the significant, ‘indirect’ cultural agency of his lecturing activities. it articulates his determination to exploit his ambiguous position as the ‘great american t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e traveller’ as a platform from which to stage resistance to what he regarded as misguided national sentiments, aspiring not only to captivate audiences, but to convert them. as larzer ziff has observed, ‘he believed he had acquired a comparative base from which to point out to his countrymen america’s shortcomings’. the waning of taylor’s lecturing career during the late s, however, suggests the limits to this form of cultural authority. upon his turn towards political commentary, audience responses grew increasingly lukewarm, and reports speak to a popular reluctance towards his more explicit comparative analyses. a report of ‘ourselves and our relations’ from quincy, new york, in december concluded that whilst ‘mr. taylor is a scholar, and has the appearance and bearing of a gentleman, as one might expect from so extensive a traveller . . . he is not a great thinker’, observing that he merely took ‘skilful advantage of his pursuit and position to propagate . . . purely partisan ideas’. sections of the public were seemingly unwilling to entirely accept the premise of the insightful traveller as oppositional voice. as george landow has observed regarding the rhetorical authority of nineteenth-century non-fiction, ‘the audience is willing to pay attention to someone extraordinary and set apart from the majority of men, but any claim that one possesses special insight threatens to drive them away’. by , one new york reporter recommended that ‘bayard taylor can stand down. his audiences on his last lecture tour have been slim. he is ausgespielt [ finished].’ despite this retreat, not long before his death in taylor pointed to an apparently enduring legacy of his lecturing tours, noting that ‘hardly a week passes, but i receive letters from young men’ influenced by his example: to achieve the education of travel; and believing as i do that the more broad and cosmopolitan in his views a man becomes through his knowledge of other lands, the purer and more intelligent shall be his patriotic sentiment – the more easily he shall lift himself out of the narrow sphere of local interests and prejudices – i rejoice that i have been able to assist in giving this direction to the mind of the american youth. this direction came in the form of a continual entreaty for an appreciation of global culture and a challenge to parochialism and the wilder excesses of nationalism. these sentiments of curiosity and nuance were offered as the ‘results’ of his locomotion: results whose moral and civic benefits his writings insistently dignified, and which the dramas of appraisal of his underappreciated lyceum performances helped bring to the remotest communities in the nation. epilogue in the years following the civil war, the lecture circuit increasingly professionalised, culminating in the dominance of lecture agencies such as the redpath lyceum bureau. the catalogues of these agencies attest to the continued popularity of travel themes, which persisted in the successful career of explorer george kennan into the late s, by which time the lecture system evolved into the chautauqua movement. by this time, advances in visual technology had decisively ended the era of the free-standing, oral travel narrative. in effect, these lectures had always been embedded in a wider performance culture of spatial geographic representation alongside magic lanterns, raised maps and panora- mas. since the s, lectures had occasionally been accompanied by illustrations and paintings (as in figure ), but by the post-war period even those lecturers who had earlier dealt in unadorned accounts now often presented stereopticon views, with oral testimony as a prominent but secondary attraction. as the century drew to a close, heirs to taylor studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e such as john l. stoddard and burton homes achieved national fame as purveyors of the kinds of cinematic travelogues which film historian jeffrey ruoff has recently termed ‘virtual voyages’. meanwhile, a more conceptual challenge had been launched against the authority of these eyewitness reports. from the late s humorists such as stephen massett and artemus ward began to tour the lecture circuit offering comic talks billed as straightforward eyewitness travel accounts. in , ward spoke in ohio on ‘sixty minutes in africa’, which the cincinnati inquirer recorded as a series of disjointed witticisms that closed with the declaration ‘i have not told you much about africa. you did not suppose i would, and so, as the prestidigitators say, there is no deception about that.’ its cincinnati audience recognised the satire: ‘the speaker administered some telling blows at the prevailing folly of putting on airs and funnily took off the ignorance concerning the west which prevails in new england.’ upon the transfer of the lecture to the east coast, there was more irritation at ward’s ‘deception’, and the brooklyn eagle concluded that the lecture had been a mere ‘joke on the audience . . . he spoke of almost everything but africa, which was merely alluded to incidentally’. the most prominent parody of this type was a lecture billed as ‘a lecture on the sandwich islands’, the performance that helped introduce obscure journalist mark twain to national consciousness. first performed in san francisco in , it consisted of an obtuse account of his impressions of hawaii gained as a correspondent for californian newspapers, burlesquing the typically lofty informational tone of travel accounts: these islands are situated , miles southwest from san francisco, california, out in the middle of the pacific ocean. why they were put away out there, so far away from any place and in such an out-of-the-way locality, is a thing which no one can explain. in a similar vein, advertisements for the lecture’s san francisco performances (figure ) took aim at the mock-grandeur of certain lyceum presentations, announcing ‘a splendid orchestra/is in town, but has not been invited/a den of ferocious wild beasts/will be on exhibition in the next block/ magnificent fireworks/were in contemplation for his occasion, but the idea has been abandoned.’ by the time twain reached the east, the act was being billed as a ‘humorous lecture’. despite this, in jamestown, new york an audience member wrote to express outrage at ‘the irrelevancy and senselessness of nearly all his lecture . . . i went there expecting to hear something thrilling and original about those interesting islands, and this trash was all he had to offer.’ the town’s newspaper felt it necessary to clarify that the lecturer had used his ‘ostensible theme for the sole purpose of hanging jokes to it’. ‘the sandwich islands’ was in part a repudiation of pacific missionaries and the genre of the ‘missionary lecture’. it also represented a broader challenge to the conventions and assumptions of the ‘travel lecture’, invoking a set of regional and class antagonisms. as portrayed in this essay, typical performers were overwhelmingly elite northeastern males, often doubtless pompous in their appraisals of international experience for the ‘benefit’ of mid-western audiences. in a sense twain and ward merely offered a more extreme version of the oblique way in which purveyors of travel lectures talked ‘around’ and ‘against’ the advertised themes of their talks. their burlesques mocked the high- minded sobriety of the lyceum, debunking the prestige surrounding the activities of orators such as taylor and exposing travel lecturing as merely another confidence trick. they concurred with the spirit of alcott’s contemporaneous depiction in little women of such t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e lectures as lofty and ephemeral, an idiom of condescending cultural appraisals directed at social inferiors. conclusions the dramas of appraisals offered by these travel lectures remains a largely unexplored area. anglophone culture offers plentiful contemporary analogues to this american figure . ‘the sandwich islands’, san francisco bulletin, october . reproduced with permission of american antiquarian society. studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e phenomenon, from anglican missionary talks and royal geographical society presenta- tions to the lectures of victorian comic orators such as albert smith. nonetheless, british parallels apparently offer little of comparable scope to the example of the united states. entertainments involving global comparison were particularly attuned to the curiosities and anxieties of a nation with a rapidly expanding land empire, its history so characterised by mobility. moreover, it was a culture in which oratory enjoyed a prominent national role, and in which the civic virtue of knowledge diffusion had acquired republican distinction. given this civic impetus, the enthusiasm of travel lecturers might be seen as an heir to the reportorial duties of returning travellers’ re-aggregation rituals in classical republicanism. moreover, as judith adler and others have argued, all processes of travel represent modes of ‘performance’; the phenomenon discussed in this essay proposes a suggestive way in which cultural aspects of this performance might be said to occur upon travellers’ return. despite the legitimate critiques of twain and alcott, it is clear that these performances represent a dynamic and still largely underexplored field of cultural activity. more than simply part of nineteenth-century spectacle culture, popular renditions of travel experiences should be recognised as influential ‘rational amusements’, operating at the intersection of mass culture and moral discourse. it was an oratorical phenomenon that offered a fleeting literary mode through which performances could foster inventive and powerful comparative views of american identity. as i have demonstrated, these dramas of appraisal provided a space for communal thinking about place, national selfhood, and the ethics of interpretation; they met both the ‘great wants’ of a mass society, and attempted to engage with its ‘great social evils’. it was a space whose creative and reformist potential was exploited by public figures such as taylor as a unique vehicle for popular moral critique. acknowledgements research for this article was made possible by the award of a mary c. mooney fellowship at the boston athenaeum. it owes much to the advice of angela ray, the generosity of murray wheeler jr, barbara and eugene mccarthy, and the comments of sarah meer, tim youngs, rav casley gera and james emmott on early versions of this material. notes . louisa may alcott, little women, good wives [ ] (london: everyman, ), . . ‘street life in europe’, brooklyn eagle, february . . donald scott, ‘the popular lecture and the creation of a public in the mid-nineteenth- century united states’, the journal of american history , no. ( ): – ; scott, ‘print and the public lecture system – ’, in printing and society in early america, ed. william joyce et al. (worcester, ma: american antiquarian society, ); and scott, ‘the profession that vanished: public lecturing in mid-nineteenth-century america’, in professions and professional ideologies in america, ed. gerald grierson (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ). angela ray, the lyceum and public culture in the nineteenth-century united states (east lansing: michigan state university press, ); and ray, ‘what hath she wrought? woman’s rights and the nineteenth-century lyceum’, rhetoric & public affairs , no. ( ): – . david chapin, exploring other worlds: margaret fox, elisha kent kane, and the antebellum culture of curiosity (amherst: university of massachusetts press, ). earlier valuable studies include carl bode, the american lyceum: town meeting of the mind (oxford: oxford university press, ) and david mead, t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e yankee eloquence in the middle-west: the ohio lyceum – (east lansing: michigan state college press, ). . this essay draws upon (a) the newspaper holdings of the american antiquarian society; the boston athenaeum; cambridge university library; harvard widener library, and readex historical newspapers online (series – ); (b) the broadside holdings of the above and boston public library, massachusetts historical society and new york historical society; (c) the manuscript holdings of the above and boston public library; chester county historical society, pa; cooper union library; and harvard houghton library. . josiah holbrook, american lyceum, or society for the improvement of useful knowledge (boston, ma: perkins & marvin, ). . bode, american lyceum, . . ‘popular lectures’, boston evening transcript, october . . josiah holland, ‘the popular lecture’, atlantic monthly , no. (march ): . for accounts of the southern lyceum, jonathan daniel wells, the origins of the southern middle class – (chapel hill: university of north carolina), ; and michael o’brien, all clever men who make their way: critical discourse in the old south (athens: university of georgia press, ); bode, the american lyceum, . . scott, ‘the profession that vanished’, . scott explains that ‘the figure is based on an estimate that lectures, with an average attendance of people, took place each week during the season. see robert j. greef, ‘public lectures in new york: a cultural index of the times’ (phd diss., university of chicago, ), – . . thomas wentworth higginson, ‘the american lecture-system’, living age , no. (april ): . . ray, the lyceum and public culture, . for the distinction of civic and ethnic nationalisms, i draw on the discussion in james mcpherson, ‘was blood thicker than water? ethnic and civic nationalism in the american civil war’, proceedings of the american philosophical society ( ): – . . see meredith mcgill, american literature and the culture of reprinting – (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ). . holland, ‘the popular lecture’, ; scott, ‘the profession that vanished’, – ; and lewis perry, boats against the current: american culture between revolution and modernity – (oxford: oxford university press, ), – . . anon., ‘lectures and lecturers’, putnam’s ix (march ): . . scott, ‘the popular lecture and the creation of a public’, . for this understanding, i draw on the discussion in james mcpherson, ‘was blood thicker than water? ethnic and civic nationalism in the american civil war’, proceedings of the american philosophical society ( ): – . . for example, ‘prof. h. d. rogers, the arctic regions’ and ‘e.h. davis, mounds and earthworks of the mississippi valley’, on the – course. a full course list is provided in harriet knight smith, history of the lowell institute (boston, ma: lamson, wolffe & co., ). . kenneth walter cameron, ed., the massachusetts lyceum during the american renaissance (hartford, ct: transcendental books, ), . . for example, ‘athenaeum lecture: valley of the mississippi’, cambridge chronicle, february ; ‘bayard taylor on the arabs’, macon georgia telegraph, february . . josiah g. holland, ‘the popular lecture’, the atlantic monthly , issue (march ). . for an in-depth treatment of kane’s career see chapin, exploring other worlds, – . . ‘the lecture’, rochester union and advertiser, december . . ‘gen. sherman gives a lecture’, cincinnati daily gazette, december . . ‘misc. items’, lowell daily citizen and news, april . . bode, the american lyceum, . . oliver wendell holmes, the professor at the breakfast table [ ] (london: everyman’s library, ), . . josiah holbrook, american lyceum, or society for the improvement of useful knowledge (boston, ma: perkins & marvin, ), . . henry david thoreau, november , the heart of thoreau’s journals (new york: courier dover, ), . studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e . for example, ‘dr. hayes lecture at musical fund hall last evening’, philadelphia press, january . . ‘england and the english’, baltimore sun, april . . ‘sketches of european society’, cambridge chronicle, february . . for example, ‘john b. gough at the academy of music last evening’, philadelphia press, february ; ‘general city news – lecture by john b. gough’, new york times, january ; ‘john b. gough at the academy of music – the great metropolis’, brooklyn eagle, april . . ‘mr. paul du chaillu lecturing the young people of boston’, harper’s weekly, march . . ‘the great lecture of the season’, new york tribune, february . . for example, ‘benjamin silliman on paris’, , free saturday night lectures index, cooper union library; ‘the crystal palace and its lessons – a lecture by horace greeley’, new york times, january ; ‘mr. stansbury’s lecture on the world’s fair before the maryland institute’, baltimore sun, january . . ‘campaign of the army of the united states in louisiana’ invitation card, boston tremont temple , american antiquarian society. . ‘mr dickinson – modern jerusalem’ broadside, dutch reformed church, new york, , american antiquarian society. . ‘lecture: wisconsin territory’ broadside, , american antiquarian society. . see george copway, life, letters and speeches (lincoln: university of nebraska press, ). . horace greeley, the crystal palace and its lessons: a lecture (new york: dewitt and davenport, ). . wendell phillips, ‘europe’ undated scrapbook, harvard houghton library. . ‘great britain’ undated scrapbook, massachusetts historical society. . see ray, the lyceum and public culture, – . . charles sumner, white slavery in the barbary states: a lecture (boston, ma: ticknor & fields, ). . ‘athenaeum lecture: valley of the mississippi’, cambridge chronicle, february . . lawrence levine, high brow/low brow: the emergence of cultural hierarchy in america (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ), . . ‘lecture on england at the mercantile library by ralph waldo emerson’, new york herald, january . . ‘people’s lectures – great britain. a lecture by horace mann’, new york times, march . . ‘mr john b. gough’s lectures’, philadelphia inquirer, february . . see merton sealts jr, melville as lecturer (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ). . chapin, exploring other worlds, . . lewis perry, intellectual life in america: a history (new york: franklin watts, ), . . mead, yankee eloquence, ; ‘bayard taylor remembered’, harper’s weekly, january . . larzer ziff, return passages: great american travel writing, – (new haven, ct: yale university press, ), – . . ‘bayard taylor to james. t. fields’, february , in life and letters of bayard taylor, ed. marie hansen-taylor (boston, ma, ), . . isaac edwards clarke, a tribute to bayard taylor: read before the literary society of washington, march , (washington, dc: mohun bros., ). . see ziff, return passages, – . . private account book, bayard taylor collection, houghton library, harvard university. see also theresa ellen moran, ‘bayard taylor and american orientalism: th century representations of national character and the other’ (phd diss., fletcher school of law and diplomacy, ), . . for this essay, the following lecture manuscripts have been examined: ‘japan and loo choo’, ‘the american people’, ‘moscow’, ‘the philosophy of travel’, ‘american life’, ‘the animal man’. all manuscripts held at chester county historical society, pennsylvania. . robert warnock, ‘unpublished lectures of bayard taylor’, american literature ( ): – . . ‘bayard taylor’, putnam’s monthly , no. (august ). see also peter g. buckley, ‘paratheatricals and popular stage entertainment’, in the cambridge history of american t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e theatre, vol. : beginnings to , ed. don wilmeth and christopher bigsby (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), . . ‘bayard taylor’s lecture’, new york evening post, january ; ‘bayard taylor lecture’, daily toledo blade, january . . ‘bayard taylor’, philadelphia press, november . . taylor, ‘moscow’ manuscript, – . . taylor, ‘moscow’, . . taylor, ‘japan and loo choo’ manuscript, ; ‘moscow’, . . ray, ‘popularizing imperialism: bayard taylor and the u.s. expedition to japan, ’, in proceedings of the nd tokyo conference on argumentation, ed. takeshi suzuki et al. (tokyo: japan debate association, ), . . ‘bayard taylor’s lecture’, wisconsin patriot, april ; springfield news, november quoted in mead, yankee eloquence, . . hansen-taylor, life and letters of bayard taylor, . . see hans-joachim lang and benjamin lease, ‘melville’s cosmopolitan: bayard taylor in the confidence-man’, amerikastudien ( ): – ( ). . higginson, ‘the american lecture system’, . . richard cary, the genteel circle: bayard taylor and his new york friends (ithaca, ny: cornell university press, ); for recent postcolonial readings, see ziff, return passages, – . . mead, yankee eloquence in the middle-west, . . quoted in richmond croom beatty, bayard taylor: laureate of the gilded age (oklahoma city: university of oklahoma press, ), . . taylor, ‘the philosophy of travel’ manuscript, . . taylor, ‘japan and loo choo’, . . taylor, ‘japan and loo choo’, . . taylor, ‘japan and loo choo’, . . taylor to george h. boker, february , in life and letters of bayard taylor, ed. hansen-taylor, . . taylor to james t. fields, in life and letters of bayard taylor, ed. hansen-taylor, . . ‘bayard taylor’s lecture’, wisconsin patriot, april . . ‘bayard taylor lecture’, philadelphia press, november . . ‘philosophy of travel’, . . ‘philosophy of travel’, . . see daniel walker howe, the political culture of the american whigs (chicago, il: chicago university press, ). . wendell phillips, ‘the lost arts’ manuscript, boston public library, p. . . ‘bayard taylor on the arabs’, macon georgia telegraph, february ; ‘man and climate’, brooklyn eagle, december . . bayard taylor, ‘japan and loo choo’, . . see david simpson, ‘the limits of cosmopolitanism and the case for translation’, european romantic review, , no. (april ): – ( ). . taylor, ‘moscow’, . . ‘irving lectures’, cambridge chronicle, december ; newark advocate, march , quoted in mead, yankee eloquence in the middle west, . . see for example, christopher irmscher, longfellow redux (chicago, il: university of illinois press, ). . taylor, ‘philosophy of travel’, . . ‘mr bayard taylor and the young christians of virginia’, new york tribune, february . the cancellation and its attendant controversy attracted significant national media attention, and was treated in reprinted articles in regional papers, for example, ‘an invitation withdrawn’, weekly georgia telegraph, february ; ‘bayard taylor and virginia’, san francisco bulletin, march . . lincoln to taylor, december , in abraham lincoln: speeches and writings – , ed. don e. ferhenbacher (new york: library of america, ), . . taylor to lincoln, december , in abraham lincoln: speeches and writings – , . . ziff, return passages, . studies in travel writing d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e . ‘bayard taylor’s lecture’, quincy daily whig, december . . george landow, elegant jeremiahs: the sage from carlyle to mailer (ithaca, ny: cornell university press, ), . . ‘miscellaneous items’, jamestown journal, february . . taylor, by-ways of europe [ ] (new york: g. putnam’s sons, ), . . see crawford a. peffer, outline history of the redpath lyceum bureau (ma diss., harvard university, ); john r. mckivigan, forgotten firebrand: james redpath and the making of nineteenth-century america (ithaca, ny: cornell university press, ). annual lists of lecturers and topics are contained in editions of lyceum magazine ( – ), the american antiquarian society. . see discussion of kennan’s lecture career in ‘the forgotten george kennan: from cheerleader to critic of tsarist russia’, world policy journal , no. (winter / ): – . . see edward ziter, the orient on the victorian stage (cambridge: cambridge university press, ). . consider the example of isaac hayes: s and s records of his performances (e.g. ‘dr. hayes lecture at musical fund hall last evening’, philadelphia press, january ) contain no reference to illustrations, but by broadsides billed his appearances as ‘dr. isaac hayes – the celebrated arctic explorer . . . magnificently illustrated by a grand stereopticon’, broadside, exeter lyceum, massachusetts, american antiquarian society. . jeffrey ruoff, ed., virtual voyages: cinema and travel (durham, nc: duke university press, ); see also robert dixon, ‘what was travel writing? frank hurley and the media contexts of early twentieth-century australian travel writing’, studies in travel writing , no. ( ): – . . ‘sixty minutes in africa’, cincinnati inquirer, march . . ‘sixty minutes in africa’, cincinnati inquirer, march . . ‘artemus ward in brooklyn’, brooklyn eagle, march . . ‘the sandwich islands’, stenographed lecture report, cooper union library. . ‘the sandwich islands’, san francisco bulletin, october . . ‘our fellow savages’, lecture advertisement, brooklyn eagle, february . . ‘mark twain criticised – an indignant spectator’, jamestown journal, january . . ‘criticism on mark twain’s lecture for adult readers – not to be read by people with weak stomachs’, jamestown journal, january . . see giliana bruno, atlas of emotion: journeys in art, architecture, and film (london: verso, ), – ; and edward ziter, the orient on the victorian stage. . susan gufstafson, eloquence is power: oratory and performance in early america (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), – . . see richard d. brown, the strength of a people: the idea of an informed citizenry in america, – (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), – . for rituals of re-aggregation in classical republicanism, see for example, plato’s formulation of these rituals in ‘laws’ xii in plato: complete works, trans. trevor j. saunders, ed. john m. cooper (indianapolis, in: hackett, ), . . judith adler, ‘travel as performed art’, american journal of sociology , no. ( ): – . see also in transit: travel, text, empire, ed. helen gilbert and anna johnston (new york: peter lang, ). t.f. wright d o w n l o a d e d b y : [ w r i g h t , t o m ] a t : : j u n e progress towards ultra-cold ensembles of rubidium and lithium by swati singh, b.sc., mcmaster university, a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of master of science in the faculty of graduate studies (physics) the university of british columbia april, © swati singh, in presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the university of british columbia, i agree that the library shall make it freely available for reference and study. i further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my depart- ment or by his or her representatives. it is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (signature) department of physics and astronomy the university of british columbia vancouver, canada date ii abstract the work described in this thesis is related to various projects that i worked on to- wards the production of ultra-cold ensembles of rb, rb and fermionic li. in the past few years, ultra-cold atomic gases have evolved into a mature field of research, driving various theoretical and experimental groups towards new possibilities. this thesis starts with an overview of the research direction of the field and the lab in particular, to use ultra-cold fermionic atoms as quantum simulators for several con- densed matter problems. it discusses the experimental route to quantum degeneracy in a sample of ultra-cold atoms and techniques to get there. the rest of the thesis primarily discusses the first step to degeneracy- production of ultra-cold ensembles of rubidium and lithium. it starts with the theoretical concepts that enable laser cooling and trapping. the interaction between light and atoms and how it leads to a decrease in temperature of the ensemble is discussed. the limits of different cooling mecha- nism with relevance of the atoms of interest are described. the starting point for all laser cooling experiments is an atomic source, the details of the requirements and efficiency of different atomic sources is discussed, emphasizing our choice of sources for the two atoms. other technical details such as the vacuum system and the con- trol system for the experiment are briefly discussed. preliminary data from our first ensembles of ultra-cold lithium and rubidium is shown. at the end, the planning and progress of the first experiments that we aim to achieve with these ultra-cold atoms- namely looking for feshbach resonances and studying the effect of dc electric fields on them, and studies with ultra-cold lithium atoms in optical lattices, is discussed. iii contents abstract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii contents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii list of tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi list of figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . phase space density . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . bosons and fermions- the statistics of identical particles . . . . . . . . motivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the experimental route . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . outline of this thesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective . . . . . . . . the dipole force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . classical oscillator model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a more quantum view . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the scattering force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . optical molasses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . magneto-optical trap (mot) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . cooling mechanisms and their limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . doppler cooling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . polarization gradient cooling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . recoil limit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the macroscopic picture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . getting the light- the laser system for experiment . . . . . . . . . . requirements for the laser system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lithium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rubidium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . semiconductor lasers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . external cavity diode lasers- the master laser system . . . . . . . . . . theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . nuts and bolts: putting together a master laser . . . . . . . . . locking the laser . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . contents iv . . saturated absorption spectroscopy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . frequency modulation locking scheme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . amplification at the right frequency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . injection locking- the master-slave relationship . . . . . . . . . . acousto-optical modulators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . fiber network for diagnostics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . more technical details . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . details of the rubidium setup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . details of the lithium laser system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . in search of an efficient atomic source . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . loading a mot from atomic vapour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a note about desorption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . loading a mot from an effusive atomic beam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . collimation issue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . background collisions with rubidium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . slowing an atomic beam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . shifting, chirping or broadening the laser frequency . . . . . . . . filtering the high velocity atoms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . zeeman slower . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . our choice of sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rubidium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lithium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot . vacuum system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . initial considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vacuum pumps and their limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vacuum bakeout procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . computer control system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . initial considerations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . hierarchy of components . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the flow of instructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . control software . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . then the mot works . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . preliminary fluorescence data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . analysis of loading rate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases . miniature atom trap . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ultra-cold heteronuclear molecules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . feshbach resonances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . experimental strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . electric-field-induced feshbach resonances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . experimental strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . quantum degenerate gases as quantum simulators . . . . . . . . . . contents v . . the fermionic hubbard model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . experimental strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a broadening mechanisms in atomic spectra: appearance and real- ity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. homogeneous and inhomogeneous mechanisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. natural line-width . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. doppler broadening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. pressure broadening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. power broadening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. transit time broadening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. laser line-width . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. second order doppler effect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. other mechanisms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b laser system details . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi list of tables . different systems exhibiting quantum degenerate behaviour. . . . . . . differences between bosons and fermions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . increase in phase-space density during various stages of the experiment. . table of all the diode lasers used in the lab, and their characteristics. . table of the different transitions at which the master lasers are locked,and the frequency shift of the pump beams. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . list of all the aoms being used for the experiment and their frequency shifts. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . difference between the velocity profiles of a gas and a beam. . . . . . . information about the different vacuum pumps . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii list of figures . density- temperature relationship, showing regions governed by clas- sical and quantum mechanics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ac stark shift for a -level atom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . schematic diagram showing optical molasses in one-dimension . . . . . atomic energy levels in the presence of a magnetic field . . . . . . . . . demonstration of polarization gradient cooling mechanism . . . . . . . energy levels of lithium- and lithium- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . energy levels of rubidium and . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . semi-conductor diode laser . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . li curve of one of the master lasers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . schematic diagram an a photo of a master laser system . . . . . . . . . graph showing acoustic resonance frequencies of a master . . . . . . . . schematic diagram illustrating hole burning mechanism in saturated absorption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . schematic of a three level atoms, with two ground and one excited state. the figure also shows how the moving atom sees light at two resonances from one that is at a wavelength between the two reso- nances in the lab frame. this doppler shifted light leads to cross-over resonances. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . graph showing the absorption spectrum of lithium- with the satu- rated absorption peaks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . zoomed in view of the absorption spectrum for lithium- showing the saturated absorption peaks. also shown on the graph is the error signal obtained by the lock box for that signal. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . flowchart summarizing the the optical procedure to create light to enable rubidium’s laser cooling. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . flowchart summarizing the the optical procedure to create light to enable lithium’s laser cooling. the diagrams and pictures of the optical setup is shown ahead. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the calculated steady state number for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the calculated loading rate for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature for an atomic beam source. . . . . . . . . . list of figures viii . the calculated steady state number for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature for an atomic beam source. we can see an approximately -fold increase from a vapour cell mot. . the calculated steady state number for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature for an atomic beam source. we can see an increase in the nss at all temperatures just by a small collimation of the atomic beam. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . the calculated steady state number for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature for an atomic beam source in the presence of a background of rubidium atoms. we can see a decrease in the nss due to enhanced collisional losses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . picture of the vacuum system electric feed-through showing the / ” support support rods on which the atomic sources to be used for the experiments are screwed on. there are two rubidium dispensers on the top and bottom, and a collimated effusive atomic beam source for lithium is shown in the center. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . pressure during the bakeout procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . solidworks drawing of the experimental arrangement for feshbach ex- periment. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . flowchart showing the control sequence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . loading curve for rb- mot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . picture of rubidium- mot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . schematic diagram showing the short and long term objectives of the experimental effort . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . schematic diagram explaining a feshbach resonance . . . . . . . . . . . picture of the high-voltage electrodes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. temperature dependence of atomic spectra: doppler broadening at different temperatures for li- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a. line-width of the master lasers as obtained by beating two locked master lasers. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. rubidium- trap light frequency setup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. rubidium- repump light frequency setup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. rubidium- trap light frequency setup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. rubidium- repump light frequency setup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . b. lithium- frequency setup to generate both trap and repump light . . b. details of the actual optical setup to generate lithium mot light. . . b. optical setup for the amplification stage on the feshbach table before the mot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix acknowledgements this thesis is a testament to the progress made in our quantum degenerate gases lab. to claim it as my work would be simply incorrect. i would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to the people i have met. first and foremost, i am indebted to prof. kirk madison for giving me the opportunity to work in his group. kirk has always had the time to answer my innumerable whys, all of which were not confined to the experiment. as i write this section and reflect, i realize how enriching those interactions have been. this thesis would not be what it is if it wasn’t for my second reader prof. john behr, who turned his comments and suggestions into a scientific discussion at times, for which i am grateful. i think everyone in the lab can attest to the fact that our lab is completely dysfunc- tional without dr. bruce klappauf. he comes to our rescue when we are willing to give up and inspires us with his remarkable dedication and knowledge. i have wit- nessed my fellow graduate students janelle van dongen and keith ladouceur absorb new ideas and quickly master them. thanks to janelle for constantly reminding me to keep faith and helping me with things- i owe her over a hundred cookies. keith has answered many silly computer control questions patiently and is fun to work with. thanks to tao for latex and machining help, and for letting me beat him in arm wrestling. our lab has been very fortunate to have dedicated undergrads and exchange students. sylvain hermelin and paul lebel had to be kicked out at times. sylvain-tight optics is a lab standard and paul has been named magneto because of his work on the magnetic coils. thanks also to friedrich, nina and bastian for their input on exper- iments, this thesis and my hopeless german. the machine shop and the electronics shop guys have also been very helpful. i have been fortunate to have a great support network of friends. anand, arvind, sibyl and jonben would be remembered for food and stimulating conversations- es- pecially anand. thanks also to sasha for her sanity checks and thilo for smiles. most of all, my immense gratitude goes to my family, especially my mother for either believing in me or giving up on me- whatever it was. last, but definitely not the least, thanks to abhyudai, now my husband, for being, according to him, a constant source of distraction during this work. as usual i disagree with him and look forward to both silly and intellectual arguments- and a lot more. chapter introduction tell me not, in mournful numbers, life is but an empty dream ! for the soul is dead that slumbers, and things are not what they seem. life is real ! life is earnest! and the grave is not its goal ; dust thou art, to dust returnest, was not spoken of the soul. a psalm of life : henry wadsworth longfellow . phase space density classically, the phase space density of an ensemble ρ(−→r , −→p , t) can be defined as the probability that a single particle is at position −→r and has momentum −→p at some time t. in classical mechanics it is possible to know simultaneously the position and momentum of a single particle with certainty. these six components span the phase space of the particle. the phase space density for a system of n particles is the sum of the single-particle phase space densities of all the particles in the system divided by n . since the phase space density is a probability, it is always positive and can be normalized over the n -dimensional phase space spanned by the position and momentum vectors. the quantum mechanical description of a gas of atoms is that of wave-packets in- terfering with each other. while is it convenient to picture them as billiard balls at high temperatures, specific quantum effects must be taken into account at lower temperatures, as the wave-packets spread and begin to overlap. the spatial extent of the wave-packet is characterized by its de broglie wavelength, λdb = h/p , where p is the average momentum of the particle [ ]. for a gas at temperature t , the average velocity is simply v = √ kbt m ( . ) which gives us the corresponding wavelength scale: λ = h√ mkbt ( . ) one must remember that since the spatial and momentum spread must satisfy the uncertainty relation, the above expression for λ is an estimate of the degree of spatial localization. now, for an ensemble of atoms to be treated classically, the inter-particle spacing chapter . introduction must be much greater than the spatial extent of the wave-packets. quantum effects become important when the particles tend to overlap, meaning nλ ≈ ( . ) (onset of quantum effects). here, n is the number density of the ensemble being considered. figure . shows the two regimes. the following table gives us an idea of the density and temperature t em pe ra tu re number density, n n = quantum region classical region figure . : classical and quantum regimes in the temperature-density space. the rough demarcation between the two is given by nλ = , where λ is the debroglie wavelength. values for which quantum degeneracy is achieved in various systems [ ]. t is the temperature associated with equation . . it is important to emphasize here that quantum mechanics is not exclusively the physics of small things, as can be seen in figure . and the table below. the quantum mechanical behaviour becomes domi- nant when the density is high enough so that each particle’s wave-function overlaps with its neighbour. the following sections describe briefly how quantum degeneracy is realized in a system of ultra-cold atoms. the tentative approach of our research group is described thereafter. . bosons and fermions- the statistics of identical particles if two particles are identical, mathematically it means that the hamiltonian of the two-particle system is invariant under a permutation of their co-ordinates. this leads chapter . introduction table . : different systems exhibiting quantum degenerate behaviour. system density (in cm− ) t (in k) neutron star electrons in metal liquid he × h gas × × − rb bec × × − table . : differences between bosons and fermions bosons fermions integer spin half-integer spin symmetric wave-function anti-symmetric wave-function occupation number, ni = nstates e²i/kb t − occupation number, ni = nstates e²i/kb t + exhibit bose enhancement exhibit pauli blockade examples: photons, gluons, rb, na, li examples: electrons, protons, k, li to an interesting observation in quantum mechanics. let us define the permutation operation such that: p Ψ(r , r ) = Ψ(r , r ) ( . ) here, Ψ is an eigenket of the hamiltonian. there are two key observations about this operator, p . . p = , which means by applying the operator twice we recover the original state. . since the hamiltonian is invariant under permutation, we can find a simultaneous set of eigenkets to describe the system. after some linear algebraic manipulation (refer to section . in ref. [ ]), we realize that Ψ and p Ψ must describe the same state, and since p = , they can only differ by a normalization factor = ± . hence, Ψ(r , r ) = ±Ψ(r , r ) ( . ) this means that the wave-functions must be symmetric or anti-symmetric under exchange. particles with the symmetric property are said to obey bose statistics, and hence are called bosons. particles with the anti-symmetric property obey fermi- dirac statistics, and hence are called fermions. some of their striking differences have been summarized in the following table. an atom is said to be a boson if the sum of its spins is a whole integer, and fermion if it is a half-integer. as the phase space density is increased and quantum mechanical behavior is revealed, we observe that bosonic atoms tend to group together and occupy the low-lying states of the system, eventually forming a bose-einstein condensate which is described as macroscopic occupation of the ground state of the system- bec) as ρ goes over . [ , ]). the phase space density, ρ = nλ , is the dimensionless quantity that signifies the number of particles in a box of volume equal to the cube of the de broglie wavelength. chapter . introduction the phenomenon of bose-einstein condensation is quite unique. it is perhaps the only thermodynamic phase transition that is driven purely by particle statistics and has nothing to do with their interactions. at a phase transition, all thermodynamical variables undergo an abrupt change. this characterizes a critical temperature, tc. analogous to a liquid-gas phase transition, the particles can co-exist in two states at the critical temperature. however, below the critical temperature, the gaseous vapour condenses to liquid droplets. similarly, below the critical temperature, the gaseous bosons condense into a bec. but unlike normal particles, its not their separation in space, but in momentum space that defines this transition. the condensed particles of a bec all occupy a single quantum state of zero momentum, while normal particles have a distribution of finite momenta [ ]. for fermionic atoms, things are different. the pauli exclusion principle prohibits them from occupying the same state, so as the temperature decreases, they start occupying the low-lying levels of the system. since only one particle can occupy a state, not all can be in the ground state and they start occupying the next-available energy state. thus, in the quantum-degenerate regime, all states below some energy (called the fermi energy) are filled, giving us a fermi sea. it is this filling of lower energy levels that gives rise to fermi pressure. as a gas of atoms increases its phase space density and enters the quantum degenerate regime, we notice that its momentum distribution spreads even more than what would be expected for a classical maxwell distribution. this differentiates fermions from classical particles or bosons (since bosons have a much narrower momentum distribution eventually leading to a bec). in fact it this fermi pressure that is responsible not just for identifying ultra-cold fermionic atomic gases [ ], but also for the gravitational stability of massive compact celestial objects like white dwarfs and neutron stars [ ]. in this thesis, we shall concern ourselves with three atomic species: rb and rb - which are bosons, and li, which is a fermion. . motivation before delving into the details of this thesis, it is important to discuss briefly the motivation for realizing quantum degenerate gases in a system of ultra-cold atoms. due to its low densities, the interaction between constituent atoms is minimal. in fact, it has been shown that this interaction can be tuned from being highly repulsive to attractive by way of feshbach resonances (for example [ ]). excellent control over the laser and magnetic fields involved gives us the ability to perform very pre- cise measurements on such quantum systems. this precision and tunability makes these experimentally realized quantum systems prime candidates for being quantum simulators. as feynman pointed out [ ], the ability to store and process superpositions of num- bers gives immense parallel computing powers to a quantum computer. a highly controllable quantum system made of a quantum degenerate gas (qdg) of ultra-cold atoms can be used to simulate other more complicated quantum systems, for example electrons in a material. while qdgs might not be the best candidate for factoring large numbers, they are strong contenders to realizing several interesting condensed chapter . introduction table . : increase in phase-space density during various stages of a bec experiment stage temperature phase space density atomic source c − slowing mk − cooling mk − trapping mk − evaporation nk > matter hamiltonians, for example, the bose-hubbard hamiltonian [ ]. the ample interesting physics that remains to be explored is driving several research programs in the area. . the experimental route as a result of liouville’s theorem [ ], the application of conservative forces cannot change the volume that the ensemble occupies in phase space. hence, in order to change the phase space density, we have to apply a non-conservative force on the atoms. such a force is applied by lasers while laser cooling and trapping, and can change the phase space density by over eight orders of magnitude to about − . the details of how this works theoretically and experimentally constitute the bulk of this thesis and are explained in later chapters. the basic idea is that lasers enable laser cooling provide a force that is proportional to the atomic velocity and its direction is opposite to the atomic motion, hence providing a damping mechanism which slows the atom down, ultimately cooling the ensemble. the final six orders of magnitude are spanned by evaporative/sympathetic cooling [ ], where the atoms are loaded into optical or magnetic traps and the hotter ones are allowed to escape by lowering the trap depth. as the remaining atoms thermalize, the ensemble gets colder, and eventually reaches the quantum degenerate regime. the following table shows order-of-magnitude values for different stages of a typical experiment that produces quantum degenerate gases [ ]. ever since the production of the first bec in [ ], and fermi degenerate gas in [ ] the basic structure of the route to degeneracy has not changed by much. techniques with laser cooling, for example polarization gradient cooling or raman cooling schemes [ ],[ ] have enabled experiments to reach a higher phase space density before the evaporative cooling phase of the experiment. minimizing losses in the evaporative cooling phase requires starting with a colder, denser sample. proposals for novel schemes to achieve this are constantly being devised. . outline of this thesis this thesis primarily discusses the first step to degeneracy- production of ultra-cold ensembles of rubidium and lithium. it starts with the theoretical details of laser cooling and trapping in chapter . the next chapter (chapter ) contains all the chapter . introduction details of the experimental requirement and the laser setup that was built in our lab to enable us to cool two bosonic species, rb and rb and fermionic li. chapter deals with summarizing the details of a atomic source for lithium- . chapter describes the vacuum system and the control system for the experiment, and recently added preliminary data from our first ensembles of ultra-cold lithium and rubidium. chapter deals with the planning and progress of the first experiments that we aim to achieve with these ultra-cold atoms- namely looking for feshbach resonances and studying the effect of dc electric fields on them. finally some more technical and theoretical details such as spectral broadening mech- anisms and details of the laser setup are explained in the appendix. let us, then, be up and doing, with a heart for any fate ; still achieving, still pursuing, learn to labor and to wait. a psalm of life : henry wadsworth longfellow chapter laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective there’s a certain slant of light, on winter afternoons, that oppresses, like the weight of cathedral tunes. heavenly hurt it gives us; we can find no scar, but internal difference where the meanings are. there’s a certain slant of light: emily dickinson this chapter presents a theoretical picture of the mechanisms underlying laser cooling and trapping. the interaction of photons with atoms can be classified into two types: the coherent interaction (corresponding to stimulated scattering), and the incoherent interaction (corresponding to spontaneous scattering events). the coherent interaction generates the dipole potential that is used for optical trapping of atoms and is described in section . the (near-resonance) incoherent interaction leads to laser cooling and trapping and will be described in subsequent sections. the interaction of a simple two-level atom with near-resonant light, and the force it experiences due to scattering photons will be considered in section . atoms experience a laser light below the atomic resonance frequency experience a dissipative force retarding its motion, similar to a viscous force, which is explained in section . by extending the same geometry to three dimensions, we can slow down an ensemble of atoms in all three directions of motion. however, the slow atoms are not trapped. in order to trap the atoms, magnetic fields are introduced to create a magneto-optical trap, as explained in section . it was discovered that several different mechanisms were responsible for cooling of the atoms below the expected temperature limits, and they are discussed in section . to conclude this chapter, we will branch off from a single atom picture and look at the effect of laser cooling on the ensemble at large, discussing temperature and entropy changes in the last section. . the dipole force . . classical oscillator model an atom in a light field −→ e has an induced dipole moment that oscillates with fre- quency ω. this dipole moment is given by: −→ d = α −→ e ( . ) chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective where α is the polarizability given by [ ]: α = π² c Γ/ω ω − ω − i(ω /ω ) Γ ( . ) here, ω is the frequency of the transition (classically, the natural frequency of the oscillator), and Γ is the line-width of the transition. the interaction potential of the induced dipole moment with the driving field −→ e is simply udip = − −→ d . −→ e = − ² cre(α)i ( . ) the dipole force is the conservative force that results from the gradient of this interaction potential. fdip = −∇udip = ² c re(α)∇i(r) ( . ) the scattering rate corresponding to absorption and spontaneous re-emission of pho- tons is given by: Γsc(r) = h̄² c im(α)i(r) ( . ) substituting the expression for polarizability and implementing the rotating wave approximation (which is valid for large de-tunings |δ| = |ω − ω | << ω ), gives the following expressions for the energy and scattering rate: udip(r) = πc ω Γ δ i(r) ( . ) Γsc(r) = πc h̄ω ( Γ δ ) i(r) ( . ) . . a more quantum view the effect of electric fields on atomic levels can be treated as a second order pertur- bation (stark effect) with the interaction hamiltonian given by: h = −−→d .−→e ( . ) and the energy levels given by [ ] δei = Σj =i | < j|h|i > | ei − ej ( . ) note that the change in energy of an atomic level depends on the coupling between the different states- or what is generally known as a dipole matrix element. to describe the system quantum mechanically, we apply the dressed state picture [ ] in which both the atom (∆e = h̄ω )and the photons (e = h̄ω) are quantized. for a two-level chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective h v h v field on field off (a) (b) ∆eshift figure . : schematic diagram showing the effect of an electric field on a two level atom. (a) the energy levels are moved in opposite directions if the field is red de-tuned to the resonance. (b) in case of a spatially in homogeneous field, such a gaussian laser beam, the shifted energy levels create an energy minima in which atoms can be trapped. system, diagonalizing the × matrix of the interaction hamiltonian [ ] gives the energy shifts to be: e(ground/excited) = ± πc ω Γ δ i ( . ) this is remarkably similar to the classical treatment of the dipole potential (equa- tion . ). this induced energy shift is commonly known as the light shift or ac stark shift. it is this ac stark shift in the energy levels that is used to form a trap for atoms. if δ < , then the trap is red de-tuned and atoms are attracted to the minima of the trap, and vice versa for a blue de-tuned trap. the interference of laser beams produces a periodic intensity pattern, and hence a periodic energy shift that is used to make an optical lattice. . the scattering force photons have momentum, meaning if a beam of photons scatters off of a target, it must exert some force on the target due to the change in momentum of the photons. to better understand the origin of this force, consider a microscopic picture consisting of one atom and a beam of photons. each time an atom absorbs a resonant photon, it receives a momentum kick of h̄k in the direction of the incoming photon. the absorbed photon is then spontaneously emitted in a random direction, and after many absorptions, the average of the momentum vectors of the emitted photons goes to zero. atoms absorbing counter-propagating photons would be slowed down over time. this provides a force that slows down atomic motion. for one-dimensional motion, this scattering force would be given by: fscatt = photon momentum × scattering rate ( . ) chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective the scattering rate is given by Γρ, where Γ is the spontaneous decay rate of the upper level, and the co-efficient ρ is the fraction of the population in the upper level. solving the optical bloch equations for a two-level atom in the presence of an oscillating electric field, gives the steady-state population of level (the upper level) to be [ ]: ρ = Ω / δ + Ω / + Γ / ( . ) here, Ω is the rabi frequency (the oscillation frequency between the ground and excited state in the presence of resonant light). the rabi frequency and the saturation intensity are related by the following expression: i isat = Ω Γ ( . ) here, isat = πhc/ λ τ by definition, with τ being the decay time for the transition. combining these definitions gives the following expression for the scattering force: fscatt = h̄kΓ i/isat + i/isat + δ /Γ ( . ) we can see that for high intensities, the maximum limiting value of this force is fmax = h̄kΓ/ , which is supported by the fact that for high intensities the steady state population of the upper level approaches / . this maximum force is employed in slowing of atoms (see zeeman slowing mechanism in chapter ). . optical molasses from the previous section we see that an atom received a momentum kick in the direction of the incoming photon. if the atom has some velocity v in the direction of the incoming photon, it would see the light doppler shifted to a lower frequency, and hence a de-tuning of δ = δ − kv, where k is the wave-vector, k = π/λ. this gives us a force, f+ (assuming the photon is coming in the +x direction), where: f+ = h̄kΓ i/isat + i/isat + (δ − kv) /Γ ( . ) if we add another laser beam in the -x direction (counter-propagating with respect to the previous beam), then the force on the atom due to this second laser beam would be: f− = − h̄kΓ i/isat + i/isat + (δ + kv) /Γ ( . ) intuitively, one would think that if two laser beams with the exact same characteristics are incident on an atom in opposite directions, the forces induced by them on the atom would cancel in each other out. this is true for an atom at rest, but for a moving atom f+ and f− do not cancel. in the approximation that the velocity of chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective the atom is small, such that |kv| << Γ and |kv| << |δ |, we obtain the following expression for the total force [ , ]: fmolasses = h̄k i i v( δΓ) [ + ( δ/Γ) ] ( . ) figure . depicts the process in a schematic diagram. for red de-tuned light (δ < ), | > | > | > | > w w w - kv w + kv on resonance f = - αv laboratory frame atom’s rest frame figure . : schematic diagram showing the effect of counter propagating beams below resonance frequency on an atom. [left] beams are not absorbed by an atom at rest. [right] if the atom is moving in a particular direction, it sees the laser in the opposing direction doppler shifted to the resonance frequency, and gets a momentum kick in the opposite direction to its motion. the force described in equation . would be opposite to the direction of propagation of the atom, and can be thought of as a damping force fmolasses = −αv ( . ) here alpha is the damping co-efficient whose value can be determined from equation . . we can see, therefore that light exerts a damping, frictional force on the atom. an analogy of this damping force is the viscous drag force experienced by a particle in a viscous fluid, and hence the name “optical molasses”. it is important to note that this simple treatment to explain optical molasses only works for i << isat. a more detailed description of the different mechanisms that contribute to the actual phenomenon is explained in reference [ ]. the simple one-dimensional picture of an atom in the presence of counter-propagating laser beams can easily be extended to three-dimensions. this eventually leads to slow, cold atoms at the intersection of the six counter-propagating laser beams. while the atoms get slowed down and accumulate at the center of the orthogonal intersecting chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective beams, they do not remain trapped in the region. since the spontaneous emission of the photons is in random directions, the atomic velocities become randomized and the atoms execute a random walk, and eventually can diffuse out of the region of intersection of the laser beams. it is quite appealing to think that a trap for neutral atoms can be created that is based solely on absorption and spontaneous emission. however, this idea has a fun- damental flaw that was pointed out using the optical earnshaw theorem [ ]. by analogy to the earnshaw theorem in electrostatics (which states that it is impossi- ble to trap a charged particle with static electric fields), it can be shown that it is impossible to trap a small dielectric particle at a point of stable equilibrium in free space by using only the scattering force of radiation pressure. if the scattering force is proportional to the photon intensity (as is the case for optical molasses), it will have zero divergence, and would correspond to an unstable trap [ ]. however, if some external field alters this proportionality in a position dependent way, a stable trap can be formed. by maximizing the gradient of this scattering force, the trap could be made deeper. . magneto-optical trap (mot) by a clever choice of laser polarization and presence of magnetic fields, the molasses region can easily be converted to a trap for cold-atoms. the most widely used trap for ultra-cold neutral atoms employs such a combination of optical and magnetic fields, and hence is called a magneto-optical trap (mot). originally proposed by j. dalibard, the first such trap was successfully demonstrated in [ ]. this simple and robust technique employs external fields in order to change the scattering force in a position dependent way (as discussed in the previous section) resulting in mots being the most successful example of atom traps. to understand the trapping mechanism of a mot, let us begin by considering a two- level atom constrained to move along in one dimension with two counter-propagating laser fields. furthermore, consider the two levels of the atom to contain magnetic sub-levels. this time the two levels of the atom contain magnetic sub-levels. let the ground state be a j = state (only one mj = ), and the excited state be a j = state (three possible magnetic sub-levels, mj = , ± ). in the presence of a magnetic field, the excited state levels split into three different energy levels due to the zeeman effect, with the energy depending on the strength of the magnetic field. this is illustrated in figure . . such an inhomogeneous magnetic field is produced by two parallel current carry- ing coils with current flowing in opposite directions. this configuration generates a quadrupole magnetic field. the field is zero at the center of the coils and increases approximately linearly for small displacements around zero. to provide cooling, the counter-propagating laser beams are de-tuned below resonance. the beams propagat- ing in the ±z direction have σ± polarization and thus drive the mj = ± transitions respectively. an atom in the +z-direction is resonant with the σ− beam that drives the mj = − transition. now that the atom preferentially absorbs one of the laser beams, it undergoes momentum kicks in the direction opposite to its motion, and chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective z e b b mj = - mj = mj = j = j = de-tuning δ figure . : schematic showing the energy levels of a two level atom in the presence of a magnetic field with j= being the upper state. hence is pushed towards the center of the cooling region. due to the symmetry of the setup, the beams in all six directions (along with cooling the atoms) provide a force on the atom that is directed towards the center of the cooling region. this means that in addition to the frictional force discussed in the previous section, the atom also experiences a position dependent restoring force, f = −κz. the spring constant κ is determined to be [ ]: κ = αgeµb∇b h̄k ( . ) here, α is determined by equation . , ge is the g-factor for the atom and µb is the bohr magneton. mots have come a long way since j. dalibard’s proposal and bell labs demonstration of the first mot with sodium atoms in [ ]. this robust trap is used for studies of quantum optics, chaos and precision measurement, along with being the first step towards quantum degeneracy (as it increases the phase space density by about orders of magnitude). the one-dimensional picture and the explanation described above is an over-simplified one. in subsequent sections we shall consider the different cooling mechanisms inside a mot, and also the loss mechanisms that determine the atom number and the temperature of an ensemble of trapped ultra-cold atoms. . cooling mechanisms and their limitations in the simplified picture of laser cooling, we have not considered what determines the final temperature of the ensemble. different cooling and heating mechanisms that occur inside the trap and their limitations set the final temperature of the atom chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective cloud. in this section, we shall discuss some of the relevant mechanisms that cause both heating and cooling- how they work, and the cooling limits imposed by them. . . doppler cooling the details of the doppler cooling process are explained in detail in references [ , , ]. looking at the microscopic picture, the force from a single laser beam (along the z-direction) on an atom can be described as: f = fabs + δfabs + fspont + δfspont ( . ) here, fabs, the force due to absorption is the same as the scattering force discussed in section . the force due to spontaneous emission, fspont averages to zero, since the photons are emitted in random directions. in order to find the sources of heating in the ensemble, consider the fluctuations, δfabs and δfspont. each absorption (or emission) changes the atomic velocity by vr, the recoil velocity, where vr = h̄k m , and k is the wave-vector of the photon absorbed. since the scattering process is completely random, it causes the photon’s velocity to execute a random walk, with each step size being vr. we can assume that the velocity distribution follows poisson statistics. this randomness causes the mean-square velocity in the time interval t, to increase as: v abs = v r rscattt ( . ) due to absorption, and v spont = ηv r rscattt ( . ) due to spontaneous emission. here, rscatt is the scattering rate. the factor η =< cos θ > is the average over the angular spread of velocities, vr−z = h̄kcosθ/m. adding up the forces due to contribution of all these affects, and employing newton’s second law gives: d dt ( mv ) = d dt m[v abs + v spont + v scatt] ( . ) substituting, the values of the mean-square velocities from the two previous equations leads to d dt ( mv ) = [ mv r rscatt + mηv r rscatt + m vscatt d dt v] ( . ) now, if we add the other counter-propagating beam, the scattering rate doubles, and we have one-dimensional molasses. in that case, we already know the force due to scattering from equation . , and the equation reduces to: d dt ( mv ) = [ mv r ( + η) rscatt + vfmolasses] ( . ) extending the case to all three dimensions would give us the value of η = . substi- tuting in η = , and the value for the molasses force, we arrive at: d dt ( mv ) = [ mv r rscatt − αv ] ( . ) chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective for the equilibrium condition, the sum of all the forces must be zero. using this fact in the equation, and solving for v gives: v = mv r rscatt α ( . ) substituting the values of the friction co-efficient, α, and the scattering rate, rscatt that we computed earlier in . and . respectively, we can get an expression for v in terms of frequencies. to relate this to temperature, we could use the equipartition theorem that equates kinetic energy to temperature by the relation mv = kbt . after making these substitutions, we finally arrive at an expression for temperature of the form: kbt = h̄Γ + ( δ/Γ) − δ/Γ ( . ) the minima of this function occurs at a red de-tuning of half the natural line-width, or δ = −Γ/ , and defines a minimum temperature of td = h̄Γ kb ( . ) this is the doppler cooling limit. it gives the lowest temperature that can be achieved in an optical molasses for a simple two-level atom. since this heating is due to spontaneous emission, which is an integral part of the laser cooling process, it cannot be avoided. the doppler limit for cold rubidium is µk, and for lithium is around µk [ ]. however, experimental measurements of temperature of a cloud in optical molasses gave results that were much different and colder than this tem- perature. an analysis of the mechanisms that were responsible for this is addressed in the subsequent subsections. . . polarization gradient cooling this cooling scheme relies on different couplings of a multi-level atom with light. let us start with an atom in the ground state with jground = / and jexcited = / and these levels be further split into magnetic sub-levels (as shown in figure . ). when counter-propagating laser beams of orthogonal polarizations shine on the atom, they interfere to form a spatially inhomogeneous pattern as shown in figure . for σ+ − σ− light and two orthogonal linear polarizations. as discussed in section , atoms in a light field are subjected to an ac stark shift that depends on the coupling between the different states. the mf sub-levels are coupled differently to the excited state depending on the polarization of light- thus creating a spatially inhomogeneous potential for (orthogonally) linearly polarized light, but a constant potential for circularly polarized light. in case of linearly polarized beams, an atom with sufficient kinetic energy climbs the potential hill only to be optically pumped to the bottom of the hill for another mf state. this process occurs continually until the atom has lost enough kinetic energy that it is not even be able to climb the potential energy curves of the mf states. this cooling process is called sisyphus cooling [ ]. chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective figure . : schematic diagram showing the energy levels of a multi-level atom, with j= being the lower state, in the presence of counter-propagating laser beams. because the resultant polarization is differs as a function of distance (as demonstrated in (a) for σ+ − σ− configuration and in (b) for orthogonal linear polarizations), the energy levels are shifted appropriately (as demonstrated in (c) and (d)) leading to novel cooling mechanisms [figure from [ ]]. however for the case of a mot, with orthogonal circularly polarized light, the energy levels simply shift by the same amount for all the mf states, and no sisyphus cooling takes place. a more subtle mechanism is responsible for sub-doppler cooling in this case. when the atom starts to move, the symmetry of the atom-photon interaction is broken. an atom moving towards a σ+ beam sees it to be closer to resonance and gets optically pumped (eventually) to the highest mf state. the scattering rates are altered due to this re-distribution of the population as the atom moves. this leads to a much stronger scattering force (compared to the one that causes doppler cooling)[ ]. an estimate of the equilibrium sub-doppler temperature is characterized by the ac stark shift induced by the light, and an approximate expression (assuming δ >> Γ) is given by [ ]: kbt = h̄Γ |δ| i isat ( . ) this analysis of sub-doppler cooling breaks down when the atomic momentum approaches the momentum from a single photon kick- when the de broglie wavelength is comparable to the laser wavelength and a full quantum treatment of the problem is required. chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective . . recoil limit as mentioned earlier, the recoil velocity corresponds to the momentum kick that the atom gets in a single spontaneous emission process. since this process is of stochastic nature, it would lead to a heating affect. the temperature scale corresponding to this kinetic energy is called the recoil temperature limit kbtr = (h̄k) m ( . ) the recoil limit temperature for cold rubidium is nk, and for lithium is aproxi- mately µk [ ]. the final temperature of a mot was proposed to be around a few times this recoil temperature mostly because of two convincing arguments [ ]. first, as mentioned before, the last photon for the cooling process would leave the atom with at least one h̄k momentum, and since this momentum is in a random direction, it would contribute to heating. second, the polarization gradient cooling mechanism requires the atom to be localized within approximately λ/ π in order to be subjected to only a single polarization in the spatially varying electric field. the uncertainty principle requires the atom to have a momentum uncertainty of around h̄k. thus the recoil limit sets the lower limit for temperature in the presence of light, and to get colder than that, the laser fields have to be switched off. . the macroscopic picture the discussion so far in this chapter about temperature has been only for a single atom. intuitively, this contradicts the very definition of temperature, which is actually a statistical property of the entire ensemble. nevertheless, it is convenient (and now the norm) to describe the kinetic energy of an atom in terms of (absolute) temperature units by the simple conversion in one dimension: mv = kbt ( . ) the other very important reason why the idea of temperature adopted in laser cool- ing in scientifically inappropriate is due to the fact that the system (atoms + pho- tons), although in its steady state, cannot be called in thermal equilibrium [ ]. it is interesting to think of temperature in terms of the entropy of the system. the well-collimated beam of photons interacts with the matter and gets spontaneously emitted in a random direction. since there are numerous choices for the frequency, polarization and direction of the out-going photon, the change in entropy of the pho- ton due to absorption and spontaneous emission is enormous. when compared to the entropy change in the atomic ensemble, we are led to realize how inefficient this cooling scheme is. in other words, laser cooling makes a very inefficient refrigerator for atoms [ ]. laser cooling is a demonstration of how light is able to create order in matter. in fact it is a more interesting observation of the fact that the bulk entropy of matter is lower than the thermal equilibrium for matter (in a stationary state). of course, the second law of thermodynamics ensures that the photon entropy is chapter . laser cooling and trapping - a theoretical perspective increased. a particularly interesting calculation of entropy change and the efficiency of different kinetic effects of resonant light on matter are considered in reference [ ]. here, mat- ter entropy is given the standard boltzmann treatment (the sum of entropies of the excited and non-excited particles), and the photon entropy is calculated using bose statistics. using hänsch and schowlow’s original proposal [ ] for laser cooling, and assuming a temperature change by a factor of using laser cooling, the ratio of entropy change in the atomic beam and the entropy change in the photon beam was calculated to be − . in spite of being an inefficient process, laser cooling is remarkable with respect to dramatically narrowing the phase space density of the atomic ensemble, owing to the fact that lasers can be used both for velocity spread narrowing and spatial confine- ment. it is important to note here that the velocity distribution must be narrowed to enable cooling, and it is this narrowing (and hence change in phase space density) that distinguishes cooling from a velocity-selection process. none may teach it anything, ’tis the seal, despair,- an imperial affliction sent us of the air. when it comes, the landscape listens, shadows hold their breath; when it goes, ’t is like the distance on the look of death.. there’s a certain slant of light: emily dickinson chapter getting the light- the laser system for experiment it little profits that an idle king, by this still hearth,among these barren crags, match’d with an aged wife, i mete and dole unequal laws unto a savage race, that hoard, and sleep, and feed, and know not me. ulysses: alfred tennyson in the last chapter, we discussed the theory of what enables laser cooling. for an experimental demonstration of it, the emphasis is on different things. the stability, accuracy and tunability of the laser system are some of the experimental challenges that will be addressed in this chapter. it gives an overview of the theoretical con- siderations during design of the laser system that just stems out of the atomic level structure in section . the rest of the chapter is about how to implement the desired laser system. in section , we give a brief introduction to semi-conductor diode lasers that are the workhorse for the experiment. in section , we describe why and how diode lasers are modified to form a tunable external cavity laser. section deals with how to make the lasers accurate (using saturated absorption spectroscopy) and stable (using fre- quency modulation locking technique). section discusses how the light is amplified at the desired frequency (using slave lasers and acousto-optical modulators). the last section (section ) gives all the technical details, including the optical setup and various settings for the entire optical setup that enables laser cooling and trapping of all three species li, rb and rb. . requirements for the laser system from the theoretical study of laser cooling, the following salient points are reiterated. multi-level atomic structure even simple alkali atoms that have only one electron in their outer shell, have a much more complicated level structure than those discussed in the previous chapter. this leads to an increase in the number of energy levels the excited electron could decay to. if an atom undergoing cooling due to repeated absorption and spontaneous re-emission decays to another energy level which is not on resonance with the lasers, it gets lost from the ensemble being cooled. this leads to the use of more lasers to have a ‘closed’ cooling transition, ensuring that the atoms don’t get lost from laser cooling transition. chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment frequency of the laser cooling light as discussed in the previous chapter, the laser light must be red de-tuned by a few natural line-widths to the resonance frequency of the cooling transition. since laser frequency is of the range hz and the line-width hz, it requires the laser frequency to be very accurate and also stable for the duration of the experiment. not just that, the ability to tune laser frequency closer or farther from resonance during the experiment is also required to enable efficient cooling. with that in mind, let us start with a look at the atomic energy levels of the atoms of interest. . . lithium we start with li. with only three electrons, it is the alkali atom that seems closest to hydrogen with respect to electronic structure. due to its light mass, the splitting in energy levels due to the fine and hyperfine interaction are small compared to all other alkali atoms. the existence of two hyperfine ground states makes it necessary to have two frequencies present in the light to laser cool lithium. one is for the transition that actually enables cooling due to fast absorption and spontaneous emission cycles (f= / to the p / manifold)- hence called cycling or cooling transition laser. the other laser frequency (tuned to f= / to the p / manifold) pumps the atoms that decay into the other hyperfine transition back to the cycling transition, and hence called re-pumper. figure . shows the energy level diagram of lithium with the relevant transitions that are used for laser cooling. since the ground state hyperfine splitting is only mhz- the re-pump light can easily be attained by frequency shifting some light using acousto-optical modulators instead of having a different frequency stabilized laser system. however, because the cooling transition light, which is near the f= / to f’= / transition, can very easily off resonantly excite a transition from f= / to f’= / (only mhz away) and this state can decay to the lower ground state, the atom is very quickly pumped out of the upper ground state. this de-pumping happens much more quickly than in rubidium where the hyperfine splitting in the excited state is much larger than the atomic line-width and implies that much more re-pump light is required to keep the atoms trapped in the case of lithium. in addition, because the number of re- pump photons scattered is on the same order as the number of cooling transition photons, the re-pump light should ideally also have the correct polarization to also contribute to trapping in the mot. it also makes sub-doppler cooling inefficient, since the multiple transitions spoil the polarization gradient. another important thing to note is the hyperfine splitting of the excited state, p / , is just . mhz- which is even smaller than the natural line-width of the transition ( mhz). this means that all spectral features due to this hyperfine splitting would be washed out and we can think of it as a single energy level. this enables us to approximate lithium atom as a three-level system with two ground, and one excited state, instead of a much more complicated multi-level atomic structure. chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment f= / f= / f’= / f’= / f’= / f’= / f’= / f= f= f’= f’= f’= f’= f’= f’= s / p / p / s / p / p / li li . mhz . mhz . ghz . ghz mhz mhz mhz . nm . nm d line d line d line d line . mhz . mhz . mhz . mhz . mhz . ghz cooling re-pump figure . : schematic of lithium energy level diagram with the laser cooling and re- pump light shown for li. li energy levels are shown for comparison- and also since they overlap with some li transitions. refer to [ ] for more accurate frequencies. . . rubidium unlike lithium, the hyperfine splitting in rubidium are much bigger, as shown is figure . . it cannot to approximated as having a single excited state. first, the ground state hyperfine splitting for rubidium isotopes is in the ghz range, which is too large to be spanned by an acousto-optical modulator. so, different lasers are required for cooling and re-pump transitions. second, the excited state hyperfine splitting is wide enough for the corresponding spectral features to be far apart. the advantage is that since the corresponding de-pump transition (f= to f’= and f= to f’= for and rb respectively) is many line-widths away from the cycling transition, the probability of an atom decaying out of the cycling transition is much lower and the re-pumper beam does not have to be strong. in fact, a weak beam in just one direction works well enough. . semiconductor lasers all the laser light needed for the experiment is generated by semi-conductor diode lasers. this section provides a brief introduction to them. for a more complete discussion, please refer to [ ] or [ ]. the principle of operation of semi-conductor chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment f= f= f’= f’= f’= s / p / rb rb . mhz . ghz . nm d line . ghz . mhz . mhz cooling re-pump . mhz f’= f= f= f’= f’= f’= s / p / . mhz . ghz . nm d line . ghz . mhz . mhz cooling re-pump . mhz f’= figure . : schematic of rubidium energy level diagram with the laser cooling and re- pump light shown for both rb and rb. refer to [ ] for more accurate frequencies. lasers is similar to light-emitting diodes (leds) in the sense that light is produced by radiative recombination of electrons and holes at a p-n junction. if we forward bias a heavily doped p-n junction diode, this radiation can stimulate the radiative re-combination process, hence realizing laser action (if amplification exceeds the loss- rate) [ ]. figure . gives a schematic diagram of a simple semi-conductor diode. the lasing action is initiated by the injection current [ ]. due to the structure of laser cavity, the output beam is diverging and astigmatic. this is corrected by using collimation lenses and a cylindrical lens pair (or anamorphic prism pair) respectively. figure . is a graph of injection current vs. optical output from one of the laser diodes being used in the lab. it clearly shows the onset of lasing action at a threshold current around ma. diode lasers usually do not employ mirrors for feedback. this is because the re- fractive index at the semiconductor-air interface is large enough to give considerable reflection. in fact, higher power (over mw) diodes are usually coated with a high reflectance material at the back surface and reduced reflectance coating on the output facet [ ]. however, since the diode itself makes the laser cavity, the laser is highly susceptible to temperature changes. the laser emission wavelength is determined by the band-gap of the semi-conductor material. hence, we use two different types of lasing materials to give us light for chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment figure . : schematic of a simple p-n junction laser. from [ ]. the ellipsoidal mode inside the p-n junction results in the diverging, astigmatic radiation pattern we see. table . : table of all the diode lasers being used in the lab and their characteristics. property rb masters rb slaves li master li slaves laser gh ja c mld s p rlt mg hl mg manufacturer sharp intelite roithner opnext polarity cathode gnd. cathode gnd. anode gnd. cathode gnd. th. current ma ma ma ma op. current - ma - ma ma - ma op. temperature c c c c spec. wavelength nm nm nm nm op. wavelength nm nm nm nm spec. out. power mw mw mw mw actual out. power mw mw mw mw rubidium ( nm) and lithium ( nm). details of these lasers is given table . . for spectrometry purposes we require tunability of the laser wavelength and sta- bility. this is accomplished by making an external cavity that can be fine-tuned to the right frequency, or modulated as required. . external cavity diode lasers- the master laser system the master laser system is the primary laser system that is the source of the ultra- stable, well-collimated light required for laser cooling. the following subsections describe the different components that constitute the external cavity of the master laser system, and how they provide the required tunability. for a more detailed study of external cavity diode lasers, a recent book about them [ ] is highly chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment o ut pu t p ow er ( m w ) injection current (ma) degc degc li curve for a diode laser (mld - s p) at two different temperatures figure . : graph showing the output power of the laser beam versus injection current for a rb master laser for two different temperatures. we can clearly see the transition from led to laser mode, and how this threshold behavior is affected by the temperature of the lasing cavity. recommended. . . theory to build an external cavity, it is important to have an anti-reflection coating on at least one of the facets of the diode laser, so that its operation is purely conducted by the cavity we build. however, due to the technical expertise required [ ], we decided to not ar coat our lasers and see their performance first. apart from the occasional mode-hops, our master lasers work just fine. an external cavity diode laser (ecdl) uses frequency selective feedback to provide the user with narrow bandwidth and tunability, something that is desired by several atomic physics experimentalists. this wavelength selective feedback is provided by an inexpensive frequency selective optical element, for example, a grating or etalon. two popular optical configurations exist that employ diffraction gratings: littrow [ ] and littman- metcalf [ ]. we chose the simpler littrow configuration for our master lasers. in the littrow arrangement, first-order diffraction from the grating is coupled back into the laser diode and the directly reflected light forms the output beam. the back facet of the diode laser chip (which has a high reflective coating) forms the other reflective surface for the cavity. in the littrow configuration, the output frequency is controlled by the angle of the grating and therefore the center frequency of the optical feedback provided by the diffraction from the grating. the disadvantage of the littrow configuration over the littman-metcalf configuration is that the output chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment beam angle is coupled to the output frequency since it is also determined by the grating angle. the addition of a turning mirror parallel to the grating transforms this angular shift into a simple translation of the beam which helps to circumvent this problem [ ]. figure . shows a schematic of this modified littrow configuration, and a picture of the inside of our master laser- which is based on this modified littrow configuration. apart from the optical setup, there are temperature and current controllers for the diode laser system, and a simple protection circuit inside the box. the masters are further acoustically isolated by a rectangular enclosure lined with one inch thick sheets of lead-lined foam lead-lined foam (soundcoat- product number el hp ) to further reduce vibrations. figure . : top: schematic of the master laser setup using littrow configuration ecdl from [ ]. bottom: picture of a master laser for rb trapping chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment . . nuts and bolts: putting together a master laser the technical details of putting together a master laser have already been described in great detail in an earlier lab report [ ]. here i would outline the things that we discovered about our lasers that were implemented later in the design. first, the importance of getting rid of low frequency acoustic resonances should be emphasized. the reason is that a couple of master lasers for rubidium showed strong acoustic resonances at frequencies of less than khz, the range of normal speaking frequencies. this made it very hard to lock the laser while people were talking. even otherwise, it would pick up a lot of acoustic noise. we got rid of it by stretching the springs in the mirror mount(which increases the spring constant, pushing resonance frequencies higher), and inserting small pieces of sorbathane in it to dampen them. the effect of this is demonstrated in figure . , which shows the acoustic resonances before and after this modification. the method used to determine the acoustic resonances was simple. a program was written in labview to automate a function generator and acquire data from an oscillosope. a sinusoidal signal was sent frequencies to a speaker kept next to the master. a zoomed in view of an absorption spectra (on the side, so as to see maximum effect of amplitude change). due to the speaker, there was some sinusoidal feature that appeared on the absorption spectra. the plot shown is a linear graph of this peak-to-peak voltage of that noise feature as a function of frequency. an enhancement of that vpp indicates an acoustic resonance. in principle, a change in the phase of the sinusoidal signal would have indicated a resonance better. however, it as hard to obtain, since the laser kept fluctuating a bit in frequency during the course of one such measurement. - . . . . . . . a m pl itu de ( ar b. u ni ts ) frequency (hz) after damping the springs before damping the springs acoustic resonances of a master laser as a function of frequency figure . : graph showing the effect of stretching and damping the mirror mount springs. the acoustic resonances become less prominent and also shift to higher frequencies. chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment another observation was rather stumbled upon by accident. when forced to adapt a grating mount machined for a lithium system for a rubidium laser, we noticed that instead of getting multiple positions through optical alignment where the threshold current lowered by a few ma, and one moderately good one; there was a single broad region of very good injection, where the threshold current lowered by a few ma. this laser also scanned all four absorption lines for rubidium beautifully, while some others showed a lot of mode hops. after careful observations, it was noticed that the angle of the reflected light (used as feedback for injection) was not well aligned with the output of the laser in the previous configuration. the diffraction grating was tilted horizontally in one direction using additional washers on the grating mount. this led to the the incoming feedback light being aligned with the laser diode output, and hence a more stable feedback cavity. . locking the laser the laser system requires not only tunability over a relatively longer range (few tens of ghz) to identify spectral features, but also control of a frequency within a few mhz precision while laser cooling atoms. this is accomplished by a frequency modulation locking scheme described below. a semi-conductor diode laser has a gain profile that spans several nanometers. by making an ecdl, the wavelength can be tuned (but not mode-hop free) over a range of about nm by the rotation of the grating alone, and over a wider range with suitable temperature adjustment. the pzt transducer allows electronic adjustment of the cavity length, enabling tunability of over ghz by ramping the voltage on it. however, for laser cooling experiments we want to be spanning a few natural line-widths (mhz range) close to the transition. so, first, the laser frequency must be more sharply defined, both absolutely, and in terms of the laser band-width. the former is achieved via saturated absorption spectroscopy that gives us an absolute frequency reference to compare our lasers to. by deriving an error signal from our spectrum, and locking to it, we can narrow the band-width of our lasers to within mhz. these methods will be discussed in this section. . . saturated absorption spectroscopy as is pointed out in the appendix a, doppler broadening is the dominant contri- bution to the width of atomic spectral lines. it occurs because atoms are moving around randomly in the measurement vapour cell, and have a distribution of veloci- ties, and hence they see the frequency of the light beam doppler-shifted by an amount depending on the velocity. this leads to an inhomogeneous broadening of the spec- trum (because each atom interacts differently with the light [refer to appendix a for details]). there are several ways to get around the problem- some of them being crossing the laser beam with respect to the atomic beam, doing two-photon transi- tions and saturated absorption spectroscopy. the last of these methods is the most preferred method for laser cooling experiments- mostly due to its simplicity. in this subsection we shall discuss how saturation absorption spectroscopy works chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment starting with the basic idea in a simple two-level atom picture, and moving on to explaining the spectra obtained in the lab. parts of the explanation are based on chapter of [ ], and can be consulted for a much more detailed explanation. two-level atom: the simple picture let us start with a two-level atom for simplicity. let n be the number-density of atoms in the lower level, and n in the higher energy level. the atoms have a broad temperature-dependent maxwell-boltzmann distribution of velocities. we define ∫ ∞ −∞ n (v)dv = n ( . ) and similarly, ∫ ∞ −∞ n (v)dv = n ( . ) the total number density, n = n + n always remains conserved. in a simple saturated absorption setup, a strong pump beam and a relatively weak probe beam are passed through the atomic vapour cell in counter-propagating direction. the pump (being stronger) interacts with atoms with velocity v = ω−ω k , where ω is the frequency of the laser, ω is the atomic resonance frequency, and k is the wave vector (k = π/λ). it ends up putting the atoms it addresses due to their doppler shift into the upper state, hence n increases, thus burning a “hole” in the population of the ground state. refer to figure . for a schematic diagram explaining this effect. as mentioned above, this hole is burnt at a certain velocity, the doppler shift of which corresponds to the resonance frequency of the transition. the width of the hole is given by the familiar equation from any laser textbook describing such phenomenon. ∆ωhole = Γ( + i isat ) / ( . ) when the pump and probe lasers are far away from the atomic resonance, they address atoms of velocities in opposite directions. however, at the atomic resonance, they both address the v = atoms. the atoms preferentially absorb the pump beam, since it is stronger. this leads to a reduction in probe absorption, which is measured on a photodiode. we can clearly observe the “saturation effect” caused by the presence of the pump beam in probe’s absorption profile. extension to multi-level alkali atoms this simple picture can easily be extended to a more realistic, multi-level atomic system like that of the alkali atoms that we use. these would have several saturated absorption peaks- each corresponding to transition from one of the hyperfine ground states to an excited hyperfine ground state that is allowed by the transition rules. in addition to these saturated absorption peaks, we also observe additional features referred to as cross-over resonances. to explain this effect, we will consider a three- level system- with two ground, and one excited state, as shown below. (in fact, owing chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment velocity, v velocity, v ground state population excited state population n (v) n (v) w figure . : schematic diagram illustrating the hole burning mechanism in saturated absorption spectroscopy. a hole is burnt in the ground state population for a certain velocity class due to the pump beam that leads to a decrease in the probe absorption. figure from [ ]. to the splitting in lithium’s energy levels, it can be approximated as such a three level system). when the incident light is between the two resonances, an atom moving at a certain velocity v, such that kv is equal to half of the energy difference between the resonance energies, hν and hν , sees the light doppler shifted to an atomic res- onance. this is illustrated in the figure . . if the atom is moving towards the incoming photons, it would see the frequency blue-shifted to the more energetic res- onance frequency- in our case ν , and if it is moving away from the photons, it would see it red-shifted by the same amount- which would correspond to the second reso- nance frequency ν . this leads to the presence of an additional saturated absorption peak exactly in between the two resonances. since most atoms have a quite a few resonances, we observe not only plenty of saturated absorption peaks corresponding to a particular transition, but also additional cross-over peaks that occur exactly between the two resonance frequencies. chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment g = mhz state g state g excited states ν ν h(ν +ν )/ kv=h(ν -ν )/ kv= hν lab frame atom’s rest frame h(ν +ν )/ hν figure . : schematic of a three level atoms, with two ground and one excited state. the figure also shows how the moving atom sees light at two resonances from one that is at a wavelength between the two resonances in the lab frame. this doppler shifted light leads to cross-over resonances. . . frequency modulation locking scheme a technique like saturated absorption spectroscopy provides us with an absolute measure of the frequency of the laser by comparing it with the resonance in the atoms. after we have this frequency, we need to ensure that the laser stays ”locked” to this frequency by some sort of an electronic feedback loop. this is accomplished by a frequency modulation locking scheme that i shall describe below. for detailed theoretical description please refer to reference[ ]. to use this technique we modulate the light frequency ν by a small amount δν such that the light frequency is now given by ν = ν + δνsinωt. this modulation is achieved by sending the pump through an acousto-optical modulator that shifts and modulates the frequency by a few mhz. consequently, the absorption signal (or more precisely, the saturated absorption signal)will also be modulated and can be expanded around ν to get: i(ν) = i(ν ) + di dν |ν (δν sin ωt) + d i dν |ν (δν sin ωt) + o(δν) ( . ) this signal is sent to a home-built circuit, the lock-box, that has a phase-sensitive amplifier, and proportional and integral feedback stages. here the signal is first multiplied by the sine wave of the same frequency and then time-averaged in order to improve signal-to-noise. the phase between the photo-diode signal and the reference sine wave (φ) can be adjusted to give the maximal output signal. so, the output of the amplifier becomes: output amplitude = t ∫ t i(ν). sin(ωt + φ) ∝ di dν |ν δν ( . ) hence, we achieve a signal that is proportional to the derivative of the absorption signal. this provides us with the error signal for our feedback controller. as the chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment - . - . . . . . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . - . . . . . . . . . . . . . v ol ta ge ( v ) wavelength (arb. u. ) ramp pd signal lithium- saturated absorption spectrum d d figure . : graph showing the absorption spectrum of lithium- with the saturated absorption peaks. table . : table of the different transitions at which the master lasers are locked and the frequency shift of the pump beam due to the aom. master laser pump freq. offset lock transition rb- cooling × + mhz f’= -f’= x-over rb- cooling + mhz f’= -f’= x-over lithium + mhz f= / -excited states rb- re-pump × + mhz f’= -f’= x-over rb- re-pump × + mhz f’= -f’= x-over laser drifts in frequency (due to fluctuations in injection current or slow drift of room temperature), the absorption peak also drifts to one side of the previous maxima or another. in order to correct for it, we need a signal that is different on the two sides of the signal. the lorentzian absorption profile is symmetric on both sides of the resonance, but its derivative is not. it changes signs around the resonance- giving us our locking signal. by using a standard proportional-integral stage feedback loop, with this error signal as the input, we can frequency stabilize our laser to a few mhz. there are two outputs from the lock-box: a slow correction, that changes the pzt voltage, hence changing the length of the laser cavity in order to correct for slow temperature drifts, and a fast correction, that changes the injection current in order to achieve a fast feedback to small fluctuations. chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment - . - . - . . . - . - . - . - . . . . . . v ol ta ge ( v ) wavelength (arb. units) error signal ramp sas peaks lithium error signal figure . : zoomed in view of the absorption spectrum for lithium- showing the saturated absorption peaks. also shown on the graph is the error signal obtained by the lock box for that signal. . amplification at the right frequency while the master lasers are frequency-stabilized, they do not have enough optical power to do the experiment. also, due to the acousto-optical modulator in the locking scheme, the laser are locked to a frequency offset from the resonance. besides, we also need tunability in our frequency shift from resonance of our trapping light. all this is accomplished by a series of optical components that are described in the following subsections. . . injection locking- the master-slave relationship as pointed out before, the masters don’t generate enough power to do the experi- ment. so, we use additional diode lasers acting as amplifiers to generate more light at the desired frequencies. this amplification stage consists of high power lasers typ- ically running (longitudinally) multi-mode around the desired frequency. they are frequency stabilized using the method of optical injection locking. for more informa- tion on this scheme, please refer to [ ]. basically, some of the frequency-stabilized master light is sent back into the slave, which drives the multi-mode laser to lase at that particular mode (hence the master-slave name scheme). if the injected light is in the gain profile of the slave laser, which can be tuned by the current and temper- ature of the slave diode lasers, and is spatially mode-matched, it will enhance that particular spectrally narrow mode. so, the power coming out of the laser does not chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment table . : table showing all the aoms being used for the experiment. aom name location purpose frequency rb- lock sp* master table freq. mod. lock + mhz rb- lock sp master table freq. mod. lock + mhz lithium lock sp master table freq. mod. lock + mhz rb- re-pump lock sp* master table freq. mod. lock + mhz rb re-pump lock sp* master table freq. mod. lock + mhz lithium dp master table tune around resonance - mhz lithium dp master table shift to re-pump + mhz rb- re-pump dp feshbach table tune around resonance + mhz rb- pump sp feshbach table tune around resonance - mhz rb- trap dp feshbach table tune around resonance + mhz rb- re-pump dp feshbach table tune around resonance + mhz rb- pump sp feshbach table tune around resonance + mhz rb- trap dp feshbach table tune around resonance + mhz * = pick second order increase (contrary to a naive presumed and completely wrong understanding), it is just that the power at that particular frequency that increases sharply. the principle of this feedback mechanism is the same as that of the grating stabilized feedback lasers being used as masters. the only difference being that in this case the optical feedback is provided by another laser and not from the reflection from the grating. . . acousto-optical modulators acousto-optical modulators are used in atom trapping experiments for several pur- poses: as frequency shifters, modulators or fast shutters. we use them for frequency modulation (for locking the master lasers) of light, and also for shifting. the principle of operation is simply based on a crystal whose index of refraction changes sharply with density. when a high-power acoustic wave is sent to the crys- tal, it travels through it as a longitudinal sound wave creating regions of high and low density. this turns the crystal effectively into a diffraction grating. this is the effect which leads to the diffraction pattern that we observe when we send light through the crystal. the key difference being that since the diffraction grating itself is moving at sound velocity, the diffraction orders are also frequency shifted. the zeroth order is unaffected by the frequency of the acoustic wave, while the different orders of dif- fraction are frequency shifted, and their angular separation (understandably) varies as the frequency of the input acoustic wave. the following table lists all the aoms used for laser cooling purposes and some of their characteristics. further details are described in appendix b. chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment . . fiber network for diagnostics in order to ensure that all the slave lasers are injected and running at the right frequency (i.e. still injected and injected at the right frequency), some light from each slave is coupled into a diagnostics fiber. these are nm telecom fibers that were donated to ubc from jds uniphase. all these fibers goto a n-input: -output fiber switcher box. the output light from the switcher comes to the diagnostic setup. for each rubidium and lithium light, a fabry-perot interferometer and a vapour cell (in case of lithium, light is sent through the heat pipe being used to get the lock signal) constitute the diagnostics set-up. light out of the fiber is split into these two components. they give us information about the frequency characteristics of the laser. besides, we can always sweep the master laser, and watch the slave follow (or not follow, as is mostly the case). this diagnostic setup has provided us with an effective tool for trouble-shooting by enabling us to identify which laser is not working properly. . more technical details through the previous sections, we presented a step-by-step picture of the optical setup for experiments. since my project primarily included the feshbach resonances experiment, most of the experimental details are relevant for that experiment. how- ever, the same locked masters (after being amplified) also feed light to two (one in case of lithium) more experiments- the miniature atom trap and photo-association. details of the objectives of these experiments would be explained in chapter . in this section, all the optical components discussed before are combined to describe the big picture- the optical setup for laser cooling and trapping. first, specific details for the rubidium and lithium are presented separately and then we explain the combined setup to make a triple species mot. further details are presented in appendix b. . . details of the rubidium setup a flowchart like diagram explaining the light flow for a typical rubidium setup is shown in figure . . on the master table, every laser (cooling and re-pump lights for both isotopes) is locked using appropriate saturated absorption signals, and then amplified so that enough light goes through the fiber-optics cables to the three ex- periments. a point to note about the master table setup is that wherever double passing though the aom was required for frequency shifting- that was replaced by picking the second order of the diffracted beam. this was due to the fact that we had a lot of light com- ing out of the master laser. it wasn’t just more than sufficient for spectroscopy and injecting the slave laser- in fact stray back reflections from the slave laser and the double-pass setup were partly responsible for frequency instability of the masters. since the back reflected powers were considerably large (mostly due to ineffective polarization optics), we realized that even the db of isolation provided by the optical isolator was not sufficient to attenuate this light to an insignificant power. chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment using a single-pass setup not only got rid of some of the frequency noise on the error signal, but also saved quite a bit of optical components. the interference due to back-reflection, and the aligning beam from the slave laser was solved by inserting a neutral density filter in the path of the injection beam. on the feshbach experiment rubidium master table setup rubidium mot amplifier sas lock slave amplifier fiber network to miniature atom-trap exp. slave amplifier shift + tune dp aom rb diagnostics set-up rubidium re-pump shift + tune dp aom rb vapour cell fabry- perot interferometer slave amplifier tune sp aom optical pump mot chamber master laser trapping probe re- pump to photo-association experiment locked light production feshbach table setup for rubidium electronic fiber-optic optical figure . : flowchart summarizing the the optical procedure to create light to enable rubidium’s laser cooling. table, while there is enough light after appropriate frequency shifting for re-pump laser beam (recall from section that there is not much light required for rubidium re-pumping), the trapping light has to be amplified in order to have enough power for cooling and trapping and also for detection. details of the actual setup including the frequency of various lasers for trapping are explained in the appendix b. . . details of the lithium laser system lithium laser system is designed a bit different than that of rubidium, as can be seen in figure . . this is primarily because of the requirement of a strong re-pump beam that is close to the cycling transition. it employs a single master laser that is locked and then frequency shifted (after being amplified) to inject a slave that gives chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment cooling light to both experiments. this aom can be tuned in order to adjust the fre- quency de-tuning of both trapping and re-pump light- since the output of this aom forms both the trapping and (after being shifted mhz) re-pump light. additional tunability is provided by independently tuning the aom that shifts the laser from cooling to re-pump transition. lithium master table setup lithium mot amplifier slave amplifier fiber network slave amplifier trap light shift + tune dp aom li diagnostics set-up lithium feshbach table set-up fabry- perot interferometer slave amplifier optical pump mot chamber master laser trapping probe re- pump to photo-association experiment locked light production electronic fiber-optic optical lithium heat-pipe shift ( ä )mhz dp aom slave amplifier re-pump lithium re-pump amplifier slave amplifier optical pump probe figure . : flowchart summarizing the the optical procedure to create light to enable lithium’s laser cooling. the diagrams and pictures of the optical setup is shown ahead. there are no aoms on the experimental tables for lithium light. so, the feshbach table setup is pretty simple. the light from the fiber-optic cable is simply amplified to get the required power of the two frequency lights for laser cooling and trapping. an important technical problem was encountered on the master table that could be taken into consideration for future experiments. the distance between the lithium master and slave was around . m. such a long distance led to alignment problems while injecting the slave, and making it get out of the injection frequently. since the master table was floating on a foam, with the slave being significantly far away, any small vibrations on the master table led to significant misalignment of the slave beam, and the slave got out of lock very frequently. this problem was temporarily fixed with mode-matching the injection beam with the slave output, and precise alignment. however, it remains a problem. so, it is important to keep in mind that if any of the slaves don’t appear to be injected, it would be a wise idea to check the first slave, because it goes out of injection most frequently. chapter . getting the light- the laser system for experiment another important technical detail to keep in mind is that the aom don’t appear to be as efficient for the same focussing for lithium as they are for rubidium. this is because lithium light, having a smaller wavelength, is focussed a lot tighter making the diffraction in efficient. this can be overcome by either using a longer focal length lens or by creating a small divergence by using a : diverging lens telescope centered around the aom. more details of the actual setup, including the actual table setup and the frequency of various lasers are explained in appendix b. tho’ much is taken, much abides; and though we are not now that strength which in old days moved earth and heaven; that which we are, we are; one equal temper of heroic hearts, made weak by time and fate, but strong in will to strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield. ulysses: alfred tennyson chapter in search of an efficient atomic source two roads diverged in a yellow wood, and sorry i could not travel both and be one traveler, long i stood and looked down one as far as i could to where it bent in the undergrowth. the road not taken : robert frost here i shall elaborate on the various standard ways of loading atoms into a magneto-optical trap (mot) and comment on the efficiency of different procedures. while the calculations and comments in this section are for lithium atoms, simi- lar calculations can be done for any other atom. due to the significantly different vapour pressure of lithium as a function of temperature, certain techniques prove to be not very efficient (for example loading from background vapour). however, these techniques could be optimal and in fact are widely used in case of other atoms (for example rubidium and cesium are typically loaded from a background vapour). an optimal design for the atomic source is important since it limits the number of trapped atoms. since i spent a significant amount of time designing the atomic sources for multiple experiments, i shall briefly describe the loading mechanism for different types of sources and the various considerations to keep in mind while design- ing the source. at the end of the chapter, i shall conclude by justifying the choices for atomic sources that were made. hopefully these calculations and the conclusions drawn can provide some guidance during the design of atomic sources for ultra-cold atom experiments. . loading a mot from atomic vapour atomic background vapour loading is by far the simplest way to load a mot. atoms from a background gas with velocities below the maximum capture velocity of the mot are trapped in the middle of the intersecting beams. an ensemble of atoms in a dilute vapour has a standard maxwellian distribution of velocities that is dependent on temperature, and a mot captures the low-velocity tail end of the distribution. the losses are mostly due to trapped atoms colliding with the more energetic un- trapped atoms. of course, other density dependent losses in a mot come into effect as well. but we shall just consider this as the loss mechanism to get an order- of-magnitude estimate for the number of atoms that would get trapped in such a configuration.the treatment shown here is based on reference [ ], and further details chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source can be found there or in reference [ ]. the calculations i show here have been modified for our experimental setup of lithium atoms. however, they can be extended to any atomic vapour. the rate at which atoms would be trapped in a mot is given by some loss rate (γn , where γ is the loss-coefficient, and n is the number of trapped atoms) subtracted from the loading rate (r). ṅ = r − γn ( . ) solving this differential equation, we get: n (t) = r γ ( − e−γt) ( . ) the loading rate is given by [ ]: r = nv / v c v mp ( . ) here, n is the density of atoms, v is the trapping volume, which is around . cm for cm diameter laser beams. vc is the maximum capture velocity of the mot. the stopping force on the atom is provided by the two counter-propagating lasers, and decreases rapidly with velocity. let us assume that the laser is typically one line-width towards the red away from the resonance frequency. so, the atom would be captured and cooled if the doppler shifted light that it sees is within a line-width from the resonance. equating the two, we get vc ≈ Γλ, which for our transition (d line for li, Γ/ π = . mhz [ ]), corresponds to a velocity of around m/s. i shall use this estimate for the capture velocity for the rest of my calculations. the most probable velocity, vmp can be defined as (from any thermodynamics textbook): vmp = √ kbt m ( . ) as mentioned earlier, the loss-mechanism we consider is collisions with background, un-trapped atoms. for simplicity, let us assume that the colliding atoms are at the most probable velocity for simplicity. this gives us the loss coefficient of: γ ≈ nσvmp ( . ) the collisional cross-section σ is assumed to be . × − cm [ ]. this is an under- estimate for the loss rate because it assumes the background contains only lithium, but gives us some idea. combining the above equations, we can determine the steady- state number of trapped atoms, nss: nss = r γ = v / σ ( vc vmp ) ( . ) figure . shows a graph of the steady state number nss as a function of temperature. the number of trapped atoms in such a lithium mot is much smaller than the steady chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source state number for most other atom mots. this has to do with the fact that lithium has a small mass and a very small vapour pressure. however, for some other atoms like cesium, around . × atoms have been trapped in a vapour cell loaded mot [ ]. in fact loading from a vapour cell mot remains the standard method for ultra- cold experiments with cs, and usually rb and k as well. since the experimental signal is proportional to the number of trapped atoms, it is desirable to have a much bigger number of trapped atoms in the mot. also, since any cooling scheme that may be implemented to cool this ensemble further would also lead to losses, we have to start with a much bigger ensemble from the beginning. hence other techniques must be implemented to increase the number of trapped lithium atoms. temperaturehcl ss n hsmotal steadystatenumber vs. t figure . : the calculated steady state number for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature. . . a note about desorption it has been experimentally demonstrated that in the presence of intense uv or broad- band light, the number of trapped atoms from certain alkali-metal atomic vapour can be significantly increased [ , ]. this is due to light-induced atomic desorption (liad). when light is incident on the inner surface of the vacuum chamber, the alkali atoms that have coated the inner walls quickly get desorbed and the vapour pressure increases significantly. this leads to a higher number of trapped atoms. since this light source can be turned on and off fast, the background vacuum can be maintained at low pressures, and the alkali atoms can also be recycled. while this technique has been demonstrated to produce optically thick rubidium, sodium and potassium atomic vapour, the effect of light induced desorption still remains un- explored in lithium and might provide a way for a simple and efficient mot loading mechanism. chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source table . : difference between the velocity profile of background gas and a beam property gas beam distribution v exp(−v v mp ) v exp(−v v mp ) most probable v √ kb t m √ kb t m root-mean-square v √ kb t m √ kb t m average velocity v √ kb t πm √ πkb t m . loading a mot from an effusive atomic beam let us consider atoms effusing through a small hole of area as. the characteristic velocities of such atoms would differ from a maxwell-boltzmann distribution of atoms, as outlined in reference[ ]. the faster atoms are more likely to pass through the hole and hence the thermal distribution of velocities differs from that of a standard maxwell-boltzmann. table . shows some key differences (reproduced from [ ], pg ). vmp is the most probable velocity given by equation . the number of atoms flying out of such a source per second (or the dissipation rate)is simply given by: dn dt = nvas ( . ) we can calculate the loading rate of such a mot by simply integrating the distrib- ution of velocities up to the capture velocity of the mot. following the calculations shown in savard’s thesis[ ], we can get the following expression for the rate at which atoms are effusing from the oven: dn dt = nas π / v mp vre −v r v mp vze −v z v mp dvzdvr ( . ) to find the number of atoms for the loading rate calculations, we need to consider appropriate limits on the velocities in radial and axial directions. let the axial upper limit be the capture velocity of our mot. to calculate the radial velocity, we find the velocity that the atoms would have so that after traveling a distance d to the mot with axial velocity being the capture velocity of the mot, the atom has spread radially only so much that it is still in the trapping region. thus, the maximum radial velocity is given by: vrmax = vc d rc ( . ) for our experiment, rc is cm, and d is cm. integrating over this velocity range, we can get an expression for the loading rate of the mot. r = nvas ( − e −v c v mp )( − e −v rmax v mp ) ( . ) in order to calculate the steady state number, we need to consider the losses. let us chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source temperaturehcl .µ .µ r hsmotaêsl loadingrate vs.temperature figure . : the calculated loading rate for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature for an atomic beam source. consider a maximum velocity, vzmax = × vc. we can integrate our distribution up to these maximum velocities to get an approximate value for the total number of lithium atoms coming out in the mot capture area. ṅtotal = nvas ( − e −v zmax v mp )( − e −v rmax v mp ) ( . ) this gives the loss rate of: γ = σ ṅtotal π(d vrmax√ / vmp ) ( . ) here, the denominator being an estimation of the area suspended by the solid angle of the collimated beam. the factor √ / is due to the difference in the velocity profile between a background gas and beam, as discussed earlier. while we are on a more realistic path, we could include collisions with background vapour of different impurities (not just the hot atoms effusing out of the source), at a pressure of around − torr as a possible loss mechanism. for simplicity with respect to coliisional cross-sections, we assume this background to consist of just lithium. adding that in our loss rate, we can get a more realistic expression for our losses. by dividing the loading and loss rate, we can get the steady-state number of trapped atoms. figure . is a graph of the steady state number of atoms as a function of oven temperature. . . collimation issue so far we have considered atoms effusing from a hole with no well-defined collimation of the atomic beam. however, we can greatly reduce the angular distribution of our chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source temperaturehcl µ µ µ µ µ . µ ss n hsmotal steadystatenumber vs. t figure . : the calculated steady state number for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature for an atomic beam source. we can see an approximately -fold increase from a vapour cell mot. atomic beam just by making the beam effuse through long channels. the pressure is chosen such that the atoms do not collide with each-other inside the channel. of course, this decreases the number of atoms coming out of the channel walls. this reduction is implemented in the dissipation rate equation, and the modified equation . looks like: dn dt = ξ nvas ( . ) here, ξ is called the reduction co-efficient. for a cylindrical geometry (which is usually considered), a circular tube with diameter(d) much smaller than the total length(l), the reduction co-efficient is given by [ ]: ξ = d l ( . ) carefully chosen geometries enhance the mot steady-state number primarily due to three reasons: . the flux of atoms is collimated so that more atoms actually arrive at the mot capture area. . the transverse spread of velocities in atoms is decreased, since atoms with high radial velocities do not get out of the channel. . due to the presence of a narrow channel, differential pumping takes place- the ex- perimental chamber is pumped at a much faster rate than the rate at which the source chamber introduces particles. this makes it possible to maintain the experimental chamber at a much lower pressure than in the source (which is orders of magnitude higher due to the partial pressure of hot lithium atoms). a lower background pres- sure suppresses loss mechanisms due to background collisions thereby increasing the steady state number and the lifetime of trapped atoms. chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source figure . is another graph of the steady state number of atoms for a lithium mot with the same source, but this time using just a / ” thick tube for collimation (hole diameter- . ”, length- . ”). we can see that the steady state number increases for all temperatures. we can thus choose the geometry of the collimator such that the solid angle imposed by the tube covers the mot area. this increases efficiency of our trapped atoms. also, longer channels make it easier to maintain the experimental vacuum chamber at a much lower pressure than the source chamber. temperaturehcl µ µ µ µ µ . µ ss n hsmotal steadystatenumber vs.t figure . : the calculated steady state number for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature for an atomic beam source. we can see an increase in the nss at all temperatures just by a small collimation of the atomic beam. . . background collisions with rubidium in the experiment, we plan to have mots of two different species running at the same time. it is therefore important to consider the loading of a lithium mot in the presence of rubidium vapour. unlike that of lithium, the vapour pressure of rubidium is high enough to enable loading of rubidium from background vapour at room temperature. the number density of rubidium atoms is given by the ideal gas law: nrb = pvacuum kbt ( . ) where p is th epartial pressure of rubidium at room temperature (around − torr). this gives the loss-rate of: γrb = nrbσ √ kbt mrb ( . ) since the collisional cross-section of lithium-rubidium atoms is unknown, we as- sume it to be the same as the one we considered for lithium-lithium collisions- . × − cm− (which is probably a good order-of-magnitude estimate). we add chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source this loss rate to the total loss-rate expression that becomes the sum of three different loss mechanisms, namely loss due to background lithium and rubidium vapour and the loss due to the hot atoms in the lithium atomic beam. this is plotted in figure . . it is important to note here that rubidium would not be the only contaminant in temperaturehcl µ µ µ µ µ ss n hsmotal steadystatenumber vs. t wê rbinbkgndwêorbbkgnd figure . : the calculated steady state number for trapped atoms in a lithium mot as a function of temperature for an atomic beam source in the presence of a background of rubidium atoms. we can see a decrease in the nss due to enhanced collisional losses. the mot. there would be background vapour of atmospheric gases and other out- gassing materials that would contribute to the loss-rate. however, this calculation was done in order to provide a rough estimate and hence the other loss-mechanisms (that would be treated in a similar manner) are being ignored here. . slowing an atomic beam the calculations described above give us an over-simplified view of the number of atoms that can be loaded into a magneto-optical trap. there are other loss mech- anisms that have not been considered in this picture: for example, fine-structure changing collisions in case of lithium (and rubidium) and three-body collision, light assisted collisional losses and heating losses. overall, it would not be pessimistic to say that the real steady-state number of atoms would be lower than the estimate that we have calculated (especially because with the experimental chamber vacuum pressure is currently much higher than − torr). since the the number of atoms is our signal, we need to maximize it. also, in order to reach degeneracy we need to have additional stages of cooling. at each of these stages, we would be losing atoms. for example, loading into an optical or magnetic trap always leads to loss of some atoms due to heating. needless to say that there is evaporative cooling as well. in order to increase the number of trapped atoms, we need to have more atoms below chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source the capture velocity of the mot. this can be done by starting with a colder atomic beam. due to partial pressure of lithium as a function of temperature considerations, which is responsible for the atomic oven being run at around c, we cannot have a cold beam of lithium vapour coming out of the atomic source. but additional mechanisms can be used in order to cool the atomic beam in order to make loading more efficient. one thing to keep in mind is that for ultra-cold experiments, atoms only interact with electric and magnetic fields, because they are suspended in the middle of the vacuum chamber in a magnetic (or optical) bowl. so, any cryogenic technique can- not be implemented. buffer-gas cooling or stark deceleration has been widely used as universal techniques in chemistry to cool many species. however, these techniques are rather complicated and so far no one has tried them. moreover, buffer gas cool- ing usually needs rather high pressures of the cold buffer gas, which would be hard to make compatible with a mot. there can be simpler ways to cool alkali atoms using magnetic fields or laser light. in this section, i shall summarize some such experimental approaches in this section. . . shifting, chirping or broadening the laser frequency the loading rate of a mot is highly sensitive to the capture velocity. as discussed above, the capture velocity depends on the de-tuning of the laser beams from the resonance frequency. so, in order to increase the capture velocity and maximize the number of trapped atoms, the lasers can be further red de-tuned from the atomic resonance. however, this just makes the laser talk to a different velocity class of atoms that are more abundant in the atomic beam. if the red de-tuned laser beam shines opposite to the atomic beam, then it would slow the atoms down by radiation pressure. by carefully choosing the de-tuning frequency, the number of trapped atoms can be enhanced. such a set-up has been described in reference [ ], where the steady state number was increased by five-fold by using a single mhz red de-tuned, circularly polarized slower beam opposite the atomic beam of li atoms. the major drawback of this cooling scheme is that as atoms slow down, they go out of resonance from the laser light. so, if there is a compensating mechanism for the decreasing doppler width, the loading rate can be increased. this can be accomplished by either chirping the laser frequency (details can be found in reference [ ]), or by using zeeman effect (as shall be explained later). by chirping the frequency of the counter-propagating laser beam being used for slowing the atoms, a pulsed source of cold atoms can be produced. however, a pulsed source might not be ideal for most experiments. if the frequency spectrum of the laser cooling beams is broadened by for example, generating side-bands using an electro-optical modulator, the number of trapped atoms can be increased by over fold. details of such an experimental scheme for li atoms is described in [ ]. the side-bands thus created enable the laser to talk to a broader range of velocities, and also (for higher trap-depths) re-capture the decay products of fine-structure changing collisions- thus building up the number of trapped atoms. chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source . . filtering the high velocity atoms one of the major contribution to trapped atom losses is the collisions of cold atoms with the hotter ones coming from the atomic beam. this could be minimized using two general ways. first, by placing a small beam block in between the source and mot so that the mostly high velocity atoms don’t hit the mot. the atoms even- tually diffuse around and have a smaller average velocity. also, since the mot is not in the path of atom beam anymore, the losses due to the high momentum atoms knocking out the cold ones is greatly reduced. this technique is implemented in the photo-association experiment that is being setup in our lab. an example of a beam block placed in front of a source that was very close to the trapping region is given in the experimental setup of [ ]. for that particular geometry, loading rates of atoms/s were obtained. however, since the source was so close to the mot, the trap life-time was reduced. another possible mechanism relies on the interaction of atoms with high magnetic fields to make a laser-free slow atom source. the atoms are transported through a curved tube that has a octupole magnetic guiding field produced by permanent mag- nets. slow, low-field seeking atoms can follow the curved trajectory of the skimmer source, while all other atoms hit the walls of the magnetic guide and are lost. thus the magnetic guide acts as a low-velocity filter and can lead to around atoms in a lithium mot [ ]. . . zeeman slower while these methods described above sacrifice loading rates, they could produce higher steady state numbers. in order to load a high number of atoms quickly (up to atoms/s [ ]), a zeeman slower is usually implemented. it uses both interaction with laser and magnetic fields to decelerate an atomic beam to velocities comparable to the capture velocity of the mot. the following is a simple explanation of the underlying physics. detailed analysis of the experimental design are described in several ph.d. theses, including [ ]. it is to be noted here that we decided not employ a zeeman slower, at least initially, because of the technical demands of the slower. however, its working is being briefly described here for completeness. for a high intensity laser beam, the scattering force on the atom can expressed as [ ]: fmax = h̄k Γ ( . ) a laser that is counter-propagating to the incoming atomic beam would provide a force that would decelerate the atoms. a moving atom sees the red de-tuned laser beam doppler shifted to the resonance and absorbs and emits it, eventually losing forward momentum, and slowing down. however, as the atom slows down, the doppler shift changes and it eventually gets out of resonance. so, we add a compensating magnetic field to provide a spatially varying de-tuning that ensures that the laser remains on resonance with the slowing atom beam. the de-tuning chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source experienced by the atom can expressed as: ∆ = ∆laser + v λ − ∆b ( . ) where the first term in the sum corresponds to the de-tuning of the slower laser, the second is the doppler shift and the third corresponds to the de-tuning due to the magnetic field. this de-tuning is given by: ∆b = µbb h ( . ) to ensure that the atom is resonant with the laser, the magnetic field should be such that: b = h µb (∆laser + v(z) λ ) ( . ) this magnetic field is provided by a series of current carrying coils, with increasing number of turns to get a tapering magnetic field with distance to offset for the decreasing doppler shift of the atoms. the magnetic field is chosen so that atoms from a certain velocity onwards get slowed down. a region of magnetic field works for a certain velocity class of atoms- slowing them a bit. so, a tapering magnetic field moves atoms from one velocity class to lower and lower velocities, and by the time the atoms reach the trapping region, all the atoms below a certain velocity (usually the most probably velocity for the atomic beam) have been slowed to much slower velocities comparable to the capture velocity of the mot. this greatly enhances the loading rate, since the distribution of velocities is not a broad maxwellian any more, instead it has a sharp peak around the capture velocity (or the slowed velocity for the slower). however, atoms above the upper-bound of the slower remain unaffected by the zeeman beam, since they are never resonant with it, and lead to losses in the trapped atoms by colliding with them. in spite of this, zeeman slowing appears to be the most popular choice for efficient lithium laser cooling. . our choice of sources to conclude the discussion of several types of sources begin used for ultra-cold atom experiments, we shall discuss the ones we chose for our atoms and why. . . rubidium alkali metal dispensers seem to be the most popular choice for rubidium source. these are little metal oven containing a salt of the alkali metal required (in our case rubidium), and a strong reducing agent. the reducing agent used in commercial dispensers from saes getters is saes st (zr %-al %) getter alloy. in addi- tion to reducing the alkali back to its metallic state, st also absorbs chemically reactive gases from the device, preventing them from contaminating the alkali metal vapor. by switching the current through the dispensers off, the emission of atomic vapour can be stopped rapidly. also, they are compact, reliable and cheap- which chapter . in search of an efficient atomic source figure . : picture of the vacuum system electric feed-through showing the / ” support support rods on which the atomic sources to be used for the experiments are screwed on. there are two rubidium dispensers on the top and bottom, and a collimated effusive atomic beam source for lithium is shown in the center. also contributes to their popularity. in fact loading rates from alkali metal dispensers have been extensively studied [ ]. we decided to use these dispensers in conjunction with light-induced atomic desorption as demonstrated in [ ]. . . lithium since naturally occurring lithium has only . % li, the rest being li, we got an en- riched ( %) source of li, since li would be an impurity, and an unnecessary source of contaminant for our experiment. that also ruled out an alkali metal dispenser as an atomic source. the low vapour pressure of lithium at room temperature left us with no choice other than to build an effusive atomic beam source. so, we have a collimated atomic beam source, combined with a mechanical beam block. a similar scheme has been demonstrated in lithium already [ ]. the technical complexity, and space considerations associated with a zeeman slower discouraged us from building it - however depending on the performance of this source, it might be re-considered. i shall be telling this with a sigh somewhere ages and ages hence: two roads diverged in a wood, and i– i took the one less traveled by, and that has made all the difference. the road not taken: robert frost chapter more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot if you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs and blaming it on you; if you can trust yourself when all men doubt you, but make allowance for their doubting too; if you can wait and not be tired by waiting, or, being lied about, don’t deal in lies, or, being hated, don’t give way to hating, and yet don’t look too good, nor talk too wise.. if: rudyard kipling this chapter is divided into three parts. the first two describe the vacuum and con- trol system respectively. these are two crucial technical aspects of the experiment that have not been addressed so far in this thesis. the third part was added very recently- and shows preliminary data from our rb and li mot. all experiments with ultra-cold atoms are done in an ultra-high vacuum chamber so that the collision with background gases at room temperature are minimized. ultra- high vacuum is characterized by pressures lower than − pascal, or − torr. at these temperatures the mean free path of a gas molecule is approximately km. so, the chance of collisions is very low. low vacuum is extremely important for the life- time of the experiment. quantum degenerate gases won’t survive collisions with high momentum residual gas molecules. also, the steady state number of trapped atoms in a mot (the starting point of experiments) would be affected by the collisions with background atoms. in the first part of this chapter we shall describe how such a vacuum is obtained in the lab. also all experiments with ultra-cold atoms require precise and fast control of the ex- perimental variables. for example turning light off using mechanical shutters, taking images or performing evaporative cooling are some things that require very precise timing, and are performed in time scales of milli-seconds, or even micro-seconds. this prohibits any manual control of the experimental sequence, so an automated control system becomes a necessity. the second part of the chapter describes the most promi- nent features of the computer control system- the details of it are described in [ ] and a future thesis [keith ladouceur’s masters thesis]. chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot . vacuum system . . initial considerations extreme measures are taken to reach this regime in low pressure. all the assembly is done with proper gloves in order to minimize contaminating the chamber. all materials to be used in vacuum chamber are chosen such that they have very low vapour pressure. this minimizes outgassing from materials, and helps to keep the pressure inside the chamber low. another source of outgassing is air absorbed on the surface of the vacuum components. a material at room temperature is like a sponge, and many different components of the surrounding air (mostly water vapour) get adsorbed on their surface. when inside the vacuum chamber, these adsorbed materials slowly degas forming what could be thought of as a virtual leak. in order to drive out these impurities, mostly water and hydrocarbons, all the chamber is assembled and then heated up to as high temperature as possible (somewhere between − c) while the chamber is being pumped so that the outgassing materials (including evaporated water) are pumped out. . . vacuum pumps and their limitations the ultimate pressure attained in a vacuum system depends on the influx of gas as well as the pumping of the gas. the equilibrium pressure is given by the expression [ ] p = q × (s− p + s− i ) ( . ) here, q is the total gas load due to leaks, gassing and connection to other systems, sp is the speed of the pump (given in liters/second) and si is the throughput of the connections of the vacuum system to the pump. the gas influx can be greatly reduced by a careful choice of materials and optimal design of the vacuum system, the pumping speed is more constricted. since the volume begin pumped is small (less than liters), modest size commercial pumps with a reasonable pumping speeds are used to attain ultra-high vacuum. it is these connections that generally form the limiting factor for the pressure, and not the pumping speed. since there is no cost-effective pump covering the whole pressure range from ultra-high to vacuum[ ], a combination of pumps is implemented. we use a turbo pump for the initial pumping during bakeout, followed with an ion pump and a non-evaporable getter (neg) pump that remain attached to experimental chamber. here, we shall summarize the different pumps used to get the chamber down to ultra-high vacuum pressures. turbo molecular pump a turbo molecular pump works on the principle that particles can be given momen- tum in a desired direction by repeated collisions with a moving solid surface for these collisions, it implements a high speed turbine rotor with angles blades such that the chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot colliding gas molecules are preferentially pumped out of the system creating a vac- uum environment [ ]. since its introduction in [ ], turbo molecular pumps have quickly evolved into the workhorse for vacuum technology. the pumping speed for the turbo pump used (varian v ) is l/s and it performs at typically , rev/min. we use the turbo pumps during bakeout when very high pumping speed is required to drive out all the degassing materials. after the system is baked, a combination of ion and neg pump is attached to the experimental chamber. ion pump the ion pump works in two ways: it removes reactive gases by enabling them to react with freshly deposited reactive metal (such as titanium) and it removes noble gases by ionizing them and then burying the accelerated (by magnetic fields from a permanent magnet) ions on the cathode surfaces. they are best suited for pressures lower than − torr range and are thus turned on after initial pumping by turbo pumps. first commercial ion pumps followed after the pioneering work done at university of wisconsin [ ]. the commercial system used on the experiment is a varian starcell pump with a pumping speed of l/s. there are two major disadvantages of ion pumps. first, they house strong permanent magnets. even though they are shielded for most pumps- there is still stray magnetic fields and so it is not advisable to house them very close to the experiment. the other disadvantage is its inefficiency to pump out materials with low chemical reactivity, for example the noble gases and some hydrocarbons like methane. non-evaporable getter a non-evaporable getter pump seems to overcome some of the problems with ion pumps in order to achieve low pressure. after being activated by heating, the highly reactive getter material (usually some commercial alloy) adsorbs active gas molecules on its surface by chemical reactions. heating the getter in vacuum diffuses the passive layer into the bulk of the getter material, thus re-activating it. since it is devoid of any vibrating or high magnetic field parts, it can be put arbitrarily close to the experimental chamber. also such getter pumps are efficient in pumping water and hydrogen (typically over l/s)- two of the major contaminants in most vacuum systems. our experimental chamber employs a saes getter capacitorr pump. table . summarizes some of the important features of the three pumps being used. table . : information about the different vacuum pumps being used. pump manufacturer/model principle of operation pumping speed turbo varian turbo v high speed turbine rotor l/s ion varian starcell getter + ionization l/s neg saes capacitorr activated getter material > l/s for h, h o chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot . . vacuum bakeout procedure the importance of baking the entire vacuum chamber it can be shown that a temperature change of c may be expected to increase the pressure of condensed or adsorbed molecules by a factor of [ ]. by changing the temperature of the the vacuum system by about c, the partial pressures increase by a factor of . from this it may be concurred that pumping for a second at this high temperature would remove as much gases from the system as pumping for a whole day at room temperature. however, this is not entirely true since there are limitations imposed by the pumping speed of the vacuum pumps involved. however, prolonged baking at high temperatures of the entire vacuum system ensures that we get rid of all the contaminants much faster. it is important to bake the entire vacuum system together because otherwise the molecules condense on the colder parts of the system, and remain as a slowly outgassing source. figure . shows the effect of an increase in temperature over pressure of the vacuum system. it can be seen that the pressure first increases, and then over time decreases to a much smaller value. e- e- e- p re ss ur e (t or r) time (hrs) standard bakeout pressure change initial pumping increase temperature final pumping cooling figure . : figure illustrating part of the actual lab bakeout procedure. during an increase in temperature, the pressure increases considerably, but over a period of time, the impurities are pumped out, and the base pressure actually decreases considerably after cooling. the standard procedure for bakeout followed in the lab is being described here. chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot this could serve as a guideline for future experiments. cleaning procedure the following is the lab standard cleaning procedure for ultra-high vacuum compo- nents: . min in the ultrasonic with detergent (alconox) . min (once or twice) in the ultrasonic in distilled water for rinsing . min (once or twice) in the ultrasonic in methanol . min (once or twice) in the ultrasonic in acetone it is noteworthy that acetone the highest vapor pressure (compared to other often used organic solvents), so if any of it is left over it will evaporate more quickly. high temperature air bake all stainless steel components (including mounting components) are laid separately and baked in the home-built oven up to − c for - days in order to drive out all the impurities, mainly consisting hydrocarbons. this is to ensure that most of the impurities have been driven off the surfaces. assemble and check parts after the air bake, the vacuum components are then carefully assembled together (without the still unbaked glass parts and valves), and checked for any leaks by inserting helium gas and looking at a residual gas analyzer (srs- rga). any leaking components are replaced. preliminary bake the assembled vacuum system (including the atomic sources, but without the glass cell and neg pump) is baked at c for a few ( - ) days. at this point, the atomic sources are turned on and checked. this process also degasses them. final bake with all the pumps connected, and the glass cell on, the entire system is baked at around c for over a week. the final pressure obtained for the photo-association chamber, that was baked using these guidelines was better than − torr. our ion gauge (the pressure measurement device) is not so efficient at these pressures. however, measurements of lifetime of trapped atoms can give a better indication of the vacuum pressure, but they have not been done yet. figure . shows a schematic diagram of the experimental setup, indicating the place- ment of various components. chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot for neg pump ion pump to turbo pump station compensation coils mot coils water cooling for mot coils figure . : solidworks drawing of the experimental arrangement for feshbach ex- periment showing the vacuum system and placement of some optics. . computer control system . . initial considerations the linear sequence of events that occur while performing experiments with ultra- cold atoms can be automated using standard data acquisition systems. the objective of the effort in our lab is to create a platform independent (independent of operating system) control system that would only require a network connection. this would enable us to do experiments while not really being in the lab. another important motivation for such a system is the ability to automate optimization of experimental configuration as part of a feedback system, for example, dynamically change de- tuning of an aom till the ultra-cold sample has the maximum number of atoms. this saves the experimentalist a lot of time and effort that is put in optimizing the data obtained for every experiment. in the following subsection, i shall give an overview of the components that form part of the computer control system, and the up-to-date progress made on the project. chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot . . hierarchy of components base level devices these are the devices that are actually programmed to execute a certain set of in- structions. for example the data acquisition card (daq). we have a daq from national instruments (ni). intermediate level devices these devices are used to convert the input instructions to actual input signals for the instrument in question. for example, a direct digital synthesizer (dds) is used to get an arbitrary sine wave for input to an aom. analog and digital output devices that are used to turn the shutter or camera on or off are further examples of such devices. high level devices these are the devices that perform the actual task during the experiment, for exam- ple aom or optical shutters, or a ccd camera. . . the flow of instructions the experimental recipe is written in python. the user interacts with a graphical user interface to change the experimental sequence as desired. this recipe is converted in to byte code that goes into the ni-daq driver buffer. the buffer ensures that the card has information at the right time. this byte sequence is sent to the the ut bus driver that basically changes the pin input from the ni-daq card to a pin output. the output of the ut bus goes to the intermediate level instruments like the dds or digital output box. these then generate signals for the instruments. it is to be kept in mind that the ut bus can only talk to one instrument at a time, so the time delay in signals should be kept in mind. figure . shows the flow of instructions in a flowchart format. . . control software the software for encoding the ni-daq is being written in python and is still under construction. the user shall interact with the graphical user interface of a python script and input the experiment recipe. the python script would code the user commands in to the ni-daq input- just a string of s and s. from here it goes in to the ut bus and then to the devices. the control sequence so far has been a write only sequence with no inputs being taken. however, one could envision the program to be easily modified to read some input from an oscilloscope, for example over gpib, and accordingly modify the input control sequence, thus forming a feedback system to optimize certain experimental parameters. chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot python script ni-daq card ut bus driver analog output digital output dds aom shutter rf evaporation ccd camera coil current change high level devices intermediate level devices base level devices byte code general purpose lines address data strobe line pin pin figure . : flowchart showing the the sequence in which control instructions are transmitted through the various devices. . then the mot works . . preliminary fluorescence data in order to measure the fluorescence of the mot, we need to consider three quantities: the solid angle of the detector and the scattering rates of the photo-diode and atoms. the number of atoms can be expressed as: n = Γp d Γm ot η ( . ) here, Γ are the rate of photon emission from a single atom in a mot (Γm ot ) and the photo-diode detection rate (Γp d), and η defines the ratio of the fluorescence incident on the detection optics. we shall discuss each one of them separately. since this calculation estimates the number of atoms roughly, we shall not consider the errors in order to get this ball-park number of atoms. η is the ratio of the area of the sphere of radius being the distance between detector lens and mot, and the area of the circular lens. η = πa πd ( . ) here, a is the radius of the lens and d is the distance between the mot and the lens. we determined it to be . for our geometry. after making sure that the detector is in the linear regime of operation, we calibrated chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot the detector to get the optical power detected for the corresponding voltage. the expression was found to be: p ower(nw ) = − v . ( . ) here, v is the negative voltage detected by the photodiode. a background voltage may be added to this expression depending on the value of background during an experiment. dividing this power by the the energy of each photon (hc/λ), we get the number of photons detected per second. we also take into account % losses at the glass surfaces of the uncoated mot cell and lens. adding all these, we get the following expression for the photon detection rate. Γp d = . × (−v ) ( . ) it is necessary to subtract the background voltage from the quantity in parenthesis in order to get non-negative number of atoms. the mot scattering rate, Γm ot is the number of photons scattering by a single atom in a mot. as explained in chapter , it can be expressed as: Γm ot = Γ i/isat + i/isat + ( δ Γ ) ( . ) here, Γ is the natural line-width. for rubidium, it is equal to π . mhz. the saturation intensity of for rubidium mot transition is . mw/cm . for mw in each of the six mot beams with a beam waist of cm, the total intensity at the center of the mot is . mw. the ratio of incident intensity to the saturation intensity, also known as the saturation parameter, was thus found to be . . the de-tuning was measured to be δ = mhz for this set of measurements. putting in all these values, we get the Γm ot to be . × photons/s. this leads to a formula to convert the photodiode voltage to the number of trapped atoms. n = . × (−v ) ( . ) here b is the background voltage. figure . shows a typical loading curve- the number of trapped atoms as a function of time under these parameters for a rb mot. . . analysis of loading rate in this sub-section, we shall analyze the loading curve shown in figure . to get information about the lifetime and vacuum of the system. the data is fitted to a function of the form: n = a( − e−k(t−t )) ( . ) by comparing the fitting function to the expression for loading from a background vapour as mentioned in chapter , we see that a is the ratio of loading rate (r) and loss rate (γ). also, k in the exponential gives the loss rate γ. the trap life-time is chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot model: y = a*( - exp(-k*(x-xc)) ) a . ± . xc . ± . k . ± . n um be r of a to m s time (s) fluor. mot beam off resonance mot loading as a function of time figure . : loading rate as a function of time for rb- mot. injection to a slave beam was blocked in order to get the background due to non-resonant light. once unblocked, the light was on resonance, and the mot started loading. just the inverse of loss rate, τ = . s. from the loss rate, the density of background gas can be extracted. n = γ σvmp ( . ) for a gas of rubidium atoms at room temperature, and collisional cross-section of . × − cm , we get density n to be . × atoms/cm . from ideal gas law, we get the corresponding pressure to be . × − torr. it is an interesting exercise to use the value of number density we obtained to calculate the loading rate of the mot from background vappour and compare it to our model’s loading rate. the expression for loading rate is given by: r = nv / v c v mp ( . ) using our experimental parameters (de-tuning, which gives the capture velocity, vc and the mot area, v), we get the loading rate to be . × atoms/s. this is significantly lower than the loading rate obtained from fitting the data to our model, which gives us a loading rate of . × . this is because our atomic source is actu- ally an effusive source, the alkali dispenser, and not just background vapour. these measurements were obtained shortly after turned the dispensers off, and that is the reason for the higher loading rate. it is important to note that the loss rate determined here only considers collisional chapter . more ifs: the vacuum and control system, and then a mot losses with background rubidium. there are other loss mechanisms. for example, there are losses due to collision with other atoms as well as light assisted collisional losses that is not being considered here. so, the number of atoms is an over-estimate. figure . is a picture of another rb mot. around were trapped in this first mot. since the detectors have not yet been calibrated for lithium, and the num- ber of atoms is being optimized, no useful data has been obtained on the lithium mot. however work is under progress, and useful measurements characterizing the performance of the mot are under way. ~ cm figure . : picture of around fluorescing rb atoms in a mot taken on april th, . the lithium atom also works, however, it needs more calibration and optimization. if you can fill the unforgiving minute with sixty seconds’ worth of distance run - yours is the earth and everything that’s in it, and - which is more - you’ll be a man my son! if: rudyard kipling chapter towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases old walt whitman went finding and seeking, finding less than sought seeking more than found, every detail minding of the seeking or the finding old walt : langston hughes this chapter describes the research goals of the group. currently there are three experiments with ultra-cold atoms. figure . shows a schematic diagram with the major technical and scientific goals of these experimental initiatives. this chap- ter briefly describes the different experiments being built, the motivation and their progress. since the work of this thesis was primarily done on building the feshbach resonances and quantum degenerate gases experiment, it will be emphasized. . miniature atom trap the primary goal of this experiment is to develop techniques to enable miniaturiza- tion and portability of atom-chip based devices. ultra-cold atoms have led to several advancements in precision measurements- for example the development of atomic fountain clocks and precise measurements of atom-surface interactions. however, since the experimental chamber is not portable and small, it prohibits larger scale development of this technology. portable ultra-high vacuum chambers have already been demonstrated [ ]. trap- ping atoms using magnetic fields from wires on a silicon surface close to the atomic cloud has also been demonstrated in several laboratories [ ]. by combining these techniques and developing a few others, a miniature chip package that is robust and portable can be envisioned. this is the primary goal of this experiment, which is being done in collaboration with dr. james booth from british columbia institute of technology. . ultra-cold heteronuclear molecules as eluded to in the first chapter of this thesis, atomic physics is moving beyond ultra- cold atoms towards observation of many-body phenomenon that is characterized by chapter . towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases locked master lasers amplifier stage amplifier stage amplifier stage vacuum system feshbach electrodes time-of-flight spectrometer rb mot rb+ li mot rb + li mot photo-association studies feshbach resonances studies atom chip dipole trap coherent control of dipolar molecules optical lattice quantum degenerate gases in optical lattice laser system to form molecules investigate portability issues vacuum system vacuum system photo- association experiment miniature atom-trap experiment quantum degenerate gases experiment figure . : schematic diagram showing the objectives of the experimental effort. the dashed boxes are technical goals that have already been accomplished. the filled dark boxes represent the short and long term research goals. strong interactions between atoms. the creation of an ultra-cold sample of mole- cules with an intrinsic dipole moment, such as alkali dimers of two different atoms, provides a sample with anisotropic interactions. combined with the precise control and tunability provided by techniques of ultra-cold experiments, these may lead to advancement of current efforts in several fields including quantum computing [ ] or bec of dipolar gases [ ] to name a few. perhaps even more interesting is the unex- plored physics that awaits- for example, topological quantum states[ ], super-solid order[ ] or phase separation [ ]. there is also the possibility of occurance of new phenomena that has not yet been anticipated. so far, there are two demonstrated methods for creating ultra-cold polar molecules from ultra-cold atoms. first is via photo-association, where a laser beam excites atoms to form a hetero-nuclear molecule in its electronically excited state (for exam- ple see [ ]). these molecules eventually decay into the ground state. the goal of the photo-association experiment is to create molecules using this method and then investigate schemes to drive them into their lowest ro-vibrational state using raman transitions. ultra-cold molecules in their absolute ground state are required to ob- serve several of the phenomenon referred to in the previous paragraph. the details chapter . towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases of this experiment would be described in a future thesis [nina rauhut and bastian schuster diploma thesis]. another method to create ultra-cold molecules involves the use of feshbach resonances. this approach will be described in detail in the following sections. . feshbach resonances the properties of a gas of ultra-cold atoms are described in terms of a very important parameter, the s-wave scattering length as. at ultra-cold temperatures, when the two- body collision processes dominate the dynamics of the atomic sample, both elastic and inelastic collisions depend on the singlet and triplet channel’s s-wave scattering length.[ ] this parameter a determines the thermalization rate, stability and mean- field energy of a quantum-degenerate gas[ ]. in the recent years, we have seen a revolution in atomic physics, which is lead by the observation of feshbach resonances in ultra-cold alkali atoms. feshbach resonances provide the experimental knob to tune the interactions in these atomic samples from positive infinity to negative infinity. the scattering length, as, can be tuned using magnetic fields. the resonance occurs when a bound state in a higher energy “closed” molecular channel becomes degenerate with the collision energy along the “open” inter-atomic channel, as shown in figure . . figure . : schematic diagram explaining a feshbach resonance. the upper bound state gets degenerate with the collision energy of the input channel.(figure from [ ]) since the first observation of feshbach resonances in a bec [ ], these resonances have been used to enable controlled collapse of a bec [ ], ultra-cold diatomic molecules[ ] and the realization of the bec-bcs crossover in the ultra-cold neu- tral atom system[ ] to name a few phenomenon. on a more relevant note, feshbach spectroscopy can be used to precisely determine the interatomic interaction potential, chapter . towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases often to an unprecedented level of accuracy, and molecular structure near dissociation [ ]. determination of lithium-rubidium interatomic potential via photo-association and feshbach spectroscopy is one of the primary scientific goals of the laboratory. while feshbach resonances in homonuclear molecules have been studied exten- sively, not much work has been done (either experimentally or theoretically) on fesh- bach resonances between two different atomic species. nevertheless, such resonances have been observed in a li− n a system [ ] and k − rb system[ ]. but there are several other atomic species that remain unexplored. the goal of this research project is to estimate the location and widths of such s-wave feshbach resonances in li − rb system. in comparison to homonuclear molecules, the feshbach spectrum of heteronu- clear molecules is richer. this is because the hyperfine constants are unequal for the two atoms and there are four rather than three zero-field collision asymptotes[ ]. also, these two-species feshbach resonances are the first step towards the study of a bose-fermi mixture with tunable interactions, a field that could lead to another revolution in ultra-cold physics. some of the predicted possibilities include the for- mation of ultra-cold polar molecules with phase-space densities much higher than that obtained by photo-association, which might lead to interesting physics in the quantum degenerate regime. . . experimental strategy a dual species mot will be created to trap both li and bosonic rubidium isotopes, rb or rb. here the magnetic coils are set to produce a quadrupole magnetic field by using inverse current in the upper and lower coils. the current flow is about a which can provide a gauss/cm magnetic field gradient for our dual species mot. once the atoms are cooled by the dual species mot, an optical tweezer will be used to trap these atoms for later feshbach resonance experiment. the optical tweezer is created by a mw cw yb fiber laser with center wavelength nm and linewidth < khz, after amplified by the yb fiber amplifier, it will give a w cw saturated output power. a resonance cavity will be used to enhance the optical dipole trap [ ]. after the atoms are trapped by the optical tweezer, the magnetic coils are changed to helmholtz coils, which provides a uniform magnetic field between the coils. the current here will be a to a and will produce a uniform magnetic field between and gauss. after allowing the ensemble to evolve for some time at a specific magnetic field, the temperature and the number of trapped atoms will be measured by shining lithium and rubidium resonant lasers into the optical trap after extin- guishing the external field. as described before, the presence of a feshbach resonance is characterized by loss in the number of atoms due to formation of molecules and a divergence in the collisional cross-section, and hence faster thermalization rates. by checking the relationship be- tween the decay rate of the number of trapped atoms with corresponding magnetic field intensity, the hetero-nuclear feshbach resonances between lithium and rubid- ium can be found. a hetero-nuclear feshbach resonance would be characterized by chapter . towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases losses in the number of both rubidium and lithium atoms. . electric-field-induced feshbach resonances so far collisions of ultra-cold atoms have been controlled either by magnetic fields using feshbach resonances, or by lasers using near-resonant light, raman transitions or optical lattices. however, recent theoretical proposals exhibit control of interactions between atoms of two species by tuning dc electric fields [ , ]. when two different atoms collide, they form a collision complex with an instanta- neous dipole moment. this dipole moment function is peaked around the equilibrium distance of the diatomic molecule in its ground vibrational state. the dipole moment enables the collision complex to interact with an external electric field. electric fields induce couplings between different angular momentum states due to the interaction of the instantaneous dipole moment of the collision pair with external electric fields. addition of an external electric field hence provides a mechanism to couple the in- coming open channel to bound states (closed channel) of different orbital momentum (as opposed to only s-wave bound states provided by feshbach resonances), hence opening a new genre of controlled interactions called electric field induced feshbach resonances. also, it has been proposed that the electric field couplings could induce new feshbach resonances and shift the position of s-wave magnetic resonances [ ]. . . experimental strategy such resonances have not yet been observed experimentally. progress is being made to insert dc electrodes providing the desired electric fields of around kv/cm (see figure . ) and make an optically trapped sample of atoms interact with it. the optical trap would be made from the nm cw yb fiber laser, as described in the previous section. the key here is to position the tweezer using two galvos. in order to optically trap mixture of rubidium and lithium in the presence of the electric field, and then observe losses via absorption spectroscopy in order to detect the presence of feshbach resonances. . quantum degenerate gases as quantum simulators recent technological developments have made it possible to study rich many body physics using ultra-cold atomic gases trapped in periodic optical potentials as quan- tum simulators for strongly correlated quantum systems. for example, the bose- hubbard model was recently realized with a rubidium bec in an optical lattice [ ]. the primary goal of the proposed research project is to build an apparatus to pre- pare an ultra-cold sample of fermionic lithium atoms, trap the atoms efficiently in an optical lattice potential formed by the interference of intersecting laser beams, and measure the properties of the confined gas. the preliminary step is to build a chapter . towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases figure . : a picture of the high dc voltage electrodes attached to a . ” vacuum cf flange electrical feedthrough before being inserted in the vacuum chamber. the spacing between the electrodes at the curved end, where the cold atoms would be inserted is around . mm. magneto-optical trap for laser cooling and trapping of the atomic sample and this is currently being carried out as this master’s thesis project. after this important step, lithium will be further cooled by elastic collisions with ultra-cold rubidium atoms in order to reach the quantum degenerate regime, where all the experiments will be carried out. evaporative cooling of spin polarized fermions is hindered because s-wave collisions (the dominant collision channel at ultra-cold temperatures) are not allowed due to pauli exclusion principle. hence another ultra-cold atomic species is introduced to lower the temperature of the lithium ensemble. lithium is a spin / system in its ground state and it is therefore a natural atomic system for being a quantum simulator for electrons in a lattice. once the experi- mental machine is built, several model hamiltonians of spin / systems could be studied. in particular, the quantum phases of the so-called hubbard lattice model [ ] will be explored in detail. . . the fermionic hubbard model the hubbard model was introduced in to study electron correlations in narrow energy bands [ ]. it is the sum of two different hamiltonians, both of which will be described separately here. the first part of the hubbard hamiltonian is the hopping term, hhop, which describes the quantum mechanical tunneling of electrons between lattice sites. in second quan- tized notation, it can be expressed as: hhop = ∑ x,y²Λ ∑ σ=↑,↓ tc†x,σcy,σ ( . ) here, ↑, ↓ denote the two spins, Λ denotes the set of all the lattice sites with x and y being two neighbouring lattice sites, and t is the tunneling amplitude. c† is the particle creation and c is the annihilation operator. from elementary quantum mechanics knowledge, one can make an assumption that the ground state wavefunction of this hamiltonian is obtained by filling up the lowest chapter . towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases energy levels by ↑ and ↓ electrons. this is indeed correct. an important observation would be that the system has a total spin of zero and exhibits no long range order. the electrons simply behave as waves. the second term in the hubbard hamiltonian comes from the repulsive interaction between electrons at a lattice site (a simplified version of coulomb energy, which is actually long-range). in second quantized notation, it can be expressed as: hint = ∑ x²Λ uxnx,↑nx,↓ ( . ) if the number of electrons is less than the number of lattice sites, the ground state would simply be described by each electron at a different lattice site, being completely oblivious to the presence of another electron, such that the total energy is zero. again, there is no long-range order and the electrons would fit a simple particle-like descrip- tion. the hubbard model is a simplified description of an interacting fermionic system. it corresponds to the sum of two non-commuting representations- the wave-like picture (demonstrated by hhop) and the particle-like picture (hint) of electrons. however, just like quantum mechanics is enriched by the wave-particle dualism, so is the hubbard model. even though each of its constituent hamiltonians do not show any long range order, the hubbard hamiltonian is believed to generate various non-trivial phenom- enon including the metal-insulator transition, anti-ferromagnetism, ferromagnetism and even superconductivity [ , ]. the search of this model’s parameter space continues to be a challenging problem for mathematicians and physicists alike. several distinct mean-field solutions exist at most points in the model’s parameter space. it is possible and even likely that states occur which are not even anticipated at present. experimental study of many- body fermionic atom systems appears to be the best strategy, at the present time, to decipher the riddles of the fermionic hubbard model. using quantum degenerate lithium atoms in an optical lattice as a quantum simulator, this complex many body problem could be addressed, if not solved. the potential impact of this experimental research on both physics and mathematics is immense. . . experimental strategy sympathetic cooling of li in the presence of an evaporatively cooled sample of rb has been demonstrated in a magnetic trap [ ]. the inter-species s-wave scattering length was estimated to be |as| = + − ab, where ab is the bohr radius. the small value of the inter-species scattering length means that sympathetic cooling dynamics of the mixture is slow. the collision rate is given by the familiar equation: γcoll = σmixvnmix ( . ) here, the collisional cross-section is given by σmix = πa s, v is the mean thermal velocity of the ensemble and nmix is the the overlap density of the two atomic clouds. the thermalization rate is given by [ ]: γtherm = ξγcoll/ . ( . ) chapter . towards hetero-nuclear molecules and quantum degenerate gases here, ξ is the reduction factor due to the unequal masses of the two species, and is given by: ξ = m m (m + m ) ( . ) the temperature difference between the two clouds evolves as: d dt (∆t ) = −γtherm∆t ( . ) as the rubidium cloud is cooled evaporatively, the lithium cloud also decreases in temperature due to this thermalization. it is to be noted that the inter-species scat- tering length plays an important role in the time-scales associated with this process. by tuning this parameter via a feshbach resonance, the thermalization rate can be greatly enhanced and the phase space density of lithium increased due to the sub- sequent decrease in temperature. this ties the investigation of feshbach resonances between rubidium and lithium with the search for novel routes to quantum degen- eracy in ensembles of ultra-cold atoms. with the atoms being trapped in an optical trap to reduce inelastic collisional losses associated with the feshbach resonance and two different istopes of rubidium being investigated rb and rb, this approach certainly appears promising. pleasured equally in seeking as in finding, each detail minding, old walt went seeking and finding old walt : langston hughes bibliography [ ] w i. mcalexander g. b. partridge a. g. truscott, k. e. strecker and r. g. hulet. science, ( ), . 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[ ] cunyun ye. tunable external cavity diode lasers. world scientific, . appendix a broadening mechanisms in atomic spectra: appearance and reality is there any knowledge in the world which is so certain that no reasonable man would doubt it? chapter - “appearance and reality” the problems of philosophy: b. russell the following is a discussion of different kinds of mechanisms that are responsible for the broad spectral line shapes that we observe in the lab. it is important to understand their origin and how much they affect the spectrum, i.e. what is the frequency broadening of the transition caused by them. the elimination, or at least suppression of certain broadening mechanisms will also be discussed. a beam of n photons (or any particle for that matter) propagating along z in a scattering medium will lose particles as dn (z) = −n (z)p(z)dz (a. ) where p(z) is the probability per unit length of a scattering event and is given by p(z)dz = n σdz (a. ) where n is the spatial density of scatterers and σdz is the cross-sectional volume sweeped out by the moving particle. since the probability of absorption is equal to the fraction of intensity lost during absorption, we can think of this intensity fraction as di i = −n σ∆z (a. ) attenuation of a beam per unit distance can be described as: di dz = −n σi (a. ) let us define a quantity that characterizes absorption and call it absorption coefficient, a, such that di dz = −a(ω)i (a. ) integrating the expression, we get the exponential decay in intensity as a function of distance. i(ω, z) = i(ω, ) exp −a(ω)z (a. ) appendix a. broadening mechanisms in atomic spectra: appearance and reality for a two-level system in the presence of intense laser radiation, stimulated emission must be taken into account thus, n gets replaced by (n − n ), where n and n are the population densities of the ground and excited state respectively. this difference in population densities can be re-written as [ ] n − n = n + i/is (a. ) where is is the saturation intensity defines as: is = h̄ωa σ(ω) (a. ) here, a is the spontaneous emission rate for the two level atom. substituting these results, we get an expression for the absorption coefficient. a = n σ(ω) + (i/is) (a. ) this part of the thesis discusses the different mechanisms that contribute to this absorption coefficient, and how it leads to broadening the absorption spectrum. a. homogeneous and inhomogeneous mechanisms different broadening mechanisms can be classified into two categories: homogeneous broadening, and inhomogeneous broadening. if each atom in the ensemble gets af- fected the exact same way by the broadening mechanism, it is called homogeneous broadening. examples of such broadening include natural line width and laser line- width. if each atom is affected differently by the broadening mechanism, it is called inhomogeneous. a perfect example if this would be doppler broadening where each atom is affected differently, depending on its velocity. an extensive discussion of the different mechanisms can be found in most laser textbooks, for example, [ ]. in the following sections, we shall discuss the different relavant mechanisms that contribute to broadening of our atomic spectra. a. natural line-width the idea behind this mechanism is a simple one, and there is a classical analog of this radiative broadening mechanism that i shall mention here (refer to [ ] for details). a radiative system loses energy, so free oscillations of such a system must be damped (here comes the damped electron oscillator). but a damped system is not monochromatic, and contains a set of frequencies, and this leads to broadening of spectral lines. from classical electrodynamics, the distribution of intensity in the emission spectrum of an oscillator is described by the dispersion formula: i(ω) = i γ π dω (ω − ω ) + ( γ ) (a. ) appendix a. broadening mechanisms in atomic spectra: appearance and reality where γ is the damping constant. this leads to the line-width that we observe. since, we are not scared of quantum mechanics, lets have a closer look at what deter- mines the probability of a photon getting scattered by the atom (equation a. ).for a photon in an atomic vapor, the absorption cross-section is frequency dependent and given by σ = σ Γ / δ + Γ / (a. ) where Γ = π/τ is the atomic line width (τ the excited state lifetime), σ = λ / π is the resonant cross section, and δ = ω − ωatom is the frequency de-tuning of the incident photon from the atomic resonance. the natural line-width is due to the radiation process itself. if we think of a two- level atomic system, its classical analog can be the damped electron oscillator, and this line-width will be associated with the line width of the oscillator at resonance (this can clearly be seen by comparing equation a. to that of a classical oscillator). this classical picture provides a sufficient approximation to the process, especially for the strong s-p transition of alkali atoms. for a more complete treatment of the topic, please refer to reference [ ] or [ ]. a. doppler broadening if the atom is moving at a velocity v then it would see the light doppler-shifted by an amount klvz where kl = π/λ is the wavevector and vz is the component of the velocity along the photon beam axis. at a given temperature, an ensemble of atoms have a standard maxwell-boltzmann distribution of velocities. n(vz) ∝ n e−β mvz . (a. ) if we ignore the natural line-width of the transition (which is negligible compared to this effect anyways), then we would expect the absorption profile to emulate this maxwellian distribution, and this is what is precisely observed experimentally. con- sider that the laser is on resonance and has a negligible line width so that the detuning is simply δ = klvz, and so the density can be written as a function of the velocity dependent detuning as n(δ) = n σδ √ π e − δ σ δ (a. ) where now n(δ) is normalized to n and the thermal broadening is given by σ δ = k l mβ . (a. ) now the attenuation factor, eq. (a. ), can be calculated by integrating over all detunings (velocities) and over the path of length l giving a = −l ∫ +∞ −∞ n(δ)σ(δ)dδ. (a. ) appendix a. broadening mechanisms in atomic spectra: appearance and reality since the typical atomic line width Γ ∼ mhz is much smaller than the doppler broadening width σδ ∼ ghz, we can approximate σ(δ) with a dirac delta function with the same area σ(δ) ≈ σ Γ πδ(δ) (a. ) so that the integral is easily evaluated and we have a = −l n σδ √ π σ Γ π. (a. ) - . . . . . . . . . . . a bs or pt io n s ig na l ( v ) frequency (arb. units) temp temp temp temp temp absorption through lithium heat pipe at various temperatures figure a. : the following graph shows a series of absorption spectrum measurements for lithium- at different heat-pipe temperatures. the d line is on the right side, and the d line is on the left side. we can clearly see the broadening of spectra as we increase the temperature. also, absorption increases since optical density increases with temperature, and ultimately we see the saturation effect due to very high optical density disabling any light to come out of the cell. (note: the temperature value noted here might not be the actual temperature of lithium atoms). it is worthwhile to observe the following three things: .σδ ∼∝ /λ the smaller the wavelength, the greater the effect of doppler broaden- ing. .σδ ∼∝ √ t at higher temperatures, the effect due to doppler broadening is more pronounced. . σδ ∼∝ /m the smaller the mass of the atom, the wider the doppler profile. appendix a. broadening mechanisms in atomic spectra: appearance and reality all these three are responsible for much larger doppler broadening of lithium spec- trum (around ghz) compared to rb spectrum (around ghz). to get rid of doppler broadening, we simply use saturated absorption spectroscopy. details of the scheme are given in chapter of the thesis. a. pressure broadening the atom at resonance also interacts with the background particles, and this also affects its spectrum in a complicated way. the theoretical model for this interaction deals with collisions between the atoms and other particles- hence short-range inter- actions, and how they would affect the unperturbed wave-packet traveling in space. if the collisions in our atomic sample are such that the average time between collisions τc is shorter than the excited state lifetime, τ , we can think of these excitations as small square waves in time. fourier analysis of this gives us a standard fraunhofer diffraction pattern. however, since this square wave is not periodic, the secondary maxima get smeared out, and we are left with a single, central peak in frequency do- main. the rigorous theoretical treatment of this picture is similar to that of natural line-width but the lifetime now is replaced by Γ + τc/ . see [ ] for details. in a simple treatment, the homogeneous width of a transition whose natural width is Γ can be expressed as [ ]: ∆ωp = Γ + τc = Γ + n σv (a. ) where σ is again the collision cross-section, and v is the mean relative velocity. we calculated the pressure broadening of lithium at c, torr of pressure to be around mhz. that is why the heat-pipe is pumped down in order to reduce the pressure, and hence collisional broadening such that the dominant broadening mechanism is the natural line width. a. power broadening for a detailed quantum-mechanical treatment of the problem, refer to chapter of [ ]. we start with equation a. . here we note that the absorption coefficient has two expressions that are a function of frequency, i and σ, their frequency depen- dence given by equation a. and equation a. respectively. substituting those expressions and simplifying, we are left with a = n σ Γ / (ω − ω ) + Γ ( + i/is) (a. ) this expression has a lorentzian line-shape with a full width at half maxima of ∆ω = Γ( + i is ) / (a. ) we can clearly see that this line-width depends on the intensity of the incoming beam. this effect is called power broadening. it occurs because saturation reduces the absorption near the resonance while absorption changes little far from resonance. appendix a. broadening mechanisms in atomic spectra: appearance and reality a. transit time broadening this has to do with the fact that in the transverse dimension, the beams are not uniform or infinitely wide. the atom whizzing in the transverse direction sees the laser beam for a finite amount of time, lets say τtransit = w v where w is the beam waist, and v is the average velocity of the thermal distribution. this corresponds to a width Γtransit = πτtransit (a. ) for normal spectroscopy parameters used in our lab, this broadening is much less than a mhz (for example its around khz for lithium heat pipe spectroscopy parameters), and hence not of much concern. a. laser line-width in all these calculations, we have been assuming that the laser has a well defined frequency of ω. however, in spite of frequency locking mechanism, that is not the case. as shown in the measurements done by beating two locked lasers (see figure a. ), we can see the master lasers used for the experiment have a line-width of around mhz. this is another source of homogeneous broadening. a. second order doppler effect saturated absorption spectroscopy eliminates the first order doppler shift in fre- quency. however, there is the second order shift in frequency that is attributed to relativity. it depends on v , and hence is independent of the direction of velocity. the time dilation corresponding to this effect is approximately given by: ∆f ≈ v c f (a. ) substituting the lithium heat pipe, we get a second order shift of khz. although due to the distribution of velocities, this also leads to a broadening mechanism, it can easily be ignored of the atoms are not moving very fast. a. other mechanisms there are several other mechanisms that also lead to broadening of atomic spectra, for example inhomogeneities in the electric and magnetic field in the environment. also, in case of saturated absorption, if the beams are not exactly over-lapping, there is a residual doppler effect. however, the contributions of all these mechanisms are insignificant for our particular experiment and shall not be discussed. appendix a. broadening mechanisms in atomic spectra: appearance and reality . . . . . . x - b eat frequency between br and db master lasers frequenc y (mhz) s ig n a l ( a rb .) centre frequenc y = . mhz fw hm = . mhz figure a. : line-width of the master lasers as obtained by beating two locked master lasers. assuming un-correlated errors, the line-width of our lasers is . mhz/sqrt( ) = . mhz.] appendix b laser system details ..the principle of induction, while necessary to the validity of all arguments based on experience, is itself not capable of being proved by experience, and yet is unhesitatingly believed by every one, at least in all its concrete applications. chapter - “on our knowledge of general principles” the problems of philosophy: b. russell the details of the laser setup are being provided here. this is an extension of chapter , that discusses the generation of laser cooling and trapping light. in the following figures, the details of the frequency shifts of various lights and the optical setup details will be explained. the generation of trapping and re-pump light frequencies via the use of aoms is being described in the following figures. the zero of frequency corresponds to the trapping or re-pump transition of interest. at the moment, both trapping and re- pump light are set mhz below resonance. however, this is expected to change depending on the efficiency of our recently acquired mot. the broken arrows represent the frequency range covered through an aom. the details of all the aoms used in the experiment is described in chapter , and will not be reproduced here. the black vertical lines represent the transition frequencies for different hyperfine transitions and also cross-over frequencies (represented as x i-f’). the longer grey lines represent the frequency of actual lasers. the last two figures show the actual table layout of the lithium master table optical setup, and the amplification stage optics on the feshbach table before the mot. similar details for the rubidium setup on the master table are not shown because it is very simple, consisting of a saturated absorption setup with an aom in the pump beam, and a slave injection setup. on the feshbach table, the eos crystal between two glan-thompson polarizers was initially decided to be used as a fast on-off switch for light, since the dc voltage required to change the polarization of the light going through the eos crystal can be switched from one state to another very easily. however, the idea is still under consideration and refinement, as the crystals do not perform efficiently mainly due to their inherent spatially inhomogeneous birefringence. appendix b. laser system details rb trap/pump/probe master pump trap dp feshbach table mhz lock - mhz - mhz - mhz - mhz master probe - mhz pump sp feshbach table mot/probe op. pump x ’-> ’ -> ’ -> ’ lock to this feature figure b. : details of the frequency setup to generate light for cycling transition of rb. it also produces light required for optical pumping and imaging measurement. appendix b. laser system details rb repump increasing freq. - mhz master probe master pump slave dp- feshbach table mhz repump -> ’ -> ’ x ’-> ’ lock - mhz - mhz - mhz + mhz lock to this feature figure b. : details of the frequency setup to generate light for repump transition of rb. appendix b. laser system details rb trap/pump/probe master pump trap dp feshbach table lock - . mhz - mhz - mhz - mhz master probe + mhz pump sp feshbach table mot/probe op. pump x ’-> ’ -> ’ -> ’ -> ’ x ’-> ’ x ’-> ’ - mhz - mhz - mhz mhz lock to this feature figure b. : details of the frequency setup to generate light for cycling transition of rb. it also produces light required for optical pumping and imaging measurement. appendix b. laser system details rb repump mhz - mhz - . mhz - mhz - mhz - mhz - mhz - mhz + mhz -> ’ -> ’ -> ’ x ’- ’ x ’- ’ x ’- ’ repump increasing freq. master pump master probe slave lock dp- feshabach table lock to this feature figure b. : details of the frequency setup to generate light for re-pump transition of rb mot. appendix b. laser system details f= / -> p f= / -> p mhz - mhz mhz mhz mhz mhz master probe + slave mot master pump re-pump slave slave li increasing freq. lock dp- dp- lock to this feature figure b. : details of the frequency setup for the lithium mot. �� �� �� �� � periscope. � � slave � �� �� � �� ap �� � � �� �� h ea t- p ip e �� �� � � �� �� ���� �� � �� �� �� � � �� �� �� ��� �� �� � � trap repump repump light cooling light d pa d d ff pa f a br y- p er o t photodetector fiber input oi aom half waveplate quarter waveplate pbsc lens mirror � f = to feshbach table pa = to photo-association table d= diagnostics input do = diagnostics output do probe pump diag. diag. dp dp lock sp figure b. : details of the actual optical setup for lithium- on the master table. appendix b. laser system details ���� l i r e p u m p �� �� � �� feshbach table mot setup eos�� �� �� li repump �� �� �� �� eos s �� �� � repump master�� �� �� �� �� eos mot light s �� �� �� mot master � probe repump master �� repump mechanical shutter r ub id iu m s la ve s et up �� �� �� mot light �� �� �� �� �� � � eos �� mot master pump probe s s s � mechanical shutter �� � �repump master� repump li mot m o t ( | |l i) {h o ri zo n ta l t ra p } �� pump m o t ( | |l i) {v e rt ic a l t ra p } �� �� �� �� li probe � �� o r p er is co pe s s s �� � � �� s . "�� �� �� � eos re p u m p ( | ) figure b. : details of the amplification stage before the feshbach table mot. wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk params is empty sys_ exception wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk no params is empty exception params is empty / / - : : if (typeof jquery === "undefined") document.write('[script type="text/javascript" src="/corehtml/pmc/jig/ . . /js/jig.min.js"][/script]'.replace(/\[/g,string.fromcharcode( )).replace(/\]/g,string.fromcharcode( ))); // // // window.name="mainwindow"; .pmc-wm {background:transparent repeat-y top left;background-image:url(/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/wm-nobrand.png);background-size: auto, contain} .print-view{display:block} page not available reason: the web page address (url) that you used may be incorrect. message id: (wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk) time: / / : : if you need further help, please send an email to pmc. include the information from the box above in your message. otherwise, click on one of the following links to continue using pmc: search the complete pmc archive. browse the contents of a specific journal in pmc. find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/med/ bulletin of the american mathematical society volume , number , january joseph l. walsh in memoriam by morris marden threescore years and ten is the biblical measure of a man's normal life span. yet in modern times his surpassing of this bound is not unusual. however, it becomes noteworthy when he is blessed with undiminished physical and mental vigor. this was true of joe walsh. "his spirit was marvelous until the end, and he spoke with gratitude for his many pro- ductive years." joseph leonard walsh died on december , at the age of seventy eight years in his home at university park, maryland. this site is not far from where he was born on september , , as son of reverend and mrs. john leonard walsh. most of his academic life as student, teacher and scholar was spent at harvard university. in harvard awarded him the s.b. degree, summa cum laude, and at the same time a sheldon traveling fellowship for study at the universities of chicago and wis- consin. on his return to harvard in , walsh began some studies under maxime bôcher, but their progress was interrupted by world war i and his enlistment as an ensign in the u.s. navy. in harvard granted him a ph.d. and also a second sheldon traveling fellowship, this time for study in paris under paul montel. back from europe in he joined the harvard faculty, but in took a leave-of-absence for a year's research at munich under carathéodory. returning again to harvard, he was promoted through the ranks to a full professorship in and served as department chairman from to . in the latter year he was recalled to active duty in the u.s. navy as a lieutenant commander. when he returned to harvard in , he was appointed to the pres- tigous perkins professorship, which he held until his retirement in . a semester earlier he began a research professorship at the university of maryland, in which position he remained fully active, working with ph.d. and post doctoral students, until a few months before his death. during walsh's lifetime he received many academic and nonacademic honors. among them was his election in to the national academy of science, and in to the vice-presidency of the american mathemati- cal society. he was elected for a two-year term as president of the society in . this was a crucial period for the society when it was experiencing letter from mrs. joseph l. walsh. copyright © american mathematical society license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use morris marden [january joseph l. walsh ( - ) license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use ] j. l. walsh growing pains due to a rapid increase in membership and in research publications. it was the period in which the society created the post of executive director and moved its headquarters to providence. also during this period walsh served as chairman of the organizing committee for the international mathematical congress, held in cambridge during august , the first since world war ii. at about this time walsh was recipient of a nonmathematical honor—promotion to the rank of captain in the u.s. naval reserve. in his later years walsh was twice honored by the dedication of volumes of mathematical journals: siam j. ( ) ( ) on his seventieth birthday in , and j. approximation theory ( ) on his seventy-fifth birthday in . these mathematical honors were well deserved in view of the quantity and quality of his original research. starting with his first publication in , while still an undergraduate, he wrote, singly or jointly with students and others, a total of research, expository, and book review articles as well as seven books. though these papers covered a wide range of topics, they were, broadly speaking, concerned with four general areas: (i) the relative location of the zeros of pairs of rational functions such as a polynomial and its derivative. (ii) zeros and topology of extremal polynomials. (iii) the critical points and level lines of green's function and other harmonic functions. (iv) interpolation and approximation of continuous, analytic, or harmonic functions. regarding the general area (i), this was walsh's first main research interest. his doctoral thesis was entitled on the roots of the jacobian, of two binary forms. it was written under the guidance of maxime bôcher who had proved that if f and g are binary forms of the same degree and if all the zeros aó of f lie in a circular region a and all the zeros bi of g lie in a circular region b with bna = , then all the zeros ck of the jacobian j(f, g) lie in a ub. like bôcher, walsh used geometric and physical methods, interpreting the ck as equilibrium points in the field due to positive masses at the points aj and negative masses at the points b$ with an inverse distance force law. walsh's results are generalizations of the lucas theorem that the convex hull of the zeros of a polynomial ƒ contains all the critical points of/. these results are described in walsh's papers and in m. marden, geometry of polynomials, nd éd., math surveys, no. , amer. math. soc, providence, r.i., , mr # . the most striking of these results are the following three: ( ) if an «th degree polynomial ƒ has nx zeros in a disk \z—c \^.r and the remaining n =n—n zeros in the disk \z—c |^r , then any critical license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use morris marden [january point of/ not in one of these disks lies in a third, "average" disk ( ) if cl c and c are disjoint circular regions and if a rational function ƒ has in the extended plane all its zeros in cxuc and all its poles in c , then any critical point off not in c ^ u q u c , lies in a circular region c . the boundary c of c is the locus of the point z defined by the cross ratio (zl z , z , z )=const when zl z , z vary independently on the circles dcl dc , dc respectively. ( ) let the form (zl z , • • • , zw) be of degree one in each zi and of total degree n and symmetric in the set zl z , • • • , zn. let c be a circular region containing the n points z,=zi , y = l , , • • • , w. then in c there exists at least one point £ such that (£, £, • • • , Ç)=$(z , z , • • • , zn ). regarding the general area (ii), the methods and results were suggested in part by those in area (i). given a closed bounded set e containing at least n+\ points and the class pn of all polynomials z n+a z n~ +- • -+an an infrapolynomial p on e means a polynomial p epn with the property max \p(z)\ = min max \q(z)\. zee «epn zee the zeros of p play a role vis-à-vis set e similar to that of the critical points of a polynomial ƒ vis-à-vis the zeros of ƒ. for instance, fejér proved that the zeros ofp lie in the convex hull of e and fekete showed that p satisfies a form involving the points of e that is similar to the form for the logarithmic derivative of ƒ in terms of the zeros of p. walsh ex- plored the subject of infrapolynomials intensively in papers which he published singly or jointly with fekete, motzkin, shisha and zedek. likewise the general area (iii) was partly an offshoot of area (i). for example, walsh proved that if g is the green's function (with pole at infinity) for an unbounded region r with bounded boundary b then all the critical points of g in r lie in the convex hull of b. thus, the critical points of g play a role similar to the critical points of a polynomial whose zeros lie on b. in this connection walsh also examined in detail the cur- vature and other characteristics of the level lines of green's function. these theorems together with their generalizations to harmonic measures and other harmonic functions are developed in walsh's papers and de- scribed in his book, critical points of analytical and harmonic functions. as for general area (iv), the subjects of interpolation and approximation encompass about half of walsh's published articles as well as his now classical treatise entitled interpolation and approximation. among his many original results in this area, probably the most important are the license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use ] j. l. walsh following two : ( ) every function continuous on a bounded jordan arc j can be ap- proximated on j uniformly by a polynomial in z. ( ) every function ƒ analytic in a jordan region b and continuous on its closure b can be uniformly approximated on b by a polynomial in z. the first is a generalization of weierstrass' theorem, which requires arc j to be a closed interval of the real axis. the second is a generalization of runge's theorem, which requires ƒ to be analytic in b. to prove this second theorem, walsh approximated to b by a sequence of jordan regions bn with <= bn+ <^bn for all n, and then applied runge's theorem in b to the function fn(z)=f(xn(z)) where w=xn( z) maps bn one-to-one conformally onto b. walsh later extended this second theorem to sets b which are the union of a finite number of disjoint jordan regions. thus he paved the way for the more comprehensive theorem proved later by mergelyan: i f / i s a function continuous on any closed bounded set s and analytic at all interior points of s then it can be approximated on s uniformly by a polynomial in z. walsh maintained an active interest in interpolation, approximation and related topics over a period of about fifty years. most recently he helped develop some of the fundamental theorems concerning spline interpolation and approximation both on the real line and in the complex plane. his contributions may be found in his published papers as well as in the monograph the theory of splines and their applications, which he wrote jointly with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson. in the related area of orthogonal expansions, special mention should be made of the so-called walsh functions ss(*) = .c. e. on infrapolynomials with prescribed constant term, j. math. pures appl. ( ) , - . mr # . a. on extremal approximations, on numerical approximation, univ. of wiscon- sin press, madison, wis., pp. - . mr # . b. (with t. s. motzkin), location of zeros of infrapolynomials, compositio math. , - . mr # . c. approximation on a line segment by bounded analytic functions: problem (i, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # a. d. note on least-square approximation to an analytic function by polynomials, as measured by a surface integral, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr #a . e. approximation by bounded analytic functions: general configurations, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # b. f. (with t. s. motzkin), polynomials of best approximation on a real finite point set. i, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . g. (with h. g. russell), integrated continuity conditions and degree of approxima- tion by polynomials or by bounded analytic functions, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . h. note on approximation by bounded analytic functions {problem a), math. z. , - . mr # . i. (with t. s. motzkin), polynomials of best approximation on an interval, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . j . note on invariance of degree of polynomial and trigonometric approximation under change of independent variable, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , — . mr #a . k. (with h. j. landau), on canonical conformai maps of multiply connected regions, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . . the analogue for maximally convergent polynomials of jentzscks theorem, duke math. j. , - . license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use morris marden [january a. solution of the dirichlet problem for the ellipse by interpolating harmonic polynomials, j. math. mech. , - . mr # . b. on the asymptotic properties of extremal polynomials with prescribed constant term, math. z. , - . mr # . c. note on polynomial approximation on a jordan arc, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . d. on degree of approximation by bounded harmonic functions, j. math. pures appl. ( ) , - . mr # . e. (with t. s. motzkin), best approximators within a linear family on an interval, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . f. degree of approximation by bounded harmonic functions, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # b. g. note on degree of approximation by bounded analytic functions: problem p, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . a. the circles of curvature of the curves of steepest descent of green's function, amer. math. monthly , - . mr #a . b. (with t. s. motzkin), conformai maps of small disks, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . c. (with o. shisha), the zeros of infrapolynomials with some prescribed coef- ficients, j. analyse math. , - . mr # . d. (with j. p. evans), approximation by bounded analytic functions to functions represented by dirichlet series, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . e. a new generalization of jensen's theorem on the zeros of the derivative of a poly- nomial, amer. math. monthly , - . mr #a . a. degree of polynomial approximation to an analytic function as measured by a surface integral, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr #a . b. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), best approximation properties of the spline fit, j. math. mech. , - . mr # . c. asymptotic properties of polynomials with auxiliary conditions of interpolation, ann. polon. math. , - . mr # . d. (with t. s. motzkin), polynomials of best approximation on an interval. ii, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . e. on the convexity of the ovals of lemniscates, studies in mathematical analysis and related topics, stanford university press, stanford, calif., pp. - . mr # . f. approximation par les fonctions holomorphes bornées. problème $', j. math. pures appl. ( ) , - . mr # . a. (with t. s. motzkin), zeros of the error function for tchebycheff approximation in a small region, proc. london math. soc. ( ) , - . mr # . b. restricted infrapolynomials and trigonometric infrapolynomials, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . c. a generalization of fejér's principle concerning the zeros of extremal polynomials, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . d. a sequence of rational functions with application to approximation by bounded analytic functions, duke math. j. , - . mr # . e. (with o. shisha), the zeros of infrapolynomials with prescribed values at given points, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . f. note on the convergence of approximating rational functions of prescribed type, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # ; # . g. (book review), analytic function theory, by e. hille, siam rev. , - . license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use j. l. walsh a. padé approximants as limits of rational functions of best approximation, j. math. mech. , - . mr # . b. (with o. shisha), on the location of the zeros of some infrapolynomials with prescribed coefficients, pacific j. math. , - . mr # . c. (with o. shisha), extremal polynomials and the zeros of the derivative of a rational function, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . d. the convergence of sequences of rational functions of best approximation, math. ann. , - . mr # . e. a theorem of grace on the zeros of polynomials, revisited, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . f. (with z. rubinstein), on the location of the zeros of a polynomial whose center of gravity is given, j. analyse math. , - . mr # . g. (with a. sharma), least squares and interpolation in roots of unity, pacific j. math. , - . mr # . h. surplus free poles of approximating rational functions, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . i. (with maynard thompson), approximation with auxiliary conditions, j. math. mech. , - . mr # . j . the location of the zeros of the derivative of a rational function, revisited, j. math pures appl. ( ) , - . mr # . a. geometry of the zeros of the sums of linear fractions, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . b. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), fundamental properties of generalized splines, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . c. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), best approximation and convergence properties of higher-order spline approximations, j. math. mech. , - . mr # . d. (with a. sinclair), on the degree of convergence of extremal polynomials and other extremal functions, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . e. the convergence of sequences of rational functions of best approximation. ii, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . f. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), extremal, orthogonality, and conver- gence properties of multidimensional splines, j. math. anal. appl. , - . mr # . g. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), convergence properties of generalized splines, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . h. hyperbolic capacity and interpolating rational functions, duke math. j. , - . mr # . i. the convergence of sequences of rational functions of best approximation with some free poles, approximation of functions (proc. sympos. general motors res. lab., ), henry l. garabedian, ed., elsevier, amsterdam, , pp. - . mr # . a. (with t. s. motzkin), mean approximation on an interval for an exponent less than one, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . b. approximation by polynomials: uniform convergence as implied by mean con- vergence, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . c. approximation by polynomials: uniform convergence as implied by mean con- vergence, ii. proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . d. (with h. g. russell), hyperbolic capacity and interpolating rational functions. ii, duke math. j. , - . mr # . license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use morris marden [january e. the convergence of approximating rational functions of prescribed type, con- temporary problems in the theory of analytic functions (m. a. lavrent'ev, ed.), proc. internat. conference on the theory of analytic functions (erevan, ), "nauka", moscow, , pp. - . (russian). mr # . f. approximation by polynomials: uniform convergence as implied by mean convergence. i l l , proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . a. best approximation by rational functions and by meromorphic functions with some free poles, j. analyse math. , - . mr # . b. on the convergence of sequences of rational functions, siam j. numer. anal. , - . mr # . c. an extension of the generalized bernstein lemma, colloq. math. , - . mr # . d. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), complex cubic splines, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . a. degree of approximation by rational functions and polynomials, michigan math. j. , - . mr # . b. note on classes of functions defined by integrated lipschitz conditions, bull. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . c. (with t. s. motzkin), a persistent local maximum of the pth power deviation on an interval,p<\, pacific j. math. , - . mr # . d. the convergence of sequences of rational functions of best approximation. ill, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . e. approximation by bounded analytic functions: uniform convergence as implied by mean convergence, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . f. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), cubic splines on the real line, j. approxi- mation theory , no. , - . mr # . a. (with e. b. saff), extensions of d. jackson's theorem on best complex poly- nomial mean approximation, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . b. inequalities expressing degree of convergence of rational functions, j. approxi- mation theory , - . mr # . c. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), properties of analytic splines. i. com- plex poly nominal splines, j. math. anal. appl. , - . mr # . d. note on approximation by bounded analytic functions, problem a: general configurations, aequationes math. , - . mr # . e. approximations to a function by a polynomial in a given function, amer. math. monthly , - . f. (with z. rubinstein), extensions and some applications of the coincidence theorems, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . a. (with w. j. schneider), on the shape of the level loci of harmonic measure, j. analyse math. , - . mr # . b. approximation by rational f unctions : open problems, j. approximation theory , - . mr # . c. note on degree of convergence of sequences of rational functions of prescribed type, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . a. (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), complex polynomial splines on the unit circle, j. math. anal. appl. , - . mr # . b. (with dov aharonov), some examples in degree of approximation by rational functions, trans. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use j. l. walsh c. mean approximation by polynomials on a jordan curve, j. approximation theory , - . mr # . a. (with dov aharonov), on the convergence of rational functions of best approxi- mation to a meromorphic function, j. math. anal. appl. , - . mr # . b. (with myron goldstein), approximation by rational functions on riemann surfaces, proc. amer. math. soc. , - . mr # . c. note on the convergence of sequences of rational functions, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. , - . mr # . a. (with t. s. motzkin), equilibrium of inverse distance forces in three dimensions, pacific j. math. , - . mr # . b. (with e. b. saflf), on the convergence of rational functions which interpolate in the roots of unity, pacific j. math. , - . c. history of the riemann mapping theorem, amer. math. monthly , - . a. the role of the pole in rational approximation, rocky mountain math. j. (to appear), b. (with p. m. gauthier and alice roth), uniform approximation in the spherical metric (in preparation). books by joseph l. walsh . approximation by polynomials in the complex domain, mémorial des sciences mathématiques, gauthier-villars, paris, , ii+ pp. . interpolation and approximation by rational functions in the complex domain, colloquium publications, vol. , american mathematical society, providence, r.i., , ix-f pp.; nd edition, ; rd edition, ; th rev. edition, ; th edition, ; russian translation, il, moscow, . mr # ; b, c. . a bibliography on orthogonal polynomials (with j. a. shohat and einar hille), national research council, bulletin no. , washington, d.c., , ix+ pp. . the location of critical points of analytic and harmonic functions, colloquium publications, vol. , american mathematical society, providence, r.i., , viii+ pp. mr , . . approximation by bounded analytic functions, mémorial des sciences mathé- matiques, fase. , gauthier-villars, paris, , pp. mr # . . a rigorous treatment of maximum-minimum problems in the calculus, d. c. heath, boston, mass., , pp. . the theory of splines and their applications, (with j. h. ahlberg and e. n. nilson), academic press, new york and london, , xi+ pp. mr # . walsh's p h . d . students (with journal reference to some or all their thesis results) morris marden, on the location of the roots of the jacobian of two binary forms and of the derivative of a rational function, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . orin j. farrell, on the expansion of harmonic f unctions in series of harmonic polynomials belonging to a simply connected region, amer. j. math. ( ). cecil t. holmes, approximation of harmonic functions in dimensions by harmonic polynomials (not published). license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use morris marden [january joseph l. doob, boundary values of analytic functions, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - ; ibid ( ), - ; on a theorem of gross and iversen, ann. of math. ( ), - . helen g. russell, on the convergence and overconvergence of sequences of polynomials of best simultaneous approximation to several functions analytic in distinct regions, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . john h. curtiss, interpolation in regularly distributed points, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - ; on the jacobi series, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . mr , . yu-cheng shen, on interpolation and approximation by rational functions with preassignedpoles, j. chinese math. soc. ( ), - . walter e. sewell, generalized derivatives and approximation by polynom- ials, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . zehman i. mosesson, maximal sequences of polynomials (not published). floyd e. ulrich, problem of type for a certain class of riemann surfaces, duke math. j. ( ), - . mr , . maurice h. heins, extremal problems for functions analytic and single- valued in a doubly-connected region, amer. j. math. ( ), - . mr , ; on the iteration of functions which are analytic and single-valued in a given multiply-connected region, amer. j. math. ( ), - . mr , . abraham spitzbart, approximation in the sense of least pth powers with a single auxiliary condition of interpolation, bull. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . mr , . edwin n. nilson, interpolation and approximation of analytic functions by functions analytic and bounded in a given region-, interpolation and approximation by functions analytic and bounded in a given region', (published with j. l. walsh), trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - ; mr , ; ibid. ( ), - . mr , . lynn h. loomis, the radius and modulus of n-valence for analytic functions where first n—\ derivatives vanish at a point, bull. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . mr , ; on an inequality of seidel and walsh, ( ), - . mr , . ivan r. hershner, jr., radii ofunivalence andp-valence of functions analytic in the unit circle (not published). h. margaret elliott, on the degree of approximation to harmonic func- tions by harmonic polynomials, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . hellen kelsall nickerson, studies in overconvergence, bull. amer. math. soc, ( ), . alan f. kay, distribution of zeros of sequences of polynomials of unbounded degree, proc. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . mr , . isaac e. block, kernel functions and class l , proc. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . mr , ; duke math. j. ( ), - . mr , . theodore j. rivlin, on sufficient conditions for overconvergence, proc. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . mr , . lawrence rosenfeld, on the boundary of a conformai map, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . jacqueline p. evans, on approximation and interpolation by functions ana- lytic in a given region and an application to orthonormal systems, arch. math. ( ), - ; proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. ( ), - ; trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - ; proc. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use j. l. walsh richard s. varga, semi-infinite and infinite strips of zeros, univ. e poli- tccnio torino, rend. sem. math. ( / ), - . mr # . mishael zedek, on generalized tchebycheff polynomials, proc. nat. acad. sci. u.s.a. ( ), - . henry j. landau, on canonical conformai maps of multiply connected domains, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . mr # . vincent c. williams, on conformai maps of regions of infinite connectivity, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . dorothy b. shaffer, shape of level loci of green's function and other harmonic functions, j. analyse math. ( ), - ; j. math. mech. ( ), - . victor m. manjarrez, polynomial bases for compact sets in the plane, trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - . jerry l. fields, rational approximations to hypergeometric functions, math. comp. ( ), - . edward b. saff, interpolation and functions of class h(k, a, ), j. approxi- mation theory ( ), - . mr # ; trans. amer. math. soc. ( ), - ; ibid ( ), - . mr # . marvin e. ortel, approximation by bounded analytic functions. current address: department of mathematics, university of wisconsin, milwaukee, wisconsin license or copyright restrictions may apply to redistribution; see https://www.ams.org/journal-terms-of-use doi: . /j.jtcvs. . . the journal of thoracic and cardiovascular surgery vol , no. , march presidential address: an evolving discipline vaughn a. starnes, md from the department of cardiothoracic surgery, keck school of medicine at the university of southern california, los angeles, calif. read at the thirtieth annual meeting of the western thoracic surgical associa- tion, maui, hawaii, june - , . received for publication june , ; revisions received nov , ; accepted for publication nov , . address for reprints: vaughn a. starnes, md, hastings distinguished professor and chair, department of cardiothoracic surgery, university of southern california, keck school of medicine, san pablo st, hcc suite , los angeles, ca (e-mail: vstarnes@usc.edu). j thorac cardiovasc surg ; : - - /$ . copyright © by the american asso- ciation for thoracic surgery doi: . /j.jtcvs. . . a s i was debating and reflecting on what i would say today, i thought about my own personal experiences in cardiothoracic surgery and how so much has changed from the time i was a farm boy in north carolina to becoming a cardiothoracic surgeon and now president of the western thoracic surgical association. i first recognize the great opportunities this wonderful profession has given me. for me, this was the american dream. believing in this promise, i refuse to fall victim to the current era of despair in our profession: the complaints of reimbursement being too low, cardiologists taking all our business away, hmos dictating patient care, our graduates unable to find jobs, and some of our colleagues believing our specialty has seen its golden years come and gone. all of these complaints do have some element of validity, but to effect change and alter the current circumstances, we have to understand more fully the sequence of events leading to these concerns. first, i accept the concept of change and know the only constancy is change. therefore, i do not give into the psychology of the golden years of cardiothoracic surgery. instead, i believe in the concept of cardiothoracic surgery as an evolving discipline and as such have much to look forward to. these times bring to mind a quotation from henry wadsworth longfellow: “look not mournfully into the past. it comes not back again. wisely improve the present. it is thine. go forth to meet the shadowy future, without fear, and with a manly heart.” as an evolving discipline, we need to understand the acrimony. is the golden age past? the short answer is no. as a specialty, we are cardiac, thoracic, congenital, and vascular surgeons. cardiac surgeons have to be careful not to imply the entire specialty is in trouble because coronary artery bypass surgery is down %. in fact, as i talk to my colleagues who perform thoracic surgery, it might be one of the most exciting times in nearly years. thoracic surgery has emerged from a palliative discipline of draining empyemas and cancer resections into a better understanding of the biology of lung and esophageal tumors. resective therapy with careful staging and, if needed, adjuvant therapy offers cure to patients with lung cancer. lung transplantation has developed from an experimental procedure in to an accepted form of therapy for end-stage lung disease. last year, nearly lung transplantations were performed in the united states. the -year survival after transplantation has increased from % in to as high as % in selected centers in the year . these improved results are due to better immunosuppression and increased recognition and treatment of the various multifactorial causes of bronchi- olitis obliterans. for example, this dreaded complication has been reduced by noting the relationship with gastroesophageal reflux and performing antireflux procedures. living donor lung transplantations are being done with increasing frequency. in , at the american association for thoracic surgery meeting in toronto, we reported our -year experience with lobar lung transplantations. our conclusion was that this procedure is an ideal operation for children and young the journal of thoracic and cardiovascular surgery ● volume , number presidential address starnes patients with cystic fibrosis. additionally, the incidence of bronchiolitis obliterans syndrome was half that of cadaveric lung transplantation. lobar transplantation has developed from an experimental procedure beginning in to an accepted therapy for critically ill patients with end-stage lung disease. these are a few examples of why thoracic surgery is very active and exciting. a barometer of this excitement is mea- sured by the increasing numbers of entering thoracic resi- dents who are choosing thoracic surgery as their subspe- cialty. another discipline that has gained excitement and momentum over the past years has been surgery for congenital heart disease. this evolution has progressed from palliative procedures, such as the blalock-taussig shunt for tetralogy of fallot, to complete repair in the neonatal period. whereas children would present with cya- notic heart disease and receive palliative procedures, now these neonates undergo total repair. this therapy limits the number of operations infants are exposed to and results in better outcomes without the interval mortality between pal- liation and corrective surgery. hypoplastic left heart syn- drome was a diagnosis with % mortality. today these infants are undergoing first-stage palliation with greater than % success. this tremendous progress has been made because of a few pioneers, such as bill norwood, not succumbing to risks and criticism. instead he took the clinical problems as challenges and spent to years perfecting an operation that now saves hundreds of new- borns. these pioneers did not accept the status quo but embraced the need for change and became part of the changing influence. they took lesions with poor outcomes and tried to make a difference, although success did not come quickly. today i challenge all of us to accept this pioneering spirit as we approach our current challenges. in the short span of years, we have taken a lesion (hypo- plastic left heart) from a hopeless condition to now having surgical outcomes with greater than % survival. these few examples are representative of the exciting changes that have occurred in other disciplines within our specialty. if we try to understand why there is pessimism today, we need to understand the scope of the problems. adult cardiac surgery has been prolific in terms of the number of patients treated and the number of surgeons rendering their care. therefore, when a major change occurs in this discipline, its reverberations are felt throughout the specialty. as a consequence, the specialty as a whole now has a problem rather than a segment of the specialty. if we analyze the problem within adult cardiac surgery, do we conclude that it is all of adult cardiac surgery or just coro- nary bypass surgery? over the past years, coronary bypass surgery defined the practice of adult cardiac surgery. coronary bypass operations comprised % to % of most cardiac surgeons’ activity and therefore defined the value the journal of thoracic and cardiovascular surgery ● mar most surgeons placed on their practice. simply put, a car- diac surgeon was an adult cardiac surgeon who performed “x” number of bypass operations with “ ” mortality. if this is the yardstick by which we measured our specialty, then it is easy for all of us today to understand the sense of frustration that has developed. rather than becoming frustrated and resentful of change, we need now, more than ever, to take on the pioneering spirit and be part of the evolution of our discipline. the indicator of needed change has been the downturn in the number of patients referred for coronary bypass operations. during the past year, the number of coronary artery bypass grafting (cabg) operations is down approximately %. this occurred as a result of many factors. cardiologists have become successful in opening coronary blockages with bal- loons, stents, and now with improved drug-eluting stents. as cardiothoracic surgeons, we have not accurately an- swered the question of whether these procedures are better for the patient. patients certainly like the concept of not having a large incision down the center of the chest. the patient keeps coming back for repeated procedures. it is almost as though the results of these stenting and balloon angioplasty procedures do not matter. we need to ask our- selves why this continues, particularly in patients with pre- dictably poor outcomes. i believe one answer is that we have totally capitulated our responsibility to our patients by not making them more aware of the alternatives. we have been too concerned about the business of our specialty and not upsetting the referring cardiologist. we accepted the % to % stent restenosis rate by not being more critical of these results. we are, through our silence, in agreement with this therapy, and the patients do not know better. we complain about not being held with the same regard as in the past. if we are going to regain self respect as a discipline, we have to stop behaving as technicians performing surgical procedures. we have to become physicians again; we have to look for better ways to treat our patients’ problems. we have to persuade the cardiologist to look at cooperative trials com- paring, for example, bypass surgery versus stenting in pa- tients with -vessel disease and diminished ventricular func- tion. a study from the cleveland clinic that looked at these groups was reported in the wall street journal in may . the results confirmed that in the high-risk group, the stented patients had . times the mortality seen in those patients having bypass surgery. the high-risk group was defined by low ejection fraction (� %), multiple-vessel disease, and diabetes. this study, now published in circu- lation, is the first comparison in the past years in which surgeons and cardiologists were willing to look at their data. the results confirmed what we have surmised. but until now, no group was willing to compare the data. it will take ch starnes presidential address many other studies to properly place both procedures in the correct patient care algorithm for the best outcomes. information and publications regarding our surgical out- comes are essential, but this is only one piece of the puzzle. we still have to understand that patients would prefer to have a catheter-based treatment rather than a huge surgical scar. how do we overcome this huge hurdle? i believe there are ways we can approach this dilemma: results and technology. we have to continually assess our results, com- paring them with outcomes that are medically produced in an unbiased fashion. we have to be willing to inform the patient of these results. this might represent reporting in less conventional medical publications, such as the wall street journal. as editors of journals, we are aware of the impact factor. i would suggest that the impact factor of the wall street journal article was far greater in terms of information to the patient than the same article just pub- lished in circulation. we now have patients coming to our office inquiring about the results and wanting to know more. with public communication, we can go directly to the patient and have the opportunity to explain treatment options. this has the much desired effect of circumventing the gatekeeper, in this case the cardiologist. i am not advocating a confrontation with our colleagues. we simply need a more level playing field. other ways of making the patient more aware of treatment choices are public speaking and internet access. the next step in our evolution will involve better tech- nology that allows truly minimally invasive procedures. patients do not want large incisions. as surgeons, we have to accept and try to improve our minimally invasive skills. we have to exhibit restraint and investigate methods to which we were not exposed during our surgical residency. coronary bypass surgery might have been the siren song that lulled us into complacency. for more than years, we had no reason to change because the number of cases continued to grow and the results improved, with mortality and morbidity rates reaching % to %. we made the mistake of assuming the patients were seeking our proce- dures because of these outcomes. we failed to recognize the work of the cardiologist. we had become content with our procedure while cardiologists’ continued to improve their therapy for coronary disease. angioplasty and the early stents had high restenosis rates. this did not deter their pursuit of better stents. now we have drug-eluting stents with the promise of a less than % restenosis rate. our rebuttal during this time was mostly complaining. during this time, we have failed our patients because we have not continued to challenge ourselves and improve our procedures. we need to begin by offering minimally inva- sive revascularization with arterial grafts. the fright of the patient over the sternotomy can be partially overcome by small, less-invasive thoracotomy incisions. with arterial the journal of thoraci grafts, we can tell our patients with confidence of superior results compared with those achieved with stents. as sur- geons, we can tell the patient about the restenosis rate and the effect of taking anticoagulants to keep the stents patent. although the restenosis rate is low, the uncertainty of this therapy has to be made clear to the patient. for example, if your patient is traveling in some other part of the nation or world, what happens when he or she gets chest pain? does this patient call the nearest emergency department when he or she has chest pain, or does the patient take antacids and hope the pain is caused by bad pizza? these potential scenarios have not been explained. with bypass operations and small incisions, we can give our patients a more durable option. change and evolution are often difficult to embrace. however, if we accept that change is needed and become the mediators of that change, it becomes a part of our evolving specialty. there are numerous examples of this. robotic assisted heart surgery is in its infancy. whether you choose to embrace the technology or not, it cannot be ignored. patients are exploring their options. when we first explored robotic assisted mitral valve surgery at the uni- versity of southern california (usc), i was sure there would be a learning curve and that the operation that nor- mally takes to hours would take twice as long. then you ask yourself, “why perform the surgery robotically?” i believe mitral valve surgery done minimally invasively is better for the patient. in my hands the robot made this minimally invasive procedure easier, more precise, and therefore a more durable repair for the patient. since the initiation of robotic assisted mitral repair, we have com- pleted cases with excellent results. in addition, we have re-explored the insertion of polytetrafluoroethylene chords rather than leaflet resection and found the results compara- ble with those after resections and taking less time. saving time means less time spent on cardiopulmonary bypass, which is good for the patient. the result for the patient is a small ( - cm) incision, fewer days in the hospital, quicker recovery time, and fewer days missed from work. these are the reasons as cardiothoracic surgeons we have to explore new methods to better treat our patients. with these steady advances, we will regain the respect of our colleagues. our patients will once again request and receive choices of treatment options based on evidence-based med- icine rather than treatment based on who encountered the patient first. another challenge we face as cardiothoracic surgeons is the temptation to embrace all technology before it has been proved efficacious. this temptation is spurred by the desire to increase our practice during a time of a decreasing number of cases, the desire to be seen as on the leading edge, and last, the attempt to improve our marketing strat- c and cardiovascular surgery ● volume , number presidential address starnes egy over that of our nearest competitor. this strategy will fail. for example, approximately years ago, off-pump cabg (opcabg) was touted as the safest method of coronary revascularization. the claims were of fewer strokes, less blood use, fewer days in the hospital, and decreased costs. the scientific data to support these claims have been lacking. however, in a meta-analysis, parolari and colleagues reviewed studies with matched selection criteria. there were patients in the routine cabg group and in the opcabg group. the composite end point consisted of death, stroke, and myocardial infarction. no advantage could be demonstrated by use of one technique over the other (table ). the problem with the study was the rather short-term follow-up. another end point examined by khan and associates was graft patency. with % of patients undergoing angiograms at months, the patency rate in the cabg group was % compared with % in the opcabg group. with the purported advantages not being realized, the overall rate of opcabg has leveled off at approxi- mately % (table ). this technology, although touted as a breakthrough, did not fulfill surgeons’ expectations. looking back, this might have been predicted. the opcabg operation is much more difficult to perform. rather than a motionless field, the surgeon once again is operating on a beating heart, similar to what was done in the early s. the technology had regressed in hopes of avoiding the heart-lung machine and its complications. what we failed to factor in was the requirement for enhanced technical performance by the surgeon needed for opcabg. in addition, the heart-lung machine has become safer with membrane oxygenators and heparin-coated circuits. the end result was that the heart- lung machine had evolved and improved at a faster rate than the technical skills of the surgeons performing beating-heart surgery. the anticipated lower stroke rate, lower blood use, and shorter hospital stays with opcabg were not realized, and the patency rates of our grafts were lower. this chapter of evolving technology might be viewed by some as a step backward. however, the technology of heart stabilization, table . a meta-analysis comparison of major cardiac events after on-pump and off-pump cabg no. of patients mi-stroke-death composite end point odds ratio on-pump cabg . (p � . ) off-pump cabg cabg, coronary artery bypass grafting; mi, myocardial infarction. adapted with permission from parolari et al. the search for sutureless anastomosis, and minimally inva- the journal of thoracic and cardiovascular surgery ● mar sive approaches has been a spin off of opcabg. although great for selected patients, opcabg will be considered one of the stepping stones to the next evolution in coronary surgery. the message to take away is that the current proposed procedure might not be the answer to the current problem, but it might serve as a building block. another example would be heartport technology, which was innovative and provided the foundation for our current era of minimally invasive surgery. the mistake of heartport technology was not the technology per se but the marketing strategy of introducing it as a revolutionary new technique rather than as an adjunct to the surgeon. today i view robotic surgery as robotic assistance for established surgical techniques of repairing mitral valves and performing coro- nary revascularizations. i would like to comment briefly on the leveling of the playing field i spoke about earlier. technology has ad- vanced in all areas of the treatment of cardiovascular and cardiothoracic diseases, with advances in imaging being unsurpassed by any other field. in the future, this will provide opportunities for us as cardiothoracic surgeons. imaging coronary arteries will not always be catheter based. patients will undergo magnetic resonance imaging angiog- raphy or perhaps enhanced computed tomographic scan- ning, which will provide a roadmap for coronary lesions. patients will view angiography as invasive, like invasive surgical intervention, and will choose another less-invasive way to have their heart disease diagnosed. suddenly, the playing field changes. the physician making the diagnosis (radiologist-cardiologist) is no longer prescribing the ther- apy. the apparent ease of immediately treating the coronary lesions with the sheaths in the groin is gone. patients will weigh their various options and make evidence-based deci- sions after gaining trust in the physician who is the mes- senger of this information. i believe the convenience of the therapy (“already in the catheterization laboratory sheaths in place”) will be supplanted by evidence-based decisions. as treating physicians, we have to be prepared to become more involved with our patients as they try to sort out the various options. if we are seen as unbiased with nothing to gain but the patient’s health and interest, we will once again be held in high regard and, consequently, our self-esteem as table . a randomized comparison of graft patency months after on-pump and off-pump multivessel cabg no. of patients patency of grafts at mo on-pump cabg %* ( / ) off-pump cabg %* ( / ) cabg, coronary artery bypass grafting. *p � . . a profession will be restored. ch starnes presidential address the golden age of cardiothoracic surgery has not passed. we are entering an exciting time of change and evolution in our specialty. many new techniques will be pioneered, and our patients will benefit. more important, as trustees of our specialty, we have to communicate this to future surgeons. our perceived enthusiasm for our specialty and its accom- plishments will drive the next generation of surgeons. we will determine the caliber of students selecting our spe- cialty. since the peak in , the number of college grad- uates choosing medicine is down by %. the number of medical students to choose surgery is also down by %. to compound the problem further, the number of surgical residents choosing our specialty is also down. therefore, the pool of potential candidates to become cardiothoracic sur- geons has dramatically dropped since . the next challenge we face is the exposure of medical students and surgical residents to our specialty. with the -hour work week, there are fewer general surgery resi- dents on our services. the number of medical students choosing to rotate on our specialty is also down because of the decrease in emphasis of our specialty in the medical school curricula. to overcome these hurdles, we have to become excited once again by the specialty we practice. we have to convincingly tell our students and residents of the excitement of being a cardiothoracic surgeon. these poten- tial students of our specialty will want to see our dedication to our specialty and the passion with which we practice first hand in operating rooms, research laboratories, and class- rooms. at usc, cardiothoracic surgery is seen as an exciting specialty with a bright future. we have become part of the medical school curriculum, with third- and fourth-year stu- dents rotating on our service. to make the rotation a teach- ing and learning experience, we have physician extenders to help with histories and physical examinations, discharge summaries, and chasing down laboratory values. this al- lows the students to come to the operating room to observe a patient having a robotic mitral valve repair. the general surgery resident is afforded the same opportunity. it is this group of students we have to impress to keep our specialty interesting. by doing so, we will continue to attract the brightest and best to our specialty. i have often said that if i applied today, i could not get into the cardiothoracic program at usc because of the outstanding residents we have applying each year. like trout fishing, the highly prized trophy fish (resident) has many lures to choose from. he waits until the very best comes along before taking the bait. we have to present the very best bait (an exciting and rewarding profession) if we are going to attract the very best to our specialty. once a young resident expresses an interest, we have to foster their enthusiasm. the entry point to our specialty is often the the journal of thoraci laboratory during their general surgery training. the young investigators in our laboratories at usc are exceptional. to have exceptional laboratory experiences for our students, we have to invest in faculty who will provide these expe- riences. this requires protected time, incentives for writing grants, and the rewards of a tenure track. this in turn is again a great investment in the future of our specialty because we are continuing the search for new and innova- tive therapies and techniques for the benefit of our patients. once the student is involved with this activity, you will have hooked the trophy fish. if we look to the future as one with promise, our students will also be enthusiastic for the future of cardiothoracic surgery. i would like to leave you with a quote from the late charles merriam, who was a political scientist. in , he stated the following: “the future belongs to those who fuse intelligence with faith, and who with courage and determi- nation grope their way forward from chance to choice, from blind adaptation to creative evolution.” it has been an immense honor to be president of the western thoracic surgical association, and i thank you for the opportunity. references . the organ procurement and transplant network. transplants in the u.s. by region. available at: http://www.optn.org/latestdata/rptdata.asp. accessed june , . . sano s, ishono k, kawada m, arai s, kasahara s, asai t, et al. right ventricle-pulmonary artery shunt in first-stage palliation of hypoplastic left heart syndrome. j thorac cardiovasc surg. ; : - . . ohye rg, gomez ca, goldberg cs, graves hl, devaney ej, bove el. tricuspid valve repair in hypoplastic left heart syndrome. j thorac cardiovasc surg. ; : - . . burton tm. bypass surpasses angioplasty in study: benefits lasted longer in high-risk patients, raising questions about conventional ap- proach. wall street journal. may , :d . . brener sj, lytle bw, casserly ip, schneider jp, topol ej, lauer sm. propensity analysis of long-term survival after surgical or percutane- 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stanford report. available at: http://news-service. stanford.edu/news/ /june /med-surgery- .html. accessed on june , . c and cardiovascular surgery ● volume , number http://www.optn.org/latestdata/rptdata.asp http://www.aamc.org/newsroom/pressrel/ / .htm http://www.aamc.org/newsroom/pressrel/ / .htm http://news-service.stanford.edu/news/ /june /med-surgery- .html http://news-service.stanford.edu/news/ /june /med-surgery- .html presidential address: an evolving discipline references İçerik mobil cihazınız İçin uygun değil mobil cihazlarda, tarayıcı içinde dokümanınızı görütüleyemiyoruz. bunun yerine dosyayı cihazınıza indirerek görüntülemeyi deneyebilirsiniz. İndİr & gÖrÜntÜle research on aging, volume , number , november , p. - long-standing nonkin relationships of older adults in the netherlands and the united states jenny de jong gierveld vrije universiteit amsterdam, the netherlands netherlands interdisciplinary demographic institute the hague, the netherlands daniel perlman university of british columbia vancouver, canada the main research questions of this study were ( ) how long have adults in the netherlands and the united states known members of their nonkin net- works? ( ) what are the predictors of long-standing nonkin relationships? and ( ) which predictors are recognizable in both societies? the data came from the nestor-lsn survey ( , adults aged to years in the netherlands) and from the northern california community study (n = , , with respondents aged to years in the united states). in both countries, the duration of nonkin relationships was related to the absence of network- disturbing variables (e.g., the number of years since the last move), network- sustaining variables (e.g., distance to nonkin), and other network properties (e.g., homogeneity). nationally based differences were also observed (e.g., hav- ing a car was related to stable relationships only in the united states, and the spe- cial integrative functions of exclusive friendships were elicited only in europe). keywords: social integration; cross-cultural; duration; nonkin relationships ah, how good it feels! the hand of an old friend. —henry wadsworth longfellow yes’m, old friends is always best, ’less you can catch a new one that’s fit to make an old one out of. —sarah orne jewett long-standing nonkin relationships, with their built-in convergence of experiences, can supply individuals with ties for ongoing integration in research on aging volume number november - © sage publications . / http://roa.sagepub.com hosted at http://online.sagepub.com de jong gierveld, perlman / nonkin relationships society and can be enduring avenues for avoiding and alleviating loneliness. it is in the areas of reducing tension, socialization, and integration, includ- ing the reaffirmation of an individual’s personal worth, that friendship and, to a certain extent, long-term relationships with neighbors can play the most significant role (cantor ). kin relationships can only partially compensate for the absence of long-term relationships with friends, neigh- bors, and other nonkin. older adults characterized by only kin relations are reported to be lonelier than older adults with varied social networks of kin and nonkin relationships (dykstra ). this underlines the salience of nonkin relationships for older adults’ well-being. background classical conceptual perspectives at least three classical views of personal relationships bear on the issue of relationship duration. first, kahn and antonucci ( ), in introducing the concept of a person’s life-course convoy of supportive relationships, differentiated between the size, connectedness, stability, and duration of memberships in the convoy. people who change roles (e.g., by passing through phases of life) will face the disappearance of members of the con- voy who were role dependent. sooner or later, they will be replaced by oth- ers (new neighbors, new colleagues). the inner circle of the convoy consists primarily of stable, highly valued relationships that persist despite occupational or geographical changes. an old friend who now lives far away and is seen only rarely may nevertheless be the person to whom one turns in a crisis (kahn and antonucci ). weiss ( ) is a leading proponent of attachment theory, a second clas- sical perspective for understanding relationships. he believes that there are authors’ note: part of the data for this study were collected in the context of the research program living arrangements and social networks of older adults. this research program is conducted at the department of sociology and social gerontology, and the department of social research methodology at vrije universiteit, amsterdam, and the netherlands interdisciplinary demographic institute in the hague. the research is supported by a program grant from the netherlands program for research on ageing, funded by the ministry of education, culture and sciences and the ministry of health, welfare, and sports. correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to jenny de jong gierveld, netherlands interdisciplinary demographic institute, p.o. box , ar, the hague, the netherlands; e-mail: gierveld@nidi.nl. different provisions of relationships (e.g., attachment, a sense of worth), each associated with a specific type and duration of relationships. weiss argues that from nonkin, we can obtain the guidance we need during stress- ful situations. litwak and szelenyi ( ) provided a third classical perspective: the structural-functional approach. they argued that each type of relationship has its own areas in which it can serve our needs better than others. for short-term emergencies, in-town or nearby family members and neighbors play the most important role. litwak and szelenyi saw friends as valuable for intermediate-length problems. friendships are bound together by posi- tive affect and by tasks that require the closest manifest agreement and moderately long-term involvement. weiss ( ), as well as kahn and antonucci ( ), largely ignored cultural variations in their analyses. the structural-functional approach, however, sees societies as having structures and functions that need to mesh together and that may change over time. cultural differences between the netherlands and the united states since the mid- th century, a series of noteworthy sociological and jour- nalistic books, including the lonely crowd (riesman, glazer, and denney ), the pursuit of loneliness (slater ), and bowling alone (putnam ), have examined the nature of u.s. society with special reference to the social relationships of its members. harking back to the view of de tocqueville ( / ), people living in the united states may form rela- tionships readily: “two americans are at once friends simply because they are americans.” yet a key, recurring theme among the aforementioned th- century authors has been the unfulfilling, often ephemeral, nature of social lives in the united states. social analysts have implicated geographical mobility, inner-city high-rise buildings, commuting times, and the compet- itive nature of society as possible factors leading to this state. johnson and mullins ( ) and rifkin ( ) suggested that individu- alistic communities, such as the ones in north america, are less oriented toward social integration than communities in europe. rokach et al. ( ) depicted social relationships in north america as oriented toward individual achievement and impersonal relationships. social relationships in european countries have been shown to be oriented toward social integration and social support (van tilburg et al. ). consistent with the differing views of social life in the united states and various european countries, residents research on aging of the united states are more prone to loneliness than people living in the netherlands (brehm et al. : ). even the way people define friendship varies. adams, blieszner, and de vries ( ) found that u.s. adults were more apt to see it as involv- ing shared activities, whereas canadians emphasized affective bonds. thus, many relationships qualify as friendships in the united states. in contrast, in western european societies, friendship appears to be defined in a more restrictive manner, with a greater discrimination being made between friendships involving intimate ties and more casual acquaintances (höllinger and haller ). the importance attached to friends and other nonkin rela- tionships may differ. in litwak and szelenyi’s ( ) data, hungarians were % more likely to believe that they could get short-term help from neighbors than were americans. this raises the possibility that neighbors are more important in the nonkin networks of europeans than in those of americans. thus, a picture emerges of u.s. men and women being more emotionally independent and preferring less demanding relationships, whereas european men and women are presumed to build more reciprocally dependent rela- tionships, including many with neighbors. although these differences have seldom been the focal point of studies, country differences in orientation toward social integration and the duration of long-standing nonkin rela- tionships must be taken into consideration. earlier work on long-standing relationships here, the interest is in the duration of relationships with nonkin network members. long-standing friendships tend to be rated more positively than newly formed friendships (mendelson and aboud ), and, at least among residents of one retirement community, old friends are loved more than new ones (shea, thompson, and blieszner ). ferrand and mournier ( ) indicated that “friendships formed in childhood or youth, have a high chance of lasting if the partners enjoy a degree of convergence in the course of their respective life-cycles” (p. ). schutz ( ) con- ceptualized these lifelong bonds as consociates: in growing older together, people are supposed to partake of each other’s inner time. empirical evi- dence shows that the longevity of bonds is determined by personal factors on one hand (geers, reilley, and dember ) and external constraints, such as geographical mobility, entering and leaving a position in the labor market (de jong gierveld and dykstra ), and starting or ending partner relationships (morgan, neal, and carder ) on the other. de jong gierveld, perlman / nonkin relationships several longitudinal surveys have investigated the extent of stability in social networks. examples include the study of morgan et al. ( ) among recently widowed women; a -year panel study among women who returned to school in midlife (suitor and keeton ); two investigations years apart of residents of toronto (wellman et al. ); a three-wave, -year longitudinal study among older adult men and women (van tilburg ); and the three-wave study by van duijn, van busschbach, and snijders ( ) that included four subgroups: retired men, women expecting their first babies, people who had recently moved, and randomly selected com- munity members. each of the studies concluded that some network members are likely to be named in every elicitation of the network. the “persistent core” (suitor, wellman, and morgan ) of the convoy encompasses “ascribed” relationships within the family and kinship and “acquired” rela- tionships with friends, neighbors, and others. men and women in the oldest age groups report older social networks and fewer proximal social relationships than younger people (ajrouch, blandon, and antonucci ). not surprisingly, as people age, the dura- tion of their relationships has been shown to increase, but in general, it does so at a slower pace than the increase in age (ferrand and mounier ). laumann ( ) found that ethnoreligious homogeneity was associated with having known friends longer. he reported that the density of a network (e.g., how many of one’s network members have relationships with one another) is linked to having bonds of longer duration. some researchers argue that more highly educated people have a higher chance of short-lived nonkin relationships because of their increased likelihood of mobility; other researchers, however, contend that more highly educated people have a higher chance of sustaining nonkin ties because they have resources for travel and modern communication. klein ikkink and van tilburg ( ) reported that the higher the socioeconomic status of an older adult, the more of a chance there is of relationships continuing. klein ikkink and van tilburg ( ) and van duijn et al. ( ) reported no effect on the dura- tion of other relationships of either living with or without a spouse or partner. some authors (ferrand and mounier ) have mentioned that women more frequently renew their network members than men do; other researchers have reported no gender differences in the duration of nonkin relationships (klein ikkink and van tilburg ; van duijn et al. ). treiman ( ) showed that women’s nonkin relationships are more likely to be interrupted because of moves caused by their partners’ careers. antonucci ( ) argued that women have better interpersonal skills than men and therefore are more likely to have longer duration nonkin relationships. monsour research on aging de jong gierveld, perlman / nonkin relationships ( ) identified numerous social and structural barriers to cross-sex rela- tionships in adulthood and old age, suggesting that such relationships are both less common and less likely to endure than same-sex ties. hypotheses because stable network members outside the circle of family members have seldom been the focal point of studies, our aim was to explore the characteristics of nonkin network members. the first question we asked was, to what extent are (older) adults inte- grated in important nonkin relationships, and what are the descriptive char- acteristics, including duration, of these relationships? our second research question was, what are key predictors of long-standing, important nonkin relationships? attention was directed to network-disturbing (climbing the social ladder, moving to another place, divorce, and becoming widowed) and network-sustaining (having more nonkin network members at a short dis- tance, having a car) factors, as well as other characteristics of a network (size, proportion of kin and nonkin, age and gender homogeneity), and of the older adults themselves. the third question addressed which of these predictors are central in the two societies. we expected u.s. relationships to be more tran- sient and european relationships to be more enduring. given the mobility and the sprawling nature of many u.s. communities, we expected that people living in the united states would need to travel longer distances to main- tain contacts with network members, compared with europeans. finally, we expected u.s. compared with dutch respondents to report higher proportions of their network members as being friends. we summarize our expectations as follows: . the core of a personal network will encompass the most highly valued network members: first, family and other kin and second, nonkin. . although friends are associated with long-term involvement and shared histories, neighbors’ functioning is connected to changes in living situa- tions. consequently, we expected the mean duration of friendships to be longer than relationships with neighbors. . the mean duration of nonkin relationships will be related to age and the age and gender homogeneity of a network. moreover, nonkin relationships will be more long-standing when people are supported with network- sustaining factors and not confronted with network-disturbing factors. . respondents from the united states, compared with respondents from the netherlands, will report (a) higher proportions of friends in their core net- works, (b) shorter mean durations for their nonkin relationships, and (c) a higher proclivity to travel long distances to meet with nonkin relationships. research on aging data and methods samples large-scale studies of the duration of relationships are rare. we were for- tunate to have two such studies that are comparable, asking very similar ques- tions of u.s. and dutch respondents. the studies were done at different times and involved different cohorts of adults. given that individualization, with its attention to broader ranges of human bonds than the family, started earlier in the united states, it is good to compare an older u.s. survey ( ) with a later dutch survey ( ) rather than comparing both countries in the s. dutch respondents. this study used data from the dutch nestor–living arrangements and social networks survey (knipscheer et al. ). in , face-to-face interviews were conducted with , respondents, constituting a stratified random sample, selected from the registers of municipalities, of men and women aged to years. the response rate was %. the sample can be considered representative of the older popu- lation of the netherlands. american respondents. the northern california community survey (fischer ), conducted in , included , randomly selected adults aged to years. the sample was drawn from communities vary- ing in size, but towns under , in size were excluded. interviews were completed with . % of the eligible respondents. the sample was gener- ally representative of the population on key demographic characteristics. for this study to be comparable with the dutch sample, we selected respon- dents aged years and older (n = ). measures in the nestor study, the key question for constructing the dependent variable was “how many years have you known . . .?” a comparable question was asked in the u.s. study. given the response, the average length of time that respondents had known nonkin members was computed. the studies had several background variables in common: educational level, measured in years of education (range = to for the united states; range = to for the netherlands), and marital status. network identification. to delineate respondents’ social networks in the nestor survey, the following question was asked: “name the persons with whom you are in touch regularly and who are important to you.” network members were classified as partners, children, siblings, other rel- atives, neighbors, friends, and other nonkin. in the next step, a maximum of network members per respondent were selected for in-depth investi- gation, prioritizing the network members with whom the respondents had the most frequent contact. basic information about the top network members included their relationships to respondents, gender, ages, marital status, length of time known, and distances from respondents. this article is based on the , respondents who had at least nonkin network member named in the top . in the northern california study (fischer : ), interviewers elicited the names of key network members via six question sequences that pertained to visiting or going out socially, discussing hobbies, discussing personal matters, giving advice, lending money, and watching the house. an illustrative sequence is “sometimes people get together with others to talk about hobbies or interests they have in common. do you ever do that? (if yes): whom do you usually do this with?” after interviewers had lists of each respondent’s network members, they picked the first name given in response to each question, excluding household members, until they had a maximum-sized set of five. these five network members were classified as relatives, friends, neighbors, or others. the number of respondents aged years and older with complete information was . other network characteristics. a small number of years since the latest move served as an indicator of a network-disturbing variable. the california study had multiple measures of mobility, and a change in living unit was used; we calculated years lived in the current location. network- sustaining variables in both studies included the availability of a vehicle (in the household), the proportion of nonkin living within minutes’ traveling distance, and the proportion nonkin at more than minutes’ distance. general network characteristics included the total size of the network, the proportion nonkin as related to total size, the proportion of friends and the proportion of neighbors among the top nonkin members, as well as the mean frequency of contacts with nonkin. the frequency indicator in the nestor study ranged from one (never) to eight (daily contact). in the northern california study the scale ranged from one (less than once a year) to seven (more than once a week). homogeneity between the respondents and network members was described through mean age deviation and the proportion of same-sex relationships. de jong gierveld, perlman / nonkin relationships research on aging key findings demographic and network characteristics of respondents table presents characteristics of the samples used. the social integra- tion of older adults is represented in the characteristics of the top nomina- tions of the social networks. the proportion of nonkin among the top nominations was % for dutch respondents and % for u.s. respondents. so, both kin and nonkin were important components of the respondents’ net- works. among the nonkin, the percentages who were friends were % for dutch respondents and % for u.s. respondents. so, the u.s. respondents reported higher proportions of their nonkin network members as being friends, as hypothesized. the percentage of neighbors among nonkin was about % for both countries. the mean frequency of contacts with nonkin was twice per month for u.s. respondents and four times per month for dutch respondents. older adults had long-standing relationships. the mean duration of friendships was longer by roughly % than the mean duration of neighbor relationships. this finding held across both nations. network homogeneity. the mean age difference between respondents and nonkin top nomination network members (friends, neighbors, col- league volunteers), was about years, in both the netherlands and the united states. as explored more fully in a related article (uhlenberg and de jong gierveld ), this age difference between respondents and nonkin network members is usually larger for older than for younger respondents. the proportion of same-sex relationships out of all the nonkin relation- ships, the second indicator of network homogeneity, exceeded the propor- tion of cross-sex relationships: % of the dutch respondents’ and % of the u.s. respondents’ nonkin relationships were same sex, and % of the dutch respondents’ and % of the u.s. respondents’ nonkin relationships were cross sex. again, the trend was the same in both countries. network-sustaining and network-disturbing variables. many nonkin lived within a - or -minute commute and had fairly frequent contact with the respondents, more than twice a month. the percentage ever divorced among older adults was much higher in the united states than in the netherlands. the percentage of widowed older adults was more or less comparable in both countries. table illustrates some cultural differences between the two samples: u.s. respondents less frequently lived in large cities, had more years of de jong gierveld, perlman / nonkin relationships education, were more frequently church members, had moved to new loca- tions more recently, and were more likely to have access to cars than was the case for dutch respondents. there were cultural differences in network composition, too: dutch respondents had a noticeably higher proportion of kin among the top nominations in their networks. among the nonkin, the dutch respondents had lower proportions of friends. dutch respondents had larger proportions of their nonkin network members who lived within a five-minute distance. the mean duration of nonkin relationships in the netherlands was longer than those of u.s. nonkin relationships. these find- ings held for friends as well as for neighbors. table demographic and network characteristics of dutch and u.s. respondents aged years and older (means and percentages) the netherlands united states variable (n = , ) (n = ) background characteristics mean age . . proportion living in large cities . . mean years of education . . proportion church members . . network disturbing proportion divorced . . proportion widowed . . proportion never married . . mean years since last move . . a network sustaining proportion with car in household . . proportion of nonkin within minutes’ . . traveling distance proportion of nonkin more than minutes’ . . traveling distance away characteristics of top-nominations propotion nonkin in top nominations . . proportion friends in nonkin . . proportion neighbors in nonkin . mean frequency of contacts with nonkin weekly per to weeks mean years of friendships . . mean years of neighborships . . network homogeneity mean years of age deviation re nonkin . . proportion same-sex nonkin . . a. years interpolated. research on aging multivariate analysis the results of a hierarchical regression analysis for the netherlands and the united states are shown in table . controlling for age and sex, we found that respondents who did not live in large cities in the netherlands, and those who did live in large cities in northern california, as well as those with low levels of education (model ) were more likely than others to have longer durations of nonkin relationships. adding network-disturbing and network-sustaining variables to the equation (model ) increased our abil- ity to predict the duration of nonkin relationships from % to % for the dutch sample and from % to % for the u.s. sample. the divorced and widowed older adults were characterized by shorter mean durations of the nonkin relationships (significant in the netherlands, not significant in the united states). being never married was significantly related to duration in the united states but not in the netherlands. those who continued to live in a particular place had a higher likelihood of long nonkin durations than older adults who had moved recently, both in the netherlands and in the united states. duration was negatively associated with the proportion of nonkin network members within minutes’ traveling distance (significant for older adults in the netherlands, not significant for older adults in the united states) and positively related to the proportion of relationships at travel distances of more than minutes (significant in the netherlands, not significant in the united states), indicating that long-standing nonkin rela- tionships had successfully survived the moving of one of the relationship partners to another place. additionally, having a car was associated with longer durations of nonkin relationships (significant in the united states, not significant in the netherlands). apparently, those with cars in the united states are better able to continue contacts with nonkin after moving. the characteristics of the top nominations in the social network, included in model , increased the explained variance to % for the netherlands and % for the united states. more friends among the nonkin as well as less frequent contacts with nonkin were indicators that increased our predictability of longer durations of nonkin relationships. density among network members (e.g., how many of one’s network members had relationships with one another) was associated with longer average durations of nonkin network relationships in the united states. the age homogeneity of the network members was associated with longer durations of nonkin relationships (significant for the dutch respondents, not significant for the u.s. respondents). this finding is consistent with the idea that “old” friends, originating from young adulthood, and student days in particular, are long-standing friends because the relationships are grounded in shared t ab le o u tc om es o f h ie ra rc h ic al r eg re ss io n a n al ys is o n d u ra ti on o f n on k in r el at io n sh ip s in t h e t op n et w or k n om in at io n s (t h e n et h er la n d s n = , , u n it ed s ta te s n = ) t he n et he rl an ds u ni te d s ta te s v ar ia bl e m od el ( β) m od el ( β) m od el ( β) m od el ( β) m od el ( β) m od el ( β) (c on st an t) a ge o n da y of i nt er vi ew . * ** . * ** . * ** . –. . s ex ( m al e/ fe m al e) –. * –. –. ** * –. * –. † –. * l iv in g in l ar ge c it ie s –. ** * –. ** * –. ** * . * * . † . * e du ca ti on i n ye ar s –. ** –. ** * –. ** * –. –. ** –. * c hu rc h m em be rs hi p . . . –. –. * –. n et w or k di st ur bi ng e ve r di vo rc ed –. ** * –. ** . –. e ve r w id ow ed –. * –. –. –. n ev er m ar ri ed . . * . * * . * y ea rs s in ce l as t m ov e . * ** . * ** . * ** . * ** n et w or k su st ai ni ng c ar i n ho us eh ol d . . . * . p ro po rt io n no nk in w it hi n –. ** * . –. –. m in ut es ’ tr av el in g di st an ce p ro po rt io n no nk in m or e th an . * ** . * ** . . m in ut es ’ tr av el in g di st an ce a w ay (c o n ti n u ed ) t ab le ( co n ti n u ed ) t he n et he rl an ds u ni te d s ta te s v ar ia bl e m od el ( β) m od el ( β) m od el ( β) m od el ( β) m od el ( β) m od el ( β) t op -n om in at io ns t ot al n et w or k si ze . . p ro po rt io n no nk in –. ** * . p ro po rt io n fr ie nd s in n on ki n . * ** . * p ro po rt io n ne ig hb or s in n on ki n –. * . * f re qu en cy o f co nt ac ts w it h no nk in –. ** * –. d en si ty — . * ** n et w or k ho m og en ei ty a ge d ev ia ti on –. ** * –. p ro po rt io n sa m e- se x no nk in . * * . a dj us te d r . . . . . . n ot e: d as h in di ca te s no d at a av ai la bl e. *p < . . ** p < . . ** *p < . . † p < . . life histories. another interesting finding in model is that it was especially the same-sex, nonkin relationships that were an important factor behind long-term durations (significant in the netherlands, not significant in the united states). in this model, never-married older adults in both countries were characterized by a significantly higher likelihood of maintaining long- standing nonkin relationships. this is in line with the findings of wagner, schütze, and lang ( ) that singles are most likely to mention long- standing friendships in their networks. comparing the results for the netherlands and the united states, some cultural contrasts are worth noting. the first is the association between community size and the average duration of the nonkin relationships (neg- ative in the netherlands but positive in the united states). this difference masks a curvilinear relationship between community size and the duration of nonkin relationships in the united states whereby suburbanites in medium-sized communities had relationships of short duration. in both countries, however, residents of small communities had long-duration nonkin relationships. the second difference is that owning an automobile was associated with longer durations of nonkin relationships in the united states but not in the netherlands. the third contrast is that the network composition in terms of kin and various subcategories of nonkin had dif- ferent consequences in the netherlands and in the united states for the duration of nonkin relationships. for instance, the proportion of neighbors in the netherlands was modestly related to having a shorter average dura- tion of the network of nonkin, whereas in the united states, the proportion of neighbors was related to longer average durations of nonkin relation- ships. although this finding is somewhat surprising, in the united states, having numerous neighbors in one’s network is associated with residential stability, which gives a chance for these relationships to continue for long periods. discussion networks, duration, and social embeddedness the size and composition of a social network is directly affected by important transitions during the life course and depends also on the dura- tion of a given life phase. this research investigated differences in durations of nonkin relationships, insofar as important personal relationships (top nominations) are concerned. the durations of important relationships are de jong gierveld, perlman / nonkin relationships affected by the norms and standards of the society in which one is involved. differences between north america and europe were expected, on the basis of contrasts in orientation toward individual achievement compared with an emphasis on continuing social integration and a hesitation to rebuild a network of friends and other nonkin, respectively. support for the hypotheses the outcomes indicate that nonkin are named as important network members in both settings. nonkin form a minority of all members in the core of dutch respondents’ networks, but the share of nonkin is neverthe- less over %. in the northern california data set, nonkin outnumbered kin as network members. in the united states, friends in particular are a higher proportion of nonkin relationships than in europe. however, in both coun- tries, pathways to social integration encompass long-standing intimate friendships with less than weekly contacts: “sleeping contacts,” but con- tacts that are definitively activated when help is needed. the duration of bonds with nonkin differs between friends and other nonkin in both countries, as expected. the mean duration of friendships among older dutch adults proved to be more than years, a good basis for shared histories. the mean duration of contacts with neighbors named as important network members proved to be years. the comparable figures for older adults in the united states were years for friends and years for neighbors. we interpret these findings as supportive for the long-term integration of adults. the level of education is inversely related to the duration of nonkin rela- tionships. this finding is consistent with the statement that highly educated people have a greater chance of the discontinuation of nonkin relationships because of higher mobility. the network-disturbing factors worked as hypothesized: moving to another place or having been confronted with divorce or widowhood decreased the mean duration of one’s nonkin rela- tionships, be it significantly or not significantly (wellman et al. ). apparently, the impact of changes in marital and partner status on the dura- tion of relationships with nonkin is more pronounced in the netherlands, where divorce is considerably less common (brehm et al. : ) than in the united states. in the domain of the network-sustaining factors, the availability of a car in the household proved to be more decisive for the respondents in the united states than for the adults in the netherlands. the fine-tuned public transport systems in europe compared to the more car- oriented standards in the united states might be important factors behind research on aging this difference. moreover, a lower frequency of contacts and a small age deviation between respondents and nonkin network members increases the likelihood of long-standing relationships in both samples (significant in the netherlands, not significant in the united states). this research has pointed out that many aspects of the functioning of the convoy are parallel in both regions. friendships and neighbors are important to adults, on the basis of the varying functions of both types of relationships. adults who manage to build personal networks including long-standing rela- tionships with friends, neighbors, and others enhance their personal integra- tion in society (see also thomése, van tilburg, and knipscheer ). building such ties seems to ensure the social cohesion and structural embeddedness (feld ) of younger and older adults. do national differences on predictor variables explain national duration differences? on key predictors of duration (e.g., moving to a new resi- dence), the dutch and u.s. respondents differ. the older age, greater geo- graphical stability, and lower educational levels of the dutch may partially explain why they have longer lasting nonkin relationships. one exception to this pattern is that having a car, a duration-sustaining factor, is more common in the united states, where relationships are of shorter duration. of the forces leading to the longer duration of nonkin relations, however, having an automobile accounts for only a small part of the variance. methodological issues differences in the methodology and samples across the two studies may confuse the interpretation of outcomes. the relatively small number of older adults aged years and older in the u.s. sample reduced the gener- alizability of the findings and the power of the statistical analysis. yet the methodological differences between the two studies also have a positive side: they give greater confidence in the robustness of the findings. in the future, obviously, it would be desirable to have a single, multinational study designed primarily to investigate duration. moreover, both studies relied on cross-sectional research. so, the set of network members investigated can only be referred to as a personal net- work drawn from a larger “underlying network.” some of the network members drawn will not be found at other points in time, as they become inactive. in this study, we concentrated on the core of most frequently con- tacted network members. in doing so, we had a certain guarantee that this core would consist of the closest of the important long-standing ties. de jong gierveld, perlman / nonkin relationships research on aging implications for policies and programs the number of years since one’s last move is a strong correlate of rela- tionship duration. policies might minimize the impact of such moves. programs that help people maintain contacts following moves would be helpful. at the meso-level, the persistence of relationships may be pro- moted, for example, by class reunions and veterans getting together. in the netherlands, reduced bus fares in nonpeak hours help people living in dif- ferent areas maintain their ties. to sum up, in response to our three questions, we conclude that ( ) most older adults have inner cores of nonkin network members of long-standing duration; ( ) many factors contribute to the duration of nonkin relation- ships, chief among them years since people last moved; and ( ) many pre- dictors of the duration of nonkin relationships operate in a similar manner in both the united states and the netherlands, but a few culture-specific associations were found (e.g., the greater importance of cars in the united states). the slightly lower frequency of contact with long-standing nonkin relationships suggests that these ties may at times have the quality of being “sleeping” bonds: important yet not necessarily activated. our view, nonetheless, is that long-standing bonds are a crucial ingredient for the well-being of individuals and an essential element in the mortar of society as a whole. references adams, rebecca g., rosemary blieszner, and brian de vries. . “definitions of friendship in the third age: age, gender, and study location effects.” journal of aging studies : - . ajrouch, kristine j., alysia 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http://xroads.virginia.edu/~hyper/detoc/toc_intro.html (original work published ) dykstra, pearl a. . next of non-kin: the importance of primary relationships for older adults’ well-being. amsterdam, the netherlands: swets & zeitlinger. feld, scott l. . “structural embeddedness and stability of interpersonal relations.” social networks : - . ferrand, alexis and lise mounier. . “talking about sexuality: an analysis of relations between confidants.” pp. - in sexuality and the social sciences: a french survey on sexual behaviour, edited by michel bozon and henri leridon. aldershot, uk: dartmouth. fischer, claude s. . to dwell among friends: personal networks in town and city. chicago: university of chicago press. geers, andrew l., sean p. reilley, and william n. dember. . “optimism, pessimism, and friendship.” current psychology: developmental, learning, personality, social : - . höllinger, franz and max haller. . “kinship and social networks in modern societies: a cross-cultural 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penezic. . “the effects of culture on the meaning of loneliness.” social indicators research : - . schutz, alfred. . the phenomenology of the social world. evanston: northwestern university press. shea, laurie, linda thompson, and rosemary blieszner. . “resources in older adults’ old and new friendships.” journal of social and personal relationships : - . de jong gierveld, perlman / nonkin relationships research on aging slater, philip e. . the pursuit of loneliness: american culture at the breaking point. boston: beacon. suitor, j. jill and shirley keeton. . “once a friend, always a friend? effects of homophily on women’s support networks across a decade.” social networks : - . suitor, j. jill, barry wellman, and david l. morgan. . “it’s about time: how, why, and when networks change.” social networks : - . thomése, fleur, theo van tilburg, and kees knipscheer. . “continuation of exchange with neighbors in later life: the importance of the neighborhood context.” personal relationships : - . treiman, donald j. . “the work histories of women and men: what we know and what we need to find out.” pp. - in gender and the life course, edited by alice s. rossi. new york: aldine. uhlenberg, peter and jenny de jong gierveld. . “age segregation in later life: an examination of personal networks.” ageing and society : - . van duijn, marijtje a., jooske t. van busschbach, and tom snijders. . “multilevel analysis of personal networks as dependent variables.” social networks : - . van tilburg, theo. . “losing and gaining in old age: changes in personal network size and social support in a four-year longitudinal study.” journal of gerontology: social sciences b ( ): s - . van tilburg, theo, jenny de jong gierveld, laura lecchini, and donatella marsiglia. . “social integration and loneliness: a comparative study among older adults in the netherlands and tuscany, italy.” journal of social and personal relationships : - . wagner, michael, yvonne schütze, and frieder r. lang. . “social relationships in old age.” pp. - in the berlin aging study: aging from to , edited by b. baltes and k. u. mayer. new york: cambridge university press. weiss, robert s. . “the provisions of social relationships.” pp. - in doing unto others, edited by z. rubin. englewood cliffs, nj: prentice hall. wellman, barry, renita yuk-lin wong, david tindall, and nancy nazer. . “a decade of network change: turnover, persistence and stability in personal communities.” social networks : - . jenny de jong gierveld is a professor emeritus in the faculty of social sciences, vrije universiteit, amsterdam, the netherlands, and an honorary fellow of the netherlands interdisciplinary demographic institute, the hague. her research interests include demo- graphic aspects of aging populations and the relationship between living arrangements, part- ner relationships, familial embeddedness, and the loneliness of older adults. daniel perlman is a professor of family studies at the university of british columbia. he is trained in social psychology. his research interests have focused on close relationships, includ- ing such topics as loneliness, intimacy, and problematic aspects of relationships. in , he was privileged to be a visiting scholar at the netherlands institute for advanced study. << /ascii encodepages false /allowtransparency false /autopositionepsfiles true /autorotatepages /none /binding /left /calgrayprofile (dot gain %) /calrgbprofile (srgb iec - . ) /calcmykprofile (u.s. web coated \ swop\ v ) /srgbprofile (srgb iec - . ) /cannotembedfontpolicy /error /compatibilitylevel . /compressobjects /off /compresspages true /convertimagestoindexed true /passthroughjpegimages true /createjdffile false /createjobticket false /defaultrenderingintent /default /detectblends true /colorconversionstrategy /leavecolorunchanged /dothumbnails false /embedallfonts true /embedjoboptions true /dscreportinglevel /emitdscwarnings false /endpage - /imagememory /lockdistillerparams true /maxsubsetpct 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<< /fra /jpn /deu /ptb /dan /nld /esp /suo /ita /nor /sve /enu >> >> setdistillerparams << /hwresolution [ ] /pagesize [ . . ] >> setpagedevice discovering viking america critical inquiry (summer ) � by the university of chicago. – / / – $ . . all rights reserved. this project was supportedby grants from the departmentof archives and special collections of the elizabethdafoe library,universityof manitoba; the minnesotahistoricalsociety; and mount royal college; and by the efforts of numerous friends and colleagues.i would also like to say a special word of thanks to cathy jurca. . rasmusb. anderson, america not discovered by columbus: an historical sketch of the discovery of america by the norsemen in the tenth century ( ; chicago, ), p. ; hereafter abbreviated a. . there is a vast and fraught literatureon the question of the immigrantcultural response to relocation.in the main, historianshave set up this problem as a dialecticbetween assimilationand resistance,exemplified at either pole by oscar handlin’s seminal the uprooted ( ; boston, ), and john bodnar’s the transplanted: a history of immigrants in urban america (bloomington,ind., ). even as “resistance”emerged as the dominantparadigmin the s (seen, for example, in the hostile response to richard rodriguez’shunger of memory: the education of richard rodriguez [boston, ]), however, it proved to be unsustainableas a fit-all discovering viking america j. m. mancini in , professor rasmus bjørn anderson of the university of wiscon- sin offered the following unapologeticassessmentofhisancestors,thenor- wegians. “yes,” he wrote, “the norsemen were truly a great people! their spirit found its way into the magna charta of england and into the dec- laration of in[d]ependence in america. the spirit of the vikings still sur- vives in the bosoms of englishmen, americans and norsemen, extending theircommerce, takingboldpositionsagainsttyranny,andproducingwon- derful internal improvements in these countries.” anderson’s statement providesthetemplateforanimmigranthistoricalliteraturethatwouldspan two centuries and two nations and would provide scandinavians with a powerful strategy for the attainment of ethnic autonomy. arguing that the norsemen had discovered america nearly five centuries before columbus, anderson rejected more familiar immigrant literary strategies of assimila- tion or resistance and attempted to win a place for new world norwegians by rewriting the very foundation myths of the american nation. by dis- critical inquiry / summer theory, and signs of its instabilitymark much of the literatureof the past two decades. both roy rosenzweig,eight hours for what we will: workers and leisure in an industrial city, – (new york, ) and david roediger, the wages of whiteness: race and the making of the american working class (london, ), two otherwisebrilliant works, stumble on their inability to reconcile a desire for (authentic) immigrantresistanceto the reality of assimilation.thus when rosenzweig’smakers of ethnic saloons, fraternalassociations,and foreign-languagepresses are inevitably ground down into a homogenizedarmy of cinema-watching,motorcar-drivingrobots, and assimilationturns roediger’smusic-sharing,race-mixing, land-lovingirish into psychologicallydamaged,race-baitingirish americans,both seem to suggest that this representsa falling away from immigrants’“true” selves. this problem is not limited to contemporary scholarshipbut is rooted in historicalanalyses of immigrationand assimilation,such as randolph bourne’s seminal essay “trans-nationalamerica,” in war and the intellectuals,ed. carl resek (new york, ), pp. – . indeed, it is possible that bourne furnished contemporary immigrationscholarshipwith one of its central ironies: its insistence,on the one hand, on the “constructedness”of ethnicity—seen,for example, in mary waters’s fascinatingethnic options: choosing identities in america (berkeley, ), or david hollinger,post-ethnic america: beyond multiculturalism(new york, )—and its clear suggestionon the other that assimilationis defined by a loss of authenticity. covering viking america, anderson was able, at the most vulnerable mo- ment in the trajectory of acculturation, to fashion an immigrant historyof his own and to script his group’s entry onto the american stage. andersonhimselfwasthebeneficiaryofanearliernorwegianimmigrant strategy that began to come to fruition in his own generation: the choiceto move west rather than to settle in the urban industrial centers of the east. this decision placed norwegian immigrants at the physical and political margins of the nation. within this frontier context, which had the added benefit of seeming less threatening to the native born than the wards that bore america’s urban immigrant politicians, norwegian americans en- joyed their first major political successes. indeed, their ascent within the american power structure in the second generation was predicated not on their assimilation (as frontier theorists might have expected), as much as ontheirabilitytoconsolidatethepoliticalmargin.inparticular,theyproved adept at using ethnic bloc voting, enabled by the unusuallyhighpercentage of immigrants and relative lack of an entrenched power structure in the upper midwest (fig. ) to gain access to local, state, and national politics. thus, it is no accident that minnesota congressman, governor, andsenator j. m. mancini is college lecturer in the departmentof history at university college cork—nationaluniversityof ireland,cork. she has just completed a book manuscriptentitled the structure of an artistic revolution: the critical origins of american modernism. she is currentlyworking on a book to be entitled the global anthology: hearing country, folk, and world music metadiscursively. “discoveringviking america” is the first in a series of essays that will consider the historiographyof migrationfrom an internationalperspective.her email is j.mancini@ucc.ie j. m. mancini / discovering viking america figure . the foreign-bornpopulationin . create, rather than merely to bend to, the social, cultural,political,and economicstructuresof the community.see david m. emmons, the butte irish: class and ethnicity in an american mining town, – (urbana, ill., ). . clearly there were differences between the constituentscandinavianimmigrantgroups, and i do not wish to suggest that there were not. what is importantin this context, however, is that authors from a number of different backgrounds—norwegian,swedish, danish, icelandic,and mixed—used the vikingsand used the more general strategiesoutlined here. knutenelson,whoasanorwegianamericanwasunabletoreachcongress in the more settled district that included minneapolisandsaintpaul,made his first successful entry into national politics in only after thecreation ofabrandnewcongressionaldistrict inminnesota’sheavilyimmigrantup- per country. norwegians and other scandinavian immigrants employed a similar strategy within higher education, first by founding a host of long-lived in- stitutions of their own and then by making a place for themselves within the newly forming, less dug-in public universities of the west such as min- nesota, iowa, wyoming, and anderson’s own university of wisconsin, which itself had created anderson’s position as a response to immigrant pressure. if figures like nelson acted as political brokers between the im- . see millard l. gieske and steven j. keillor, norwegian yankee: knute nelson and the failure of american politics, – (northfield,minn., ), p. . as david emmons has shown, this consolidationof the marginscan also be seen in irish america in the case of butte, montana, where the fact that the irish were the “first” immigrantsmeant that they were able in large part to critical inquiry / summer . of course, there were other factorsthat increased scandinavians’“ethnic options.”on the most obvious level, their ethnic and religiousmakeup make them less vulnerable to racismthan other immigrants;as white protestants, they managedto avoid the most abusive programsof assimilationother groups suffered, particularlybefore the first world war, and they were never in the racially liminal position occupiedby jewish or irish immigrants.nonetheless, the choices they made within this context were instrumental.for a fascinatinglook at how the limits placed on other immigrantgroups could influence the outcome of such choices, see michael rogin, blackface, white noise: jewish immigrants in the hollywood melting pot (berkeley, ). . o. m. norlie, history of the norwegian people in america (minneapolis, ), p. . migrant west and the established east, so too did scandinavian american cultural politicians, and it was within this context thattheybegantopursue the vikings. the literature of viking discovery made a number of claims about the scandinavian origins of the american past. first, it argued that thevikings hadbeenthetruediscoverersofamerica.second,itarguedthat scandinavians, as the progenitors of the american “race” and the creators of democracy itself, were america’s ancestors in body and mind. and, fi- nally, it argued not only that scandinavians had arrived first but they had doneitbetter,bysuggestingthatthevikingshadnegotiatedthemostvexing aspect of new world discovery—contact with native peoples and itsgeno- cidal implications—more successfully than their later rivals. in this way, viking theorists inverted a discourse of discovery that usually limited the options of immigrants. for scandinavians, discovery did not begin with columbus and did not end in genocide. butifscandinavianimmigrants’claimtoaspecialplacewithinamerican culture was not based on assimilation to northamericannorms, itwasnot based on an assault on the native born, either. if discovery theorists were happy enough to blame columbus for the bloodier aspects of the conquest of america, they were reluctant to condemn their anglo-american hosts directly. professor o. m. norlie of luther college, for instance, shuddered at the horror of the columbian conquest but described the settling of the united states as harmonious andconflict-free.withastrikinglackofirony, he wrote in his history of the norwegian people that “the great mi- grationsoftheearlycenturieswerenearlyalwaysaccompaniedbyviolence andbloodshed,byconquestandsubjugationofthenativepopulation.the immigration to america has been peaceful.” indeed, in both form and content, immigrant arguments for viking discovery took the shape of a compromise with the elite. discovery theorists were much more likelythan immigrant novelists and poets to write in english, and they celebrated american institutions. even the choice of viking discovery as a theme for scandinavianimmigrantliteraturewasgovernedbyitssimultaneousappeal to both immigrant and native-born constituencies; although viking dis- coverybecameanethnicliterature, itwasalsoapowerfullyamericantheme j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . for a concise history of this revival as well as its transplantationto the united states, see matti enn kaups, “shifting vinland—traditionand myth,” terrae incognitae ( ): – . as kaups notes, there was a long-standingscandinavianand european debate on the viking discovery of america well before such accountsbecame generally familiar to americans,and as early as the late eighteenth century some americans,most notably benjaminfranklin, had a passing familiaritywith the vinland sagas. still, it was not until the s and s that such accounts began to be widely spread. . see antiquitates americanae sive scriptores septentrionalesrerum ante-columbianarumin america, ed. carl christianrafn ( ; osnabrück, ), selectionsof which appear in the discovery of america by the northmen, in the tenth century, with notices of the early settlements of the irish in the western hemisphere, trans. north ludlow beamish (london, ); see also snorre sturlason, the heimskringla, or the sagas of the norse kings, trans. samuel laing, vols. (london, ). another popular translationwas the finding of wineland the good: the history of the icelandic discovery of america, trans. arthur middletonreeves (london, ). . this included william morris’shandsomelyproduced saga library, published between and . see the saga library, ed. morrisand eirı́kr magnússon, vols. (london, – ).the vikings enjoyed a similarpopularityat this time in germany, leading to the translationof several accounts of viking discoveryinto english. see, for example, joseph fischer, the discoveries of the norsemen in america, trans. basil h. soulsby (london, ), and j. g. kohl, a popular history of the discovery of america, trans. major r. r. noel (london, ). by the end of the nineteenth century, appearing in numerous works by the native born. within their discussions of viking discovery, moreover, im- migrant writers embraced contemporary elite discourses and cast their ar- gument for acceptance in terms that clearlyhadbeensetbythenativeborn. it was this strategy of compromise and appropriation that set viking the- orists apart and allowed them to make a case for their presence in america without embracing ethnic assimilation per se. teutons, brahmins, skraellings, and others thestrategyofcompromiseandappropriationthatunderlayvikingdis- covery narratives began with the choice of this theme as a subject for scan- dinavian immigrant writings. although viking discovery had a special meaning for scandinavian immigrants, it also exerted a powerful pull on americansengagedinthesearchfornationalmythsfromthemid-nineteenth century onward, and by choosing it immigrant authors accessed a sym- pathetic audience of native-stock readers. american fascination with the viking discovery of the new world had begun in earnest in the middle of the nineteenth century, following in the footsteps of a scandinavian redis- covery of the medieval past starting in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. increasing scholarly attention to the sagas in scandinavia, fol- lowed bytheir translationintoenglishbyn. l.beamish,samuellaing,and others, opened a new audience in both britain and the united states for themasterworksofoldnorseliterature,sothatbytheendofthenineteenth century readers of english could avail themselves of dozens of translations and treatments of the sagas. whetted by the publication of danishscholar critical inquiry / summer . see antiquitates americanae sive scriptores septentrionalesrerum ante-columbianarumin america. although the fact that this volume was initially published in latin and danish would have reduced its direct readershipin the united states, soon after its publicationextracts were translatedand the volume was reviewed in english-languagejournalssuch as the journal of the royal geographical society of london, the north american review, the knickerbocker, the new york review, and elsewhere, so that many more americanswould have been exposed to the ideas therein. for bibliographicinformationon rafn’s receptionin english,see halldór hermannsson, “the northmen in america ( –c. ): a contributionto the bibliographyof the subject,” islandica ( ): – , – . . it also invited direct correspondencewith rafn himself on the part of american scholars eager to identify various archaeologicalfinds that might point to viking or other european presence. see, for example, henry r. schoolcraft,“brief notices of a runic inscriptionfound in north america,” memoires de la société royale des antiquaires du nord ( – ): – . . see charles w. elliott, new england history from the discovery of the continent by the northmen, a.d. , to the period when the colonies declared their independence,a.d. , vol. of the new england history (new york, ). see also the first volume of william cullen bryant and sydney howard gay, a popular history of the united states from the first discovery of the western hemisphere by the northmen, to the end of the first century of the union of the states, vol. of the popular history of the united states (new york, ). . a. davis, a lecture on the antiquities of central america, and on the discovery of new england by the northmen, five hundred years before columbus (new york, ), p. . . see robin fleming, “picturesquehistory and the medieval in nineteenth-century america,” american historical review (oct. ): – .see also reginald horsman, race and manifest destiny (cambridge,mass., ). carl christian rafn’s american antiquities, an compendium of his- torical and literary documents proposing that the vikings had discovered the shores of america five hundred years before columbus, this general literaryappetitefornorseliteraturequicklyturnedintheunitedstatesinto a wide and sometimes contentious debate on the nature and scope of the vikings’ new world adventures. thus the vikings began to find a promi- nent position within general histories of the united states and of new en- gland, literary works like henry wadsworth longfellow’s poem“the skeleton in armor,” inspired by the discovery of a “viking” grave in mas- sachusetts in the s, and lectures such as asahel davis’s admiring but vague dissertation on “the discovery of new england by the northmen,” which went through at least twenty editions by the end of the s. as the century wore on, viking discovery became intertwined withlines of historical inquiry that linked race and politics in an attempt to explain american democracy as an outgrowth of a distant anglo-saxon,teutonic, or nordic past. as robin fleming has argued, in the last quarter of the nineteenth century medieval history enjoyed a lengthy heyday, as henry adams and others strove to bolster the authority of the brahmin elite by forging a direct and unbroken link between the present, the intermediary past of the founding fathers, and a medieval past in which teutonic tribes had planted the original seeds of contemporary democracy. with their j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . see eben norton horsford, sketch of the norse discovery of america (boston, ), p. and leif’s house in vineland (boston, ). for informationon horsford,see stephen williams, fantastic archaeology: the wild side of north american prehistory (philadelphia, ), pp. – . on the “viking revival” in architecture,see richard guy wilson, “oscar wilde, colonialists,and vikings: newport and the aesthetic movement,” nineteenth century (spring ): – . . thisorganization,establishedin , was an affiliated society of the new-englandhistoric, genealogicalsociety, named in honor of the eighteenth-centuryantiquarianthomas prince. its purpose was “the publicationof rare works” relating to the history of america and particularly new england, with the purpose of, as slafter put it, “the perfectingof what we have begun as a library of new-englandhistory.”members included charles francis adams, charles eliot norton, and francis parkman (edmund slafter, discourse delivered before the new-england historic, genealogical society [boston, ], pp. , ; see also voyages of the northmen to america, ed. slafter [ ; new york, ], pp. – ). . see slafter, the discovery of america by the northmen, – (concord, n.h., ). . see slafter, discourse delivered before the new-england historic, genealogical society, p. . this project began with the history of his own family in his memorial of john slafter, with a genealogical account of his descendants(boston, ). . slafter, the discovery of america by the northmen, – , pp. – . supposed discovery of america nearly five hundred years before the more swarthy columbus, the vikings offered a special fascination to new en- glanders. notable citizens like oliver wendell holmes, james russell low- ell, and edward everett hale clamored for a statue of leif erikson to commemorate boston’s other founding father (fig. ), viking-style trim- mings adorned the fashionable homes ofnewport,andharvarduniversity hoarded great numbers of “viking” artefacts uncoveredbym.i.t.professor eben norton horsford, who devoted decades to proving through publi- cations, tours, and large-scale endeavors in amateur archaeology that leif erikson not only had stumbled upon american shores, but had settled cambridge itself (fig. ). this craze for viking discovery was joined to a surging interest in new england history and genealogy, exemplifiedbytheworkofedmundslafter. slafter, who as an officer of boston’s prince society promoted the viking discovery of america through his republicationofbeamish’senglishtrans- lation of the sagas and who celebrated the eventual success of the erikson statue movement, devoted most of his literary and historical attention to producinganintricatefamilyhistoryofnewengland. inslafter’swritings, the historical triangle described by fleming revealed itself in an emphasis on the primacy of the desire for freedom among the vikings, the “anglo- saxon” colonials, and their present-day descendants. thus, just as he char- acterized the vikings’ gradual westward movement as a reaction to the “despotic rule” of king harald haarfagr (rather than,say,aseriesofbloody and piratical quests for economic and political power), and the primary qualities of the colonial “patriarchs” as their “love of liberty,” he also putin a strong word for the continued democratic tendencies of contemporary newenglanders. indeed,slafterwentsofarastosuggestthatthehistorical figure . boston’sother founding father. f ig u r e . h o rs fo rd ’s c am b ri d ge . critical inquiry / summer . slafter, discourse delivered before the new-england historic, genealogical society, pp. , . . slafter, the discovery of america by the northmen, – , p. . . duringhis long life, anderson ( – )was also united states minister to denmark ( – )and long-time editor of amerika, a prominentnorwegian-americannewspaper enterprise itself, as practiced in that region, was successful because its practitioners had sprung from “a people of unusual political and social equality, coming of the anglo-saxon stock, with an inheritance of many elements of character in which they always feel a just but not ostentatious pride.” slafter was so convinced of this connection between new englan- ders and the vikings, in fact, that he insisted that the leif erikson statue “should be placed in boston, the metropolis of new england,” despite har- boringadeepskepticismtowardsmostofthearchaeologicalevidenceinfavor of the new england thesis. the prominent map of cape cod and massa- chusetts bay facing the title page of his voyages of the northmen to america, bearing the unequivocal title “a map of vinland, from accounts contained in old northern m.s.s.,” made the same point in visual terms (fig. ).thus, while earlier writers such as davis had represented the norsemen as an ap- pealing, though strange and distant people, towards the end of the century they were coming to resemble old friends or, more precisely, family. the mainstreaming of viking discovery in the last quarter of the nine- teenth century served a similar purpose as that served by the larger trend towards racialized history. at a moment of increasing fear that the nation was committing race suicide, the thought of viking ghosts roaming the streets of a city increasinglyfilledwithirish,italian,andjewishhordesmust have been comforting to an anglo-saxon elite whose political power, at least, was decidedly on the wane. at the same time, claims to such virile ancestors as the vikings also answered charges of effeminacy on the partof the literary elite, itself seen as part of the dangerous trend towards racial degeneration. native-stock writers, however, were not the onlyonestoem- ploy the vikings for political purposes. significantly, at the same time that native-stock writers were using viking discovery to cope with the massive social and political transformations of the late nineteenth century, immi- grants, who themselves comprised a major force behindthesechanges,also began to see that the vikings could serve their interests. the first volume by an american author of immigrant stock to turn to these themes was rasmus b. anderson’s provocatively titled america not discovered by columbus, first published in and reissued in severalsub- sequent editions (fig. ). like native-stock writers, anderson, the son of norwegian immigrants and professor of scandinavian languagesattheuni- versityofwisconsin,arguedthataseriesofnorseadventurers,from until the fourteenth century, had seen, touched, and settled america. with its uncritical catalogue of four decades of “evidence,” including viking place- j. m. mancini / discovering viking america figure . “a map of vinland from accountscontainedin old northern mss,” voyages of the northmen to america, frontispiece. ( – ).for biographical informationon anderson, see lloyd hustvedt, rasmus bjørn anderson: pioneer scholar ( ; new york, ); paul knaplund, “rasmus b. anderson, pioneer and crusader,”norwegian-americanstudies and records ( ): – ; einar haugen, “wisconsinpioneers in scandinavianstudies: anderson and olson, – ,”wisconsin magazine of history (autumn ): – ; and c. w. butterfield, literary and biographical sketch of prof. rasmus b. anderson (madison,wis., ). names on cape cod and viking tablets in the taunton river in additionto the standard “skeleton in armor,” anderson’s volume was tinged with an air of fantasy, and some contemporaries were quick to accuse him of an critical inquiry / summer figure . prof. r. b. anderson, madison,wis. and the newport tower, which anderson insisted was a norse, rather than a colonial,edifice. see thomas wentworth higginson, letters to anderson, may and june , anderson correspondence,state historicalsociety of wisconsin,madison(shsw), reel . see also voyages of the northmen, p. . for another skepticalview of the time, see charles rau, “observationson the dighton rock inscription,”magazine of american history , no. ( ): – . . althoughskeptics such as higginsonquestionedanderson’scredulity, he was hardly the last viking theorist to see norse ruins everywhere he looked. the newport tower, the dighton rock, and many other “viking” sites and artefactshave had their promotersthroughoutthe twentieth century and continue to inspire heated defences. see, for example, a. c. clausen, leif erikson’s discovery of america (spokane, wash., ); barthiniusl. wick, did the norsemen erect the newport round tower? (cedar rapids, iowa, ); and carl h. strandbergand glyn nelson, “possible norse settlement traceson cape cod,” unpublishedms., –?, minnesotahistorical society (mhs). even the usually sober royal ontario museum produced a pamphlet in the s that giddily suggestedthat a trove of viking swords and axes might actually have been left by norse travellers to northern ontario. see a.d. tushingham,the beardmore relics: hoax or history? (toronto, ). for a more skeptical analysisof these remains,see johannes brønsted, “norsemen in north america before columbus,”smithsonian institution annual report for (washington,d.c., ), pp. – . . thomaswentworth higginson,for example, chided anderson for his uncriticalacceptance of two particular“finds”: the dighton rock, which anderson claimed to have runic inscriptions, excess of enthusiasm. yet, although anderson may have approached the limits of contemporary credulity with some of his claims, the work was well within the boundaries of the discovery discourse as practiced by the native-born cultural and social elite, an elite which surely was anderson’s intended readership. that anderson saw this elite as a significant audience for his work can be seen not only in the work itself but in his actions surroundingit.forone j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . thisfact is noted in butterfield, literary and biographical sketch of prof. rasmus b. anderson, p. . . for informationon the norwegianimmigrantpress, see arlow w. andersen, the immigrant takes his stand: the norwegian-americanpress and public affairs, – (northfield, minn., ), and odd s. lovoll, the promise of america: a history of the norwegian- american people, trans. lovoll (minneapolis, ). . see rutherfordb. hayes. letter to anderson, oct. , anderson correspondence,shsw, reel . . longfellowrefused on the groundsthat he had never written a letter “of that nature” but assuagedanderson’s fears by writing that the book was “interestingand valuable,” that it would “make its own way in the world,” and that anderson’swork would give “name and fame to you and to your university”(henry wadsworth longfellow, letter to anderson, aug. , anderson correspondence,shsw, reel ). anderson continued to send later works and informationto longfellow,who received his correspondenceenthusiastically.see longfellow, letters to anderson, nov. , nov. , and dec. ; see also edith longfellow, letter to anderson, may , anderson correspondence,shsw, reel . . georgebancroft, letter to anderson, apr. , anderson correspondence,shsw, reel . even the doubter higginsonwrote, “the book as a whole seems to me of value as popularizing certain facts and traditionswith which people ought to be familiar,and i thank you for your courtesy in sending it” (higginson, letter to anderson, june , anderson correspondence, shsw, reel ; see also charles w. tuttle, letter to anderson, mar. , anderson correspondence,shsw, reel ). anderson also correspondedon northern matters with bayard taylor, a self-described“admirerof the scandinavianrace and poetry” (bayard taylor, letter to anderson, dec. , anderson correspondence,shsw, box ), successfullyproposeda book swap with universityof pennsylvaniaanthropologistdaniel g. brinton (see daniel g. brinton, letter to anderson, dec. , anderson correspondence,shsw, box ), and had a lengthy correspondencewith e. n. horsfordand his daughtercornelia, who carried on the viking project after her father’s death. . an idea for which butterfieldsomewhat dubiouslycredits anderson in the first place. see butterfield, literary and biographical sketch of prof. rasmus b. anderson, p. . thing, anderson chose to write the volume in english, something he had not done with his previous books. given the period’s still-flourishing norwegian-language press and the lack of english facility among many norwegian immigrants, this decision suggests that anderson did not view immigrants as his most important audience. moreover, anderson en- gaged in a crusade of publicity to bring the book to the attention of the native-born elite, sending copies and correspondence to numerouspromi- nent historians, writers, and others (including president rutherford b. hayes), and even attempting to enlist longfellow to write a letter of en- dorsement for it. although the success of this campaign is hard to gauge, anderson must have found it flattering to discover that a historical lumi- nary such as george bancroft would have “immediately secured it” upon its release and that the book gained a sufficiently positive response to gain him election to the prince society. just incasetheseprivatemeasureswere not enough to soften up these valued readers, anderson added a lengthy preface in the second edition praising the worthy men of boston who had contributed to the erikson statue movement, just as he had dedicated his critical inquiry / summer . a dedicationto which longfellowseems to have respondedfavorably.the title of the volume was norse mythology: the religion of our forefathers containing all the myths of the eddas, systematized and interpolated(chicago, ). see longfellow, letters to anderson, mar. and aug. , anderson correspondence,shsw, reel . . sometimes,anderson’spleas to the native born to accept the continuityof immigrantways took a more direct form. in his first norwegian settlements in america within the present century, for instance,anderson directly addressed the native-bornreader with the admonitionthat “you should not blame the foreignersfor clinging to their language and traditions.by doing so they bridge the atlantic ocean and bring to this country the fruits of all the progressmade from year to year in europe,” without which american society would be immeasurablypoorer (anderson, the first norwegian settlements in america within the present century [ ; madison,wis., ], p. ). for a thorough overview of scandinavianimmigrant literaturein its other guises, see dorothy burton skårdal, the divided heart: scandinavianimmigrant experience through literary sources (lincoln,nebr., ). . due to the successof his viking writingsand his “authentic”position as a scholar of scandinavianliterature,anderson also had somethingmore concrete to offer to certain native- stock enthusiastsof the vikings:positive reviews of their books. rabid anti-columbianviking theorist marie brown shipley, for example, virtually begged anderson to review her translations of swedish literature,“and in the ‘nation,’ by preference,”so that she could successfullyself- publish them and avoid the “treachery”of greedy publishinghouses (marie a. brown, letters to anderson, nov. , feb. , and mar. , anderson correspondence,shsw, box ). . and, it might be added, contrastswith the tendency of twentieth-centuryviking theoristsof immigrantdescent to emphasizethe hypothesis that, wherever they may have landed initially, the vikings somehow managed to wind up in minnesotaor other parts of the middle west with a deeper connectionto the immigrantcommunity itself. . as barbaramiller solomon writes, the relative distanceof most scandinaviansfrom the teeming masses of immigrantsin the eastern cities did not always prevent them from being seen as objectionable.while charles francisadams, henry cabot lodge, and other late nineteenth- century defenders of teutonicsuperiorityfrequently saw scandinaviansand germans, particularly in the rural west, as the last hope for raciallyhealthy immigration,other observers in the late nineteenth century blamed all non-english“‘old’” immigrants, includingscandinavians, for “the degradationof american civilization,”which the arrival of even strangernew groups in the last decades of the century had only furthered (barbaramiller solomon, ancestors and earlier book on northern mythology to longfellow. thus, unlike many purveyors of immigrant literature, anderson did not primarily reach in- ward with his work in order to bolster an insecure ethnic community throughaccountsofhardshipandsurvivalanddidnotproposeassimilation as the path by which that community would gain a solid foundationwithin american society as a whole. in anderson’s hands, immigrant literature was a project that reached outward to those who set the boundaries of im- migrant participation in american life, while working to stretch those boundariesbyredefiningtheimmigrantcommunityintermsthatflattered, rather than challenged, the native-born elite. this strategy can be seen most readily in the text itself. anderson’s des- ignation of new england as the site of viking landing, for instance, can hardly have been accidental. indeed, it seems that anderson’svolumewas a plea to the same brahmin audience that in its softer moments produced sentimentalized accounts of viking discovery and the democratic inheri- tance of the teutonic race but that in everyday practice was not alwayswel- coming to newcomers from the fjords and farms of norway. thus, just as j. m. mancini / discovering viking america immigrants: a changing new england tradition [cambridge,mass., ], p. ; see also pp. , ). for a comprehensivelook at attitudes towardsimmigrants in the midwest in the nineteenth century, see jon gjerde, the minds of the west: ethnoculturalevolution in the rural middle west, – (chapel hill, ), esp. chaps. – . . andersonwas not the only ethnic writer to situate the viking discoveryof america within the context of an inevitable westwardaryan progression.this cause was also taken up by the danish/norwegian-americanharold w. foght, who wrote that the aryan migration,although it commencedthousandsof years ago while the history of man was young, has not yet come to an end . . . the overflow is being dispersed over the whole earth, peopling america and australia,setting up there and elsewhere, a new and powerful dominion over the aborigines.wherever they go the aryans carry with them their enlightenment.[harold w. foght, the norse discovery of america, with some reference to its true significance(blair, nebr., )] for a comprehensivediscussionof the idea of the westwardprogressionof the aryan people and their origins, see horsman,race and manifest destiny. . elsewhere,anderson also made the more conventionalclaim that norwegianswere patriotic, industrious,and quick to learn english. see anderson, first norwegian settlements within the present century, p. . . certainlater norwegian-americanwriters such as olaf morgan norlie, who sweepingly attributed norse origin to the “pilgrimfathers” and their descendants,did not show this restraint (norlie, history of the norwegian people in america, p. ). adams’sworkwasintendedtodrawadirectlinkbetweentheteutonicdem- ocrats of the medieval past and the brahmins of the nineteenth century, anderson’s tract was meant to remind people like adams that those nor- wegians who had just stepped off the boat were the direct descendants of the original settlers, who were the descendants of a branch of the teutonic race that, in early times, emigrated from asia and traveled westward and northward, fi- nally settling down in what is now the west central part of the king- dom of norway . . . . they were a free people. their rulers were elected by the people in convention assembled, and all public matters of im- portance were decided in the assemblies, or open parliaments of the people.[a, p. ] with its emphasis on the freedom-loving racial characteristics of the norwegians, anderson’s account seems designed to suggest to americans that their own racialist ideology implied that race, rather than ethnicity or nationalorigin,shouldbetheprimarycategoryforjudgingimmigrantsand thatscandinavians’racialheritagewouldmakethemgoodamericanswith- out abusive programs of assimilation. after all, as the quotation at the be- ginningofthisessayshows,americansthemselvesowedtheirbestqualities, at least in part, to the norsemen. lest anyone should mistake the persis- tence of the norse “spirit” for a vague or coincidental sympathy of mind, anderson made sure to mention that both englishmen and americans owed not only their habits but their actual lines of descent to the norman conquest and earlier norse incursions, stopping just short of claimingthat george washington himself was descended from the vikings. critical inquiry / summer . one other risk of this strategy was that it would lead to a cartoonishtypecastingof norwegiansand their culture. indeed, although anderson’sviking campaignwas successful in creating a positive image of scandinavians, it did nothing to further his simultaneousgoal of spreadingthe good word about contemporaryscandinavianculture. as it turned out, editors such as s. s. mcclure and j. b. gilder of the critic wanted “stirringviking stories of adventure,”but not ibsen (s. s. mcclure, letter to anderson, oct. , anderson correspondence,shsw, box ; see also j. b. gilder, letters to anderson, apr. and dec. , anderson correspondence, shsw, boxes and ). . it should be pointed out that at least one critic of anderson and his fellow viking theorists was unpersuadedby this line of argumentnot just because the critic disputed anderson’sevidence for norse discoverybut because he scorned the norse character itself. rather than a culture of “freedom and enlightenment,”j. p. macleaninsisted that the vikings were “lawless in a bad sense,” their natures “more savage than that of any north american indian at the time of the discovery,”and ridiculed anderson and others like him for attributingall progressand enlightenmentto the “fable” of “our saxon inheritance.”as macleanhimself indicated,however, his view was not a common one (j. p. maclean, a critical examination of the evidences adduced to establish the theory of the norse discovery of america [chicago, ], pp. , , ). . olson himself was preoccupiedwith this issue and believed that the viking discoveryof america was the best tool to put norwegians“in the front part of american history books” and to thereby erase the backwoodsimage of norwegiansamong “plymouth-rock-americans”(julius olson, “the vinland voyages,”speech delivered at leif eriksonday festival, chicago, , unpublished ms., olson papers, norwegianamerican historicalassociation,northfield, minn. [naha]). anderson’s strategy of compromise without assimilation may have placed him in the somewhat undignifiedroleofasalesman,forcedtoflatter the racial, social, and political vanities of his most desirable customers,but it would be a mistake to think that he expected nothing in return. in fact, anderson made significant demands in this exchange, asking specifically that americans not only accept scandinavians as their brethrenbutrewrite their own history. it was not enough for a few books here and there to toss in a word or two about the vikings; anderson demanded that the proto- typicalagentofassimilationandamericanization,thepublicschool,should teach american children that the norse were americans’ common ances- tors. charging that leif erikson, his brother thorvald, and others like them should “become household words in every house and hamlet inthese united states,” he exhorted americans to “let every child learn the stories aboutthenorsediscoverersofvinlandthegood”(a,p. ).althoughthere is no evidence to suggest that the historical profession dropped everything to follow his command, it should be noted that many of the native-stock viking books, including slafter’s, were published after anderson’s. more- over, the american historical association invited anderson’s son-in-law, julius olson, to coedit the first volume of j. franklin jameson’s original narratives of early american history series, the northmen, columbus,and cabot, – , published in . anderson’s text also employed more specific strategies for insinuating the norsemen into the heart of american national history. in particular, j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . in this, anderson foreshadowedsimilarargumentsattributingnorse ancestryto various indian languagesand linking english place-namesto the norse discovery.see, for example, wilfred harold munro, tales of an old sea port (princeton,n.j., ), which claimed that rhode island’s mount hope was originally“hóp,” from the icelandicfor “bay,” a claim echoed in matthias thórdarson,the vinland voyages, commissionedfor an american audience by the american geographicalsociety (matthiasthórdarson,the vinland voyages, trans. thorstina jackson walters [new york, ], p. ). . andersonwas not the last to argue for a norse origin to native languages.in the s and s, norwegian-americanreider thorbjornsherwin compiled an eight-volumelexicography outlining the “old norse origin of the algonquinlanguage.”see reider thorbjornsherwin, the viking and the red man: the old norse origin of the algonquin language, vols. (new york, – ). . that anderson had tapped into a powerful vein of anti-catholicismin his support of the vikings can be seen in the commentsmade by marie brown (later shipley) before the u.s. senate during an hearing to decide whether to recognizeofficially the discoveryof america by leif erikson: the vital and all-absorbingquestionnow is, whether this american republic, founded on surely secular principles,wishes to pay posthumoushonors, on a scale of unprecedented magnificence,and at the bidding of the pope, and the countriesunder his dominion. . . to the roman catholic missionaryand devotee, christophercolumbus, who was sent out by the church of rome to convert the natives of a land whose localityhe knew, having ascertainedit definitely in iceland before he started forth on his voyage to the western continent.[to do so] would be to publicly sanctionthe claims of the church of rome to this land, and virtually to invite the pope to come and take possessionof it. [brown, “leif erikson,”speech delivered mar. , mhs] anderson appealed to historical connections among race, geography, and religion,constructingthevikings’foraysintonewenglandasapreparation for the puritan arrival. in the first instance, anderson argued that the vi- kings had taken possession of the landscape by giving it place-names that survived to the modern era, presumably passed down through the native population. quoting at length from a tract sent to him by “joseph story fay,esq.,ofwood’sholl,massachusetts,”andersonpromotedtheideathat this town’s name had been “given” to the indians by the vikings, forwhom the word holl signified hill, andthat ithadstuckbecauseoftheindians’own linguistic weakness (a, p. ; see p. ). anderson also suggested that the vikings had prepared new england for the puritans by bringingchristian- itytoitsshores.despiteanodtothe“flowerofteutonicheathendom”(and despitethefactthatchristianityhadatbestonlypartiallypenetratedviking culture by the time of the vinland voyages), anderson repeatedly empha- sized the christianity of the norsemen. more than that, anderson implied that the vikings had been the right kind of christians to bring religion to america by distinguishing them from columbus, who “talkedofhimselfas chosen by heaven to make this discovery” but was “subservient to the do- minion of inquisition.” what anderson avoided saying, of course,wasthat the vikings were as catholic as columbus (a, pp. , ), even if their critical inquiry / summer see also shipley, the norse colonization in america by the light of the vatican finds (lucerne, ). while this suspicionof rome persisteduntil well after the turn of the century in viking narratives,by the s authors had come to embrace a more inclusive view of discovery and its symbols. the vice presidentof the minnesotaleif eriksonmonument association,for instance, insisted in that “there is ample room for honoringboth of these men” (e. klaveness, “leif erikson and christophercolumbus,”radio address,st. paul, , mhs); see also ola johann saervold, the discovery of america (minneapolis, ), who suggeststhat columbus learned about america from the icelandersbut that this was a sign of his “earnestnessand diligence” (p. ). for a twentieth-centurydiscussionof the vikings that preceded this change of heart, see olson, “the teutonic spirit: an address delivered on the occasionof the unveiling of a statue to rollo of normandy,at fargo, n. dakota, july th, ” (minneapolis, ). . while anderson’sconvenient neglect of the catholicismof the vikings seems calculatedto provide a means of distinguishingprotestantnorwegiansfrom other groups of immigrants, the fact that they were followers of the church of rome was picked up by catholic writers and used to demonstratethe fitness of catholicsas americans.the renowned catholic historianjohn gilmary shea’s history of the catholic missions, for instance,began with a chapter on the “norwegian missionsin new england.”in it, shea explicitly attempted to restore catholics to their proper place in american history by arguingthat the vikings were catholicsand that the catholic church had as a result been the first european institutionnot only in the new world generally, but in the united states itself. see john gilmary shea, history of the catholic missions among the indian tribes of the united states, – ( ; new york, ). other catholicappropriations of the vikings include vincent a. yzermans,“our lady of the runestones,”marian era ( ): – , – ; sister mary jean dorcy, “ave maria, save us from evil,” our lady’s digest (fall ): – ; and raphael m. huber, “pre-columbiandevotion to mary in america: the testimonyof the kensingtonstone,” american ecclesiasticalreview (july ): – . . the desire to clean up the violent reputationof the vikingsalso penetratedthe accountsof later norwegian-americanauthors such as knut gjerset, whose norwegian sailors in american waters: a study in the history of maritime activity on the eastern seaboard (northfield,minn., ) fulminated against“the fallaciousnotion . . . that they were merely adventurersand lawless buccaneers”(p. ); a similartendency can be seen in the official statement of purpose of the descendants had turned away from the church of rome to areligionseem- ingly more appropriate for aspiring americans. although the mere presence of christian norsemen in anderson’s nar- rativewouldhaveservedtoconnectthevikingsandthepuritans,anderson strengthenedthisassociationbyrepresentingvikingnewenglandasaplace steeped in sanctifying christian blood. the death of leif erikson’s brother thorvald, he suggested, had been one of the most significant episodes in the vikings’ new world history because it had consecrated america as a christianlandand,byimplication,setthestageforthearrivaloflaterchris- tians.thorvald,heexclaimed,“wasburiedinvinland,andtwocrosseswere erectedonhisgrave,—oneathisheadandoneathisfeet.hallowedground, this, beneath whose sod rests the dust of the first christian and the first european who died in america!” (a, p. ). in describing the vikingchris- tianization of new england in these terms, anderson provided an addi- tional incentive for native-stock americans to accept the vikings as the “discoverers” of new england; his account of this incident sidesteppedthe increasingly sensitive issue of anti-native violence on the part of european colonists. in direct contrast to known accounts of the post-columbian j. m. mancini / discovering viking america minnesotaleif erikson monument association,which complainedthat “the general understandingof leif erikson seems to be that he was an adventurer, a sea-roverof some kind, an uncouth viking. this is a complete misunderstandingof the man” (minnesotaleif erikson monument associationpamphlet, , p. , mhs; see also louis h. roddis, the norsemen in the new world [minneapolis, ], pp. – ). . concernover this issue can be seen in governmentand pedagogicalpublicationsof the time, as well; for example, the departmentof the interior’srepresentativeat the philadelphia exhibition of , john eaton, published a dire volume entitled are the indians dying out? (washington, ), and the introductionto a mid-nineteenth-centuryedition of robertson’s discovery of america intended for use in the schools included the warning that perceptive readers had found robertson’sdescriptionsof cortez and other spanish conquerorstoo forgiving;see john frost, “the life of dr. robertson,”in william robertson,the history of the discovery and settlement of america ( ; new york, ), p. xxiii. . williamj. miller’s notes concerning the wampanoag tribe of indians, with some account of a rock picture on the shor of mount hope bay, in bristol, r.i. (providence,r.i., ), for instance, combined a regretful and nostalgic look back at the noble life and shockingdeath of king philip with a somewhatextraneous account of the discoveryof america by the “hardy norse” (p. ). in an interestingtwist, miller located leif erikson’ssettlement at the same spot as philip’s death, the aforementionedmount hope/“hóp.”similarly,charles g. leland’s disquisitionon the norse origin of algonquinreligionand myth mournfullyasked, when the last indian shall be in his grave, scholarswill wonder at the indifference of the “learned” men of these times to such treasuresas they have allowed to perish. what the world wants is not people to write about what others have gathered as to the indians,but men to collect directly from them. (charles g. leland, “the edda among the algonquinindians,” atlantic monthly [aug. ]: ). this associationof norse discoveryand indian disappearancecan also be found in shea’s history of the catholic missions, which explicitly argued that the catholic colonizationof the new world had been far less devastatingthan its protestantcounterpart,and implied that a successful viking colonizationmight have prevented the later decimationof northern tribes. christianization of the new world, in anderson’s tract the event that en- abled the sacralization of the american landscape was not the brutal con- version and death of american indians, but the european thorvald’s murder at the hands of marauding natives, the skraellings of the sagas. writing that “the norseman had no fire-arms, and their higher culture could not defend them against the swarms of savages that attacked them,” anderson suggested that new world christianity had been born not in the brutalconversionanddecimationofaboriginalpeoplesbutinbloodspilled by european vikings upon the shores of massachusetts (a, p. ). in thus offering victimized vikings as the true colonizers of new england, ander- son offered a salve to americans’ (and particularly new englanders’) in- creasingly guilty conscience about “the future of the indian,” whose degradation and disappearance were becoming causes célèbres (due to the work of lewis henry morgan and other practitioners of the emergingfield of anthropology), and whose fate was frequently pondered by defenders of the viking theory of new world discovery. this imaginative refiguring of discovery provided the basis for an inter- esting bargain between norwegians and the native born, for it suggested critical inquiry / summer . see ole edvard rølvaag, giants in the earth: a saga of the prairie, trans. rølvaagand lincoln colcord (new york, ). not all immigrantwriters were as ambivalentabout western land taking as rølvaag.as april schultz points out, the authors of the pageant celebratingthe centennial of norwegiansettlement in north america representednorwegianpioneers as peaceful civilizersof the wilderness,who shared peace pipes and plans for cultivationwith indians who had already agreed to leave without a struggle.see april schultz, ethnicity on parade: inventing the norwegian american through celebration(amherst, mass., ), pp. – , – . . hillaryrodham clinton, “remarks,”nationalmuseum of natural history,baird auditorium,nmnh, washington,d.c., apr. , http://www.mnh.si.edu/exhibits/vikings/ firstlady.html.that is not to say that the show did not attracta fair amount of public interest, including cover stories in time and national geographic. see michael d. lemonich and andrea dorfman, “the truth about the vikings,”time, may , pp. – , and priit j. visilind,“in search of vikings,”national geographic (may ): – . thatbyacceptingthenorsemenasancestorsandbrethren,americanscould rid themselves of one of the most troubling aspects of their collective past. it also served the needsof scandinaviannewcomerstothewest,whothem- selves grappled not only with real natives but with the sticky issue of their own complicity in the brutal conquest of indian lands. as the uneasy en- counter with a native grave by the pioneer hansa family in ole edvard rølvaag’s giants in the earth indicates, immigrant writers would become preoccupied over the ensuing decades with the sense that there was some- thing ominous about staking claims to landwhichhadbeendeclaredbythe authorities to be empty but which, uponcloser inspection,containedliving indians as wellas their history. whilerølvaag’sconclusion,madeinhind- sight in the s, seems to have been that complicity in manifest destiny and a too-uncritical attitude towards the ideals of the native born had brought norwegians only insanity and death, anderson’s tract of the s suggested that norwegian-american history itself held the key to theprob- lem of cultural contact. a compromise with america was the only route to immigrant success. westward the course at the end of the nineteenth century, then, it appeared as though the viking discovery of america was poised to play an important role within american literary and historical consciousness. and, yet, it has not. while american popular culture is glutted with the cast-off symbols of scandinavian-american nation-building—the horned hats that the vi- kingsfamouslyneverwore—ashistoricalfiguresthevikingsbarelyappear on the american radar. indeed, although norse discovery was the subject of a recent smithsonian exhibition, which was preceded by rousing press releases of hillary clinton praising “the power of the human spirit,” the exhibitiondidlittle eithertopromoteastrongnarrativeofvikingdiscovery or to grapple with the historical and cultural meaning of that discovery. asidefromafewcasesfilledwitharchaeologicalcopies,abitoflonelynorth- j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . on the enola gay controversyand the limits of public history in the united states, see david thelen et al., “historyafter the ‘enola gay’ controversy:an introduction,”journal of american history (dec. ): – . . see hjalmarr. holand, norse discoveries and explorations in america, – : leif erikson to the kensington stone (new york, ). this volume was originallypublished in under the title westward from vinland: an account of norse discoveries and explorations in america, – and as a pamphlet called “the kensingtonstone” in . . holandwas neither the first nor the last to promote the authenticityof the kensington stone. over the past hundred years it has had many adherents and detractors,and it still inspires heated and sometimesunfriendly debate. indeed, it seems that nearly every citizen of the midwest has weighed in on the kensingtonstone at some point, includingfrederick jacksonturner. this is particularlytrue in minnesota,where it has become a significantpart of the local popular culture and where narrative legitimizationsof the stone are abetted by a shrinelikemuseum and ern video footage, and some panels vaguely praising native culture, the most the exhibition seemed to offer was the bland suggestion that the vi- kings were farmers and traders, farmers and traders, farmers and traders. even the saga storytelling hut cut off its narrative before the killings began and contact really happened. the result was a history that, literallywithout blood, could not either present a coherent vision of cultural contactorfur- ther our understanding of its historical implications. there are several reasons for this. the first has to do with the climate surrounding public history that has developed during the past decade or so. the enola gay controversy and the preceding furore over the west as america exhibit most certainly have undermined the potential for all but the blandest kinds of public history in the united states. with itsbarney- ized content and its casual corporate references, vikings: the northatlan- tic saga seemed better designed to sell volvos, husqvarma chain saws, and leiferiksonpuppetsthantodelveintothefraughtquestionofculturalcon- tact. yet, the degradation of public history after enola gay can onlyexplain so much. after all, the exhibit reflected more than it created, and what it reflected is the larger absence of the vikings from academia, the schools, or, with a few exceptions, american public history. so, then, how to explain this disappearance of the vikings from amer- ican historical consciousness? it certainly cannot be explained by a falling away of interest on the part of scandinavian-american authors after an- derson. the twentieth century has seen the growth of a vast literature of this kind, exemplified by the most widely circulated of all the viking dis- covery narratives, hjalmar r. holand’s norse discoveries and explorations in america, – , still in print after sixty years and superficially very similar to anderson’s work. like anderson’s narrative, holand’sworkpro- posed an archaeological argument in favor of viking discovery, this timein the form of the kensington stone, a -pound runestonepurportedlyun- covered by a minnesota farmer in . and, like america not discovered critical inquiry / summer monument erected near the site of its “discovery.”as a result, nearly all discussionsof the stone have been cast in terms of truth versus falsehood,and with few exceptions little has been said about its cultural significanceindependent of its status as an authentic relic from pre-columbian times. what is usually left unsaid in these discussionsis the fact that the very persistenceof the stone in the face of its highly dubious origin is what makes it interesting.a brief selection of these treatises includes theodorec. blegen, the kensington rune stone: new light on an old riddle (st. paul, minn., ); george t. flom, the kensington rune-stone: a modern inscription from douglas county, minnesota (springfield,ill., ); s. n. hagen, “the kensingtonrunic inscription,”speculum (july ): – ; carl christianjensen, “rune stone controversy,” unpublished ms., july , mhs; history of douglas and grant counties, minnesota: their people, industries, and institutions,ed. constant larson, vols. (indianapolis, ), : – ;vincent h. malmstrom,“in quest of vikings:a personal inquiry into the mystery of the kensingtonstone,” middlebury college newsletter(spring ): – ; erik moltke, “the kensingtonstone,” antiquity – (june ): – ; jeffrey r. redmond, “viking” hoaxes in north america (new york, ); erik wahlgren, the kensington stone: a mystery solved (madison,wis., ) and “the case of the kensingtonrune stone,” american heritage (apr. ): – , – ; the museum committeeof the minnesotahistoricalsociety, the kensington rune stone: preliminary report to the minnesota historical society (st. paul, ); and “the story of the kensington runestone,” a pamphlet printed by the alexandria,minnesotachamber of commerce(n.d.), mhs. turner’s views can be found in his letter to gisle bothne, feb. , gisle bothne papers, mhs. . holand,norse discoveries and explorations in america, – , p. . by columbus, holand’s narrative also argued strenuously both for the vi- kings’ christianity and for their victimization. to holand, the kensington stone embodied the vikings’ christian martyrdom, representingthedying lament of a party of vikings who, having “been suddenly overwhelmed, killed and scalped by a party of indians,” had managed to carve a runic account of their demise and appeal to the virgin before disappearing into the mists of time. for all of these similarities, however, holand’s text differed from an- derson’s in two key respects. ironically, these differences account both for thepopularityofthebookandforitsfailureasaworkofimmigrantpolitical claim staking. the first difference was its originality. unlike anderson, whose work was in the main a glossed translation of the vinlandsagas,ho- land created his own narrative, out of local sources, in order to forge a new narrative of viking discovery. this decision to stray from the sagas, which even in translation could be cumbersome and inscrutable, enabledholand to perform the narrative chases and leaps that make the book such a good read: the visceral scenes of bloody vikings, imagined by holand as victims not of extinct new england tribes but ofstill-fearedandadmiredsioux;the titillating suggestion that the vikings’ survivors had intermarried with the mandans, producing a fair race of “white indians,” still extant in the days of lewis and clark; and the absurd but locally pleasing claim that vikings had penetrated deep into the continent, naturally choosing minnesota as their western home. j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . homibhabha, “dissemination:time, narrative,and the marginsof the modern nation,” the location of culture (new york, ), p. . . lawrencevenuti, “translation,community,utopia,” in the translation studies reader, ed. venuti (london, ), p. . indeed, with the obvious exception ofjuliusolson’scontributiontothe northmen, columbus, and cabot, twentieth-centurytextsinthevikingcor- pus tended to shy away from translation in favor of originality. although this decision probably enhanced the popularity of the genre, itwasacrucial mistake as a political strategy. for in asking readers to believe that the vi- kings hadpenetratedtheinteriorofthenorthamericancontinent,holand and others who deviated from translation abandoned not only standard explanations of american history but the verysourcesofauthoritythathad allowed anderson to credibly demand that readers make such a departure. what this abandonment suggests is that holand and other twentieth- century authors failed to appreciate the key element that hadsustainedan- derson’snineteenth-centuryvikingnarrative:itsabilitytonegotiateacanny bargain between immigrants and the native born and, more specifically, its careful doubling, what homi bhabha has described as “the continuist, ac- cumulative temporality of the pedagogical, and the repetitious, recursive strategy of the performative.” asanontranslation,holand’stextlostthree important sources of authority on which anderson’s had drawn. first, the text departed from the long line of saga translations that flooded the english-speaking world in the nineteenthcentury, thuslosingtheauthority of beamish, morris, slafter, and its progenitors. second, it lost the sedi- mentaryweightofthesagasthemselves,the“ancientmanuscripts”thatslaf- ter’s map accepted and whose own origins resided in the depths of oral tradition. third, holand’s decision to chart a new course for the vikings deprived him of one of the key sources of credibility that immigrants do have in cultures that receive them: that of speakers and translators of their “own” languages and literatures. significantly, anderson’svolumewasable to capitalize on his authority as both a native speaker of norwegian and a professional translator of the norse languages, while at the same time ef- facing his performative role as a producer of an agonistic narrative of im- migrant nationalism. as lawrence venuti has proposed more generally regarding translations“thathaveachievedmasscirculation,”inthiscontext anderson’sdiscoverytranslationwasabletobecome“thesiteofunexpected groupings, fostering communitiesofreaderswhowouldotherwisebesepa- rated by cultural differences and social divisions yet [we]re now joined by a common fascination,” even though “the forms of reception” that these readers employed were “not . . . entirely commensurable.” separated by class, ethnicity, and region, anderson’s readers were nonetheless joined by critical inquiry / summer . the arctic-routetheory was also developed by others who wished to prove viking landfall in minnesota,such as andrew fossum, author of the norse discovery of america (minneapolis, ) and “the route from vinland to minnesotain ,” unpublished ms., andrew fossum papers, naha. the debate over the locationof the vikings’ travels and vinland in particular is almost as voluminousas viking discoveryliteratureitself. it is thoroughlydiscussedin kaups, “shifting vinland—traditionand myth.” a few examples of efforts to locate vinland include w. a. munn, wineland voyages: location of helluland, markland, and vinland (st. john’s, nfld., n.d.); anderson, where was vinland? a reply to prof. gustav storm refuting his arguments in favor of locating vinland (minneapolis, ); olson, review of the problem of the northmen and the site of norumbega (chicago, ); and a.d. fraser, “the norsemenin canada,” dalhousie review ( ): – . . a few examples of the kensingtonstone’s penetrationinto the local popular culture include margaretleuthner, mystery of the runestone (alexandria,minn., ), a comic book for children; bert merling, “the runestone pageant play,” unpublishedms., , mhs, ; and “runestone festival commemoratingthe th anniversaryof the kensingtonrunestone,”festival program, mhs. for a few brief examinationsof the culturalsignificanceof the stone, see iver kjær, “runes and immigrantsin america: the kensingtonstone, the world’s columbianexposition,and nordic identity,” the nordic roundtable papers (july ): – , and michael g. michlovicand michael w. hughey, “norse blood and indian character:content, context, and transformation of popular mythology,”journal of ethnic studies ( ): – . . see michlovicand hughey, “‘making’history:the vikings in the american heartland,” politics, culture, and society (spring ): – ; see also rhoda gilman and james p. smith, “vikings in minnesota:a controversiallegacy,” roots (spring ). correspondence demandingofficial recognitionof the kensingtonstone is in possessionof debbie miller, mhs. the translated text. without this bond (and without the comfort of ander- son’s institutional location), anderson’s fragile reading community could not persist. holand’s work thus splintered the once unified constituencies of western immigrants and eastern brahmins. holand’sfailuretoappreciatetheimportanceofcompromisecanbeseen in another element of his work. not only did his text discard translationas a model for immigrant writing, but it also introduced a new geography of discovery that too obviously rejected brahminhierarchies.instead,holand proposed an aggressive regionalism that privileged the upper midwest, home to so many of his fellow norwegian and other scandinavian amer- icans. brushing aside the eastern voyages of leif erikson and his contem- poraries, holand devoted not only norse discoveries but the better part of his adult life to proving how, through a complicated arctic route, the vi- kings had been able to leave the kensington stone inthegeographicalheart of the north american continent. this choice reflected the emergence of a growing regional immigrant popular culture that continues to thrive to this day. on a nice summer day it is not hard to find true believers at the kensington stone museum and site. indeed, as michael michlovic andmi- chael hughey have argued, minnesota has been able to develop an entire tourism network based on the viking appeal; the minnesota historicalso- ciety, moreover, is regularly besieged by letters and missives demanding to know why, as the official representative of the state’s history, it has not em- braced the authenticity of minnesota’s viking heritage. j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . indeed, that is exactly the angle pursued in one of the longest press articles to arise from the show: mark k. stengel, “the diffusionistshave landed,” atlantic monthly (jan. ): – . nonetheless, despite the occasional seepage of runes and rune-chasing into the wider popular culture (fig. ), it is difficult to find many people of non-minnesotan, non-scandinavian heritage who are deeplyengagedwith the viking debate as history. quite simply, it has become a curiosity of re- gional and immigrant culture. unlike anderson’s comfortably colonial plottingofvikingdiscovery,holand’smappresentedthelessrepresentative and less represented terrain between the great lakes and the arctic— terrain that, unlike cape cod, would not have been immediately recognis- ableasastand-alonegeography—asthenewcenterofitall(fig. ).holand’s work therefore asked americans not only to accept a new version of their history, but a jarringly new cultural geography, as well. even leaving aside the issue of its believability, holand’s arctic map challenged, rather than conformed to, the “normal” geography of american discovery and de- manded that americans create a new mental map of the american past.all in all, it was too much to ask. a canadian coda this was not the vikings’ final northamericanhurrah,however(fig. ). although by midcentury the norsemen had reverted to an ironically pop- ular obscurity in the united states, they did make another, more fleeting appearance upon the stage of national history, this time in s canada. of course, s canada wasa completelydifferentworldthan samer- ica. canadians had their own men in leaky boats to remember and two divergent and competing sets of discovering ancestors. more than that, by the s it was no longer so fashionable to cast national origins in racial- ized, teleological tones. or was it? consider the similarities between s america and s canada. for each nation, these were times of rapideco- nomic, political, and geographical expansion. they were points at which the nations stood on the brink of massive demographic change. for both nations, these were timesofself-conscioushistoricalreflectionandpolitical redefinition, not only because they marked the nations’ respective centen- nials, but because each nation’s one hundredth anniversary was preceded and shaped by significant challenges to national sovereignty. and for both nations these were periods of expansion in the public higher education sector; while the morrill act of set the stage for massive academic growth and for greater student and faculty diversity in the years after the civil war, so too did canada’s ambitious program of university building and deprivatization in the s. consider as well the similaritiesbetween norwegian americans in the s and icelandic canadians in the s. figure . j. m. mancini / discovering viking america figure . “sketch showing route by way of hudson bay,” from hjalmarr. holand, norse discoveries and explorations – , p. . . see tryggvij. oleson, early voyages and northern approaches, – (toronto, ). during these two periods, each group was experiencing a moment when old world tongues were giving way to english (a situation that was par- ticularly acute for icelandic canadians in the wake of the second world war); when elite members were emerging within the educational and pro- fessional hierarchy of the nonimmigrant community; when, inshort, iden- tities were in flux and deals could be struck. it is perhaps unsurprising, then, that the viking cause was resurrected at exactly this point, in tryggvi j. oleson’s early voyages and northern approaches, – . as the first volume in the series that defined aca- demic history in s canada, w. l. morton and d. g. creighton’s ca- nadian centenary series, oleson’s work gained the imprimatur of both the historicalprofessionandacademicpublishing.itwasalsoasignificantwork of immigrant historiography. for, just as anderson had identified history as a suitable vector for the improvement of his group’s status in the new world, so too did oleson, who was a professor of history at the university critical inquiry / summer figure . “a viking ship and a red river cart, sometimesused for transportationin the early days.” from lundar diamond jubilee (lundar, manitoba, ). . on oleson, see w. j. lindal, the icelanders in canada (ottawa, ), pp. – . . see “arts iiih,” may , box , collectiona – , departmentof history,universityof manitoba,departmentof archives and special collections,elizabethdafoe library,universityof manitoba (edl-um). of manitoba. as a founding officer oftheicelandiccanadianclub(begun in topromoteknowledgeoftheicelandicheritageincanada),aformer vice president of the icelandic national league, and a member of a de- partment whose honors students had names like douglas, gadadhar, kar- piak, kung,moore,parasiuk,salzberg,andwagschal,butwereveryseldom of obvious icelandic descent, oleson embarked on this project not only as an academic historian but as an icelandic canadian. j. m. mancini / discovering viking america figure . from tryggvij. oleson, early voyages and northern approaches, – , pp. – . . althougholeson did not claim anderson as an influence, he was known to the icelandic community in manitobain his own lifetime through its first newspaper,framfari. see untitled item, framfari, mar. . the entire run of the newspaper has been translatedinto english by george houser in one volume (winnipeg, ). the item on anderson appears on p. . . the classicessay on the north in canadian politicalconsciousnessis carl berger, “the true north strong and free,” in nationalism in canada, ed. peter russell (toronto, ), pp. – . visual imagerywas used frequently as a tool in the formationof canadian national identity as a “northern” phenomenon.for an interestinganalysis that links this process to similar issues in scandinavia,see roald nasgaard,the mystic north: symbolist landscape painting in northern europe and north america, – (toronto, ). more generally, see thomas h. b. symons, “the arctic and canadianculture,” in a century of canada’s arctic islands, – , ed. morris zaslow (ottawa, ), pp. – . oleson’s project was also similar to anderson’s work in another respect. just as anderson had chosen the imagined teutonic past as a fertileground for compromise between norwegians and nineteenth-century new en- glanders, oleson too chose compromise as his strategy,settinghisnarrative in terms that would appeal to mid-twentieth-century canadian elites. most importantly,olesonappealedtocanadians’ongoingfascinationwith the north, proposing a theory of viking exploration that recast the discov- ery of america as the discovery of the canadian arctic. fromtheveryfirst illustration of his book (fig. ), a map that cast arctic canada as the virtual center of the world, oleson offered the north not only as the cornerstone of canada’s past but as the key to its future. critical inquiry / summer . w. l. morton, the canadian identity (madison,wis., ), pp. x, vii, . see also “annual report of the departmentof history, – ,”“annual reports”file, box , collectiona – , department of history,universityof manitoba,edl-um. . oleson, early voyages and northern approaches, – , p. . morton,the canadian identity, p. . in choosing the north as the geographical and historical center of his treatise,olesonreachedouttotwosignificantcanadianelites.first,hepro- vided historical support to his fellow academics, then engaged in agrowing effort to define the canadian identity. indeed, oleson’s colleague and the coeditor of the centenary series, w. l. morton, had published a highly in- fluential work entitled the canadian identity in . like other historical works of the time, this volume identified the north as the key to canada’s pressing need to “achieve a self-definition of greater clarity and more ring- ing tone than it has yet done.” following an imperative that had lurked in canadianhistoriographyatleastsincec. p.stacey’stheundefendedborder: myth and reality, booklet # in the canadian historical association’s fa- mous series of orange-covered primers, morton argued that historians couldprovideacrucialservicetocanadabydistinguishingitsdevelopment, and particularly its origins, from the united states. somewhat ironically, then, as the book was written while morton was visiting commonwealth professor at the university of wisconsin, morton described (canadian) northerners as “a new breed of man” and offered readers a distinct para- digm of discovery that emphasized not only the familiar forays of johnca- bot and others but included a nod to the less well-studied voyages of the “viking frontiersmen” who opened the northern reachesofthenewworld to the english and the french. oleson’s work answered morton’s call for an exceptionalist canadian history. arguing that medieval icelandic settlers in greenland (following the same “natural” westward movement ascribed to scandinavians by ho- land andothers)hadmovedfromgreenlandtobaffinislandandlabrador, oleson provided canadians with an alternative history to both thecolum- bian conquest and american accounts of viking discovery. although ole- son did not deny the possibility of viking’s landing in new england, he argued that their only certifiable new world landfall was not in massachu- setts, but in canada. in oleson’s account, then, these voyages formed the prehistory, not of puritan america, but of the canadian arctic.describing the period of icelandic discovery and contact as “the mediæval phase of ca- nadian history,” oleson implied that “canada” preceded “america,” thus offering bold support to morton’s assertion that “canadian history is not a parody of american, as canada is not a second-rate united states.” like anderson’s work, oleson’s treatise thus used native-stock historians’ own agendas to further his own. while this version of canadian history sup- j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . see lyle dick, “‘a growing necessity for canada’: w. l. morton’scentenary series and the forms of national history, – ,” canadian historical review (june ): – ; hereafter abbreviated“gn.” ported wider appeals for a separate identity for canada, it placed icelandic canadians at the very center of the social order as the descendants of the people who literally had put canada on the map. indeed, lyle dick’s very interesting recent work on the centenary series suggests that the publication of oleson’s work in the series was directly at- tributable to its support of morton’s vision of both canadian identity and academic history’s role in realizing it. not only did the series, and the works contained within it, support morton’s desire tocombat,asdickputs it, the “advancingamericancultural juggernaut[that]spelledadiminished role for canada’s writers, including historians, in the canadian body pol- itic” (“gn,” p. ), but oleson’s volume in particular proved to morton “the existence of the northern seaway for almost five hundred years before columbus. i find this of significance both for the history of the latter dis- covery and for the nature of canadian ties to europe. it has not been ac- cidental that we have not separated from europe, as has the united states, and latin america” (quoted in “gn,” p. ). in dick’s view, this was significant for two reasons. first, as i have sug- gested, it provided morton with evidence of canadian exceptionalism in the americas. more than that, however, dick argues that this formulation also offered epic history as a solution to the brewing separatist conflict in quebec.asdickargues,“inmorton’smindtherewereintegralconnections between early viking approaches to northern north america, its subse- quent colonization by french and british settlers, and the incorporationof first peoples into the eventual country of canada.” thus morton selected volumes, like oleson’s, that enhanced his vision of canadian history “as a logical, even inevitable, progression to the modern nation-state,” and “re- jected topics he considered incompatible with his principal leitmotives of french-englishdualityandintegrationoftheregions”(“gn,”pp. , ). dick concludes that this vision of canadian history as the epic prefig- uring of the nation-state led to morton’s marginalization of “alternative national aspirations, the history of aboriginal peoples, or other groups or regions that did not fit in with its emphasis onanglo-frenchdualitywithin the canadian nation-state” (“gn,” p. ). in general, i would agree with this assessment. regarding immigrants, however,whomdickdoesnotspe- cifically mention, i would make a further argument. within the context of morton’s epic history, immigrants could make claims to canadianidentity. however, they could only do so effectively when those claims supported morton’s (and, because of morton’s influence, the historical profession’s) critical inquiry / summer . interestingly,the french also occasionallyconceivedof themselvesas viking descendants (“normans,”of course),using this claim to shore up the more common claim of the french to canadian discovery. in his les vikings des grandes étapes, vol. of les northmans en amérique (montreal, ), eugène achard emphasizedthe common racial ancestryof french canadians and the vikings,writing that “canadiens-françaisou anglo-canadiens,nous sommes les rameaux détachés d’une même race: la race normande,et, par le fait même, les frères de ces hardis northmansqui sillonnèrent les mers du nord et, vers l’an mille, vinrent planter leurs tentes en amérique” (p. ). . it is importantto recognizethat oleson was, in fact, very successfulas an academic.not only did he publish early voyages and northern approaches, – alongsidecanadian historiography’srising elite, but in the eleven years following his receipt of the ph.d. in he was the beneficiaryof numerousprestigiousgrants, including“a research grant of $ . by the social science research council of america,”a guggenheimfellowship, three grants from the ministry of educationin iceland, a nuffield travel grant, and a grant from the canadiansocial science researchcouncil. he was also elected fellow of the royal society of canada in (annual report of the departmentof history, – ,”“annual reports” file, box , collection a – , departmentof history, universityof manitoba,edl-um;see also “curriculumvitae: tryggvi julius oleson,” dec. , ua – ,edl-um). . it is importantto note that, outside academia, this was not necessarilythe case. although oleson pitched his vision of icelandic-canadianidentity in terms that meshed with prevailing academicdiscourse,other icelandic-canadianauthorsaligned themselves with different discourses,with very interestingresults. most notably, winnipeg judge and amateur historian w. j. lindal, who was a vocal supporterof the chair of icelandic languageand literatureat the university of manitoba( ) and the author of both the saskatchewanicelanders: a strand of the canadian fabric (winnipeg, ) and the icelanders in canada offered one of the most important alternative visions of icelandic-canadianidentity to that proposed by oleson. drawingon the many local historiesof the icelandiccommunities in manitoba,which in the traditionof framfari, emphasizedthe icelanders’compatibilityrather than their competitionwith the “valiant” sitting bull and later populationsof ukrainians,poles, and other immigrants,and drawing also on his firm convictionthat canada’s ethnic diversity was the key to resistingtotalitarianism,lindal’s work is characterizedby a strong multiculturalaspect. while oleson’s narrative emphasizesthe inevitability(and danger) of racial fusion and the hegemony of certain strictly limited racial categories,lindal’s vision promotes a much more fluid notion of both ethnicity and of identity. thus lindal’s work, which foreshadowsthe ascendanceof multiculturalismas perhaps the wider agenda. for oleson (as for anderson), then, who was deeply com- mitted to his own success (and the success of the icelanders) within aca- demic discourse, this meant that the only way to make icelanders fit was to figure them as forefathers in a master narrative whose endpoint was the predetermined coming together of the british and the french in an inte- grated, europe-linked nation-state. because of the twin threats of quebec nationalism and the “american juggernaut,”mainstreamacademichistory intheearly swasonlypreparedforatheoryofcanadianethnicidentity that supported the dually racial, yet nonetheless racialized epic of french- english synthesis. thus, for an immigrant historian like oleson with as- pirations towards the academic elite, multiculturalism was simply not an option. there was also a more pragmatic element to oleson’s appeal. for while morton worried, as dick shows, about america, about biculturalism, “the j. m. mancini / discovering viking america defining element of canadianidentity discoursesince the s, shows that “popular”immigrant historiographydoes not have to either take its cues from academicwriting or to consist in a watered-downversion of it. indeed, unlike holand’s tract, which in relationshipto anderson’s work marked the marginalizationof the viking narrativesfrom mainstreamdiscourse,lindal’s work (and the local histories it drew upon) may hold an importantkey to the popular originsof canadian multiculturalism.see “news of the indians,” framfari, mar. , p. . for lindal’s views on totalitarianism,see his two ways of life: freedom or tyranny (toronto, ). . departmentalenrollmentsare from “departmentof history:annual report, – ”; “annual report of the departmentof history, – ”;“annual report of the departmentof history, – ”;“departmentof history, – ”;“annual report: departmentof history, – ”;and “annual report: departmentof history, – ,”in “annual reports” file, box , collectiona – , departmentof history,universityof manitoba,edl-um. manitoba numbers are from the excerpt from “universitiesand colleges,”manitobaeconomicconsultative board th annual report ( ), table c- , in “university in community”file, box , collection a – , departmentof history, universityof manitoba,edl-um. . see richarde. bennett et al., a guide to major holdings of the department of archives and special collections (winnipeg, ), p. ; “northernstudies committee,”box , folder , mms. , northern studies committee,edl-um; and g. w. leckie, letter to northern studies committee planning sub-committee, may , in “northern studies” file, box , collection a – , departmentof history, universityof manitoba,edl-um. . see oleson, letter to elizabeth dafoe, oct. ; david w. foley, letter to morton, apr. ; morton, letter to foley, oct. ; and dafoe, letter to history department, apr. , in “library—universityof manitoba”file, box , collectiona – , departmentof history, university of manitoba,edl-um. see also morton, letter to dean of the faculty of arts and even more hideous monster of ‘multiculturalism,’” and the role history could play in fashioning the canadian nation, his relationshipwitholeson was forged within another context: the rapidexpansionofcanadianhigher education (“gn,” p. ). for these were boom times. between and , student numbers in the department of history increased from to ;withinmanitobaasawhole,full-timecollegeanduniversityenrollment between and jumpedfrom , to , . asaresult,thisperiod saw not only the expansion of existing departments at the university of manitoba but the emergence of entirely new ones like the department of anthropology and sociology, established in , and the northern studies committee, founded in the same year with morton as chair. morton, who was the head of the history department during this entire period, seems immediately to have realized that this expansion couldwork to the benefit of his department and his discipline and that oleson could be an important ally in history’s ascent. indeed,olesonprovedtobeavalu- able pointman not only on seemingly mundane, local issues like library funding—with oleson as his spokesman, morton managed to increase the department’s library allocation five-fold between and , to $ , , which gave it the biggest budget in the faculty—but in a more global sense. for if the north offered a point of reentry for historians into the wider political culture, it could also provide something equally important: cold, hard cash. the fruits of expansion hadtobedividedupsomehow,and critical inquiry / summer science, apr. and n.d., , box , collectiona – , department of history,universityof manitoba,edl-um. . materialson this initiative, formed in to study “problemsassociatedwith human settlement” focusingon western and northern canada, can be found in ua , edl-um. . “northernstudies committee,”box , folder , mss. , northern studies committee, edl-um. to put this sum in context, morton’ssalary as head of the historydepartmentwas $ , in – , and oleson’s prestigiousssrc grant for – was $ , . see w. j. condo, letter to w. l. morton, mar. , in “president: history—administration”file, box , collectiona – , departmentof history, edl-um,and “annual report of the departmentof history, – ,“annual reports” file, box , collectiona – , departmentof history, university of manitoba,edl-um. . see “applicationfor grant in aid of northern research by a northern research institute,” signed by j. a. hildes, jan. , box , folder , mss. , northern studies committee,edl-um; “report of the committee on northern studies—theuniversityof manitoba,fiscal year – ,” box , folder , mss. , northern studies committee,edl-um; and “grant applications ,” box , mss. , northern studies committee,edl-um. . who claimed, as opposed to sociologists,to be “the only professionalgroup with training and residentialexperience among non-literatecultures”(grant applicationsigned by john h. steinbring, dec. , box , mss. , northern studies committee,edl-um). . see “annual report of the departmentof history, – ”;“curriculumvitae: tryggvi julius oleson”; and morton, letter to dean of the faculty of arts and science, apr. and n.d., . if departments and individuals could find a good argument on behalf of their particular field of expertise, they were more likely to gain support for their work. the north seems to have been just such a winner,asmoneywas handed over for institution-building projects like the northern studies committee and the centre for settlement studies, which had a significant northern component, and for a multitude of individualprojects.funded by the university of manitoba, as well as government agencies like the de- partment of indian affairs and northerndevelopment, theseinitiativesof- fered excellent opportunities to faculty, with northern studies alone disbursing $ , in aid between and . and yet, as morton certainly realized, expanding opportunities also meant increased competition. indeed, while annual funding for northern studies increased by fifteen or twenty timesin itsfirsttenyears,applications for funding would escalate one-hundred-fold in its first five. to get their sliceofthepie,historianslikemortonwouldhavetojostleamongscientists, geographers, their new colleagues in anthropology, and numerous others and thus had to make sure that their language could accomplish not only the lofty feat of building the nation but the more pragmatic task of writing successfulgrantapplications.asbothapersuasivetheoristofthenorthand, like morton himself, an experienced academic funding entrepreneur, ole- son was a natural ally. indeed, morton certainly plannedonoleson’shelp inhisbidtoputthehistorydepartmentatthecenterofthenorthernnexus, including oleson in his plans for a program in northern historical j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . see “faculty of graduate studies and research proposedcourse changes for the – calendar,” feb. , “calendar material,new course proposals,etc., – ,”box , collectiona – , departmentof history, edl-um. . w. l. morton, “tryggvioleson, scholar,” winnipeg free press, dec. , file ua – , office of the president, president’soriginalfiles, edl-um. . the quote is from vincent massey,first canadian-borngovernorgeneral and “honorary president of the canadiancentenary council,” speakingat carleton universityconvocation, may . see “awarenessof canada,”programfor a symposiumheld in winnipeg, oct. , “academic year, committee on meetingsand reports” file, box , collectiona – , department of history,universityof manitoba,edl-um. studies that he hoped would eventually produce ph.d.s. it is in this insti- tutional context, then, as well as in the context of the historical discourse, that we also must read morton’s publication of early voyages and northern approaches. for while oleson’s narrative supported morton’s vision of the north as the founding region of an integrated, exceptionalist canada, this vision itself supported morton’s more personal ambitions for history as a discipline, a profession, and a component of his own institution. for oleson, collaboration with morton promised its own rewards: not onlythetangiblebenefitsofacademicsupportbuttheongoingopportunity to disseminate his views on viking discovery (and icelandic originality)to wider and wider audiences of students and readers. while he did not live to see its final results, dying prematurely at fifty-one in , he died com- mitted to this project; for as morton wrote in oleson’s obituary, “in his last weeks with us, [. . .] he talked confidently of a book on the vikings,[which] wouldhavegivenaverydifferentpictureofthoseseafaringsettlersandtrad- ers than do the histories of english and french scholars, derived from the chronicles of terrified monks.” had he lived, one can be certain that ole- son would have carried out this plan. while his work seems mainly to have been directed at fellow historians, olesonalsoundoubtedlyrecognizedthattherewasawiderconstituencyfor works that offered answers to questions of identity and that provided le- gitimization for canadian claims to the north. during the s and s politicians, like historians, seem continuously to have been asking “‘our- selves when we say “i am a canadian” what do we really mean,’” and his- torians’ fetishizationofthenorthmatchedapreoccupationwiththeregion among the nation’s political and bureaucratic elite. this is certainly true of john diefenbaker, who represented the north as both “new frontier” and “national consciousness” and who made northern development a ma- jor campaign issue in and . for diefenbaker, as for many others in canada’s political class, the north represented not only an economic and political bonanza but the mythical soul of canada. as the former prime minister reflected in his autobiography, he had spent a boyhood dreaming critical inquiry / summer . john g. diefenbaker, one canada: memoir of the right honourable john g. diefenbaker, vols. (toronto, ), : – , – . stefánsson’sviking theories are explained in my life with the eskimo ( ; new york, ). see also morton, letter to h. h. saunderson, apr. , in “president: history—administration”file, box , collectiona – , departmentof history, edl- um. incidentally,morton also had contactswith the minnesotahistoricalsociety, attendingtheir centenary celebrationsin ; see a. h. s. gillson, letter to morton, oct. , box , collection a – , departmentof history, edl-um. . on the strategic importanceof the north in the twentieth century, see shelagh d. grant, sovereignty or security: government policy in the canadian north, – (vancouver, ), and matthew d. evenden, “harold innis, the arctic survey, and the politics of social science during the second world war,” canadian historical review (mar. ): – . . see frank james tester and peter kulchyski, tammarniit (mistakes): inuit relocation in the eastern arctic, – (vancouver, ), pp. – . . see oleson, early voyages and northern approaches, – , chaps. – . ofthenorthpole, lookingtovilhjálmurstefánsson(whohimselfpromoted aversionofvikingdiscoveryonwhicholesonwoulddrawandwhommor- ton personally visited in ) as a canadian “hero.” yet canada’s compelling need for the north was complicated by thefact that its sovereignty over its arctic territory was not entirelycertain. asthe work of frank james tester and peter kulchyski has shown, thethreatening cold war presence of significant numbers of american military personnel, combinedwithencroachmentsbyforeignscientistsandthelingeringeffects of a scramble for the arctic that had left the region littered with the flagsof a half a dozen nations, contributed to a feeling of insecurity that spawned a body of defensive northern policies. indeed, tester and kulchyski com- pellingly argue that disastrous efforts to relocate inuit families into the far reaches of the high arctic in the s, which led to acute hardship and dislocation, were motivated as much by the desire to demonstrate a sov- ereigncanadianpresenceintheregionasbythewishtopromoteinuitwell- being. at the same time that it proposed the vikings as canada’s progenitors, oleson’s medieval history provided a remedy for this uncertainty and an in- tellectual justificationforthepoliciesthatresultedfromitontwolevels.first, like anderson’s place-names, itcircumventedthetangledwebofnineteenth- and twentieth-century discovery claims by suggesting that medieval ice- landic—icelandic-canadian—forays rendered this modern crazy quilt of island-namingand flag-planting a dead issue. second, justasandersonhad offered the discovery of a “viking” corpse as proof that the norsemen had arrived and persisted in america, oleson proposed his own body of evi- dence in the form of “white” eskimos, suggesting that the bestevidencefor viking discovery (and canadian sovereignty) lay not in archaeology but genealogy. denyingthatcanada’svikingdiscoverershadsimplyvanished, oleson argued that they had fused with the original people of the new world arctic—the skraelings of the sagas—whom he classified as the pre- j. m. mancini / discovering viking america . the prevailingview is that malnutrition,rather than amalgamationor extermination, spelled the end of the viking colonies in what is now canada and greenland. see, for instance, robert mcghee, “they got here first, but why didn’t they stay?” canadian geographic (aug.–sept. ): – , and david b. quinn, north america from earliest discovery to first settlements: the norse voyages to (new york, ), p. . . see oleson, early voyages and northern approaches, – , p. . . oleson, early voyages and northern approaches, – , pp. , . . a useful discussionof northern development in the postwar period, as well as its impact on aboriginalpeoples, may be found in peter clancy, “northwestterritories:class politics on the northern frontier,” in the provincial state: politics in the provinces and territories, ed. keith brownsey and michael howlett (mississauga,ont., ), pp. – . decessors of the first people met by later european explorers. citing nu- merous accounts of encounters with “white” or “blond” eskimos in the annals of european exploration, oleson insisted that the only plausibleex- planation for the disappearance of the vikings in the western hemisphere was that they had literally become part of the aboriginal population. al- though it is clear that oleson found race mixing distasteful—akin todeath for the vikings—he argued that it had been a blessing to the inuit. this mixture of virile icelanders and “dirty black dwarfs, some three feet in height,” he argued, owed not only its european racial characteristicsbutall that was worthy of its culture, politics, and religion to its nordic heritage, even going so far as to claim that “the coiffure of the eskimos is icelandic, going back to germanic times.” aside from the pure appeal of spurious race theory, by the s there were powerfulpoliticalreasonsforembracingsuchaposition.likehistem- poral claim of viking “discovery,” oleson’s genealogicalargumentjustified canada’sclaimstothenorthbothbyundercuttingclaimsofrivaleuropean discoverers (who in his history had arrived in the arctic too latetodiscover the arctic or its true others, meeting instead only a viking rearguard) as well as the inuit themselves (who were descended from vikings, just like olesonhimself,andthuscouldbeexpectedtosharethebountyofnorthern development with their southern cousins). at a time whenthegovernment needed the inuit in the north to prove its sovereignty—yet their presence posed one of the few potential challenges to diefenbaker’s “uniquely ca- nadian dream” of emptying the north of its resources for the benefit of the settler population— the idea that the inuit were no more aboriginalthan their immigrant neighbors to the south must have seemed appealing in- deed. although it is not clear that oleson’s work had a direct impact on pol- iticians, there is evidence that the historical community, at least, was sat- isfied with his very strange account. first, as we have seen, oleson was able to win over the single most important arbiter of canadian historical dis- critical inquiry / summer . morton,“tryggvioleson, scholar.” . see morton, letter to the dean of the faculty of arts and sciences, may , box , collectiona – , edl-um. . not the university of manitoba. . see the norsemen in america/les scandinaves en amérique ( ; ottawa, ). course at the time. at oleson’s untimely death in late , morton wrote admiringly that he had made “clear to the worldofscholarship—andtothe people of his own stock—all that the great folk-wandering of the scandi- navian peoples in the ninth and tenth centuries meant to europe and to thiscontinentinparticular.” it is infactquitepossible,even,thatmorton’s own formulation of northernness, asexpressedinhiscanadianidentity,was forged in his relationship with oleson; after all, by the time morton wrote that book, the two men had been colleagues and allies fortenyears. indeed, oleson seems to have succeeded in planting the seeds of a minor viking obsessioninmorton’sbrain,evidencednotonlybymorton’spublishedand editorial work but by what leaked out onto the paperwork during dull de- partmental meetings (fig. ). beyond personal influence, the publication of early voyages inmorton’s series gained oleson something else: long-term access to canada’s univer- sity libraries and to its students. nearly forty years after oleson’s death, a perusalofone suchlibrary turnedupnofewerthanfivecopiesofthebook on the shelves. perhaps more disturbingly, the narrative gainedanother,par- allel set of lives when the canadian historical association printed a con- densed, but substantively similar version of his theory in its familiar, orange-covered primer series, as historical booklet # , the norsemen in america/lesscandinavesenamérique(figs. – ). thispamphlet,likeother tracts in the series, was distributed throughout schools and universities, where it was quite improbably still in use in classrooms as late as the s (and may yet find its way today). thus, there is no doubt that oleson’s fantasy of disappearance, like an- derson’s discovery narrative, was successful. unlike most historical works, nottomentionimmigrantnationalistpedagogies, itclearedthegatekeepers who controlled access to academic publishing and reachedat leasttwogen- erations of students. in the end, this success suggests that those immigrant authors who succeeded in making the vikings part of new world history succeeded precisely because of the compromises they made. just as “the appropriation of a dominant language [. . .] and the shift of dominant po- etics towards the standards of a minority or post-colonialpeoplearepotent means of realigning power structures in a shared cultural field and of as- serting an independent world-view,” scandinavian-americans’ appropri- figure .w. l. morton, “sub-committeeof the honours committee,”“honours committee” file, box , coll. a – , edl-um. critical inquiry / summer figure .“the norsemen in america.”from the norsemen in america, p. . figure .“les scandinavesen amérique.” from les scandinaves en amérique, p. . . mariatymoczko,“post-colonialwriting and literarytranslation,”in post-colonial translation: theory and practice,ed. susan bassnettand harish trivedi (london, ), p. . ation of north american english as the language of immigrant literature and their shifting of a dominant pedagogy towards the standards of a mi- nority marked a significantplayforsovereignty. althoughtherewereclear limits to this strategy, in significant ways both anderson and olesonfound a successful way to negotiate the path between assimilation and resistance that leads to immigrant autonomy. jw-lasr .. uc berkeley uc berkeley previously published works title cultural spillovers: copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/ pp s t journal law and society review, ( ) issn - authors haveman, ha kluttz, dn publication date - - doi . /lasr. license https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/ . / . peer reviewed escholarship.org powered by the california digital library university of california https://escholarship.org/uc/item/ pp s t https://creativecommons.org/licenses/https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/ . // . https://escholarship.org http://www.cdlib.org/ cultural spillovers: copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices heather a. haveman daniel n. kluttz economists, sociologists, and legal scholars agree that intellectual-property law is fundamental to markets because legal control over copying motivates creative production. but in many markets, such as fashion and databases, there is little or no intellectual-property protection, yet producers still create innovative products and earn profits. research on such “negative spaces” in intellectual-property law reveals that social norms can constrain copying and support creative production. this insight guided our analysis of markets for american literature before the civil war, in both magazines (a negative space, where intellectual-property law did not apply) and books (a positive space, where intellectual-property law did apply). we observed similar understand- ings of authors and similar commercial practices in both spaces because many authors published the same work in both spaces. based on these observations, we propose that cultural elements that develop in positive spaces may spill over to related negative spaces, inducing changes in buyers’ and sellers’ behavior in negative spaces. our historical approach also revealed nuances— shades of gray—beyond the sharp distinction typically drawn between nega- tive and positive spaces. in the s, a few large-circulation magazine pub- lishers began to claim copyright, but many still allowed reprinting and none litigated to protect copyright. economists, sociologists, and legal theorists adopt disparate assumptions and make different predictions about what sustains markets, but they all agree that property-rights law is essential (e.g., campbell and lindberg ; north ; polanyi ; posner ). property-rights law determines the technical limita- tions on markets by defining rules governing ownership and this research was funded by grants from the nsf (ses- and ses- ), the ewing marion kauffman foundation, and berkeley’s institute for research on labor and employment. for helpful comments, we thank the editors, four anonymous reviewers, william gallagher, simon stern, and seminar participants at berkeley’s center for the study of law and society and center for culture, organizations, and politics. please direct all correspondence to heather a. haveman, department of sociology and haas school of business, barrows hall, university of california, berkeley, ca - ; e-mail: haveman@berkeley.edu. this article was published online on november . an error was subsequently identi- fied. this notice is included in the online and print versions to indicate that both have been corrected on december . law & society review, volume , number ( ) vc law and society association. all rights reserved. j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr http://orcid.org/ - - - http://orcid.org/ - - - control over production, products, and modes of exchange. such legal-technical effects determine what can be sold, who can sell and buy, who can profit from selling, and under what circum- stances products can be sold. legal scholars and sociologists also argue that property-rights law creates cultural constraints on markets: cognitive schemas about buyers’ and sellers’ roles, their relative power, and the nature of their exchanges (e.g., edelman, uggen, and erlanger ; fligstein ; gordon ). thus, property-rights law determines both what is feasible (technical constraints) and what is acceptable (cultural constraints). in par- ticular, intellectual-property law gives producers control over the copying of their innovations; such control, in turn, spurs the cre- ative production necessary for markets to thrive. in addition to culture deriving from law, legal scholars and sociologists recognize that cultural factors, such as norms and value systems, can substitute for formal law. for example, people often eschew formal law and rely instead on informal mechanisms such as customs, norms, and standard practices to guide contract rene- gotiations (macauley ), resolve property disputes (ellickson ), and safeguard workers’ rights (edelman, uggen, and erlanger ). similarly, legal scholarship examining “negative spaces” in intellectual-property law —such as markets for fashion, recipes, and open-source software, all of which thrive in the absence of intellectual-property protection—has shown that social norms can stand in place of formal law (e.g., raustiala and sprig- man ; buccafusco ; sprigman and raustiala ). in the absence of intellectual-property protection, producers can copy each other’s products without legal repercussions. yet social norms often constrain copying and foster creativity (e.g., buccafusco ; fauchart and von hippel ). in this article, we apply negative-spaces theory to analyze markets for literature in america from the mid-eighteenth cen- tury, when copyright law and markets for literature were not well developed, to the mid-nineteenth century, when copyright was well understood and markets for literature were thriving. during this period, copyright law applied to part of the market for litera- ture in books: the book industry was a positive space for domestic work but a negative space for foreign work, since american law protected domestic books but excluded foreign books from pro- tection. and although magazines were important forums for liter- ary expression (e.g., gardner ; okker ), the magazine in art, the term “negative space” denotes the area around an image; in law, it denotes an area of activity outside the area where formal law applies. j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices industry was a negative space because copyright law did not cover magazines (homestead ; mcgill ; mcgill in gross and kelley ; slauter ). we show that for domestic litera- ture, books and magazines shared cultural conceptions about authors and intellectual-property rights, and they came to share commercial practices. demonstrating such cultural spillovers extends negative-spaces theory in new directions. we build on sociological and socio-legal theories holding that law shapes cultural conceptions of market participants (here, authors as producers of literature) and market products (here, lit- erature), which in turn shape how law is used (e.g., edelman, uggen, and erlanger ; fligstein ; macaulay ). this work suggests that cultural conceptions of producers and products, which co-evolve with the law inside positive spaces (where the law applies), can spill over to related negative spaces (where the law does not apply) and therefore shape practices in both positive and negative spaces. cultural spillovers may occur when positive and negative spaces are connected through producers present in both spaces or products exchanged in both spaces. our historical analysis reveals nuances beyond the sharp dis- tinction typically drawn between negative and positive spaces. specifically, magazines became an ambiguous space in the s, as a few publishers of mass-circulation magazines began to claim copyright protection. but magazines did not become a purely positive space because magazines were not clearly covered by copyright law and because norms allowing reprinting, even for magazines claiming copyright protection, persisted and no would-be copyright-holders litigated to enforce copyright. this suggests that negative-spaces theory can be improved by being more historically sensitive: ( ) spaces can be neither white (clearly positive) nor black (clearly negative), but rather different shades of gray (ambiguous), and ( ) the degree of spaces’ shading can change over time in response to economic and cultural shifts. negative spaces in intellectual property law property-rights law is essential to markets (campbell and lindberg ; north and thomas ; polanyi ; posner ). it makes possible market-supporting tools, such as con- tracts, mediation, and lawsuits. yet recent research argues that markets can flourish when intellectual-property rights protection is lacking (e.g., buccafusco ; raustiala and sprigman ; sprigman and raustiala ). this work focuses on so-called negative spaces, markets in which novel products are not pro- tected by intellectual-property law: j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz the positive space encompasses all those creative activities that ip law addresses. . .. the negative space of ip, by contrast, encompasses any other creative art, craft, or act that does not enjoy or at least does not ordinarily rely on ip rights against copyists, either because ip is formally inapplicable or because something – perhaps a social norm against ip enforcement, or a legal or economic barrier that discourages resorting to for- mal ip – limits its salience. (raustiala and sprigman : ) the problems created by the lack of property rights in nega- tive spaces can be solved by social norms that engender informal substitutes for formal law. norms constrain copying and sustain creativity by creating “order without law” (ellickson ). for example, in fine food, norms of exclusivity include prohibitions of exact copies and expectations that people will seek permission before passing on information, that innovators will be acknowl- edged, and that information exchanges will be reciprocal (bucca- fusco ; fauchart and von hippel ). these norms are backed by expectations that violators will be excluded from infor- mation exchanges. they also protect innovators’ reputations and ensure they receive financial or reputational rewards. in other negative spaces, such as stand-up comedy, social norms spur pro- ducers to make their output distinctive, which facilitates detecting and sanctioning imitators (oliar and sprigman ). although socio-legal research on negative spaces has shed much light on how producers of creative or imitative products are conceived, and how they conceive of themselves and their actions, it has focused on negative spaces per se. yet many nega- tive spaces are in close social proximity to positive spaces. for example, the positive space of trademarked logos and fabric pat- terns is close to the negative space of fashion designs (i.e., items of clothing) (sprigman and raustiala ) because the same actors (e.g., burberry and adidas) are in both spaces. in such cases, we might expect cultural conceptions, norms, and practices to “spill over” between positive and negative spaces. to explore such spillovers, we focus on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when copyright law first developed in america. recognizing that law is dynamic, we conduct a histori- cally sensitive analysis. we examine two related spaces in copy- right law: domestic work published in books and in magazines. after , the former was clearly a positive space where copy- right law applied. the latter was more complex: until the s, it was a negative space, because magazines, as periodicals com- posed of multiple items, each written by a different author, were not perceived to be entitled to copyright protection. copyright was rarely invoked by magazines and never litigated, and j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices magazines had a “culture of reprinting” that celebrated copying. in the s, a few magazines began to claim copyright to dis- suade reprinting, yet some of those still explicitly allowed reprint- ing and none litigated to protect their copyright claims. this shift was due, in part, to the fact that many authors published work in both spaces, which led to spillovers of material practices from the book industry to the magazine industry. thus, magazines began to move toward being a positive space, but the transition was not complete until well after our study period. this analysis reveals subtle shades of gray in-between the “white” of positive spaces (where intellectual property-rights law shines) and the “black” of negative spaces. understanding these shadings becomes impor- tant when economic, political, or cultural shifts alter people’s understandings of law. empirical strategy research site our analysis begins in the mid-eighteenth century, when intellectual property was governed by english law and american literature was in its infancy. it ends in , the year before the civil war broke out, when american copyright law was well- established and american literature was flourishing. analysis: copyright law we traced the evolution of copyright law in multiple ways, tri- angulating among data sources. we located all federal constitu- tional provisions and debates about copyright. we read all state and federal copyright statutes enacted up to (crawford ; library of congress , ). to identify case law, we searched lexis-nexis and westlaw, beginning with the inception of federal courts and the highest state appellate court for of the states admitted to the union before , and with the first official case report for the other six states. we also consulted the copyright office’s digest of decisions from to (library of congress ) and treatises on copyright law pub- lished during this period (curtis ; nicklin ). analysis: the book and magazine trades to analyze the book and magazine trades, we began with research by historians and literary scholars (e.g., dauber ; gross and kelley ; mcgill ; remer ). these led us to read dozens of books, pamphlets, autobiographies, and col- lected papers (e.g., carey [ ]; webster ), as well as j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz letters by prominent authors (e.g., barlow ; irving in hellman ; dennie in pedder ). to chart trends in naming patterns for books (named versus anonymous or pseu- donymous author), we used a bibliography of american fiction from the revolution to (wright ). to chart debates about literature and copyright, we pored over magazines because those were important forums for such debates (e.g., gardner ; mcgill ; okker ). we examined magazines pub- lished from to , when archival coverage of magazines was good. we searched the american periodical series online, which contains digitized images of american magazines for articles containing any of the following terms: anonymity, anony- mous, author*, copyright*, professional author, property right[s], and reprint[ing]. we read all available prospectuses, early edito- rial statements, and second issues of every available magazine ( out of ). we also searched for magazines in physical archives (cornell, columbia, and berkeley libraries; new york public library) and other internet archives (hathitrust and goo- gle books). to convert prices paid to authors into modern price equivalents, we used a commodity price index developed by mccusker ( ) and a gdp deflator from the u.s. bureau of economic analysis ( ). we also compared historical prices to historical wage rates. the development of american copyright law the evolution of copyright in american law there are two dominant philosophies of copyright: a recogni- tion of perpetual ownership rights for authors in the literary property over which they labored, and a statutorily granted, lim- ited monopoly to authors that motivates them to produce creative works that benefit the public (abrams ; bracha a). in colonial america, copy privileges granted by colonial courts reflected a conception of copyright geared more toward monopo- lies for the proprietors who produced and distributed books (printers and booksellers) than toward rights imbued in authors (abrams ; bracha b, b). proprietors, not authors, usually sought copyright privileges, in part because most authors were gentlemen-scholars who did not seek to profit from their we focused on (when american magazines were first published) to because editorial statements and prospectuses were available for percent of magazines founded in the eighteenth century and percent of those founded – . after that, the industry expanded rapidly and the fraction of magazines with this documentary evi- dence plummeted, to percent of magazines founded – and . percent of those founded – . j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices writing (bracha a; bugbee ). around the time of the revolution, however, american law began to frame copyright as rooted in authors more than proprietors. in , the con- necticut colonial assembly was the first to grant copyright privi- lege to an author rather than a proprietor (silver ). after the revolution, the shift toward authors gained momentum (bracha c, a, b). american writers, such as spelling- book author noah webster and poets joel barlow and john trumbull, lobbied state legislators for copyright protection (barlow ; grasso ; webster ). they maintained that such protection would unite the nation by promoting a national cultural identity, pointed to authors’ rights as justifica- tion, and claimed that copyright law was necessary to reach cultural parity with european powers. for example, barlow argued: america has convinced the world of her importance in a political and military line by the wisdom, energy and ardor for liberty which distinguish the present era. a literary repu- tation is necessary in order to complete her national charac- ter; and she ought to encourage that variety and independence of genius, in which she is not excelled by any nation in europe. as we have few gentlemen of fortune suffi- cient to enable them to spend a whole life in study, or enduce [sic] others to do it by their patronage, it is more necessary, in this country than in any other, that the rights of authors should be secured by law. (barlow ) similarly, trumbull reasoned: as we have in this country no gentlemen of fortune sufficient to maintain [authors] in the sole pursuit of literary studies, it is certainly necessary for the encouragement of genius, to secure to every author the profits that may arise from the sale of his writings. . .. surely there is no kind of property, in the nature of things, so much as our own, as the writings which we originate meerly [sic] from our own [creative] imagi- nation. (quoted in grasso : .) after petitioning by barlow, historian hannah adams, geog- rapher jedidiah morse, and others who supported themselves at least in part with their writing, the continental congress resolved that states craft legislation protecting authors’ and/or proprietors’ copyright privileges (u.s. continental congress [ ]). with copyright legitimized by the continental congress and with continued lobbying by authors, all states except delaware enacted copyright statutes. these statutes’ dominant idea was that j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz copyright served to protect authors’ rights (abrams ; patter- son ). for example, all state statutes mentioned “authors” as recipients of protection, while only two also mentioned “publishers” or “purchasers” of copies. in , the constitutional convention adopted, without debate, the copyright clause of the u.s. constitution, which granted congress the power “to promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive rights to their writings and discoveries” (u.s. constitution, art. i, § , cl. ). this pronouncement, embed- ded in the foundational document of u.s. government, reveals a national interest in promoting learning, while centering copyright squarely on authors (patterson : ). three years later, con- gress passed the first federal copyright act, entitled “an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned” (u.s. congress ). to obtain copyright, authors or proprietors had to comply with statutory requirements: before publication, record the title of their work in their local district court and pay cents (about $ in dollars); within two months of registration, publish a copy of the record of deposit in a newspaper for weeks; and within months of publication, deliver a copy of the copyrighted document to the secretary of state (u.s. congress ). these onerous procedural requirements, combined with the explicit mention of proprietors in the statute, indicate that the act emphasized copyright as a statutory grant as much as authors’ property right (abrams ; bracha a; patterson ). no major legal developments occurred until the supreme court, in wheaton v. peters ( ), established that after publica- tion, claims of copyright infringement must be based on the fed- eral statute, as no such claim arises out of common law. wheaton did recognize the existence of common-law copyright (a natural right to perpetual ownership rooted in labor) for unpublished works, but regarding published works, it held that copyright is solely a creature of statute, authors must adhere to statutory requirements to gain protection, and protection is limited to the term specified by statute. moreover, it held that the purpose of copyright protection is to encourage works that benefit the public (abrams ; patterson ). these legal developments were driven largely by the eco- nomic interest of those who wrote “practical” books, including school books, histories, and geographies, and who earned at least part of their income from their writing. for example, webster lobbied state and federal authorities for copyright laws because he wanted to safeguard income from his spelling and grammar j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices books. others, however, cloaked their interests in the more respectable cloth of civic pride, as barlow did in the quotation above. as the population grew and the economy expanded, there were more potential readers, with more money in their pockets (more wage-earners, fewer self-sufficient farmers). thus, there was more reason to support and use copyright law. technological change also fostered these legal developments. advances in print- ing, paper-making, engraving technologies, and improvements in distribution systems (roads, canals, steamships, railroads) all improved the economics of publishing. easier production and faster, more reliable distribution meant it was easier to profit from publishing books and magazines. these changes, in turn, made it feasible to share publishing profits with authors. positive and negative spaces in american copyright law federal law created one positive space in copyright law: it pro- tected the work of american authors, provided their work was first published domestically. this positive space covered only “maps, charts, and books” (u.s. congress , ch. § ). in , pro- tection was extended to prints (u.s. congress ), in to musical compositions (u.s. congress ), and in to dra- matic performances (u.s. congress ). however, even for cov- ered works, the considerable effort and high cost involved in fulfilling the statutory requirements meant that, in practice, many ostensibly covered works by american authors inhabited a negative space in copyright law. this is the main reason why few books published between and were copyrighted. among those published from to , only percent were copyrighted. half of these were non-fiction works on law, biography, religion, philosophy, science, medicine, society, or politics, which were the genres most likely to generate profits; less than one-seventh were fiction, plays, or poetry (khan : – ). despite these practi- cal limitations, the number of copyright filings for domestic book authors grew exponentially, from , between and , to , between and (khan : ). federal copyright law also created two negative spaces. the first was foreign work, which was explicitly excluded from protection. the act declared: “nothing in this act shall be construed to extend to prohibit the importation or vending, reprinting or pub- lishing within the united states, of any map, chart, book or books, written, printed, or published by any person not a citizen of the united states, in foreign parts or places without the jurisdiction of the united states” (u.s. congress , ch. § ). this provision enabled americans to reprint and sell foreign work without paying royalties. starting in the s, large american publishing houses j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz observed a pale, informal imitation of copyright law—“courtesy of the trade” (barnes ; everton ; spoo )—and paid for- eign writers. but such payments were still far below the economic value of foreign work. not until , with passage of the interna- tional copyright act (u.s. congress ), were foreign authors protected. thus, foreign work was utterly without formal legal pro- tection, even though both american and foreign authors lobbied intensely for such protection for over a half-century (barnes ; spoo ). the second negative space, magazines, is less well-known. fed- eral copyright law in this period referred to “books” but did not explicitly mention periodicals of any kind until long after the civil war. the earliest known american treatise on copyright law noted tensions in american copyright law with regard to periodi- cals (curtis : – ). to resolve these tensions, lawmakers debated a bill in that, among other things, would have clearly brought magazines under copyright protection (h.r. , §§ – ). that magazines and magazine contents were specifically mentioned in this bill implies that lawmakers recog- nized the lack of clear copyright protection for magazines. more- over, that this bill failed to pass indicates that congress was not yet willing to grant magazines copyright protection as “books.” indeed, not until a half-century later did federal copyright law include the word “periodical.” the revision stated that, for purposes of copyright registration, “each number of a periodical shall be considered an independent publication” (u.s. congress , ch. § ). periodicals did not explicitly become their own category of copyrightable text until the revision of the copyright act (u.s. congress ). in addition, there is no evidence of copyright litigation involving magazine contents before (ginsburg ; brau- neis ). in the s, there were copyright-infringement actions in federal courts; two involved periodicals, but neither clearly indicated that magazine contents were protected by copy- right. the first, clayton v. stone ( ), is most germane to our analysis. there, the court held that a daily newspaper’s com- modity price reports were not entitled to copyright protection because their value was “so ephemeral.” but it also held that a work need not follow the form of a conventional (bound) book to qualify as a “book” under the copyright act (brauneis ). the other case was ritchie & dunnavant v. wilson ( ). the owners of the virginia medical journal – the stethoscope and virginia medical & surgical journal combined filed for an injunction against the owners of the monthly stethoscope and medical reporter. the plaintiffs claimed exclusive right to the word “stethoscope,” but the court denied the injunction on the grounds that the magazine titles were not exactly same. j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices this suggested that magazines were protected by copyright, pro- vided their contents were of lasting value. magazines published creative, literary material; they had long-lasting value, as maga- zines were printed on higher-quality paper stock than newspa- pers; they included title pages and indexes for subscribers binding volumes for their bookshelves; and many offered late- arriving readers the opportunity to purchase back issues (have- man ). yet no-one sued for copyright protection of magazine contents before the civil war, so in practice, magazines were not conceived of being protected by copyright. not until after the civil war were there were copyright cases involving the content of magazines. most famously, in oli- ver wendell holmes, jr. lost the copyright to his father’s book, the autocrat of the breakfast-table (first published as a book in ) because the essays it contained were published in the atlan- tic monthly without copyright before being published in book form, at which time the author applied for copyright (holmes v. donohue et al. ). although this decision suggests that articles published in magazines before the civil war could have been copyrighted individually, the case was heard a half-century later, during a time when the book and magazine industries were fully commercially oriented. it is unclear whether such reasoning would have held sway in the antebellum era. one reason why copyright law was not used to protect maga- zines before the civil war was the onerous procedural requirements for securing copyright, which constituted far more serious obstacles for magazines than for books. if copyright law had treated each issue of a monthly magazine as a book, its publisher would have had to meet these requirements twelve times a year. in practice, these requirements excluded magazines from obtaining copyright (netanel ; slauter ). that may explain why very few of them even claimed it. between and , only . percent of available magazines ( out of the whose early issues are in the archives) printed copyright notices in their first issues, and one more printed a notice in its third issue. a few others claimed intellectual-property rights in editorial statements, as here: printers throughout the united states are requested to observe, that this publication circulates as the editor’s proper- ty. . .. several trespasses upon the property of the editor, in different parts of the country, have been already committed – and will be passed without further notice. but a repetition of the injuries, will call, before the proper tribunal, a legal ques- tion of considerable importance; and produce some trouble and expense, which every man of a specific disposition would wish to prevent. (webster : ) j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz but webster’s admonition was the exception, not the rule. maga- zine publishers were generally unconcerned with copyright law. indeed, some magazines that invoked copyright explicitly allowed others to reprint their contents. for example: the copy right is secured that the association may realize the benefit of a future edition, if the public favor should jus- tify the measure, but it is not meant to restrain printers of news papers, from making occasional extracts, for the infor- mation or amusement of their readers; nor can it be under- stood as designed to prevent an author of a communication to this work, from publishing the same in any volume of his own. (useful cabinet : ) the situation changed slightly around the s, when a few publishers with large-circulation magazines, such as putnam’s monthly, began to claim copyright because their success made it economically feasible. but this still did not make magazines clearly positive spaces for copyright. simply claiming copyright for maga- zines (whether entire issues or individual articles) remained rare (homestead ; mcgill in gross and kelley ; mcgill : – ; mott : ; slauter ). and when magazines did claim copyright, they often allowed reprinting if credit was given, which garnered magazines and their authors valuable publicity. for example: “each number of the musical world & times is copy- righted. editors are at liberty, however, to copy from our columns if mindful of the courtesy of accrediting articles” (quoted by homestead : ). similarly, the american agriculturist invited others to “copy any and all desirable articles,” and stated that “no use or advantage will be taken of the copy-right, wherever each article or illustration is duly credited to the american agriculturist” (quoted in slauter : ). moreover, publishers did not sue to enforce copyright. therefore, at this time, magazines might be characterized as “dark gray”—not purely “black” (negative) but also not “white” (positive). cultural conceptions of authors cultural conceptions of authors—who authors were, why they wrote, and how they and their writing were evaluated—evolved slowly. there were three successive conceptions (warner ), satisfying pre-publication requirements (e.g., claiming copyright) would not have secured protection unless publishers also satisfied post-publication requirements. in prac- tice, however, even the few magazines claiming copyright usually did the former but not the latter (patry : , n. ). j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices which overlapped in time (grasso ). up to the mid- eighteenth century, the dominant conception of authors was the gentleman-scholar. although there were notable exceptions, such as poet phillis wheatley, a black slave emancipated in , and his- torian hannah adams, during this era, almost all american authors were learned white men who crafted ponderous works about religion, philosophy, political economy, and natural philos- ophy. authors such as lawyer-polemicist william livingston, minister-essayist aaron burr, and scientist-poet james bowdoin sought to further their own political, artistic, religious, or schol- arly objectives (charvat ; dauber ; davidson ; rice ; warner ; wroth and silver ). they viewed writ- ing as an avocation, a byproduct of their learning, made possible by comfortable economic circumstances that afforded them time to think and write. to protect their honor and avoid any taint of “vulgar” mercenary ambition, many shunned publicity and pub- lished anonymously or pseudonymously (charvat ; jackson ; rice ; warner ). perhaps most famous is thomas jefferson, who disavowed and threatened to burn the first edition of his only book, notes on the state of virginia: “do not view me as an author, and attached to what he has written,” he cautioned james madison (quoted in ferguson : ). a new conception of authors as republican citizens, participants in civic and political debates, developed around the time of the revolution (elliott ; grasso ; jackson ; kaplan ; rice ; warner ). in this conception, personal val- ues and honor were the most appropriate motivations for writing (see elliott : – ; grasso ). as before, authors were not perceived as part of the economic sphere and their actions were not evaluated in economic terms; instead, authors were per- ceived as part of the moral sphere and their actions were evalu- ated in terms of honor and propriety. and as before, anonymity was applauded, but for a very different reason: the quality of the author’s arguments were paramount, not the author’s personal stature. one commentator wrote: we have never understood that a man is, by any tie of moral- ity or honor, restrained from publishing his sentiments upon a subject or book, unless he will also publish himself, and become an object of personal notice. we conceive his duty to be wholly concerned with the spirit and contents of his book, but whether his name shall be inserted on the title page, or yet there were exceptions, as some of those who wrote prosaic, practical work expected to be paid for their writing, including historian hannah adams, spelling and grammar book author noah webster, and geographer jedidiah morse. j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz not, is a question resting entirely with his discretion or taste. (wells : ) for both cultural conceptions (gentleman-scholar and republi- can citizen), the view that authors were outside the economic sphere was reinforced by the daunting economics of this era. printing costs were high: printing presses required skilled manual labor, and paper-making was laborious and dependent on expen- sive rags. there were few wealthy aristocrats, so there was little patronage support for authors. the reading public was small, and many people lived far from the urban centers where books and magazines were published, making it difficult to find readers. adding to the problem were the expensive and rudimentary trans- portation systems needed to deliver printed matter to far-flung readers. between the revolution and the civil war, however, author- ship came to be more deeply embedded in commerce. author- ship therefore came to be conceived of as a commercial occupation: authors earned a living from their pens—or at least they tried to do so (bell ; buell ; grasso ; kaplan ; rice ; tomc ; warner ). for example: the first consideration with a professional author is, what his writings will produce, and how he may must profitably trans- mute the productions of his genius or talents into the current coin of the realm. (new york literary gazette : ) literature begins to assume the aspect and undergo the muta- tions of trade. the author’s profession is becoming as mechanical as that of the printer and the bookseller, being created by the same causes and subject to the same laws.. . . the publisher in the name of his customers calls for a partic- ular kind of authorship just as he would bespeak a dinner at a restaurant. (bowen : ) literature is as lucrative and promising as any other profes- sion, to men who are really qualified to discharge its exacting and lofty functions. . .. it is true that writing is not so produc- tive of money as cotton spinning or merchandise, becau- se. . .the conditions of literary and ordinary commercial labor, are very different. the latter supplies a constant want, the former ministers only to an intellectual luxury, or wants that do not wear out the supply with such rapidity as to keep up a high and incessant demand. both must be regulated, to some extent, by the vulgar law of supply and demand, and their profits, by the same law, cannot be forced beyond the natural level of cost and competition. (putnam’s monthly maga- zine : ) j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices the commercial conception is also evident in horace gree- ley’s advice in to henry david thoreau, urging him to pub- lish his work in mass-market magazines rather than elite, small- circulation periodicals: this is the best kind of advertisement for you. though you may write with an angel’s pen yet your work will have no mercantile value unless you are known as an author. emerson would be twice as well known if he had written for the maga- zines a little just to let common people know of his existence. (quoted in wood [ ]: .) following this prompting, greeley helped thoreau place essays in several large-circulation magazines, including graham’s and putnam’s. writers not only began to conceive of themselves as capable of earning a living, some managed to do so. almost one-quarter of new england authors who wrote between and earned most of their living from writing, including donald grant mitchell, nathaniel parker willis, lydia maria child, and lydia sigourney, compared with none for those who wrote between and (buell : – ). outside new england, washington irving and james fenimore cooper also earned handsome livings from writing. yet most authors were not commercially successful. for example, edgar allan poe seldom earned anything above the poverty line; he depended on friends and family for financial relief (ostrom ). similarly, hawthorne depended on a com- bination of political patronage (first a position in the salem cus- toms house, later as u.s. consul in liverpool) and his wife’s family. willis complained: how much ought the jeweler to have for buying [the watch] from the maker, warranting it “to go” after examining it, for advertis- ing it, and for selling it across a counter? suppose the watch to sell for one hundred dollars, and seventy dollars to be the net profit above the cost of material. what would you say, if the maker got but ten or twenty dollars, and the retailer fifty or sixty? yet that is the proportion at which author and bookseller are paid for literary production – the seller of the book being paid from twice to five times as much as the author of it! (quoted in tomc : ; emphasis in the original.) america in the mid-nineteenth century was not much different from america in the twentieth century, when only percent of american authors earned all of their income from writing (kingston and cole ). j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz and prominent critic edwin percy whipple protested that “the least lucrative profession in the united states is that of authorship” (whipple : ). finally, blacks, both slave and free, were excluded from the racialized commercial conception of (white) authors, except for a select few like frederick douglass and george moses horton. despite rising demand for slave nar- ratives starting in the s, black authors were never placed on par with white authors (brooks ; goddu ). authors exchanged literary products for money in many ways: poets and fiction writers entered contests for literary prizes sponsored by magazines, and authors in all genres sold their work to publishers of books and magazines. while these varied exchanges were embedded in different kinds of relationships, they were all embedded in commerce. and despite the increasing commercialization of literature, non-commercial exchanges per- sisted. for example, poets traded verses in albums and portfolios given as gifts (jackson ), while budding authors “contributed” poems, stories, confessional essays, and other items to magazines (haveman ; tomc ). the shift in the cultural conception of authors was congru- ent with (indeed, partly driven by) the shift in economic condi- tions. the “market revolution” (sellers ) fundamentally transformed work and family life in the early nineteenth cen- tury. conceiving of literature as goods to be exchanged through markets, and authors as imbued with economic rights in literary property and worthy of payment for that property, fit neatly into this new economic system. american society was dividing into specialized occupations, with elite lawyers and physicians, as well as less-prestigious groups such as mechanics and dentists, beginning to claim authoritative expertise as a “means of earn- ing an income on the basis of transacted services” (larson : ). authors came to be equated with the other occupa- tions that were carving out protected domains in the american economy, and thus as a class of economic actor. for example, one magazine writer made this case for the author as a profes- sional occupation: and shall not the man of letters – he whose occupations more than those of any other class of society, are largely and intimately linked with those qualities and attributes which gave to man his superiority over the brute creation – shall not the man of letters be admitted to the same privilege [as the lawyer and physician]? shall a profession so manifold in its departments, and in each so important, be unpermitted to the claims of distinction freely granted to the practitioners of sciences, which however honourable and deserving they may j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices be of the respect of mankind, are nevertheless incalculably more limited in their range, than the almost boundless field within which the literary character pursues his researches? (g. : ) this reveals a conception of authors as people who possess spe- cialized expertise, which confers upon them exclusive authority over literature. this conception placed authors squarely in the economic sphere, making it possible to conceive of them and their actions in economic terms: texts as goods to be exchanged for money and authorship as a way to earn a living. yet the commercial conception of authors was not universally accepted by . some prominent authors, such as the tran- scendentalists, maintained a stalwartly anti-commercial stance and continued to present themselves as gentlemen (dowling : – ), while hawthorne viewed himself as a gentleman who wrote for a few discerning friends (levernz in gross and kelley ). moreover, as noted above, authors’ economic situation remained precarious. only those with independent means or easy and remunerative sinecures could indulge in writing. copyright law and conceptions of authors understandings of copyright law and cultural conceptions of authors were mutually constitutive (saunders ). up to the late eighteenth century, most american authors were uncon- cerned with claiming property rights in their writing. to them, copyright law had nothing to do with the highly personal reasons they wrote. if they considered copyright, it was to maintain their reputations. for example, thomas paine wanted to hold the copyright for publication of the second half of his age of reason because he wanted greater control over his work; he was con- cerned that “unauthorized” editions of the first half had changed its meaning (remer : ). the emergence of the commercial conception of authors began to change american authors’ and the public’s legal con- sciousness (ewick and silbey ) regarding copyright. indeed, this conception of authorship was partly responsible for the development of copyright law: lobbying by noah webster, joel barlow, and john trumbull, who sought to safeguard their liter- ary earnings, helped persuade state legislators to draft copyright statutes (amory and hall : – ; bracha c, a, b; grasso ). and the development of copyright law changed authors’ conceptions of themselves (grasso ; kaplan ; rice ; wroth and silver ). j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz by the early decades of the nineteenth century, property- rights law and the commercial conception of authors were fre- quently linked in public discourse, which explicitly described the economics of authorship and the value of copyright. for example: if there is any kind of property which ought to be protected by law it is [literary property]. if there is any kind of labour that ought to be rewarded, it is the labour of the mind; it is that labour, . . . which more than all others results in benefits to mankind. (rhode island literary repository : ). another writer described the fate of a friend who thought he could earn enough from selling the copyright to his work (g. ). observers celebrated the few economically successful authors; for example, after washington irving moved to england in , over two dozen american magazines described the large royalties paid by his english publisher. american audiences were also exposed to the intertwined understandings of authors and copyright reprinted from foreign media. for example, an american musical magazine demanded that composers, as authors, be accorded copy- right, reprinting a piece from the london musical review arguing that authors of musical compositions were being mistreated, remark- ing on “the shameful manner in which musical copyright has been invaded” (euterpiad : ), and describing musical authors as tal- ented men whose property rights merited legal protection. importantly, black authors were excluded. some black authors managed to obtain copyright in their work (goddu : ), but they may not have had clear property rights, given that the legal system (at best) left free black authors to struggle for recognition as full citizens or (at worst) stripped black slaves of any legal status other than as property (delombard ). as mcgill ( : ) pointed out, we lack a comprehensive study of the property status of slave narratives. as copyright law and the commercial conception of authors co-evolved, people became more aware of copyright require- ments. for example, one editor quoted the notice and deposit requirements of the copyright act, saying that it seemed to be the section “less attended to than any other” and urging contrib- utors to secure copyright in their work: “it would be well for authors and engravers to attend to these suggestions, as we understand there are several valuable works, which, through the negligence in relation to the law of copy-right, might be reprinted on the proprietors without incurring a penalty” (national register : ). j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices finally, understandings of copyright and the commercial con- ception of authors that developed in the positive space of book publishing spilled over to the negative space of magazine publish- ing, for two reasons: ( ) many people were active in both the book and magazine industries, and ( ) many works were pub- lished in both books and magazines. tablet lists a selection of authors from before the revolution to the civil war whose texts were published in both forms. for example, the columbian maga- zine published an early version of jeremy belknap’s novel, the forresters, from june to april . it appeared in book form in . judith sargent murray published a series of essays titled “the gleaner” in the massachusetts magazine from to . a collection of these was published in book form in . the novel sarah, by susannah rowson, was published serially in the boston weekly magazine from to , a decade before publication as a book. most famously, stowe’s uncle tom’s cabin was published serially in the national era from june to march and then in book form later that year. indeed, almost everything stowe published in book form first appeared in magazines (cyganowski ). finally, hawthorne’s novel israel potter was serialized in putnam’s from to , then published in book form in . impact on markets for literature: naming and paying authors as copyright law became more widely discussed and the com- mercial conception of authors developed, practices in the book and magazine trades changed in two ways: ( ) anonymous authorship (associated with the gentleman-scholar and republican-citizen con- ceptions) declined and signed authorship (associated with the com- mercial conception) rose, and ( ) authors became more likely to be paid for their contributions. these material practices were made possible—but not inevitable—by the rising value of literary property, which was driven by the growth of the reading public and reduc- tions in material costs of producing literary work. naming authors shifts in cultural conceptions of authors eroded the accep- tance of authorial anonymity. novelists may have been especially one practice associated with ownership—excludability—did not become universal in either the book or magazine industries, as magazines frequently and freely reprinted material published in books and other magazines (mcgill ), while different book pub- lishers sometimes issued the same book (remer ; tomc ). j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz prone to hiding their identities because this form of literature was contested up to the s (baym ; gardner ). as davidson ( : – ) remarked, to condemn novels, “timothy dwight took time out from presiding over yale, jonathan edwards from fomenting a religious revival, benjamin rush from table . american authors whose work was published in both book and magazine form author work year(s) first published in book form year(s) first published in magazine form magazine title thomas paine common sense american museum john trumbull m’fingal american museum william brown hill the power of sympathy massachusetts magazine jeremy belknap the forresters – columbian magazine richard bingham davis elegiac ode new york magazine anonymous amelia, or the faithless briton columbian magazine judith sargent mur- ray (“constantia”) the gleaner – massachusetts magazine charles brockden brown edgar huntly monthly magazine & american review susanna rowson sarah; or the exem- plary wife – boston weekly magazine william cullen bryant to a waterfowl (in poems) north american review grenville mellen the first glass token mrs. sigourney the intemperate religious souvenir maria w. stewart productions of mrs. maria stewart – liberator james fenimore cooper the pathfinder new-york mirror henry wadsworth longfellow the wreck of the hesperus (in ballads & other poems) new yorker edgar allan poe the murders in the rue morgue graham’s magazine donald grant mitchell (“ik marvel”) reveries of a bachelor southern literary messenger harriet beecher stowe uncle tom’s cabin – national era sarah payson willis (“fanny fern”) fern leaves from fanny’s portfolio – musical world herman melville israel potter – putnam’s magazine nathaniel parker willis paul fane home journal oliver wendell holmes, sr. the autocrat at the breakfast table – atlantic monthly oliver wendell holmes, sr. the professor at the breakfast table atlantic monthly harriet beecher stowe the minister’s wooing – atlantic monthly george william curtis trumps harper’s weekly magazine e.d.e.n. southworth the hidden hand new york ledger mrs. ann s. stephens malaeska graham’s magazine j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices attending to his medical and philosophical investigations, noah webster from writing dictionaries, and thomas jefferson and john adams from presiding over a nation.” we coded data on naming practices for fiction from an authoritative bibliography (wright ). figuref shows that the prevalence of named authorship increased starting in the s, by which time novels were popular and the commercial conception of authors was common (baym ). from to , named authorship averaged percent of new titles. but even then, some promi- nent novelists, such as james fenimore cooper, withheld their names (wright : – ), while others, such as ned buntline (edward judson), used pseudonyms (wright : – ). in the colonial era and the young republic, authors often remained anonymous to preserve their dignity and privacy, two characteristics of gentlemen-scholars and republican-citizens (charvat ; rice ). one magazine essay argued the virtue of anonymity (“the mark of invisibility”) for the budding author: “should he at length find that he has mistaken his abilities . . . he may at once relinquish his plan, without discredit to himself, and have the satisfaction to know that his performances have defrauded him of but little time” (quince : – ). pseudonymous anonymous named figure . the number of new fiction titles with named, anonymous, and pseudonymous authors, – . [color figure can be viewed at wileyonli- nelibrary.com] c o l o r o n l in e a n d b w in p r in t we focus on this period because there were very few new fiction titles published before it: only five from to , from to , from to , and from to . j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz http://wileyonlinelibrary.com http://wileyonlinelibrary.com indeed, early editors often preferred authorial anonymity: “that we may judge without partiality, we wish to have all origi- nal communications intended for publication in the mirror, trans- mitted to us without the name of the author” (boston mirror : ). given widespread acceptance of anonymity, editors who did reveal authors’ names apologized for doing so: “to the piece entitled ‘constancy,’ in our last number, the signature of malvinia was affixed through mistake, it should have stood as anonymous” (lady’s weekly miscellany : ). even many of those running early magazines preferred to cloak their identities: a “literary society” edited the lady’s magazine and “robert rusticoat” founded the wasp. as the new commercial conception of authors displaced the older ones, however, the meaning of anonymity changed. anony- mous ideas and opinions came to be denigrated as cowardly and dishonest, while signed ones were valorized as authoritative and honest. one contributor compared signed authors with civilized, upright combatants and anonymous ones with savages who ambushed opponents (balance & columbian repository ). such opinions became more common over time. for example: there can be no secure nor confident reliance on the truth of narratives, resting on the credit not only of no name of respect- ability, but no name at all. it is inconsistent with the plainest rules of evidence and common sense, to give implicit belief to state- ments whose authors are unwilling to stamp them with their own character, and to support them by the pledge of their own repu- tations. (analectic magazine : ) the publication is anonymous, and therefore the pretensions of the writer to personal knowledge and experience are enti- tled to no weight. (masonic miscellany : ) the value of an anonymous communication [is] nothing. (new england galaxy : ; emphasis in the original) it is . . . wrong to give anonymous details of historical facts, while so much depends upon personal authority. (rafinesque : ) authors became increasingly willing to reveal their identities to assure readers of their integrity. for example, the editor of the american register published “account of the massacre in st. domingo [haiti], in may, ” as an anonymous piece, but annotated the article with a caveat: yet the “modesty” attached to anonymity did not mean authors felt no pride in their writing. for example, one chided his editor for misattributing to him another anonymous piece, which he deemed inferior (portico : – ). j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices the above narrative is an anonymous performance. . . its only claim to credit must arise from the probable nature of the incidents contained in it. imperfect as this kind of testimony is, it is, in general, the only kind accessible to a minute histo- rian of contemporary events, where official intelligence is wanting. (american register : ) the author responded by stating his name and declaring the arti- cle truthful: i have thought proper, in order that its future existence, as a relation of a historical fact, may be placed upon as firm a basis as my veracity will allow, to acknowledge that i was the author of the publication in question. . .. my presence in cape français at the time, enabled me to inform myself fully of every particular that i have stated, and i pledge myself on its correctness, as to date, particularity, and truth, as far as human investigation can extend. (raguet : iv) this exchange reveals the growing sensibility that authors could claim to be authoritative only if their names were known. in a simi- lar vein, joseph dennie gave up the pseudonym oliver oldschool, which he had used for a decade for his contributions to the port folio, and declared he would henceforth sign his real name: the appellation of oliver oldschool, in the opinion of its foster-father, is no longer expedient or necessary. . .. as the liberal conductor of a liberal work, dedicated to the muses, the sciences and the graces, all mystery and artifice should be disdained. (dennie : ) paying authors publishers also became increasingly likely to pay authors well for their work. as washington irving wrote to his publisher in : “if the american public wish to have literature of their own they must consent to pay for the support of authors” (hell- man (vol. ): ). he sold , copies of the sketchbook, earning $ , ($ , in dollars) (gross and kelley : ). in the s, william p. dewees earned $ , for his books on midwifery (over $ , in dollars) (jackson : ). james fenimore cooper sold the copyright to each of his novels in the s for an average price of $ , ($ , in dollars) (green in gross and kelley : – ). in , sarah payson willis, writing as fanny fern, earned $ , for selling , copies of fern leaves ($ , in dollars), while susan warner earned $ , , ($ , in dollars) for the wide, wide world. finally, for j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz uncle tom’s cabin, the best-selling novel of this era, stowe earned $ , in ($ , in dollars) (williams in casper et al. : ). payments to authors also became more common in the maga- zine industry. as book authors came to be viewed as economic actors deserving of payment for their work, magazine authors came to be perceived similarly, in part because the same people were active in both industries, and published the same literary work in both, as table showed. columbian magazine paid jeremy belknap for his contributions as early as (wood [ ]: – ). the port-folio and the examiner began to pay contributors in , with the examiner offering $ per page for well-written communications. the analectic magazine commis- sioned gulian verplanck and james k. paulding during the war of (lanzend€orfer : – ). one editor explained this shift: the efforts made to establish and conduct periodical publica- tions . . . have been divided. these publications have, there- fore, received but a partial support, have been of circumscribed usefulness, and of short continuance. to avoid these evils, an attempt will now be made to attain a concen- tration of labors. a method in which it is supposed this object may be effected is to allow a compensation to those who con- tribute to the pages of the proposed work. to make such compensation, is not only necessary, but just. those who will thus labour for the public good, are not rich, and will need the reward to which they are entitled. (christian spectator : iii) although paying magazine authors was a cultural break- through, recognizing as it did an informal property right, the amounts were not enough to earn a living. the average monthly income of white-collar workers at this time was about $ (margo ). to earn at this level, a contributor to the analectic, which had pages per monthly issue and paid generously, would have had to sell at least pages of text each month. net of the short, unpaid items it published, the analectic could offer an “average” income to at most a half-dozen authors. despite the small sums involved, this innovation had enor- mous impact, as large-circulation magazines like the atlantic mag- azine also began to pay contributors in . over the next decade, many others followed suit, notably godey’s and knicker- bocker. even literary reviews, whose writers were most likely to most previous research (e.g., mott ) dated this practice to . j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices view themselves as gentlemen-scholars, adopted this market- oriented practice. for example, the august north american review began paying contributors in the mid- s, while the medical journal did so in . as one commentator noted, “the increase in readers has rendered all standard literary property of higher certain value, and must tend to improve literature by heightening the recompense of successful exertion” (atheneum : ). thus, magazines sharply increased the commercial value of litera- ture, which allowed an increasing number of writers to succeed commercially (cyganowski ; sedgwick ). prices varied greatly. between and , magazines paid contributors $ to $ per page ($ to $ in dollars) (jackson ; robbins ; sedgwick ). by the s, mass-market magazines began to compete intensely for essays, poems, and fiction. as a result, prices escalated, especially for work by popular authors (jackson ; robbins ). for example, in , longfellow was paid by burton’s (later gra- ham’s) gentleman’s magazine $ to $ for each poem ($ to $ in dollars); by , his price had risen to $ ($ , in dollars), as the magazine sought to make him a regular contributor (mott ; robbins ). this magazine’s prices for essays and fiction ranged from $ to $ per printed page in the early s, which translates to $ to $ for a , -word article ($ to $ , in dollars). average monthly wages for white-collar workers were about $ in the late s and about $ in the early s (margo ), so by , longfellow could earn an above-average income by selling a single poem per month, and prose writers could do the same by selling one essay or short story every two months. in , one magazine estimated that popular authors such as poe and cooper were paid $ per essay, poem, story, or novel chapter ($ , in dollars) (literary world ). authors who had earlier opposed this market turn came to understand the importance of being paid (williams in casper et al. : ) and benefitted from the rising prices paid by magazines. for example, the atlantic monthly paid ralph waldo emerson $ for a poem in ($ , in dollars) (bradsher ). some female authors also benefitted; for exam- ple, graham’s magazine paid emma embery up to $ per story in ($ , in dollars) (robbins ). even some beginners were well compensated for contributions: an essay paid susan warner $ , enough to clothe her family through the winter (williams in casper et al. : – ). yet the vast majority of authors earned little, if anything, from their submissions to magazines (sedgwick ; tomc ). poe is perhaps the best-known example: between july , when he j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz became an editor at the southern literary messenger, and october , when he died, he earned an average of $ , per year in dollars (ostrom ). and in , hawthorne earned only $ for eight stories published in the token ($ , in dol- lars) (williams in casper et al. : ). conclusion spillovers between positive and negative spaces research on negative-spaces theory has shed much light on how producers of creative or imitative goods and services are conceived, and how they conceive of themselves. but it has focused on negative spaces per se. we studied two related spaces: the positive space of domestic work published in books and the negative space of domestic work published in magazines, and demonstrated spillovers between the two spaces. we showed that the positive space for domestic work published in books both promoted and reflected a shift in conceptions of authors, from gentleman-scholar to commercial occupation. the mutual consti- tution of this positive space and this cultural conception of authors led to two changes in both the book and magazine indus- tries: the movement away from anonymous to named authorship and the rise of the practice of paying authors. these cultural spillovers occurred because many writers were active in both spaces and the same work was published in both spaces. our findings support sociological and socio-legal arguments that law and culture are mutually constitutive and jointly drive economic activity. economic actors’ preferences develop through social interaction, including conversations and negotiations that take law into consideration. at the same time, the meaning of law itself, and therefore law’s power over economic action, arises from social interaction, as laws governing markets are embedded in webs of social relationships and cultural understandings (ewick and silbey ; fligstein ). these relationships and under- standings are especially important when formal law is ambiguous (clune ; edelman ; edelman, uggen, and erlanger ). how buyers and sellers conceive of law and engage in legal disputes is constituted in part by shared understandings that emerge from social interaction. in this way, law engenders cultural institutions that both create opportunities for economic action and constrain it. the most important cultural institutions that co-evolve with law are classification systems that guide strategies of action (swidler ). thus, law creates and sustains relations between buyers and sellers, not simply by its own authoritative weight, but j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices by the intrinsic connectedness of law, society, and buyers’ and sell- ers’ understandings of both (gordon ). in positive spaces in intellectual-property law, interactions between buyers and sellers produce shared understandings of actors and products. these understandings solidify into classifica- tion systems that define creative producers as economic actors (those who sell what they create), rather than non-economic (those who engage in other forms of exchange, such as gift- giving or status-seeking). they also define creative products as economic objects (things that are bought and sold), rather than non-economic (things that are exchanged for friendship, love, or status) (dimaggio ; lamont ). these classification sys- tems also define creative producers as legal actors (those who have legal rights over what they create) and creative products as legal objects (things whose exchange and use is protected by law). in turn, both economic and legal definitions create constraints on and opportunities for economic action in positive spaces by, for example, making compensation for creative production and con- trol over reproduction (i.e., copying) appropriate, even essential. these lines of argument suggest that classification systems, which have normative power over economic actors, can spill over between related spaces in intellectual-property law. positive and negative spaces can be related in two ways. the same actors may be in both spaces, as fashion houses like burberry and adidas are in the positive space of trademarked logos and fabric patterns and the negative space of fashion designs (i.e., items of clothing) (raustiala and sprigman ; sprigman and raustiala ). or the same objects may be produced and sold in both spaces, as when, prior to the u.s. recognizing international copyright in , work by british authors who met all statutory requirements for copyright received formal protection in their home country but not in the united states. when economic actors or objects in a positive space in intellectual-property law are also present in a negative space, the classification systems that develop about those actors or objects in the former may also guide thoughts and actions in the latter, pre- cisely because classification systems have normative power. people rely on classification systems and associated norms to make sense of exchanges of similar goods in similar situations, so norms gov- erning actors’ behavior that develop in markets where the law applies may guide behavior in markets where the law does not apply. in this way, cultural conceptions of what is appropriate and acceptable that developed in positive spaces in intellectual- property law can spill over to related negative spaces, taking the place of formal law and thus supporting markets in those spaces. in our case, for example, norms about recognition for work j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr haveman & kluttz (reputational or monetary) that developed in positive spaces spilled over to negative spaces. when this happened, behavior in negative spaces came to resemble behavior in positive spaces, as creative producers claimed credit and were paid for their work, sometimes handsomely. indeed, we expect that, in general, the closer the relationship between positive and negative spaces, the more likely such spillovers will occur. future researchers could test this argument in other settings, specifically those where negative spaces are connected to positive spaces by the coexistence of producers or products. the space of fashion design (negative) and the spaces of logos and patterns (positive) are connected through the productive organizations that operate in both spaces. industrial designs are another poten- tially fruitful research site because they enjoy robust intellectual- property protection under european union law compared to the few protections afforded under existing u.s. law (see raustiala and sprigman ). shades of gray our historical analysis revealed nuances beyond the sharp distinction typically drawn between negative and positive spaces, by exposing shades of gray in-between the “white” of positive spaces (where intellectual property-rights law shines) and the “black” of negative spaces. magazines became a gray space in the s, as some publishers of mass-circulation magazines began to claim copyright protection. but magazines did not become a fully white space because magazines were not yet clearly covered by copyright law. no magazine litigated to enforce copyright. and even those magazines claiming copyright protection often allowed reprinting if credit was given, which garnered magazines and their authors valuable publicity. this suggests that negative- spaces theory can be improved by being more historically sensitive: ( ) spaces can be neither white (clearly positive) nor black (clearly negative), but rather different shades of gray, and ( ) spaces’ shading can change over time in response to economic and cultural shifts, driven by the presence of creative producers and products in multiple spaces. we expect that in general, understanding shadings of gray becomes important when economic, political, or cultural shifts gradually alter people’s understandings of law. for example, consider contem- porary publishing. the rise of the internet has dramatically reduced the costs of reproducing and distributing texts, images, and sounds to nearly zero (lemley ). the extreme ease of copying intellectual property is engendering many new norms about property rights, thus creating spaces with different shades j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices of gray. and those spaces’ shadings are changing over time. how quickly that change unfolds will depend on how common it is for creative producers to publish their work in “real” forums (e.g., paper or film) or “virtual” ones (the internet). references abrams, howard b. 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( ) [ ]. “resolution recommending the states to secure copyright to the authors and publishers of new books,” – j. of the continental congress – . gaillard hunt (ed.). washington, dc: u.s. govt. print- ing office. heather haveman is professor of sociology and business at the uni- versity of california, berkeley, and an affiliate of berkeley’s center for the study of law and society. she is an organizational, economic, and historical sociologist. her book, magazines and the making of america, was published in by princeton university press. her articles have appeared in several sociology and management journals including the american sociological review, administrative science quarterly, and the american journal of sociology. daniel kluttz is a ph.d. candidate in the department of sociology at the university of california, berkeley. a former attorney, he studies social influences on and consequences of legal institutions and change in contemporary oil and gas development, the digital economy, legal edu- cation, and early american markets for literature. his research intersects law and society, organizational sociology, economic sociology, cultural sociology, and technology studies. j_id: lasr customer a_id: lasr cadmus art: lasr ed. ref. no.: lsr. .r date: -december- stag id: jwaa b server time: : i path: d:/wiley/support/xml_signal_tmp_aa/jw-lasr copyright, conceptions of authors, and commercial practices jhe -pg - christine a. ogren the author thanks d. j. chandler, clif conrad, linda eisenmann, yvonna lincoln, ernie pascarella, and john thelin for encouragement and comments on earlier versions of this essay. the national academy of education and the nae spencer postdoctoral fellowship program supported the research for this article. christine a. ogren is assistant professor, division of educational policy and leader- ship studies, university of iowa. the journal of higher education, vol. , no. (november/december ) copyright © by the ohio state university since the mid-twentieth century, a host of political, economic and societal changes have contributed to the diversification of students in american institutions of higher education. developments such as the allied victory in world war ii, the decrease in blue-collar jobs, and changing gender attitudes, have encouraged members of mi- nority racial groups, young people with low social-class standing, and women to attend college (bean & metzner, ). beginning in the s, governmental and institutional financial-aid and affirmative-ac- tion policies explicitly promoted racial, class, and gender diversity for the first time. not surprisingly, researchers have recently begun to assess the impact of these programs and the implications of an increasingly di- verse student body (see levine & associates, ; levine & nidiffer, ; london, ; pascarella & terenzini, ; westbrook & sed- lacek, ), using the term “nontraditional” to describe students who are older than typical college students, work because of financial neces- sity, belong to the first generation in their family to attend college, do not live on campus, attend part-time, or are members of minority racial groups. bean and metzner ( ) add, “nontraditional students are dis- tinguished by the lessened intensity and duration of their interaction rethinking the “nontraditional” student from a historical perspective state normal schools in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with the primary agents of socialization (faculty, peers) at the institu- tions they attend” (p. ). the term “nontraditional” implies that these atypical students are new to higher education and that colleges and universities traditionally have not served people like them. while the intention of research on nontradi- tional students is to better meet their needs, it may also have the unin- tended consequence of reinforcing the notion that these students are out of place, indirectly discouraging them from interacting with others on campus. one way to soften the effect of this research would be to em- phasize atypical students’ rich history in higher education. indeed, his- torical research indicates that, even without the encouragement of explicit governmental and institutional policies, students from unsophis- ticated, lower-social-class backgrounds have a long tradition of attend- ing american colleges and universities (see, for example, allmendinger, ; nidiffer, ). while generations of nontraditional students have attended virtually every type of higher education institution, they were especially prominent at the precursors of many state colleges and re- gional universities. s. y. gillan, who graduated in from one of these institutions, illinois state normal university, reflected that it “was a school of the people existing for and representing the masses and not the classes.” this article focuses on state normal schools, which resulted from nineteenth-century education reformers’ efforts to adapt the german teacher seminary and the french ecole normale to train teachers for the growing system of american common schools. massachusetts estab- lished the first state normal schools in , and connecticut and new york soon followed. by , state normal schools were located in new england, the mid-atlantic states, the midwest, and california. during the following decades, southern states established segregated normal schools, and the institutions spread throughout the country and its territories; by , there were more than . state normals, which provided elementary-level teacher certification and offered various de- grees in pedagogy, were low-status institutions of higher education dur- ing a time when the lines between “higher” and “lower” education were blurred (clifford, , pp. – ). by the end of the nineteenth century, many states began to look to the normals to prepare teachers for burgeoning positions on high-school fac- ulties, which the normals saw as an opportunity to gain prestige. during the s, the schools in albany, new york, and ypsilanti, michigan adopted the name, “normal college.” as other normals began to offer four years of college work and grant bachelor’s degrees, they usually re- placed the title “normal school” with “teachers college.” the majority of rethinking the nontraditional student state normal schools became teachers colleges during the s and s. in the s, the flood of world-war ii veterans seeking all-pur- pose higher education fueled the normals’ quest for status, and they began to drop teacher education as their organizing purpose. as a result, the s, s, and s witnessed another flurry of name changes as the former normals added more prestigious programs and became state colleges. by the end of the century, continuing “mission creep” (selingo, ) allowed many to become state universities; institutions that began as normal schools formed the nucleus of state systems from new york to california, and former normals make up the majority of re- gional universities from northern michigan to southwest texas. although institutions whose roots are nineteenth-century normal schools play a central role in mass higher education at the turn of the twenty-first century, their story is not well known. in their quest for higher status, former normals have tended to bury their history as “an impoverished past thankfully left behind” (goodlad, , p. ). meanwhile, historians of higher education have concentrated on more elite institutions, and historians of teacher education have focused on the normal schools’ leaders and official policies. these historiographical ap- proaches virtually ignore normal-school students. (for the few excep- tions to this rule, see burke, ; herbst, ; herbst, ; clifford, ; clifford, ; ogren, ; and schwager, .) focusing ex- plicitly on the normalites, i conducted extensive historical investigations of more than half of the state institutions that began as normals through- out the united states. i did archival research at seven campuses—in castleton, vermont; geneseo, new york; florence, alabama; pine bluff, arkansas; san marcos, texas; oshkosh, wisconsin; and san jose, california—and reviewed various sources on close to one hundred other former normal schools. these sources include institutional histories, which i used selectively; like frederick rudolph, i “carefully culled episodes and illustrations” (thelin, , p. xviii) to use as primary ma- terial for my own analysis. this article presents a socio-historical analysis of the students who at- tended state normal schools and their experiences in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. i profile “normalites” relative to the por- trayal of nontraditional students in current literature. then, i discuss the ways in which the state normal schools provided a meaningful higher education experience. while their official mission was preparing teach- ers, the characteristics of their student bodies forced the normals to ex- pand their unofficial mission to include welcoming unsophisticated stu- dents into an engaging intellectual and public life. indeed, “it was the normal schools . . . that really brought higher education to the people” the journal of higher education (herbst, , p. ; see also herbst, ). although the normal schools’ specific approaches to serving these students were more appro- priate for their time than the present, it is important for current re- searchers to understand that these institutions did serve atypical students effectively. as student bodies continue to diversify in the twenty-first century, it is helpful to take a look through the lens of history at earlier nontraditional students. nontraditional students my in-depth examination of state normal schools reveals that their students had much in common with today’s nontraditional students. race (westbrook & sedlacek, ) and socioeconomic status (lace, ) are prominent issues in literature on nontraditional students. bean and metzner ( ) acknowledge that these characteristics, along with gender, “might have differentiated traditional and nontraditional stu- dents a century ago” (p. ). a look at the normalites convincingly con- firms this hunch. at a time when women were an unwelcome minority on many coeducational campuses, they were a visible majority at state normal schools. a small number of normals, mainly in the south, re- stricted their enrollment to women only. but most normal schools were coeducational, with enrollments made up increasingly of women with each passing decade. before the turn of the twentieth century, the enroll- ments at coeducational normals nationwide were between and % female. at coeducational southern normals, only one-quarter to one-half of the students were women. typical of normals outside the south, the institutions in cedar falls, iowa, and greeley, colorado enrolled % women. after the turn of the century, throughout the country the per- centage of students who were women was consistently well over , and occasionally higher than %. the large numbers of female normalites are consistent with the schools’ official mission of preparing students for the female-dominated profession of teaching. in addition to women, state normal schools made higher education available to a significant number of students from minority racial and ethnic groups. like arkansas, which established the branch normal col- lege at pine bluff euphemistically “for the poorer classes,” most south- ern states established segregated normal schools for african-american students. oklahoma and north carolina also established segregated nor- mal schools for native american students. in addition, evidence sug- gests that several northern, majority-white normals served at least a lim- ited number of minority students. in new york, albany matriculated twenty-six native american students in the late nineteenth century and rethinking the nontraditional student many south-european, polish, and jewish immigrants in the early twen- tieth century, and oswego graduates of the s remembered “an ami- able american indian girl,” “popular young men from the hawaiin islands,” “a shy, quiet negro girl,” and a “much respected” african american man. african american students, many of whom were from the south, had begun appearing at state normals from westfield, worces- ter, and framingham, massachusetts, to normal, illinois, soon after the civil war. the normal schools in pennsylvania welcomed several stu- dents from puerto rico and south america beginning in the s, and cecil e. evans, who began his presidency at southwest texas state nor- mal school in san marcos in , once noted, “very few mexican stu- dents ever get high enough in the grades to reach us,” implying that at least a few mexican students did “reach” the institution. regardless of their race or gender, most normalites shared rather low socioeconomic status; they were, for the most part, the daughters and sons of working people, many of whom were struggling financially. throughout the late nineteenth century, skilled, semiskilled, unskilled, and agricultural workers headed the homes of two-thirds of normalites in massachusetts. the normal in worcester reflected the growing indus- trial city, drawing primarily the children of skilled workers and laborers. during the first decade of the twentieth century, southwest texas kept very detailed records of the occupations of its students’ parents. only % engaged in the professions of medicine and law; physicians, lawyers, teachers, ministers, druggists, engineers, editors, “newspaper- men,” and architects amounted to only %. the parents of san-marcos students were more likely to work in agriculture than any other trade: % were farmers, and ranchers, fruit growers, stockmen and dairymen were another %. in fact, farming, which was in economic crisis throughout most of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the united states, shaped the lives of a majority of normalites. during the late nineteenth century, nearly two-thirds of students at cedar falls, iowa, were from farming families. likewise, in , the parents of of the students at emporia kansas, were farmers. students at pine bluff often had to arrive at school late in the fall and leave early in the spring, in order to help their families with harvests and plantings. the families of many normal-school students could not afford tradi- tional higher education. for example, george martin graduated as vale- dictorian of his massachusetts high-school class in and was unable to fulfill his plan to attend amherst college because of a lack of funds. martin then worked for seven years and was finally able to enter bridge- water normal in . some normalites were from such impoverished backgrounds that the schools gained a reputation for serving the poor. a the journal of higher education vermont newspaper described the normal in castleton as catering to the “calico-attired country girl of limited means,” and in westfield, massa- chusetts, where the normal school enrolled an especially high number of children of small farmers, “normal” was a disparaging name for a poor person. similarly, some residents of oswego, new york, referred to nor- malites there as “state paupers.” pine-bluff students made light of their reputation in the following lines from a late- s school cheer: “state school, state school, yes we are the state school / nothing new or for- mal, no sir! / our hair is shaggy and our clothes are baggy / but they’ll soon be raggy, yea!” throughout the country, many normal-school stu- dents could have yelled along. in addition to being female, minorities, or of low socioeconomic standing, today’s nontraditional students often are older than the typical eighteen to twenty-two years (bean & metzner, ; bendixen-noe, ; lace, ; metzner & bean, ; pascarella & terenzini, ; zwerling, ). although bean and metzner do not acknowledge it, this is another factor that also differentiated traditional and nontradi- tional students in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. many normalites—as well as some students at colleges and universities—were mature in age. throughout the country, most normal-school students were older than the minimum state-stipulated fifteen or sixteen years. michael dignam, who graduated in from westfield, massachu- setts, remembered, “the pupils were all mature, no one under ; the ages ranged as high as or .” a member of the class of at oshkosh, wisconsin lyrically explained: “in age the class varies all the way from the blushing maiden in her teens, filled with anticipation of the future, and the aspiring youth yearning for independence, to the ret- rospective and reflective minds of maturer years.” from oneonta, new york to greeley, colorado, normal schools in the late s and early s reported that on average their entering students were more than years old. in , the first class at tempe averaged . years in age; at and years old, respectively, julia a. mcdonald and james m. pat- terson were among the oldest students. when the all-female state normal in greensboro, north carolina opened in , the average age of enter- ing students was close to years. throughout the s and s, women students at oneonta continued to enter at an average age of over years, while their male classmates were closer to . in , the first class at san marcos signed in at . years, with one student who was years old. the normal school in plattsburgh, new york, had at least a couple of mature students during the s—there were two mother- daughter pairs on campus. the literature on nontraditional students further characterizes them as rethinking the nontraditional student part-time attenders and commuters (bean & metzner, ; gilley & hawkes, ; lace, ; metzner & bean, ; pascarella & teren- zini, ). at west virginia’s normal in west liberty, some students commuted to campus in an effort to save money. similarly, many nor- malites at the territorial normal school in tempe, arizona, during the decade or so after it opened in , commuted. one male student later explained, “i rode horseback from mesa to tempe and returned each day, milked six cows morning and evening, and each morning had to run my horses down before i could go to tempe. it took nearly minutes to make the distance.” aside from a few scattered examples, however, commuting from home was rare among normalites whose families didn’t happen to live within walking distance of campus; after all, trans- portation was limited. there is no evidence that any students in atten- dance at a normal school attended part-time. looking at the normalites serves as a reminder, though, that attending part-time and commuting are not intrinsic personal characteristics in the way that age, race, class, and gender are. present-day students attend part-time and commute be- cause they cannot afford to attend full-time or live on campus and/or their family or life commitments prohibit them from devoting them- selves exclusively to the pursuit of higher education. normalites clearly shared the personal traits that create the special conditions of attendance for today’s nontraditional students, but they lived under different histor- ical conditions. thus, although most were not commuters, many nor- malites, like today’s nontraditional students, arrived with significant work experience and found it necessary to work while attending normal school. many state normal-school students had work experience, usually as teachers, prior to matriculation. as early as the s and early s at bridgewater, “nearly all” of the students had themselves taught school. of the , students who enrolled at oswego between its opening in the mid- s and , more than , had teaching experience, with an average of three years in the classroom. during the late s, more than half of the students at farmington, maine arrived with teaching ex- perience. outside the northeast, it was also very common for normalites to have work experience as teachers. at oshkosh in as well as in , half of the students had taught, and among them the average time spent in front of a class was . years. between and , the col- lective student body at oshkosh averaged one year of experience. in their class histories, students conveyed the same idea a bit more cre- atively: the class of taught “more than a thousand months,” and the brains of members of the class of bore “unsightly marks . . . caused by patient efforts to impress the american youth in our rural dis- the journal of higher education tricts with the precept, knowledge is power.” nearly half of the nor- malites at emporia, kansas, in the late s taught before entering the normal, many for five or more years. tempe’s julia mcdonald and james patterson were former teachers, as were more than % of the students at florence, alabama, around the turn of the century. many normalites worked while enrolled, and self-supporting students were not unusual at the state normals. in , president edwin hewett of illinois state normal university reported, “many of our students . . . are dependent upon their own exertions for means”; and a decade or so later principal john mahelm berry sill of the state normal school in ypsilanti, michigan, said, “our students are working young men and women who earn their little money by the hardest toil.” just after the turn of the twentieth century, one-third of the students at florence “earned their own money to pay expenses,” while oregon’s state super- intendent of public instruction expressed concern about the large num- bers of “self-supporting” normalites, urging, “greater precaution must be exercised to prevent the ambitious from overworking than to rouse the sluggards.” gender often determined the term-time jobs normalites were able to find: in new york, female students at oneonta worked as babysitters or maids, while male students at oswego shoveled snow, sold various products, or worked as janitors. throughout the country, it was common for normalites to take leaves of absence to earn the neces- sary money to continue their education, an earlier approach to being a part-time student. most often, they taught in rural schools for one or more terms before returning to normal school. for example, a student at nebraska’s peru state normal school in soon found himself short of money. he later remembered: my graduation looked far off to me and my limited means made it necessary to quit school for a while and return to the farm. but dr. curry, then princi- pal, learning my predicament found me a country school in otoe county that enabled me to return again after i had finished my school. this i continued to do, alternating between teaching and going to school until i finally graduated in the spring of . like today’s nontraditional students, normalites found ways to over- come their financial limitations. although work experience as well as age must have fostered a certain level of maturity among normal-school students, they were hardly worldly-wise. in fact, socio-historical examination of normalites reveals that many were quite provincial, or lacked sophistication. this signifi- cant characteristic is curiously absent from the literature on nontradi- tional students, but it is unmistakable in accounts of the normal schools. a chronicler of bridgewater state normal school observed, “it is hard rethinking the nontraditional student for us to conceive how provincial these students were. most of them had never been far from their own towns. . . .” sarah a. dixon, who gradu- ated from bridgewater in , called herself “a sip of a girl from an isolated shore home.” throughout the country, normalites were predom- inantly from very small, often very rural, towns and villages. at arkansas’ branch normal college for black students, the vast majority of students were from the rural areas surrounding pine bluff. between the s and the s, to % of all oshkosh, wisconsin, students hailed from oshkosh, which was a booming lumber town. another % or fewer of the students came from other lumber towns in the area, and only a few hailed from the bigger cities of milwaukee, madison, and, occasionally, chicago. more than half of the students were from much smaller, rural towns. the s football cheer for the normal in gene- seo, new york, included a line that would also have suited most other normals: “we came to the gridiron fresh from verdant farms.” mean- while, many of the students at california’s state normal in chico were from very remote mountain settlements in the northern part of the state. when they arrived at the normal, chico was the largest town they had ever seen. it is hardly surprising that students from such remote areas tended to be unpolished. for many years after the establishment of the state normal in peru, the many students there who had lived “isolated lives” tended to be “ignorant of the social ways incident to more thickly settled portions of the country; hence, they sometimes appeared reserved and awkward.” a student at peru in the late nineteenth century remembered, “girls with brown faces and plain clothing” and “boys with calloused hands.” early in the twentieth century, the principal at willimantic, con- necticut, complained, “many of our students are crude. their manner of talking, their table manners, their actions often show a decided lack of culture.” sensitive to the implied class prejudice, present-day adminis- trators and researchers would hesitate to make observations such as these. nontraditional students likely have similar rough edges, however, and a non-pejorative understanding of their provincialism might be an important step toward serving them more effectively. while the nor- malites’ lack of sophistication frustrated willimantic’s principal, it also made them hungry for inspiration. for example, an oshkosh student declared: when one for the first time beholds an imposing structure, whether reared by man’s stalwart arm or nature’s majestic art, impressions are made upon the delicate parchment of the mind which age can not dim nor time obliterate. such is the character of my first impressions on beholding the oshkosh nor- mal. its architectural symmetry symbolizes the noble educational system in the journal of higher education which it forms an important factor; . . . its spacious assembly room and its commodious recitation rooms silently insinuate to the pupil the possibilities of mental expansion, while each high ceiling proclaims the aphorism, “there is always room at the top.” attendance at state normal schools was a significant departure in the theretofore unsophisticated lives of many students. as the next section explains, the state normals not only accepted students from nontradi- tional backgrounds, but they also engaged their sense of awe to create an atmosphere that embraced them. embracing nontraditional students this examination of state normal-school students has suggested that the types of students now considered to be nontraditional were promi- nent in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries on state normal- school campuses. a century later, researchers have reported on—and forecasted further—demographic changes in higher education. to meet this challenge, arthur levine has called for “better serving the under- served” (levine & associates, , p. ), and much of the literature on nontraditional students is concerned with how to do this (see, for ex- ample, astin, ; gilley & hawkes, ; lace, ; richardson & skinner, ). it might also be useful for current administrators, as well as researchers, simply to understand that they are not pioneers in their efforts to welcome atypical students to college campuses. state normal schools hardly “underserved” these students, but instead enabled them to take advantage of an engaging intellectual life and to become in- volved in public life, which encouraged them to move far beyond their humble backgrounds. normal-school administrators and faculty mem- bers’ first step, more than a half-century before government programs designed to bring underprivileged students into institutions of higher ed- ucation, was to ensure that the normals were accessible and affordable for all students. admission requirements at state normal schools were fairly loose and somewhat flexible. they did not require matriculants to be high-school graduates until education at that level was attainable by most residents of their states, which generally was not until the early twentieth century. before they required high-school graduation, normal schools adminis- tered admission examinations, but prospective students could present teaching credentials or diplomas instead of sitting for them. previous years’ exams were often published in normal-school catalogues, making them available to students preparing for future admission. in the late s, san jose, california published questions in arithmetic, grammar, rethinking the nontraditional student geography, and spelling for admission to the junior class and additional questions for admission to the “middle” and senior classes. applicants to oshkosh, wisconsin, during the s had to score % or better in reading and spelling, arithmetic, grammar, geography, and u.s. history. in vermont, castleton’s admission exam in the early s covered spelling, arithmetic, physiology, grammar, geography, vermont history, u.s. history, and civics. in addition to academic qualifications, other admission requirements were fairly easy to acquire. applicants had to be or (or , at pine bluff, arkansas) years in age, and usually of good “moral character” and health, presumably as prerequisites for being good teachers in the future. in addition to setting fairly easy standards for admission, many state normal schools assured accessibility by providing detailed directions to campus and individual assistance with settling in. many normal schools did everything short of printing train schedules in their catalogs. for ex- ample, an oshkosh catalog described the “numerous lines of railroad and river steamers entering the city, as well as its favorable location.” similarly, a bulletin for the normal in florence, alabama, explained that the “main line of the southern railway from chattanooga passes through sheffield, and all passenger trains are met there by electric cars which deliver passengers in florence in about twenty minutes.” after careful instructions helped many students reach campus, the administra- tion—which often consisted solely of the president or principal—liter- ally reached out to individual new students. during the s, s, and s, oshkosh’s principal george albee helped each new student get situated and plan a course schedule. the – geneseo, new york, catalog declared, “students both old and new are urged to consult the principal freely regarding their work and their plans for the future.” clark davis, who attended ypsilanti state normal school in michigan, remembered that upon arrival in ypsilanti, “i made my first call upon the man whom i had been writing—namely, president jones. he treated me cordially and courteously, received me at his home, took me to his of- fice, and walked over some of the city streets to show me rooming houses and boarding houses.” while attainable admission requirements and approachable principals eased many students’ adjustment to normal school, probably the most important factor in accessibility was affordability. most state normal schools charged a modest tuition, which they waived for students who signed a pledge to teach in the state after graduation, usually for no more than a few years. the catalog for bridgewater, massachusetts, ex- plained: “tuition is free to all who comply with the condition of teach- ing in the schools of massachusetts.” such contracts were in the states’ the journal of higher education interest because they increased the teacher supply, but tuition waivers also made a normal-school education affordable for many students. those who signed pledges to teach had only to buy or rent books, and pay for supplies, transportation, room, board, and perhaps activities fees or music lessons. and at many institutions, financial help from the state was also available for these expenses. the bridgewater catalog also ex- plained: “the state makes an annual appropriation . . . which is distrib- uted at the close of each term among pupils from massachusetts who merit and need the aid, in sums varying according to the distance of their residences from bridgewater.” similarly, during the s the state of kansas began to reimburse emporia students three cents per mile for travel beyond one hundred miles; and until , geneseo students who signed the declaration to teach received reimbursement for travel costs. ypsilanti’s principal sill persuaded the state legislature to provide free textbooks, arguing that “the cost of books is often ‘the last straw that breaks the camel’s back.’ ” in other states, government officials were di- rectly involved in granting subsidies. beginning in , each member of the alabama legislature was able to nominate a student for a two-year normal-school scholarship, which covered tuition and incidental fees; those students appointed by senators also received a grant for boarding costs. between and , normalites in texas could also earn “scholarship appointments,” which covered boarding costs, through ap- pointments by their senators, congressmen, or even the governor. increasing numbers of campus scholarships and loan funds helped normal students pay expenses that the state did not cover. as early as , pine bluff, arkansas, had an “honorary scholars” program, which provided scholarships for students who passed an exam. for many years beginning in , the nashville-based peabody fund provided for six- teen annual scholarships at florence, and additional scholarships at other southern normals. fairly widespread by the early twentieth cen- tury, institution-based scholarships were usually funded by and named for former faculty members or graduating classes. if all else failed, the personal efforts of principals and faculty members occasionally enabled individual students to overcome remaining financial obstacles. long- serving principals, such as edward sheldon at oswego, new york ( – ), percy bugbee at oneonta, new york ( – ), cecil evans at san marcos, texas ( – ), e. e. smith at fayetteville, north carolina ( – ), and many others lent their own money to students in distress. smith and pine bluff’s joseph corbin ( – ), both principals of all-black normal schools, were purposely lax in col- lecting tuition and fees from students they knew to be struggling; smith also accepted farm products in lieu of currency. these individual ef- rethinking the nontraditional student forts, which filled some of the cracks between state-sponsored tuition waivers and subsidies, as well as campus scholarships and loan funds, helped to make normal schools affordable—so affordable that, during the early s, geneseo catalogs included the assurance that “no wor- thy student ever leaves geneseo because of lack of funds with which to complete the course.” beyond assuring that students from atypical backgrounds enjoyed easy access, state normal schools offered an atmosphere in which these students thrived. the literature on today’s nontraditional students stresses “academic integration” (metzner & bean, , p. ), or “in- corporation or support of the students’ needs” in “a new, stronger acade- mic community” (gilley & hawkes, , p. ; see also astin, ). another important issue is scale: the smaller the scale of the institution as a whole or designated programs within it, the higher the comfort level of nontraditional students (richardson & skinner, ). most normal schools were small in scale, but size was only one factor in an atmos- phere that embraced students from “underserved” backgrounds. their needs subtly yet ubiquitously shaped these institutions in such a way that serving them was simply intrinsic to the normals’ strong academic community. without special services or programs aimed at nontradi- tional students, normal schools offered them a comfortable and inclusive intellectual life and numerous opportunities for leadership and involve- ment in public life. indeed, state normal schools played a “total adult so- cializing” (bean & metzner, , p. ) role in the lives of their stu- dents, suggesting an alternative to the notion that nontraditional students are “not greatly influenced by the social environment” (bean & met- zner, , p. ) in institutions of higher education. state normal schools created a lively and challenging intellectual life for all students. the bedrock of a strong academic community, the for- mal curriculum constructively recognized students’ limited background and helped them reach further. the normal principals and faculties found that many of their students, especially before the turn of the twen- tieth century, arrived with little more than an elementary-level educa- tion. because they sought to prepare well-rounded teachers, the normals began from where the students’ prior education left off, offering basic and more advanced studies in academic disciplines as well as teaching methods. all students focused on a core of academic studies in mathe- matics, the sciences, history and civics, and english and language arts. the normals’ approach to teaching these subjects allowed students com- fortably to gain a certain amount of high-status knowledge. western culture wove its way through the required curriculum. begin- ning with greece and rome, historical studies covered the highlights of the journal of higher education western civilization. in , for example, the catalog for westfield normal school in massachusetts explained that the “general history” course included “europe from the beginning of the middle ages to the present time.” bridgewater imported from london “casts, models, and flat copies” of great art works. the aspect of western culture that occu- pied the largest part of the required curriculum was what the normal in willimantic, connecticut, called, “the best literary works.” there, ac- cording to the catalog, the english literature course covered “dick- ens to burns” during the second term, “burns to bacon” during the third term, and “bacon to chaucer” during the fourth term. shakespeare was ever-present on normal-school reading lists; at westfield, students read the merchant of venice, julius caesar, hamlet or macbeth, as well as a comedy. in addition to english literature, students at bridgewater stud- ied american poets and writers such as longfellow, whittier, and hawthorne. modern and ancient languages were generally optional studies, but institutions as diverse as castleton, pine bluff, and the ter- ritorial normal school in tempe, arizona, required latin. through both required and elective subjects, normal-school students also immersed themselves in another passion of the middle and upper classes in the late nineteenth century: the natural sciences. between the s and the s, virtually all normal students took short courses in physiology, geography, botany, and natural philosophy (called nature study after the turn of the century), as well as at least a few of the fol- lowing subjects: geology, mineralogy, chemistry, zoology, physics, and astronomy. together, they performed physical and chemical experiments with rudimentary apparatus, dissected animals, and undertook field ex- peditions to study local land forms and flora. in keeping with the late- nineteenth-century zeal for scientific collecting, many normal schools amassed sizable collections of mineralogical, geological, physiological, zoological, and even entomological “specimens.” for example, begin- ning in the s, the state normal in winona, minnesota, had a growing collection of fossils and minerals from quarries and railway cuts. in the school purchased a collection of “minerals, fossils, casts, corals, sponges, and shells,” which also contained “the partial remains of a mastodon skeleton.” by the s, the normal’s museum of natural history also had a bird collection. science instruction and collections not only enabled students to study fossils, minerals, and animals, but also invited them to share the passion for science. while the normal schools’ formal curriculum established a comfort- able academic community, activities outside the classroom strengthened it, intensifying students’ intellectual socialization. by the s and in- creasingly each year thereafter, normal students founded and partici- rethinking the nontraditional student pated in countless societies, clubs, and publications. these organiza- tions contributed to the vibrant campus intellectual life, which enabled students to grow immensely through intense interaction with one an- other, their professors, and campus visitors. academic clubs focused on a variety of topics, primarily in the sciences and foreign languages, and tended to be fairly short-lived. other student organizations, as well as visiting speakers and performers, exposed students to areas of high cul- ture that were generally outside the formal curriculum, especially classi- cal music and art history. but it was the literary societies, by far the most long-lived, popular, and far-reaching student organizations, that most facilitated the involve- ment of these nontraditional students in the life of the mind. societies met weekly or biweekly, usually on friday or saturday afternoon or evening, to execute well-planned programs of orations, debates, moder- ated discussions, skits, and musical entertainment. in san jose, the state normal school’s catalog reported, “the purpose of these societies is to acquaint their members with the customs and practices of delibera- tive bodies, to give an impetus to literary investigation, and to develop a talent for literary pursuits, public speaking, and extemporaneous discus- sions.” meetings were occasionally open to the public, and “joint meet- ings” between two societies were quite common; one at san jose in drew over spectators. at the state normal in greeley, colorado, the two literary societies were great rivals, and competed each spring in oratory, essays, and debate in the town’s opera house before a large au- dience. in the south and the east, where social mores were generally tra- ditional, literary societies were usually single-sex. in a unique arrange- ment, new york’s normal schools housed branches of statewide societies. those for women included clionian, arethusa, alpha delta, and agonian; and those for men included delphic and philalethean. gender segregation was less rigid in the midwest and west. the lyceum, literati, and belles-lettres societies at emporia were all coed- ucational, as were the roosevelt, sophoclean, and emersonian societies at new mexico normal university in las vegas. throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the majority of normalites be- longed to literary societies. beginning in the late s, some normals, such as those in tempe, arizona, and cedar falls, iowa, had the added incentive of earning credit for society work. a few normals, such as illi- nois normal university, and oklahoma’s southwestern state normal school, required membership. literary societies enabled students to further pursue some of the top- ics covered in the curriculum. the main focus, of course, was literature; societies regularly studied a variety of british and american authors. the journal of higher education the browning clubs at florence and oshkosh were named for elizabeth barrett browning, a favorite among their members, just as the shake- speare(n) societies at cedar falls, san jose, and san marcos were named for the great playwright. other popular british authors included charles dickens, jane austin, and alfred, lord tennyson. studies of the poetry and prose of john greenleaf whittier, henry wadsworth longfel- low, washington irving, ralph waldo emerson, and mark twain, deep- ened students’ familiarity with american literary culture. san marcos’ every day society declared irving its “patron saint,” and imitated him in the yearbook, presenting a supposed “unpublished tale” in which a lost hunter dreamt of “the girls of the land where the sweet peas grow,” who were suspiciously similar to every-day members. in many literary societies, students also explored great literature by performing it. at oneonta, for example, various societies staged tennyson’s the princess in , shakespeare’s as you like it and the merchant of venice in , and dickens’ tom pinch in . perhaps the most clear illustration of how the normals’ academic community allowed students comfortably to broaden their horizons is the societies’ vicarious travels throughout the united states and the world. in , members of the normal school philologian society at westfield enjoyed “an illustrated lecture. . . . an account of his (mr. diller’s) geological vacation . . . up the valley in the state of new york.” in , “miss dopp favored” oshkosh’s phoenix “society with some of her experiences among the mormons in salt lake city.” a decade or so later, a program entitled “travels in the west” took flo- rence’s dixie society, figuratively, to salt lake city and yellowstone national park. students’ vicarious travels also took them to europe and more foreign locales. in – , one literary society at oshkosh studied spain and germany, and in other years both san marcos’ comenian and oshkosh’s phoenix studied china. the normal students’ world shrank as they acquainted themselves with many distant regions. together, the literary societies and the formal curriculum created an at- mosphere that welcomed normalites into a new intellectual world. burtt n. timbie, bridgewater ‘ , remembered, “these were years of mind and soul awakening. we came to love learning for learning’s sake.” normalites’ socialization was not limited to academic areas; as com- plete socializing institutions, state normal schools also enabled students to refine the way they carried and presented themselves. the formal cur- riculum required all students to polish their style of written and oral ex- pression. rhetoric, composition, and declamation were curricular sta- ples. through these and other classes, the normals sought to provide “practical training in the correct and effective use of our mother tongue” rethinking the nontraditional student and “cultivate the individual student’s powers of expression in both oral and written language.” students honed their powers of expression through numerous writing assignments, as well as public speaking re- quirements. most normal schools required each student to present some sort of schoolwide public declamation at least once, but often on a weekly or monthly basis. for example, “friday afternoon exercises” began at geneseo in ; for the next few decades, classes took turns presenting programs of essays, readings, and recitations. at most normal schools, commencement addresses by all or some of the graduating stu- dents, depending on the size of the class, were the culmination of terms of work. literary societies also focused on refining their members’ styles of expression and composition. students wrote and delivered orations and essays on different subjects from week to week. several of the all-male groups, such as the normal congress at bridgewater and the standard society at buffalo, focused on parliamentary procedure. a debate was usually the focal point of the literary society meeting; debating fostered poise, precision, and accuracy in oral communication. in the midwest, statewide and even interstate normal-school debate and oratorical con- tests were common and attracted large crowds. after oshkosh’s eliza- beth shepard won the wisconsin state contest with her speech on ulysses s. grant, her classmates reported, “for grant when she spoke in electrical tones . . . she made the cold shivers run down our backbones.” buoyed by the normals’ vibrant academic community, women com- monly orated and debated in public in the midwest and west, and occa- sionally in the east. when they did so, they ironically gained cultural polish while violating the gender conventions of high society. society members also refined their writing skills by producing serial newspapers or magazines; many normal-school student publications began in the so- cieties. typical titles were: normal thought, published by the standard society at buffalo; normal ray, published by the baconian literary so- ciety at the state normal school of troy, alabama; and the students’ offering, which was a coordinated effort by all of the literary societies at cedar falls. not only did the literary societies increase students’ comfort with public speaking and writing, but they, along with class organizations and organized athletics, also fostered normalites’ self-confidence as leaders and participants in public life. students took advantage of multiple lead- ership opportunities. the societies, as well as organizations ranging from academic clubs to yw- and ymcas all had student officers. by the s, classes elected officers and, beginning in the s, student gov- ernment associations began to appear. men served as presidents of coed- the journal of higher education ucational organizations in numbers disproportionately greater than their representation on campus, but women did occasionally serve as presi- dent and often occupied other class offices. the constitution of the cam- puswide self-government association formed at oshkosh in stipu- lated that each class would be represented by one woman and one man. when san jose’s student body in elected harriet quilty its first president, the normal pennant remarked, “miss quilty needs no further introduction to our students, her great abilities as a leader are known from juniors to seniors.” quilty and other normalites seized the unusual opportunity to serve in a leadership role. on the athletic fields and basketball courts, normalites gained further experience as public actors in a strong community. physical activity was a long-standing part of normal life, and by the mid s, athletic com- petitions were quite prominent. illinois normal held its first annual field day in , including running races, shot-put, discus and hammer throws, tennis, and bicycle races. in team sports, men participated in football as well as baseball and basketball, but the relatively small num- bers of male students meant a relatively low profile for these intramural and occasional intercollegiate teams. basketball was really the territory of female normalites, and it soon became wildly popular. illinois nor- mal inaugurated intramural competition among women’s teams in , as did ellensburg, washington, where a local newspaper reported, “the ladies are getting to be splendid players.” in ellensburg’s women players began interscholastic competition. beginning at the turn of the century, women and men diversified their athletic endeavors to include sports such as tennis and hockey, but women’s basketball continued to draw the most spectators. at oshkosh, the men reported, “they did make plays and no mistake / those girls in blue and yellow; / and to spur on the lusty crowd / we cheered them to a fellow.” along with im- proving their level of fitness, these athletes undoubtedly gained poise as they performed in a public setting. finally, the broader social atmosphere of the normals was remarkably vibrant, prompting one observer to write that san jose exuded “enthusi- asm and mutual confidence.” at the most formal level, students attended all sorts of anniversary celebrations and building dedications, which brought a sense of history and grandeur to campus. usually spanning several days, graduation ceremonies generally included a baccalaureate sermon by a local minister, academic speeches by all graduates or stu- dent representatives of the senior class, and speeches by the principal or perhaps a visiting dignitary, as well as the ceremonial conferring of de- grees. in addition, students created their own tradition of more- and less- formal events. in end-of-the-year “class day” celebrations, they took the rethinking the nontraditional student stage to read the class history and prophesy and make other speeches. at castleton in the late s, celebrations included addresses to the ju- niors that offered advice as well as gentle gibes. from week to week, campus life was alive with other student-initiated events; all sorts of re- ceptions and socials provided normalites with opportunities to grow more comfortable as public actors. at one such reception, sponsored by the ywca at san jose, a leader announced at regular intervals new con- versation topics including “the last book i read,” the weather, and even “women’s sphere.” this gathering, like countless others on normal cam- puses, was virtually a seminar on the mores of polite society. with so many opportunities to involve oneself in a robust and inclusive academic community, it is hardly surprising that the “sip of a girl from an isolated shore home” in massachusetts described attending normal school as, “not unlike birth into another world.” conclusion state normal schools in the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen- turies not only welcomed women, members of minority groups, and stu- dents with other nontypical characteristics, but also included them in a rich intellectual and social community and encouraged them to reach be- yond their unprivileged backgrounds. while the official mission of the normal schools was simply teacher preparation, the unofficial mission of serving nontraditional students was integral to these institutions. re- flecting on the later transformation of former normal schools into uni- versities, e. alden dunham ( ) observed, “one of the ironies of this movement is that a first-class teachers college may become a third-class university as it grows and changes its function” (p. ). thus, in the search for status, the former normals gave up their distinctive identity, including the behind-the-scenes yet ground-breaking mission of serving nontraditional students. more than three decades ago, dunham ( ) saw the “question of model, of institutional purpose” as “the greatest single problem” facing state colleges and regional universities, because they lost “institutional coherence, warmth, and friendliness” as “the at- mosphere” changed “from soft to hard” (pp. – ). the new “hard” environment marginalized the needs of nontraditional students. rethink- ing the notion of “nontraditional” from the historical perspective of state normal schools is an important reminder not only of atypical students’ rich history in higher education, but also of what higher education insti- tutions and society stand to lose in turning away from the mission— whether official or unofficial— of serving these students. the journal of higher education notes gillan quoted in semi-centennial history of the illinois state normal university, – . normal, il: illinois state normal university, , p. . david sands wright, fifty years at the teachers college: historical and personal reminiscences. cedar falls: iowa state teachers college, , p. ; william freder- ick hartman, the history of colorado state college of education: the normal school pe- riod, – . unpublished doctoral dissertation, colorado state college of educa- tion, , p. ; united states commissioner/bureau of education, reports and bulletins. washington: u.s. government printing office, – . most black normal schools later became agricultural and mechanical colleges, then universities. north carolina established a normal school for native american students in pembroke, and oklahoma established one in tahlequah. william marshall french & florence smith french, college of the empire state: a centennial history of the new york state college for teachers at albany. albany, , pp. , ; oswego students quoted in dorothy rogers, fountainhead of teacher edu- cation: a century in the sheldon tradition. new york: appleton-century-crofts, , p. ; robert t. brown, the rise and fall of the people’s colleges: the westfield normal school, – . westfield, ma: institute for massachusetts studies, westfield state college, , pp. – ; robert mcgraw, a century of service. in herb taylor (ed.), the first years: worcester state college. worcester, ma: worcester state college, office of community services, , section (no page nos.); louie g. ramsdell, first hundred years of the first state normal school in america: the state teachers college at framingham, massachusetts— – . in first state normal school in america: the state teachers college at framingham, massachusetts. framingham, ma: the alumnae association of the state teachers college at framingham, massachusetts, , p. ; helen e. marshall, grandest of enterprises: illinois state normal university, – . normal, il: illinois state normal university, , p. ; elizabeth tyler bugaighis, blackboard diplomacy: the role of american normal schools in exporting education to latin america, – . paper presented at the annual meeting of the american educational research association, new orleans, april ; tom w. nichols, rugged summit. san marcos, tx, , p. . david a. gould, policy and pedagogues: school reform and teacher professionaliza- tion in massachusetts, – . unpublished doctoral dissertaion, brandeis univer- sity, , p. ; brown, the rise and fall of the people’s colleges, p. ; percentages of southwest texas parents calculated from data in announcement of the southwest texas state normal school for the annual session – , – , – , – , – , – , – . austin: state printers, – ; irving h. hart, the first years. cedar falls, ia: iowa state teachers college, . p. ; a history of the state normal school of kansas for the first twenty-five years. emporia, ks, , p. ; elizabeth l. wheeler. isaac fisher: the frustrations of a negro educator at branch normal college, – . the arkansas historical quar- terly, (spring ), . arthur clarke boyden, albert gardner boyden and the bridgewater state normal school: a memorial volume. bridgewater, ma: arthur h. willis, , p. ; newspaper quoted in irene goldgraben, and the glory of the latter house shall be greater than that of the former. in and the glory of the latter house shall be greater than that of the former: an informal history of castleton state college. castleton, vt, , p. ; brown, the rise and fall of the people’s colleges, p. ; rogers, oswego: fountainhead, p. ; cheer quoted in the arkansasyer. pine bluff, ar: faculty of arkansas agricultural, mechani- cal and normal college, ( ), p. . in keepers of the spirit: the l. a. davis, sr. his- torical collection, exhibit, isaac s. hathaway-john m. howard fine arts center, uni- versity of arkansas at pine bluff, pine bluff, ar, may . dignam quoted in work projects administration in the state of massachusetts, the rethinking the nontraditional student state teachers college at westfield. boston: state department of education, , p. ; class day program, , university of wisconsin—oshkosh archives, area research center, polk library, oshkosh, wi, p. ; carey w. brush, in honor and good faith: a history of the state university college at oneonta, new york. oneonta, ny: the faculty- student association of state university teachers college at oneonta, , pp. , , ; hartman, the history of colorado state college of education, p. ; ernest j. hopkins & alfred thomas, jr., the arizona state university story. phoenix: southwest publishing co., , pp. – ; elisabeth ann bowles, a good beginning: the first four decades of the university of north carolina at greensboro. chapel hill: the uni- versity of north carolina press, , pp. – ; ages of san-marcos students calcu- lated from data in student registers, – , box , series , southwest texas state university archives, special collections, alkek library, san marcos, tx; douglas r. skopp, bright with promise: from the normal and training school to suny platts- burg, – . norfolk, va: the donning company, , pp. – . frank t. reuter, west liberty state college: the first years. west liberty, wv: west liberty state college, , p. ; l. b. johnson (not lyndon baines) quoted in hopkins and thomas, the arizona state university story p. . george h. martin, the bridgewater spirit. in seventy-fifth anniversary of the state normal school, bridgewater, massachusetts, june , . bridgewater, ma: arthur h. willis, , p. ; rogers, oswego: fountainhead, p. ; farmington statistics based on information in george c. purington, history of the state normal school, farmington, maine. farmington, me: knowlton, mcleary & co., , pp. – ; oshkosh statis- tics calculated from annual catalogue of the state normal school at oshkosh, wis., for the school year – , – , – , – , – , – , – , – , – . oshkosh, wi, – , and oshkosh state normal school bulletin (oshkosh, wi), (june ); (june ); (june ); quotations from class day programs (oshkosh), , p. ; , p. ; a history of the state normal school of kansas, p. ; hopkins & thomas, the arizona state university story, – ; florence data calculated using statistics in state superintendent of education (alabama), reports, and . montgomery, al, pp. – ; – , p. . hewett quoted in sandra d. harmon, the voice, pen and influence of our women are abroad in the land: women and the illinois state normal university, – . in catherine hobbs (ed.), nineteenth-century women learn to write. charlottesville: uni- versity of virginia press, , p. ; egbert r. isbell, a history of eastern michigan university, – . ypsilanti, mi: eastern michigan university press, , p. ; state superintendent of education (alabama), report, – , p. ; ellis a. steb- bins, the oce story. monmouth, or: oregon college of education, , p. ; brush, in honor and good faith, p. ; rogers, oswego: fountainhead, p. . j. m. mckenzie, history of peru state normal. auburn, ne: the nemaha county republican, , p. . martin, the bridgewater spirit, p. ; dixon quoted in boyden, albert gardner boyden and the bridgewater state normal school, p. ; state superintendent of pub- lic instruction (ar), biennial report, – , p. ; annual catalogue of the state normal school at oshkosh, wis., for the school year – , – , – , – , – ; oshkosh state normal school bulletin (june ); (june ); rosalind r. fisher, “. . . the stone strength of the past . . .”: centennial history of state university college of arts and science at geneseo, new york. geneseo, ny, , p. ; maxine ollie merlino, a history of the california state normal schools—their origin, growth, and transformation into teachers colleges. unpublished doctoral disser- taion, university of southern california, , pp. – . mckenzie, history of the peru state normal, pp. – , ; principal’s annual re- port, – , quoted in arthur charles forst, jr., from normal school to state col- lege: the growth and development of eastern connecticut state college from to . unpublished doctoral dissertaion, university of connecticut, , p. . the journal of higher education class day program (oshkosh), , pp. – . catalogue and circular of the california state normal school, san jose, . sacramento, , pp. – ; state normal school, castleton, vermont, flier, , castleton state college archives, vermont room, coolidge library, castleton, vt; al- bert salisbury, the normal schools of wisconsin: a souvenir of the meeting of the na- tional educational association held at milwaukee, wis., july – , ( ), p. . for admission requirements, see catalogues and bulletins of individual normal schools. see also fisher, “. . . the stone strength of the past . . . ,” p. ; susan vaughn, the history of state teachers college, florence, alabama. bulletin of the state teachers college, florence, alabama, [ s?], pp. , ; fredrick chambers, historical study of arkansas agricultural, mechanical and normal college, – . unpub- lished edd dissertation, ball state university, , p. ; estelle greathead, the story of an inspiring past: historical sketch of san jose state teachers college from to . san jose, ca: san jose state teachers college, , p. ; william herald her- rmann, the rise of the public normal school system in wisconsin. unpublished doctoral dissertation, university of wisconsin, , pp. – , ; john marvin smith, the history and growth of southwest texas state teachers college. unpublished ma thesis, university of texas–austin, , p. . annual catalogue of the state normal school at oshkosh, wis., for the school year – . oshkosh, wi, , p. ; bulletin of the state normal college, florence, alabama, ( ), . the first half century of the oshkosh normal school. oshkosh, wi: the faculty of state normal school, , p. ; state normal school, geneseo, ny, – , p. ; isbell, a history of eastern michigan university, p. . catalog quoted in as we were . . . as we are: bridgewater state college, – . bridgewater, ma: alumni association, bridgewater state college, , p. . a history of the state normal school of kansas, p. ; clayton c. mau, brief his- tory of the state university teachers college, geneseo, new york. geneseo, ny, , p. ; isbell, a history of eastern michigan university, p. ; catalogue of the california state normal school, san jose, . sacramento: state printing office, , p. ; ( ), p. ; michael francis bannon, a history of state teachers college, troy, alabama. unpublished edd dissertation, george peabody college for teachers, , p. ; announcement of the southwest texas state normal school for the annual session – , p. . chambers, historical study of arkansas agricultural, mechanical and normal col- lege, p. ; vaughn, the history of state teachers college, florence, p. ; on scholar- ships, see catalogues and bulletins of individual normal schools. rogers, oswego: fountainhead, p. ; brush, in honor and good faith, pp. , – ; nichols, rugged summit, pp. – ; e. louise murphy, origin and develop- ment of fayetteville state teachers college, – —a chapter in the history of the education of negroes in north carolina. unpublished doctoral dissertation, new york university, , p. ; thomas rothrock, joseph carter corbin and negro education in the university of arkansas. the arkansas historical quarterly, (winter ), . state normal school, geneseo, ny, – , p. ; – , p. . excerpt from westfield catalog reprinted in brown, the rise and fall of the people’s colleges, – ; arthur c. boyden, the history of bridgewater normal school. bridgewater, ma: bridgewater normal alumni association, , pp. , – ; forst, from normal school to state college: the growth and development of eastern connecti- cut state college, pp. , – ; paul stoler, castleton normal school in the nineteenth century. in holman d. jordan (ed.), and the glory of the latter house shall be greater than that of the former: an informal history of castleton state college. castleton, vt: castleton state college, , p. ; chambers, historical study of arkansas agricul- rethinking the nontraditional student tural, mechanical and normal college, – , pp. – , , , ; hopkins & thomas, the arizona state university story, p. school catalogs, bulletins and histories (various); c. o. ruggles, historical sketch and notes: winona state normal school, – . winona, mn: jones & kroeger co., , pp. – . school catalogs, bulletins and histories (various); catalogue of the california state normal school, san jose, . sacramento: state printing office, , p. ; the nor- mal index. san jose, ca: students of state normal school, (nov. ), ; hartman, the history of colorado state college of education, p. ; mau, brief history of the state university teachers college, geneseo, p. ; w. wayne dedman, cherishing this heritage: the centennial history of the state university college at brockport, new york. new york: appleton-century-crofts, , p. ; a history of the state normal school of kansas, pp. – ; deward homan reed, the history of teachers colleges in new mexico. nashville: george peabody college for teachers, , p. ; hopkins & thomas, the arizona state university story, pp. – ; wright, fifty years at the teachers college, p. ; melvin frank fiegel, a history of southwestern state college, – . unpublished edd dissertation, oklahoma state university, , p. . school catalogs, bulletins, and histories (various); vaughn, the history of state teachers college, florence, p. ; oshkosh state teachers college: the first seventy-five years. oshkosh, wi: oshkosh state teachers college, , p. ; wright, fifty years at the teachers college, p. ; the normal pennant. san jose, ca: students of state nor- mal school, (june ), ; the pedagogue. san marcos, tx: students of southwest texas state normal school, , p. ; brush, in honor and good faith, p. . work projects administration, the state teachers college at westfield, p. ; the normal advance. oshkosh, wi: students of state normal school (oct. ), ; dixie club, roll and minutes of meetings, oct. , , in organizations, files, uni- versity collection, collier library archives, university of north alabama, florence, al (no page nos.); ladies’ literary society, minutes, oct. , and feb. , , in uni- versity of wisconsin-oshkosh archives, area research center, polk library, oshkosh, wi, pp. , ; the normal star (san marcos, tx: students of southwest texas state normal school) (feb. , ), ; the normal advance, (jan. ), ; boyden, albert gardner boyden and the bridgewater state normal school, p. . school catalogs, bulletins, and histories (various); catalogue and circular of the california state normal school, san jose, (sacramento, ), p. ; vermont state normal schools, – (catalog, no publication information provided), p. ; fisher, “. . . the stone strength of the past . . . ,” pp. – . boyden, albert gardner boyden and the bridgewater state normal school, pp. – ; new york state teachers college at buffalo: a history, – . buffalo: new york state teachers college at buffalo, , pp. , ; the normal advance, (march ), – ; bannon, a history of state teachers college, troy, alabama, , p. ; hart, the first years, p. . school catalogs, bulletins, and histories (various); class day programs (oshkosh), ; the first half century of the oshkosh normal school, p. ; the normal pennant, (may ), school catalogs, bulletins, and histories (various); marshall, grandest of enter- prises, pp. – ; samuel r. mohler, the first seventy-five years: a history of central washington state college. ellensburg, wa: central washington state college, , p. ; the normal advance, (march-april ), . s. e. rothery, 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( ). first-generation adult students: in search of safe havens. new directions for community colleges, ( ), – . the journal of higher education humanities article there’s no nostalgia like hollywood nostalgia thomas leitch department of english, university of delaware, newark, de , usa; tleitch@udel.edu; tel.: + - - - received: september ; accepted: october ; published: october ���������� ������� abstract: this essay argues that the complexities of the nostalgic impulse in hollywood cinema are inadequately described by svetlana boym’s particular description of hollywood as “both induc[ing] nostalgia and offer[ing] a tranquilizer” and her highly influential general distinction between restorative and reflective nostalgia. instead, it contends that hollywood departs in important ways from the models of both the restorative nostalgia established by the heritage cinema and great britain and the reflective nostalgia commonly found in american literature. using a wide range of examples from american cinema, american literature, and american culture, it considers the reasons why nostalgia occupies a different place and seeks different kinds of expressions in american culture than it does in other national cultures, examines the leading hollywood genres in which restorative nostalgia appears and the distinctive ways those genres inflect it, and concludes by urging a closer analysis of the more complex, multi-laminated nostalgia hollywood films offer as an alternative to boym’s highly influential categorical dichotomy. keywords: american literature; heritage cinema; hollywood; reflective nostalgia; restorative nostalgia hollywood nostalgia deserves more respect. according to svetlana boym, the leading contemporary theorist of nostalgia: “popular culture made in hollywood, the vessel for national myths that america exports abroad, both induces nostalgia and offers a tranquilizer; instead of disquieting ambivalence and paradoxical dialectic of past, present, and future, it provides a total restoration of extinct creatures and a conflict resolution” (boym , p. ). this dismissive characterization is rooted in boym’s highly influential discussion of nostalgia, which she defines as “a longing for a home that no longer exists or has never existed. nostalgia is a sentiment of loss and displacement, but it is also a romance with one’s own fantasy. nostalgic love can only survive in a long-distance relationship. a cinematic image of nostalgia is a double exposure or a superimposition of two images—of home and abroad, past and present, dream and everyday life” (boym , pp. xiii–xiv). boym distinguishes between two types of nostalgia: restorative nostalgia puts emphasis on nostos and proposes to rebuild the lost home and patch up the memory gaps. reflective nostalgia dwells in algia, in longing and loss, the imperfect process of remembrance. the first category of nostalgics do not think of themselves as nostalgic; they believe that their project is about truth. this kind of nostalgia characterizes national and nationalist revivals all over the world, which engage in the antimodern myth-making of history by means of a return to national symbols and myths and, occasionally, through swapping conspiracy theories. restorative nostalgia manifests itself in total reconstructions of monuments of the past, while reflective nostalgia lingers on ruins, the patina of time and history, in the dreams of another place and another time. (boym , p. ) considering hollywood nostalgia in the broader context of american cultural nostalgia challenges boym’s dismissal of hollywood nostalgia, reveals illuminating contrasts between the nostalgia of humanities , , ; doi: . /h www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities http://www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities http://www.mdpi.com http://dx.doi.org/ . /h http://www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities http://www.mdpi.com/ - / / / ?type=check_update&version= humanities , , of american cinema and the nostalgia of american literature, and complicates the distinction between restorative and reflective nostalgia in rewarding ways. to speak of american cultural nostalgia already implies, as boym acknowledges, that different national cultures and their cinemas are shaped by very different kinds of nostalgia. the most frequently discussed of these nostalgic cinemas, the so-called heritage cinema of great britain, began in the s with movies like chariots of fire ( ) and a room with a view ( ) that expressed what cairns craig called “the crisis of identity which england passed through during the thatcher years” through sustained images of “film as conspicuous consumption, the country houses, the paneled interiors, the clothes which have provided a good business for new york fashion houses selling english country style to rich americans” (craig , p. ). the britain of heritage films was rich, powerful, and untroubled, its citizens uniformly clean-cut, well-dressed, and good-looking, and the problems that drove their stories largely limited to private questions of morality, romance, or sexual identity with cautiously nationalistic overtones. heritage films employed a “museum aesthetic” (vincendeau , p. xviii) combining exterior shots of spacious estates and stately homes with interiors marked by close attention to historically accurate furnishings, fashions, and music. the effect was to stage often intense interpersonal psychological and social conflicts against a placidly idealized britain of day-before-yesteryear in which contemporary audiences could find comfort and refuge from the shocks and disappointments of the present. an important aspect of the heritage aesthetic was its new focus on television miniseries set in the past, often, though not always, based on classic english novels, and decorated with a finicky attention to visual and auditory detail quite new to the small screen. this aesthetic made british heritage cinema unusually distinctive. france, for example, has no comparable tradition of movies and television programs celebrating an idealized historical past. films like jean renoir’s la marseillaise ( ) are relatively rare, and no discernible pattern or general attitude toward the nation’s past emerges from the gérard depardieu department of history, which includes le dernier métro ( ), le retour de martin guerre ( ), danton ( ), camille claudel ( ), cyrano de bergerac ( ), tous les matins du monde ( ), colonel chabert ( ), and the miniseries le comte de monte cristo. germany has a tradition of heimat (“homeland”) cinema, but although the english word “nostalgia” represents swiss medical student johannes hofer’s attempt in to translate the german word heimweh, eckart voigts-virchow has shown that “the term heimat has different shades of meaning to the term ‘heritage’ in england” (voigts-virchow , p. ). to these different flavors of nostalgia, primož krašovec has added yugonostalgia. yugonostalgia, the remnants that survive “the process of depoliticization of the collective memory of socialism [ . . . ] is a form of popular memory that has been washed clean of all traces of political demands for social equality, workers’ participation in the production process, and internationalism, as well as [ . . . ] the antifascism, anti-imperialism, and anti-chauvinism that constituted the core of the revolutionary politics of socialism” (krašovec ). looking further east, japanese cinema has a long and honorable tradition of jidai-geki, films about government officials and samurai warriors who ply their trades during their country’s edo period, as opposed to the gendai-geki set in modern japan. but no one would call rashomon ( ) or gate of hell ( ) a heritage film, for the past they present as an alternative to the contemporary reality of postwar japan is just as troubled, and in its way just as brutal, as the world of ikiru ( ) or tokyo story ( ). the worlds of the heimat film and the jidai-geki may be sources of nostalgia and national pride, but like french historical films, they do not offer visually idealized refuges of the same sort that british cinema finds in jane austen or brideshead revisited ( ). the real outlier among national cinemas is that of the united states, which for all the glories of hollywood has never developed anything remotely comparable to heritage cinema. heritage cinema has never taken root in the united states because so many factors combine to make it difficult for americans—that is, for the purposes of this essay, citizens of the united states—to wax equally nostalgic over their own nation’s history, particularly as it is presented in the movies. heritage cinema’s restorative nostalgia, which dreams ardently of an idealized home in an idealized past, has no clear humanities , , of counterpart in american culture, which “didn’t succumb to the nostalgic vice until the american civil war” (boym , p. ). boym cites letter-perfect civil war enactments and the cgi dinosaurs of jurassic park ( ) as characteristically american examples of restorative nostalgia that propose “a heroic american national identity” (boym , p. ). but attempts to invoke this national identity through american nostalgia are complicated by several factors. for one thing, the unofficial culture of the united states is almost obsessively future-oriented, not past-oriented. americans are famous for living in the present and dreaming of the future rather than the past. they are less rooted in their extended families than the english, or europeans generally. they are more likely to move away from their birthplaces, and when they do move, they can move much further away without leaving their country. americans are much less focused, less likely to define themselves, in terms of where they came from than in terms of where they see themselves going. any nostalgic longing for the past has a strictly limited place in such a resolutely future-oriented world. this is true not only for americans as individuals but for american culture in general. when they are not celebrating independence day on the fourth of july—or, more recently and revealingly, on the first monday in july, a holiday of convenience whose most notable trademark is the display of fireworks, an entertainment form notable for its glorification of evanescent spectacle—citizens of the united states display remarkably little investment in their shared country’s past. the continuing debates over the propriety of monuments to the heroes of the confederacy during the civil war dramatize the extent to which americans define themselves in terms of local or regional rather than national ties. nor does american history lend itself readily to restorative nostalgia. the epochal events prominently displayed in the textbooks through which american schoolchildren learn their nation’s history are largely disruptive and destructive. when abraham lincoln announced in the gettysburg address that the strife-torn united states had originally been “conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal” (lincoln , p. ), he was rooting the national project in philosophical ideals americans have felt obliged to enact in the present instead of celebrating their currency in the past, where they would be much more likely to regard them critically or reflectively. america lacks the primary motive behind britain’s restorative nostalgia because although the united states may have given up the panama canal, it has not yet lost an empire. the thatcherite cultural conservatism behind british heritage cinema was a reaction to the fear that the united kingdom’s greatest days might have been behind it. until very recently, it has been hard to get a critical mass of citizens of the united states to take the analogous proposition about their own country seriously. most american presidents have been widely identified as leaders of the free world. flush with undiminished power, americans have no need to take refuge in an idealized past. even so, america has generated a widely acknowledged brand of nostalgia-based not so much of “the restoration of origins” boym identifies as one of the “two main narrative plots” of restorative nostalgia but on the other plot: “the conspiracy theory, characteristic of the most extreme cases of contemporary nationalism fed on right-wing popular culture,” that proposes “a manichean battle of good and evil and the inevitable scapegoating of the mythical enemy” (boym , p. ). this myth of american supremacy, at once self-congratulatory and paranoid, has most recently been marketed by donald trump. in capitalizing on and amplifying a nostalgic undercurrent long dormant in the american public, trump has ushered in a new era of restorative nostalgia. under the revealing slogan make america great again, he has campaigned and governed on the basis of an assumption that the united states is in decline and, as he told the republican national convention in accepting the party’s presidential nomination in july , “i alone can fix it.” trump’s presidency has focused on rolling back federal regulations and protections, cutting taxes and government programs, withdrawing from foreign treaties, squeezing long-standing allies for more advantageous trade deals, promising to build an impermeable wall on the border between the united states and mexico, appointing conservative federal judges and a remarkable number of cabinet secretaries openly hostile to the mandates of the departments they have been chosen to head, defunding and suppressing initiatives designed to reduce unwanted pregnancies and climate change, and demonizing dissenters and opponents in an humanities , , of endless series of vituperative ad hominem tweets, all in the name of restoring a greatness america has presumably lost. trump’s programs and policies are fueled by an unmistakably restorative nostalgia for an america that kept immigrants at bay, shunned political correctness and self-anointed east coast elites, condemned political extremists on the left but not the right, prized individual initiative above paternalistic collective action, and promoted the promise of untrammeled material success to everyone lucky enough to grab the brass ring. trump’s brand of maga nostalgia differs from heritage nostalgia not in being less restorative but in being more actively restorative. the idealized past the bbc dreams of finds its counterpart in an idealized american past, floating free of any limiting identification with a particular time or place, for whose return millions of americans do not simply long but ardently work and pray. the emergence of maga should have come as no great surprise, for despite its self-avowed progressivism and its founding devotion to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness—the last of these already an aspirational goal rather than a retrospective ideal—the united states has long found room within its culture for restorative nostalgia. but celebrations of this brand of nostalgia have rarely entered its literature because so many of these celebrations focus on artifacts rather than narratives. in accord with boym’s observation that restorative nostalgia “gravitates toward collective pictorial symbols and oral culture” (boym , p. ), american calls to restorative nostalgia are less closely associated with stories about america that with the icons, artifacts, and rituals revealingly labeled americana, a term so common that a google search for it reveals million hits, though none at all for “englishana” or “britishana.” giovanni russonello roots the label for the late-twentieth-century music he discusses as “americana” in an earlier history represented by “the comforting, middle-class ephemera at your average antique store—things like needle-pointed pillows, civil war daguerreotypes, and engraved silverware sets” (russonello ). this brand of americana is familiar from american television series like the waltons, little house on the prairie, dr. quinn, medicine woman, happy days, and that ’ s show. contemporary expressions of american nostalgia by american politicians, editorialists, and citizens are remote from these incarnations, which they rarely invoke. what is even more remarkable, however, is the estrangement of hollywood nostalgia from both the maga restorative nostalgia so stridently proclaimed by nativist politicians and the severely critical reflective nostalgia of hawthorne’s novel the scarlet letter. this estrangement is particularly striking in view of the notorious economic conservatism of the american film industry, which has expressed itself most recently in a wholesale commitment to retro superhero franchises and other sequels and remakes. there are several reasons why boym’s anodyne portrayal of hollywood nostalgia as restorative requires complication, and why hollywood nostalgia, when it does appear, is so distinctive. the first generation of hollywood moguls were european émigrés who lacked any sense of nostalgia for a racially or ethnically pure united states, and when these moguls retired or died, they were replaced by liberals whose own nostalgia is quite differently oriented from either the bbc or maga. the capital-intensiveness of hollywood filmmaking makes studios and bankers reluctant to gamble on projects they perceive as taking sides and preemptively alienating large portions of the audience. in the immortal injunction variously attributed to samuel goldwyn, ernest hemingway, moss hart, and humphrey bogart: “when you want to send a message, use western union.” hollywood celebrations of history tend to focus on the history of the american film industry itself, a tendency abundantly on display during annual broadcasts of the academy awards ceremonies. this unusually single-minded focus tends to eclipse any traces of reflective nostalgia it finds in american culture or american literature. maga nostalgia finds a more ready home in popular music that evokes a favored earlier time either through its own conventions (as in country and western song and the blues) or through the conventions of its return as beloved oldies. the scarcity of maga nostalgia in hollywood is illuminated by the production history of one film that traffics openly in this brand of nostalgia: gabriel over the white house, which gregory la cava humanities , , of directed in from a screenplay by carey wilson based on rinehard, a novel by canadian writer t.f. tweed. the film focuses on jud hammond (walter huston), a do-nothing, don’t-rock-the-boat politician who has been elected president. following a near-fatal car accident and a moment of possibly divine intervention, hammond awakens from his coma suddenly determined to rescue his country from “big-business lackeys.” he purges his cabinet, responds to his impeachment by declaring martial law, suspends civil rights, revokes the constitution, uses demonstrations of military force to blackmail world powers into disarming, and orders the execution of malefactors he personally identifies as “enemies of the people” before he suffers a fatal stroke, again of possibly divine provenance, and is eulogized as one of the greatest american presidents. the film, produced by walter wanger for cosmopolitan pictures, whose head, reactionary newspaper publisher william randolph hearst, had played an important role in shaping its screenplay, was distributed by mgm. as his biographer charles higham recounts, however, studio chief louis b. mayer, who had not been consulted during its development, “was appalled when he saw the picture’s rough cut” (higham , p. ). realizing that it was a piece of agitprop designed to criticize president herbert hoover as timid and ineffective in combatting the ills of the great depression and encourage incoming president franklin d. roosevelt to assume unilateral powers, he “intervened seriously for the first time over [irving] thalberg in the cutting of the picture” (higham , p. ). although contemporaneous reviewers equated hammond with mussolini and saw the film as an advance advertisement for home-grown fascism, gabriel over the white house was a popular success—but a success that mayer was so eager to avoid repeating that after buying the rights to it can’t happen here, sinclair lewis’s parable of local resistance to an american fascist president, before the bestselling novel’s publication, he was intimidated by the monitory response of hollywood censor joseph i. breen and the possible reactions of mgm’s profitable foreign markets. “mayer cannot have forgotten gabriel over the white house; he must have seen the anti-hooverish elements in even a story summary,” notes higham. “had he read the novel itself [ . . . ] he would certainly never have embarked on the picture at all” (higham , p. ). despite lewis’s vigorous public protests, it can’t happen here never went before the cameras. like gabriel over the white house, it is best remembered as a cautionary example of hollywood’s avoidance of partisan politics. apart from the studios’ unwillingness to offend large portions of the american audience by releasing more recent maga adaptations, hollywood adaptations of american literature rarely display restorative nostalgia because american literature itself has long shunned restorative nostalgia. theorists of american literature have frequently contrasted the american renaissance of the mid-nineteenth century with contemporaneous victorian literature. novelists like nathaniel hawthorne and herman melville play a less dominant role in the american renaissance than their english counterparts, charles dickens, william makepeace thackeray, the brontë sisters, elizabeth gaskell, and george eliot, because so many writers of the american renaissance were poets or essayists like ralph waldo emerson, henry david thoreau, james russell lowell, and henry wadsworth longfellow. although thackeray’s view of the napoleonic wars, dickens’s of the poor laws, and eliot’s of the reform bill of are quite as jaundiced as hawthorne’s view of the salem witch trials or harriet beecher stowe’s view of slavery, the social criticism of the great victorian novelists from dickens to elizabeth gaskell, anthony trollope, and thomas hardy is made more palatable by the satiric energy of dickens and thackeray and the detailed, integrative, largely sympathetic portraits of victorian society in gaskell’s wives and daughters, eliot’s middlemarch, and trollope’s the last chronicle of barset. when american writers of the period turn to the shorter forms of fiction, they produce not dickens’s nostalgic stories “a christmas carol,” “the chimes,” and “the cricket on the hearth,” but the gothic horror tales of edgar allan poe. the leading american novelists who follow the american renaissance and who might have been expected to provide material for restorative hollywood nostalgia adopt instead a more critically reflective nostalgia. washington square, the best-known of henry james’s forays into the historical past, is sharply critical of the mores of the early nineteenth century. so is edith wharton’s the age humanities , , of of innocence, which looks back on the later nineteenth century with an equally cold eye fifty years after the fact. mark twain’s boyhood idyll the adventures of tom sawyer views growing up in the midwest of the early nineteenth century through the lens of restorative nostalgia, but its more ambitious sequel, the adventures of huckleberry finn, adopts a much more critically reflective nostalgia in its faux-naïve exposé of the corrosive effects of slavery. whatever nostalgia appears in the red badge of courage, stephen crane’s account of an episode from the american civil war, is reflective rather than restorative. the same is true of the world war i fiction of ernest hemingway, william faulkner, and john dos passos. the great gatsby has so often been filmed as an exercise in period nostalgia that it can be easy to forget that it is not itself a period piece but a sharply, if compassionately, observed portrait of a american present notable for its unblinking critique of the american dream of progress through individual self-actualization; like the novels f. scott fitzgerald revealingly titled this side of paradise, the beautiful and damned, tender is the night, and the last tycoon, its primary mode is elegiac rather than nostalgic—or, as boym would say, a mode of reflective rather than restorative nostalgia. and faulkner, whose anatomy of the catastrophic legacy of racial injustice on mississippi’s yoknapatawpha county rises to an obsession in novels like absalom, absalom! and go down, moses, shows that a fixation on the american past does not guarantee anything like restorative nostalgia. nor does this highly critical attitude toward the past undergo any substantial change in recent novelists from thomas pynchon to philip roth to don delillo, all of whose excursions into american history could be described as curdled, sometimes withering exercises in reflective nostalgia. apart from james fenimore cooper’s leatherstocking tales about the relations between british american settlers and native americans in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the most distinctive and distinguished american novelists have been not only non-nostalgic but anti-nostalgic. the great american novels from the house of the seven gables and moby-dick to the plot against america and underworld have refused the cultural conservatism of their english counterparts and so left open few possibilities for restorative nostalgia in hollywood adaptations—unless, like the great gatsby, they are pressed into service as the basis for period costume dramas. american literature may be employed as a site of restorative nostalgia in the same ways that any archive can be pressed into similar service, but that is not its own characteristic mode: when writers like hawthorne and faulkner and roth plumb the american past, it is not to celebrate it but to mine it for previsions of contemporary social and cultural problems. if “nostalgia is a psychological mechanism that serves a motivational regulatory function by counteracting avoidance motivation and facilitating approach motivation” (routledge , p. ), american literature, in general, facilitates approach motivation only in the most implicit, indirect, highly critical ways. so it is not surprising to find that hollywood nostalgia, which in clay routledge’s terms “affirms feelings of belongingness” (routledge , p. ), is distinct from both the restorative nostalgia of british heritage cinema and the critically reflective nostalgia of american literature. for all its enduring infatuation with british literature in general and the victorian novel in particular as sites of nostalgia, cultural capital, and elitist cachet, hollywood has had little use for american literature. when it has adapted american literary classics, the results have often been non-nostalgic, even anti-nostalgic. roland joffé’s the scarlet letter ( ) includes demi moore, gary oldman, robert duvall, an indian attack, a hot tub, and a happy ending. the impetus behind joffé’s adaptation, whose departures from hawthorne’s novel moore assured interviewers could safely be ignored because “it had been a very long time since people had read it” (rubenstein ), was not a painstakingly recreated simulacrum of an idealized historical past but a determined, albeit anachronistic, attempt to improve that past by conferring on hawthorne’s story the enlightened attitudes of the contemporary audience’s own beliefs about sex, love, adultery, social opprobrium, and true romance, an attempt, very typical of hollywood, that ended up fetishizing the present rather than the past. humanities , , of a further look into hollywood history reveals not so much a blanket dismissal of classic american novels as a highly discriminating selection of them and a strikingly consistent treatment of the properties that are actually selected. american regionalists like sarah orne jewett, eudora welty, and flannery o’connor are rarely adapted to the screen. instead, new england is represented by the scarlet letter and peyton place and the american south by the birth of a nation and gone with the wind. edith wharton’s most notable exercises in nostalgia, the four novella-length prequels to the age of innocence that she collected in the volume old new york, have been largely neglected by hollywood, although the longest of them, “the old maid,” was filmed as a period vehicle for bette davis in , just as the age of innocence itself has been adapted three times, most recently and memorably by martin scorsese in . perhaps the most striking rejection of a truly nostalgic american author is hollywood’s neglect of the novelist willa cather, whose sensitive, monumental great plains trilogy—o pioneers! ( ), the song of the lark ( ), and my Ántonia ( )—went unfilmed until . indeed the only two films before based on cather’s work both adapted a lost lady, a romance that is the least historically resonant of her major novels, and every one of the ten cather adaptations from to the present has been either a short film or a television original. cather has fared better on the small screen than the big screen not because her novels are small-scaled themselves but because, like their british heritage counterparts, they use largely domestic settings to focus potentially large-scale cultural conflicts. they can be filmed on a limited budget on nebraska locations, and their emphasis on strong women struggling to find themselves and their vocations makes them a natural for the hallmark channel and the public television network alongside adaptations of edna ferber, the younger, book-of-the-month club version of cather. more important, successful television adaptations emphasize their worlds over their stories. just as tv series from i love lucy to the simpsons allow loyal audiences to enjoy their time with familiar characters by putting them every week into new situations that barely take them out of their comfort zone, television adaptations, whether they are miniseries or features, offer one more chance to spend quality time with characters they have already grown to love. television episodes can be as densely plotted as feature films, but in situation comedies like all in the family or dramas like mission: impossible, the goal of each episode is not to reach a new ending, but to return to the world as it was at the beginning of the episode. sarah cardwell contends that television “interacts with our present lives in a way that film does not. the transmission [ . . . ] of each text is perceived as being ‘present,’ due to its locus in television’s continuous flow. added to this, our interpretation of the tenseless television image is that it is of the present tense” (cardwell , p. ). despite these insistent tokens of presentness, television, at least until the recent rise of cable miniseries like the sopranos, the wire, and homeland, has been a nostalgic medium whose characters typically yearn to preserve their world rather than change it. restorative nostalgia finds a readier welcome on television because its plots are less threatening, more predictable, more formulaic, and more ritualistic, like the stories parents tell their children at bedtime. even though most viewers (the word is significant) think of cinema as a more visually oriented medium than television, television is particularly well suited to supplying visuals in a style their audience has already been trained to expect, and it is no coincidence that the great age of the british heritage adaptation was largely driven by television miniseries. more generally, because restorative nostalgia expresses its longing for the past by fixing on particular places and spaces—scenes, moments, situations, and tableaux it freezes and idealizes—rather than on the stories that complicate and disrupt these treasured moments, its natural vehicles are visual rather than narrative. the most characteristically nostalgic stories fall into two categories. the first is tales that have become so familiar that they can be fondly remembered as stories, whether the audience that greets their repetition with delight is children hearing the story of goldilocks and the three bears one more time or the adult fans watching evil dead ii ( ) one more time. even though all these audiences know exactly what is going to happen, that knowledge is itself a condition of their pleasure that frees them to savor every moment of the story, confident that it will end by arriving at its accustomed destination. the second kind of stories subject to nostalgia is those that showcase the largest possible humanities , , of number of privileged moments, lingering over them and inflating them before reluctantly revealing the less readily sentimentalized social forces that lead away from them. apart from eugene o’neill’s ah, wilderness!, restorative nostalgia is not a particularly powerful force in the american theater. no one in the audience pines to return to the landscapes of the hairy ape or the emperor jones or the glass menagerie or a streetcar named desire. the one great exception is the american musical theater, which systematically isolates moments of privileged emotional intensity from the rest of the story and then heightens them by embedding them in songs that will linger in the audience’s memory long after the final curtain. broadway musicals that follow a line of descent from rodgers and hammerstein to jersey boys and mamma mia are repeatedly staged in what are aptly called revivals. the focus of communal nostalgia in the united states has been visual rather than narrative, spatial rather than temporal, and the american narratives most likely to invite a nostalgic response are those whose stories are ad hoc and ritualistic rather than end-oriented and definitive. americana is typically envisioned in terms of places like disneyland that foster or encourage idealized or sentimental dreams and memories rather than journeys into or within the spaces it envisions. the british, of course, have austenland, incarnated both cinematically in an american movie and virtually in the online republic of pemberley, a discursive space revealingly named after a fictional place. dickensland was the subject of an appreciative book by j.a. nicklin over a century ago (nicklin ). one factor that helps explains hollywood’s relative neglect of the great american novels, in fact, is how few american authors could reasonably spawn their own lands. it is easy to envision poeland but hard to imagine hawthorneland or melvilleland or henry jamesland or flannery o’connorland. and although it might be argued that yoknapatawpha county, mississippi, is faulknerland, it is unlikely that spending time in that actual location would give readers anything like the same subjectively supercharged experience they treasure in reading faulkner’s novels. aristotle ruled that plots include a beginning, a middle, and an end that confer their definitive shape. but nostalgic audiences clearly treasure beginnings, endure middles mostly as exercises in deferred gratification, and prefer endings that close the circle by returning to the beginning rather than confirming the brave new world of an aristotelian ending. if the locus of american nostalgia is indeed visual artifacts rather than stories, then the most nostalgic stories, and the most nostalgic moments in these stories, are those that are organized or crystallized around artifacts, objects endowed with frankly magical powers or objects whose psychological or spiritual magic depends on the rich web of associations the stories build up around them. hollywood’s disinclination to celebrate any history but its own defines and markets hollywood history as a series of aesthetic and technological triumphs interspersed with the inevitable losses like those commemorated in the academy awards ceremony’s annual necrology. but restorative nostalgia still appears in the american cinema, though typically with a distinctive twist. it appears most obviously in musicals, whose programmatic structural distinction between the timeless song-and-dance numbers that convey the characters’ deepest emotions, desires, hopes, and fears and the timebound continuity that motivates and separates these numbers makes the genre a natural for restorative nostalgia. but this tendency does not appear in nearly as many musicals as one might think. film adaptations of the pioneering jerome kern and oscar hammerstein ii musical show boat, like broadway revivals of the show, are increasingly exercises in restorative nostalgia, but the more reflective nostalgia of the original show comes through in every one. the early twentieth-century revue musicals associated with florenz ziegfeld and george and ira gershwin are not especially nostalgic. with the exception of a connecticut yankee, neither are the musicals richard rodgers wrote with lorenz hart. not until hammerstein replaces hart as rodgers’s collaborator does the team turn to nostalgic musicals like oklahoma! carousel, and the sound of music and their film adaptations. this tropism toward restorative nostalgia crests in the hollywood musicals that recycle familiar songbooks instead of emphasizing new music—night and day ( ), till the clouds roll by ( ), the jolson story ( ), three little words ( ), an american in paris ( ), singin’ in the rain ( ), the band wagon ( ), the glenn miller story ( ), the benny goodman story ( )—and humanities , , of persists in movie musicals from guys and dolls ( ) to grease ( ), quasi-musicals like american graffiti ( ), and revivals, readaptations, and remakes onstage and onscreen. restorative nostalgia also appears in westerns, though again not where one might expect. the western as a genre gravitates toward valedictory, reflective nostalgia rather than restorative nostalgia: it is not aimed at audiences who wish they were battling indians and searching for signs of drinking water on the prairie. indeed, as jane tompkins has observed, the native americans who hover on the fringes of most westerns function “as props, bits of local color, textural effects. [ . . . ] indians are repressed in westerns—there but not there—in the same way women are” (tompkins , pp. , ). the golden age of the hollywood western during the s, when widescreen and technicolor carried the potential to turn the most routine western into a visual spectacle, is marked by an increasing focus on the traumas of conquest, miscegenation, and slavery in films like broken arrow ( ), shane ( ), the searchers ( ), and two rode together ( ) before reaching an anti-nostalgic apotheosis in little big man ( ). of more recent westerns, the shootist ( ) evinces nostalgia for the days of john wayne’s movie-created youth, stirringly excerpted in the film’s opening sequence; silverado ( ) nostalgia not for the old west, but for old westerns; and unforgiven ( ) an unblinking summation of the costs of waxing nostalgic about the code of the west. the predominant mode of westerns from the vanishing american ( ) to the man who shot liberty valence ( ) is elegiacally reflective nostalgia rather than restorative nostalgia; if the reverse were true, they would all join dances with wolves ( ) in urging a return to the days when native american culture flourished. restorative nostalgia appears in movies about movies, though again its provenance and valence are unexpectedly complicated. unlike the artist ( ), which is nostalgic for the days of silent films, singin’ in the rain ( ) is nostalgic for the transitional period to the talkies, but not for the silents, which it considers primitive and dramatically limited in expressiveness. sherlock jr., perhaps the finest movie ever made about the movies, is state-of-the- -art rather than nostalgic; the bad and the beautiful ( ) and two weeks in another town ( ) are gimlet-eyed rather than nostalgic; and norma desmond’s genuine, deep-seated, and unbridled nostalgia for silent movies in sunset blvd. ( ) is ultimately pathological and murderous. restorative nostalgia appears as well in children’s movies—or, more accurately, in the kinds of family movies represented by little women ( , , , ), the wizard of oz ( ), johnny tremain ( ), and innumerable disney films from treasure island ( ) to davy crockett: king of the wild frontier ( ). the past about which these films invite younger audiences to wax nostalgic is not remembered but constructed by films whose aim is as much educational, in disney’s own particular manner, as nostalgic. further from disney, deeper into the world of willy wonka and the chocolate factory ( ), matilda ( ), and a series of unfortunate events ( ), childhood is much less likely to appear as an object of nostalgia. finally, restorative nostalgia appears in many of the costume dramas based on novels by kate chopin, henry james, edith wharton, f. scott fitzgerald, and ernest hemingway, and even in todd haynes’s five-part television adaptation of james m. cain’s mildred pierce ( ). once again, however, this restorative nostalgia is always tempered and often overwhelmed by far more critical attitudes toward the past that has been so meticulously recreated. a particularly telling example is the heiress, william wyler’s adaptation of james’s novel washington square. although the film’s opening credit sequence suggests its sentimental attachment to tokens of a vanished past, the film, whose screenplay is based on ruth and augustus goetz’s theatrical adaptation of the novel, moves into considerably more brutal territory than james. when james’s heroine catherine sloper, romanced for her inheritance by the charming, penniless morris townsend, is threatened by her coldly remote father with disinheritance if she marries morris, she quietly stands up first to her dying father, then to the importunate morris, and placidly returns to her joyless life. in the film, catherine is far more outspoken in her relations with both men, bitterly rejecting her unloving father and then tricking morris into believing that she will elope with him so that the film ends with his standing outside her home in a downpour as she retires to her bedroom with a sardonic smile. aaron copland’s celebrated musical humanities , , of score for the film manages to be both nostalgically classical and unflinchingly modern, and olivia de havilland won an academy award for playing catherine, first with restraint, then with an unbridled fury that moved even further than james from restorative nostalgia. discussing the “particular practice of pastiche” he calls the “nostalgia film,” fredric jameson identifies american graffiti as “one of the inaugural films in this new ‘genre’ (if that’s what it is)” (jameson , p. ). more recently, vera dika has announced, “the nostalgia film seems to privilege a s past” (dika , p. ), and christina sprengler has agreed that “the fifties” are the “privileged object” (sprengler , p. ) of contemporary american films like far from heaven ( ), the aviator ( ), and sin city ( ). an even more striking example of restorative nostalgia that shows how complex hollywood nostalgia can be even at its most straightforwardly restorative is annie get your gun, a film released in , at the beginning of dika’s and sprengler’s favored decade. it is a costume drama that is also a musical, a western, and a movie about an entertainer, though not a movie star, that happens to be highly suitable for children even though it was not made for them. the film is a palimpsest of multilayered nostalgia. it invokes nostalgia for its real-life heroine, the sharpshooter and entertainer annie oakley, played here by betty hutton; nostalgia for her earlier incarnation by barbara stanwyck in george stevens’s film; nostalgia for the irving berlin broadway musical on which it was more immediately based—the film that gave its star ethel merman her signature song, “there’s no business like show business”—and nostalgia for hypothetical alternative versions starring judy garland, who was originally cast in the role and filmed at least two musical numbers before she was replaced by hutton, and frank morgan, best known for playing the wizard of oz, who was replaced by louis calhern as buffalo bill cody when he died before shooting began. in addition, an audience watching the film in will find new layers of nostalgia: nostalgia for the film’s highly selective version of american history; nostalgia for the grand compromise in the battle of the sexes, here represented by the professional rivalry between annie and sharpshooter frank butler, that annie first rejects, then accepts by deliberately missing a target to throw a shooting match against frank; nostalgia for the comparatively simple days of first-wave feminism, combined with a certain squirming discomfort at annie’s compromise; nostalgia for howard keel’s debut as a singing star in the role of frank butler; nostalgia for musicals made, like this one, by mgm’s fondly remembered freed unit; and of course nostalgia for a -year-old movie, especially one that waited fifty years for its first video release. one important lesson of annie get your gun is that nostalgia need not focus on recalling a particular time and place: it can valorize many favored sites, from the wild west to screen representations of annie oakley to the days when the relations between men and women were governed by a narrow range of male-authored scripts women challenged at their peril to a beloved show-stopping number in irving berlin’s musical, without inconsistency or self-contradiction, because the primary energy of even the most determinedly restorative nostalgia is not the celebration of past realities, even imagined past realities, but the refusal to accept present-day realities. another equally important lesson emerges from the conflict between annie oakley and frank butler, whose professional status she first threatens, then deliberately retreats from threatening in order to win his heart: a given film can incorporate logically contradictory attitudes toward any given problem, situation, time, or place without compromising its own nostalgia, which is merely complicated rather than undermined by such contradictions. effervescently diffuse and often contradictory as it is, annie get your gun is no more typical of hollywood nostalgia than the homecoming of odysseus is of european nostalgia. even though it is generally remote from the elegiacally critical attitude american literature adopts toward the american past, hollywood nostalgia is less restorative than reflective, less reminiscent of the homecoming of odysseus than of the returns of agamemnon and ajax, stories whose grimness depends not on the perils of their journeys but on the failures of their homes to welcome them properly and confirm their sense of the identities they have forged during their absence. this brand of nostalgia owes less to the civil war anthem “when johnny comes marching home” than to its humanities , , of savagely ironic transformation in the irish song “johnny, i hardly knew ye.” the complexities of this reflective nostalgia are found not in annie get your gun but in the western and non-western novels of larry mcmurtry and cormac mccarthy and in their film adaptations: hud ( ), the last picture show ( ), terms of endearment ( ), lonesome dove ( ), all the pretty horses ( ), no country for old men ( ), and the road ( ). this brand of nostalgia is eminently consistent and indeed codependent on a sharp criticism of the homes from which its heroes are estranged, and often on the whole idea of home in general. it is the driving force behind hollywood movies as different as sunrise ( ), citizen kane ( ), vertigo ( ), memento ( ), and blade runner ( ), a final example that deserves a closer look because the relations among its many different modes of nostalgia are so complex. denis villeneuve’s film is not only a sequel to ridley scott’s blade runner ( ) but, like most sequels, an unofficial remake of the original film, a revisiting of scott’s dystopian world a generation later in a film that was produced a generation after the film that inspired it. like its own source, philip k. dick’s story “do androids dream of electric sheep?” blade runner is a futuristic meditation on the difficulties of distinguishing the human from the non-human. although it failed at the box office, it became one of the most highly regarded of all cult films, and the visionary dreariness of its imagined los angeles exteriors inspired a generation of neo-noirs. blade runner , whose cityscapes are less spectacularly overstimulating but equally rain-soaked and dreary, opens with an explanatory title card that reminds audiences who have seen the earlier film, informs those who haven’t, and brings all of them up to date about its focus on replicants, “bio-engineered humans” who were created as slaves but attempted an abortive revolt in the earlier film. the “new line of replicants who obey,” the film’s opening titles promise, are a distinct improvement over the old “nexus s with open-ended lifespans” of the earlier film. this reassuring news cannot help but make the audience nostalgic for the blade runner, whose potentially disobedient replicants promised the narrative complications the audience has come to the cinema to experience. the audience, as it turns out, need not worry, for a discovery the replicant blade runner k (ryan gosling) makes in the opening sequence raises disturbing new possibilities: the skeleton of a female replicant who died during a caesarean section, demonstrating that replicants can biologically reproduce. k’s boss, lt. joshi (robin wright), commands him to find and kill the replicant’s child and destroy all traces of the birth in order to head off the possibility of another, more massive rebellion of replicants. but k finds himself increasingly ambivalent about his mission. he identifies the skeleton as that of rachael, who had been played by sean young in blade runner, and, increasingly convinced that he himself is her child, attempts to track down rick deckard, the title character of blade runner, who vanished soon after the events of the earlier film, and who k believes is his father. k’s trajectory thus neatly inverts the trajectory of the earlier film. instead of raising the possibility that its hero, a killer of replicants, is himself a replicant, as scott’s film did, it offers more and more hints that its replicant hero is actually human. these hints turn out to be red herrings. k is a replicant who only longs to believe he is human, just as rachael longed to believe she was human back in . both films tease their characters and their audiences with memories that turn out to have been false or implanted, making them nostalgic for a past they never truly experienced in the first place. but blade runner puts several new spins on svetlana boym’s “longing for a home that no longer exists or has never existed.” like all sequels and remakes, the film is a return-with-a-difference to an earlier film it nostalgically valorizes even as it attempts to revise and improve it by deepening its moral sensitivity to the pathos of replicants like k’s servant joi, who loves him even though she is only a synthesized voice and a series of holographic images readily available for purchase by millions of other consumers. the casting in both films of harrison ford as deckard both resurrects the emotionally intense hero of the film, an obvious contrast to the dead-eyed ryan gosling, and mourns deckard’s limited abilities as an action hero thirty-five years later. humanities , , of like many other sci-fi sequels and remakes from jurassic park ( ) to king kong ( ), blade runner is nostalgic for the future—in this case, the older, more reassuringly stable dystopia of blade runner. in this it follows star wars ( ), which jameson calls “metonymically a historical or nostalgic film: unlike american graffiti, it does not reinvent a picture of the past in its lived totality; rather, by reinventing the feel and shape of characteristic art objects of an older period (the serials [featuring flash gordon and buck rogers]), it seeks to reawaken a sense of the past associated with those objects” (jameson , p. ). but the metonymic nostalgia of blade runner is far more complex than that of star wars. like blade runner, it is filled with allusions to other films and avatars of pop culture: alien ( ), a clockwork orange ( ), : a space odyssey ( ), treasure island ( ), elvis presley, frank sinatra, and of course blade runner itself. its most complicated citations, however, are to films and television shows made since the release of blade runner in . robin wright’s performance as lt. joshi recalls her role as the brutally calculating first lady claire underwood in the netflix television series house of cards. the importance of the toy horse k takes as a link between himself and rachael’s missing child, which already echoes the origami unicorn deckard had made in blade runner, is given even greater weight and foreboding for audiences who associate it with the totems the characters in christopher nolan’s film inception used to determine whether or not they were dreaming. and joi’s attempt to make love to k by entering the body of the human female mariette (mackenzie davis)—a remarkable literalizing of boym’s observation that “a cinematic image of nostalgia is a double exposure, or a superimposition of two images”—also recalls in uncomfortable detail a remarkably similar scene involving theodore (joaquin phoenix), his operating system samantha (scarlett johansson), and her ad hoc flesh-and-blood surrogate isabella (portia doubleday) in spike jonze’s film her. citations like these go much further than the multiple nostalgic topoi of annie get your gun and the contradictory attitude that film adapts to professional rivalries, ritual courtship, and gender roles to broaden and deepen the resonance of blade runner in far more complicated ways by rooting it in a familiar mass-media culture, suggesting that contemporary culture has caught up with and perhaps even surpassed the visionary dystopia of blade runner, which after all was set in . at the same time, they mark blade runner ’s distance from the earlier film, whose relatively black-and-white view of the differences between humans and replicants becomes the subject, amid increasingly urgent questions raised by the twenty-first century’s embrace of social media and the internet of things, of both nostalgia and critical distance. despite generally positive and often rapturous reviews, blade runner , like its predecessor, was a serious disappointment at the box office. its american grosses totaled $ million, less than two-thirds of its production costs. the moral commentators took from its underperformance was that the audience of -to- -year-old males on which mainstream movies depend for their ticket sales were insufficiently invested in the earlier film, and that the cult audience that was invested in it was too small to make the film a success. even so, the film is invaluable for several reasons. it provides a showcase for the remarkable complexities of reflective nostalgia, the audience’s longing for a past that at some level they know perfectly well never existed. it recreates the reflective nostalgia of the classic american novels, which know this lesson equally well, rather than following british heritage films in imposing a restorative nostalgia on authors like dickens and jane austen who are not particularly nostalgic themselves. its swooning embrace of a nightmarish dystopia suggests the rewards that hollywood can reap by turning away from restorative and reflective nostalgia to a more complex, multi-laminated, sharply ambivalent amalgam of the two, even if columbia pictures did not reap those rewards this time. its thematic focus on both the indispensability and the untrustworthiness of the audience’s most treasured memories, including their memories of the original blade runner, goes far to indicate why reflective nostalgia, so central to the american cultural experience, is so often complicated still further in american cinema. eluding the categories of both the restorative nostalgia of heritage cinema and the reflective nostalgia of american literature, the film fuses the pleasure and pain of a perceived alienation from a homeland both idealized and dystopian that is at once a mourning of self-alienation and a cautiously reconstructive celebration of a self that may never have existed. humanities , , of funding: this research received no external funding. conflicts of interest: the author declares no conflict of interest. references boym, svetlana. . the future of nostalgia. new york: basic. isbn - - - . cardwell, sarah. . adaptation revisited: television and the classic novel. manchester: manchester university press. isbn - - -x. craig, cairns. . rooms without a view. in film/literature/heritage: a sight and sound reader. edited by ginette vincendeau. london: bfi, pp. – . isbn - - - . first published . dika, vera. . recycled culture in contemporary art and film: the uses of nostalgia. cambridge: cambridge university press. isbn - - - . higham, charles. . merchant of dreams: louis b. mayer, m.g.m. and the secret hollywood. new york: donald i. fine. isbn - - - . jameson, fredric. . postmodernism and consumer society. in the anti-aesthetic: essays on postmodern culture. edited by hal foster. port townsend: bay press, pp. – . isbn - - -x. krašovec, primož. . (yugo)nostalgia. atlas of transformation. available online: http: //monumenttotransformation.org/atlas-of-transformation/html/n/nostalgia/yugonostalgia-primoz- krasovec.html (accessed on september ). lincoln, abraham. . address at gettysburg, pennsylvania. in speeches and writings – . new york: library of america, p. . isbn - - - - . first published . nicklin, john. arnold. . dickens-land. illustrated by ernest william haslehust. london: forgotten books. isbn - - - - . first published . routledge, clay. . nostalgia: a psychological resource. new york: routledge. isbn - - - - . rubenstein, hal. . new again: demi moore. interview, march . available online: https://www. interviewmagazine.com/culture/new-again-demi-moore (accessed on october ). russonello, giovanni. . why is a music genre called ‘americana’ so overwhelmingly white and male? atlantic, august . available online: https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/ / / why-is-a-music-genre-called-americana-so-overwhelmingly-white-and-male/ / (accessed on september ). sprengler, christine. . screening nostalgia: populuxe props and technicolor aesthetics in contemporary american film. new york: berghahn. isbn - - - - . tompkins, jane. . west of everything: the inner life of westerns. new york: oxford university press. isbn - - - . vincendeau, ginette. . introduction. in film/literature/heritage: a sight and sound reader. edited by ginette vincendeau. london: bfi, pp. xi–xxxi. isbn - - - . voigts-virchow, eckart. . heritage and literature on screen: heimat and heritage. in the cambridge companion to literature on screen. edited by deborah cartmell and imelda whelehan. cambridge: cambridge university press, pp. – . isbn - - - - . © by the author. licensee mdpi, basel, switzerland. this article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the creative commons attribution (cc by) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /). http://monumenttotransformation.org/atlas-of-transformation/html/n/nostalgia/yugonostalgia-primoz-krasovec.html http://monumenttotransformation.org/atlas-of-transformation/html/n/nostalgia/yugonostalgia-primoz-krasovec.html http://monumenttotransformation.org/atlas-of-transformation/html/n/nostalgia/yugonostalgia-primoz-krasovec.html https://www.interviewmagazine.com/culture/new-again-demi-moore https://www.interviewmagazine.com/culture/new-again-demi-moore https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/ / /why-is-a-music-genre-called-americana-so-overwhelmingly-white-and-male/ / https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/ / /why-is-a-music-genre-called-americana-so-overwhelmingly-white-and-male/ / http://creativecommons.org/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /. references outselling the modernisms of men: amy lowell and the art of self-commodification outselling the modernisms of men: amy lowell and the art of self-commodification melissa bradshaw victorian poetry, volume , number , spring , pp. - (article) published by west virginia university press doi: for additional information about this article [ this content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the covid- pandemic. ] https://doi.org/ . /vp. . https://muse.jhu.edu/article/ https://doi.org/ . /vp. . https://muse.jhu.edu/article/ outselling the modernisms of men: amy lowell and the art of self-commodification melissa bradshaw the famous new poetry fire kindled by the good and great harriet monroe was burning up the prairie, and anything any poet did was tempo- rarily news, at last. new books of poetry were popping like popcorn. amy lowell was telling massachusetts just where to get off. ezra pound had broadcasted imagism from london. in just two months [edgar lee master’s] spoon river [anthology] was to start in reedy’s mirror, and to be read to tatters in chicago and london before it came out in book form. frost was coming out in england and was about to be lionized in boston, sandburg was soon to receive his first prize, that for his poem on chicago, from harriet monroe, and all the poets in america for the first time in thirty years were looking one another in the eye. vachel lindsay perhaps the most striking feature of vachel lindsay’s glowingdescription of the american poetry scene during the first few decades of the twentieth century is the way ezra pound, edgar lee masters, robert frost, and amy lowell peacefully coexist in the same paragraph. there is no sign here of the bifurcation between high art and popular culture that characterizes canonical modernism. lindsay’s letter takes for granted that these poets appear in the same periodicals and enjoy a collective audience. he also, significantly, describes this movement in terms of commodification and the poets’ interactions with a larger public: new books of poetry are “popping,” apparently both off presses and bookstore shelves; pound broad- casts a new style of poetry as poetry’s foreign correspondent; lowell tells massachusetts where to get off, presumably in her controversial speeches before local poetry societies and university audiences; masters’ verse novel is serialized; and so on. lindsay only references a specific poem when he notes that sandburg won poetry’s annual cash prize for his poem “chicago.” while it would be naive to ignore issues of canonicity and the power exercised by figures like pound and eliot and ford madox ford in shaping current understandings of modernist poetics, and while the paper trail left behind in letters by monroe, lowell, pound, frost, john gould fletcher, / victorian poetry and margaret anderson, among others, certainly deflates lindsay’s claim that american poets were “looking one another in the eye” (p. ), i want to indulge in the reconceptualization of modernist poetry hierarchies sug- gested by his narrative. doing so levels the playing field and allows us to imagine the cultural space of early twentieth-century poetry not as an oli- garchy presided over by alienated expatriates writing against the philistinism of the masses, but as a capitalist marketplace in which poetry is a commod- ity. recently, literary critics have begun deconstructing canonical modernism’s disavowal of marketing strategies, what michael murphy calls “classic market-phobic modernist discourse” which insists on a pure art, unfettered by the demands of a mass audience. this critical juncture, when the legend of the modernist artist as impervious to public opinion and oddly untouched by the commercial realities of a capitalist society is fading rap- idly, marks the perfect moment for a reconsideration of amy lowell, a woman so utterly unabashed in her approach to poetry as a business as to exclaim, “publicity first. poetry will follow.” t. s. eliot dubbed her the “de- mon saleswoman”; she herself conceded, “i made myself a poet, but the lord made me a business man.” while this commitment to the business end of poetry has been used to distinguish lowell from “real” poets, and has served to justify her exclusion from anthologies and genealogies of modern poetry, in this essay i argue that the categories of entrepreneur and poet need not be mutually exclusive. i begin by exploring the specific strategies by which lowell marketed herself and her poetry, drawing on accounts of her infamous public lectures and readings. i then read these public appear- ances and literary proclamations alongside those of her contemporaries in the new poetry movement, ezra pound in particular, suggesting that lowell was not alone in her commodification of modern poetry, only exceptionally skilled. “poetry is at once my trade and my religion” lowell’s earliest childhood journals reveal an anxiousness to find a career. in her fifteenth year she vacillates between wanting to be a poet, a photographer, and a competitive coach racer. at the same time, she could not help but be aware of the expectations and limitations placed on her as a woman and as a lowell, a family whose wealth and social prominence certainly precluded their female members from having careers. those same “limitations,” however, afforded her the time and space to hone her artistic talents, even if they were never meant to be more than private accomplish- ments. having decided definitively to become a poet at twenty-eight, lowell spent the next ten years slowly and methodically schooling herself. by the melissa bradshaw / time she felt ready to publish her first volume of poetry, a dome of many- coloured glass ( ), her parents had died, her siblings had left to start their own families, and she had bought out their shares in the family estate. as the head of her own household, she had the economic wherewithal to eschew social strictures and pursue a career as a professional poet. had she been born male, her biographers suggest, it is possible she might have put the same kind of energy into pursuing medicine or law or business. as harriet monroe puts it, “the force which miss lowell’s new england an- cestors put into founding and running cotton-mills, or belike into saving souls, she [put] into conquering an art and making it express and serve her” (monroe, p. ). poetry became the consuming passion of lowell’s life, and when she was not writing it, she was promoting it—both her own and that of those contemporaries whose projects complemented hers, among them sandburg, masters, lindsay, frost, h.d., d. h. lawrence, and john gould fletcher. in magazine reviews, short articles, two prose volumes of poetry criticism, and most especially on the lecture circuit, lowell preached the gospel of the new poetry. her friend, the actress eleanor robson belmont, describes her as “perform[ing] the service of a barker at a circus, as from the lecture platform, in the press, and almost the street corner, she cried aloud, ‘poetry, poetry, this way to poetry.’” from the beginning of her career, lowell’s poetry readings were the- atrical events. in fact, in her first public reading she arranged to have a musician friend stand behind a curtain and simulate the sound of bombs dropping by beating on a bass drum as she read a series of war poems. coached by her companion, ada dwyer russell, who retired from a suc- cessful career as an actress in order to move in with lowell, she turned her readings into dramatic performances. according to biographer c. david heymann, russell showed her how to incorporate song, chants, shouts, silence, breaks (aposiopesis), stops, starts, and whispers into her act in an effort to push back the boundaries of coherence. amy learned how to vary her volume, increase her pitch and tempo, shift tone with dramatic suddenness. ada demonstrated the use of gesture, pace, mime, taught amy how to cakewalk and how to stamp out the rhythm of her beat. lowell’s narrative poems especially lent themselves to dramatic inter- pretations. “appuldurcombe park,” a soliloquy of a woman yearning for love while caring for her invalid husband, titillated audiences with its re- frain, “i am a woman, sick for passion,” and its themes of adultery and abandonment. “after hearing a waltz by bartok” chronicled the rising hysteria of a murderer in time to a waltz tempo: “one! two! three! give me air! oh! my god!” (cpw, p. ). “patterns,” lowell’s most requested poem, ended its narration of an eighteenth-century noblewoman learning of her fiancé’s death in battle with the daring exclamation, “christ! what / victorian poetry are patterns for?” (cpw, p. ). her lyrics shocked audiences as well with their sensual imagery and their lavish descriptions of female nudity, as in “a bather,” (cpw, p. ) where she describes the advance of a naked woman through a garden: a knee or a thigh, sudden glimpsed, then at once blotted into the filmy and flickering forest . . . cool, perfect, with rose rarely tinting your lips and your breasts, swelling out from the green in the opulent curves of ripe fruit (ll. - ) such theatricality, along with the forcefulness of her sweeping pronounce- ments about the state of contemporary poetry, weakened lowell’s credibil- ity among academics and austere, conservative poetry-types, but it also earned her a devoted, almost fanatical following of fans who mobbed train stations in search of her autograph, often necessitating police escorts, and who packed auditoriums to standing-room-only capacity in order to hear her speak. poet john brooks wheelwright joked that she was “the biggest traveling one-man show since buffalo bill caught the midnight flyer to contact mark twain,” while van wyck brooks writes, “she whizzed and she whirred, and she rustled and rumbled, and she glistened and sparkled and blazed and blared” (heymann, pp. , ). louis untermeyer in- sists that she was “not merely a lecturer, she was an event, a national phe- nomenon, a freak of nature, a dynamo on the loose.” in articles written after her death, he often refers to lowell’s showmanship, claiming this very boisterousness in life as justification for her critical neglect after her death: “when she died her poems died with her because they needed her flamboy- ant personality; they needed all her feminine-masculine vigor.” she her- self once told an admirer, “i enjoy reading poetry to an audience as i should enjoy acting a play to an audience, because it is one side of my genius.” even the preparations for lowell’s readings were theatrical. s. foster damon, her official biogapher, reports that although she was always un- characteristically punctual for these events (arriving with an entourage consisting of her companion, ada russell, one or two maids, and as many extra hands as needed to carry her props), audiences inevitably waited while first, the traditional slanting lectern was replaced by a large table, (which usually had to be carried in over the heads of the audience) so that there was no danger of her papers falling to the floor, out of her reach. then her high-powered reading lamp had to be plugged in (damon, p. ). at one reading, with a horrified frost standing by, the lamp short-circuited the building’s electricity, leaving the two poets to entertain the audience by trading wise-cracks in the dark until the lights came back on (p. ). during the course of a reading lowell went through a series of increasingly strong, color-coded pince-nez, which she carried with her in a basket, melissa bradshaw / explaining to the audience, “these are my eyes!” (p. ). throughout these preliminaries, lowell often joked with her audience, but once she began reading her poems, they often did not know how to respond. she ended their confused silence by admonishing them with what soon became a trademark phrase, “well?—clap or hiss, i don’t care which; but do some- thing!” (p. ). the reading-lamp, the eye-glasses, the infamous cigars she smoked before and after the readings (and which fans clamored to see), as much as the witty repartee and the intensity of her dramatic readings, endowed lowell’s public performances with an aura of spectacle. she had to have been aware of the extent to which these trademarks shaped the general public’s perception of her. for example, although biographers disagree over whether or not she smoked the huge, black cigars so often attributed to her in newspaper reports, most insisting that she preferred instead small cigarillos, she must have appreciated the value of the mistake in bolstering her repu- tation as a no-nonsense, hard-driving business woman. she also appears to have recognized the leeway that eccentricity could grant her, a woman whose birth dictated that she should have been a society matron, a patron of the arts, not an artist. it was not only the spectacle of her readings that shocked some listen- ers and enthralled others, it was the kind of poetry she read. for although she may have appeared to be following in the footsteps of popular turn-of- the-century poet-entertainers like james whitcomb riley, she was, she con- tinually reminded her listeners, different, representative of an entirely new, modern poetry. prominent in avant-garde journals like the egoist and the little review this poetry aggressively marketed itself as high culture. conse- quently, horace gregory remembers, it was a “poetry few people knew and few people cared to read” (p. ). lowell took upon herself the task of teaching audiences to appreciate it. while pound, as i will discuss in the second half of this essay, “fought the standards of merely ‘popular taste,’” lowell fought to transform them (gregory, p. ). in analyzing the effectiveness of lowell’s excessive theatricality it is helpful to think of her as the liberace of modern poetry. like the pianist, who often reminded his audiences that classical music was his first love, that he had learned to enjoy popular music, lowell clearly aligned herself with the highbrow, but presented it in such a way as to make it appeal to a broad audience. using props, theatrics, and a flamboyant personality, she rendered an otherwise inaccessible (or rather, intimidating because marked as high culture) art form accessible. liberace, after all, had plenty of chopin, strauss, and debussy in his repertoire, but by encasing classical music in mind-boggling spectacle—colored fountains; mink and diamond-covered capes; multiple, rotating stages; the on-stage appearance of antique limou- / victorian poetry sines—and interspersing it with popular songs like “let me call you sweet- heart,” he removed it from its conventional signifiers and repackaged it for his middle-class audience. this is not to say that either lowell or liberace necessarily dismantled categories of “high” or “low” in their performances. in fact, their effectiveness hinged on a recognition of their transgressing such boundaries, as margaret thompson drewal explains in liberace’s case, illuminating the arbitrariness of these categories while “at the same time preserving the distinctions for those who wanted to distinguish.” describing lowell’s popularity as a lecturer, damon writes that even the most skeptical audiences were quickly won over by the accessibility of her readings. they were “converted left and right by the relief of hearing verse they could enjoy without getting into any special and suspect state of mind” (p. ). he similarly praises her prose writings. in six french poets, for example, he contends that she surprised audiences by being “clear, sin- cere, direct, and absolutely intelligible” (p. ). familiar with her only through her poems, he explains, they could only suppose that she was a frail, nerve-wracked poetess. or conversely, seeing that she had written a book of criticism, they expected it to be unapproachably academic and were startled to see that she did not “treat poetry as some pentecostal descent or platonic seizure, nor yet as finger-counting and source-tracing. instead she spoke of it familiarly, as something sane people do” (p. ). damon’s ambiguous tone is telling: while ostensibly praising lowell, he seems to im- ply that she succeeded with a mass audience because she wrote for the lowest common denominator, that high modernist poetry demanded a cer- tain level of concentration and thought which hers did not. that lowell’s most fervent supporter (some would say apologist) has difficulty reconciling her status as a popular culture icon with his volume’s aims to memorialize her as a major canonical poet, not to mention his obvious struggle with what he seems to think is a paradox—the possibility of being a female poet and a strong, level-headed woman—demonstrates the extent to which lowell frustrated stereotypes of how a public intellectual, a poet, a female poet, should look, talk, and act. on the flip-side of lowell’s extravagant stage persona was an earnest professional with an indomitable business acumen. as fond as she was of describing art as an impulse, something to be obeyed (“i do not suppose that anyone not a poet can realize the agony of creating a poem. every nerve, even every muscle, seems strained to the breaking point”), her ro- manticization of poetry never precluded turning a profit or negotiating a deal, for herself as well as for others. although generous in donating to causes she deemed worthy, particularly literary magazines, she resisted be- ing cast as everybody’s benefactress, a role which she perhaps feared would undermine her relevance as a poet, reducing her tentative acceptance in melissa bradshaw / high modernist circles to a condition of her being generous with her money. ford madox ford’s vicious depiction of a london dinner party given by lowell as an affair at which “several someones were intensely anxious each to get money out of the monstrously fat, monstrously moneyed, disagree- ably intelligent” host, directing all their after-dinner speeches “at [her] breeches pockets” shows that this fear was not unfounded. whether or not these nameless “someones” were after lowell’s money, ford’s en- glish review essay suggests that it was at least a rumor and that the issue lurked below the surface of her relationship with other moderns. certainly financial issues, as much as power, were at the root of her problems with pound, who gravely underestimated her ambitiousness by writing her off as an easily manipulated rich woman who would fund a journal and allow him to run it. in a letter to margaret anderson, editor of the little review, he explained his plans for lowell: “re/amy. i don’t want her. but if she can be made to liquidate, to excoriate, to cash in, on a magazine . . .then would i be right glad to see her milked of her money, mashed into moonshine, at mercy of monitors.” in turn, lowell dismissed pound as financially naive: “like many people of no incomes, ezra does not know the difference between thousands and millions, and thinks that any- one who knows where to look for next week’s dinners, is a millionaire” (damon, p. ). she was, however, generous with more tactful poets who struck up an alliance with her. as general editor for some imagist poets , , , she meticulously divided the profits between the six con- tributors, john gould fletcher, h.d., richard aldington, d. h. lawrence, f. s. flint, and herself, often including a little more of her own money for h.d., aldington, and lawrence, as they struggled through world war i in england (damon, p. ). her generosity with these poets extended be- yond finances as she walked their manuscripts to american publishers, checked on delayed royalty checks, and relentlessly promoted their work during her lectures. significantly, lowell demanded that she receive a portion of the prof- its as well. she also insisted that her work as a lecturer be compensated. in the brief ten years of her career as a public speaker her rate quadrupled, gradually increasing from fifty dollars per engagement to two hundred. while she would sometimes speak for less at an educational institution, she rarely spoke for free and expressed deep resentment on those occasions when she did (damon, pp. , - ). this insistence on being paid for her time and efforts reflects not only her desire to be taken seriously as a poet, but the depth of her commitment to poetry as a legitimate vocation. it reflects as well her heritage as a lowell, one of boston’s oldest and most financially powerful families. at all times she shows an awareness of herself as circu- lating within, and profiting from, a capitalist economy. / victorian poetry lowell’s books were published by houghton mifflin and macmillan and company, but she retained ownership of them for the first half of her career. although she wholly fronted the cost of printing, she received eighty- five percent of the profits, ninety percent through her london publishers (gregory, pp. , ). she relinquished ownership only when it became apparent that her publishers would push the books harder if they owned them. in a letter to her brother, lawrence, she attributes her publishers’ sudden change of heart to the fact that in the past year she had sold over seven thousand volumes. “i have been through all the burden and heat of day with these books, and backed them when they had no sale, and now i naturally want to reap the benefit” (qtd. in damon, p. ). lowell’s in- volvement in the production of her books extended well beyond turning in her completed manuscripts. she picked the paper, the typeset (enough space between words to not strain the eyes, but print small enough to allow a whole line to be seen at a glance), the format (she commissioned the illustrator berkeley updike to model all her books on the first edition of keats’s lamia, small and light enough to fit into a coat pocket, differing only in color and label fonts) and all the minute details in between, from insisting that the printers drop stanzas which began at the top of a page a few lines to having the pages pre-cut (damon, p. ). lowell similarly left little to chance when one of her books hit the stores. the publication of each new book was preceded by an elaborate trip to new york where she summoned reviewers, newspaper editors, colum- nists, and publishers to her hotel suite so that she could discuss what she felt needed to be stressed in reviews, as well as explain any nuances of the poetry that she was afraid they might miss. joyce kilmer is one such re- viewer who fiercely resented lowell’s dictatorial approach to reviews, com- plaining to louis untermeyer that not only had she tried to run the inter- view by insisting that he question her specifically about the new poetry, but that she had wrangled from him a promise to let her see the manuscript and approve it before submitting it to the new york times (untermeyer, p. ). lowell once justified this type of blatant self-promotion to untermeyer, ex- plaining that she had to be her “own impresario. there’s no point in hav- ing a trumpet—or any brass—if you don’t blow it” (qtd. in heymann, p. ). chiding pound on his tactlessness, she told him, “i consider you an uncommonly fine poet who ought to have an impresario, for your knowl- edge of how to ‘get yourself over,’ as we say in this little country, is nil” (qtd. in damon, p. ). as such comments reveal, lowell strategically constructed her public image. above all, she sensed that literary success, measured in terms of sales and public recognition, had very little to do with the inherent merit of a work. in a letter to john gould fletcher she warns him that being melissa bradshaw / expatriate is a mistake with regard to his popularity in america: you went away just at the moment when your reputation was being made; if you do not come back soon you will lose what you have gained . . . . it is the excellence of the work which will keep you in a permanent place, if you once gain it by your own efforts other- wise; but if you wait for the excellence of the work alone to put you where you want to be, it will be a posthumous thing. (damon, p. ) reputations, then, are based on the cumulative effect of repeated exposure and the ability to draw return audiences. however, lowell is just as ada- mant in encouraging artists to carefully monitor what they are remembered for. though much of the drama from her poetry comes from themes of adultery and sexual longing, she scolds aldington for writing poetry that is too sexually explicit, warning him that in doing so he will alienate the aver- age reader. she points to the example of d.h. lawrence, whose novel the rainbow could not find a publisher because it was considered obscene (damon, p. ). anticipating aldington’s response as “oh lord, puritan new england!” lowell insists she is not a prude. she sanctimoniously adds that, in fact, only she and a few other very discerning readers actually un- derstand what lawrence is trying to do, but that without an appreciative popular audience, he cannot succeed. to lawrence she writes, i think you could top them all if you would be a little more reticent on this one subject. you need not change your attitude a particle, you can simply use an india rubber in certain places, and then you can come into your own as it ought to be. . . . when one is surrounded by prejudice and blindness, it seems to me that the only thing to do is to get over in spite of it and not constantly run foul of these same prejudices which, after all, hurts oneself and the spreading of one’s work, and does not do a thing to right the prejudice. (damon, p. ) this is a pivotal quote in readings which posit lowell as, above all, a lesbian poet who imbues her love lyrics with coded sexual allusions. reading this passage as an admission of her own commitment to sublimating sexual themes in her work, and using it to authorize sexual decodings of her poetry, has been crucial in recuperating lowell’s writings. at the same time, i believe it is important not to take for granted the extent to which this advice sums up lowell’s marketing imperatives: she has things to say and she will say them, but she will not do so at the expense of her career. this places her on the opposite end of the spectrum from pound, lawrence, and most espe- cially, james joyce, writers who made much of their refusal to compromise the integrity of their work in order to gain public acceptance. but as i will discuss more fully later, their refusal is as much of a marketing strategy as lowell’s writing with a popular audience in mind. nor should it be forgot- ten that in the case of joyce, the loss in finances and reputation fell not on him as much as on his female patrons: sylvia beach, harriet weaver, mar- garet anderson, and jane heap. in this light, lowell’s reticence appears / victorian poetry less a matter of prudishness, or lack of integrity, than as a strategy of self- preservation, a recognition that there is no safe space outside of the literary marketplace, that believing in such a place is a fantasy contingent on some- one else doing the work of finding publishers, fronting costs, directing ad- vertisements, and shielding artists from controversies provoked by their work. “a modern of the moderns” michael levenson observes that modernist intellectuals routinely is- sued manifestos, each one a definitive, final word, rather than offering mal- leable opinions. “beliefs changed markedly, only the tone of conviction was unchanged. . . . the critical pronouncements were not the insights of olympian minds, but more often the hasty formulae of polemicists.” a genealogy of modernism, levenson’s detailed, manifesto-by-manifesto analy- sis of the rhetoric of modernist poetic theory, notes that the most stable feature of any version of modernism is that it reifies itself by repudiating an immediate past and erasing its origins. in broadest terms, modernist poets position themselves against their contemporaries, in particular the georgian poets, by accusing them of fol- lowing in the footsteps of such nineteenth-century giants as james russell lowell, henry wadsworth longfellow, and john greenleaf whittier and essentially reiterating themes and styles of british poetry. amy lowell de- scribes these earlier poets as “english provincial poets, in the sense that america was still a literary province of the mother country.” by the begin- ning of the twentieth century, writes lowell, american “poets were largely phonographs to greater english poets dead and gone.” decrying most of contemporary poetry as overly sentimental and morally didactic, lowell maintains that in modern poetry, “because the artist speaks no moral, it does not mean that none exists. . . . the world of ‘the new poetry’ is like the world of reality: the morals are there, but it is for us to pronounce them” (qtd. in damon, p. ). by this she means that any moral lesson or signifi- cance beyond aesthetics must be a product of the reader’s interaction with the poem. pound similarly insists that “beauty should never be presented ex- plained . . . . always the desire to know and understand more deeply must pre- cede any reception of beauty. . . . woe to that artist whose work wears its ‘heart on its sleeve.’” the modern poet, lowell writes, has “a passionate desire for truth, and a dispassionate attitude toward whatever his search for truth may bring him. he records; he does not moralize. he holds no brief for or against, he merely portrays” (qtd. in damon, p. ). the imperative toward objectivity, toward impartiality, emerges as the primary litmus test of a “modern” poet and a particularly pliant one at that, as a work may even include the objective presentation of the artist’s subjectivity. pound at- tempts to palliate this contradiction by describing the modern artist as melissa bradshaw / “scientific in that he presents the image of his desire, of his hate, of his indifference as precisely that, as precisely the image of his own desire, hate or indifference.” levenson paraphrases t. e. hulme’s characterization of the new po- etry as a “modern retreat from ‘epic subjects,’ ‘heroic action,’ ‘big things’” and the valorization of personal expression, a poetic strategy “founded on a radical literary individualism” (p. ). one of the most consistent asser- tions of this individuality is poets’ championing of “everyday speech.” in fact, the first principle of the imagist credo calls on poets to not only “use the language of common speech, but to employ always the exact word, not the nearly-exact, nor the merely decorative word” (tendencies, p. ). lecturing in the united states in , gertrude stein explains that be- cause “after hundreds of years had gone by and thousand of poems had been written, [the poet] could call on . . . words and find that they were just wornout literary words,” the contemporary poet “has to work in the excitingness of pure being; he has to get back that intensity into the lan- guage. . . . you have to put some strangeness, something unexpected, into the structure of the sentence in order to bring back vitality.” although eliot’s arrival on the poetry scene in and his alliance with pound would mark a vehement revalorization of classical forms, in the early stages of the poetic renaissance modern poets championed free verse and a movement away from rhyme and set meters. as pound remembers in the pisan cantos, “to break the pentameter, that was the first heave.” in language that demonstrated poetry’s alliance with abstractionism in sculp- ture and painting, this change in poetic form was conceptualized in terms of having the courage to break away from rhyme, allowing thoughts to de- velop into new and invigorating shapes. shifting subject matter to reflect life in the twentieth century, focusing on images rather than establishing character or narrative, and experiments with poetic forms became codified in memorable catch phrases like pound’s “make it new” and william carlos williams’ “no ideas but in things.” in answer to the question “what is the new poetry? and wherein does it differ from the old?” harriet monroe and her coeditor in the new poetry anthology, alice corbin henderson, offer similar features to those mentioned above: form, diction (“the truly modern poet rejects the so- called ‘poetic’ shifts of language—the deems, ’neaths, forsooths, etc.”) and subject matter. but ultimately, they claim, the difference lies far deeper than these details as “the new poetry strives for a concrete and immediate realization of life.” the new poetry “has set before itself an ideal of abso- lute simplicity and sincerity—an ideal which implies an individual, unstereotyped diction; and an individual, unstereotyped rhythm. . . . it looks out more eagerly than in; it becomes objective” (p. xxxvi). / victorian poetry certainly, staking claims to one’s identity by setting oneself up as revo- lutionary, and creating value for one’s own work by insisting on its absolute originality and integrity in the face of innumerable lesser, derivative artists, is an old story. in the preface to the lyrical ballads wordsworth cloy- ingly worries that his poems, “so materially different from those upon which general approbation is at present bestowed,” will not meet the expectations of the average reader, accustomed to “the gaudiness and inane phraseology of many modern writers.” the attempt to capture the nuances of every- day life in common language again echoes wordsworth in his commitment “to choose incidents and situations from common life, and to relate or de- scribe them, throughout, as far as possible, in a selection of language really used by men” (p. ). lowell and pound’s sanctimonious repudiation of moral didacticism in poetry is also a common cry of romantic poets, most famously as the premise of keats’ “negative capability, that is when man is capable of being in uncertainties, mysteries, doubts, without any irritable reaching after fact & reason.” these similarities are not lost on at least one disgusted letter-writer to the new york nation who accuses the new poetry of being “the morbid hypertrophy of romanticism.” nor are they entirely lost on the poets mak- ing these claims. the imagist credo, for example, states: “these prin- ciples are not new; they have fallen into desuetude” (tendencies, p. ). in public lectures lowell often traced a lineage for imagism, citing col- eridge, poe, whitman, and dickinson not merely as ancestors of the new poetry, but in some cases, practitioners (damon, p. ). she once went so far as to claim theocritus as a progenitor (p. ). monroe and henderson also take great pains to convince readers that the new poetry differs only from its immediate predecessors, reminding them that now-canonical po- ets like burns, coleridge, keats, and shelley at first met with critical con- tempt. they even push the historical model as far as chaucer and langland in order to convince readers that poetry “is older than rhyme, older than iambic measure, older than all the metrical patterns which now seem so much a part of it” (p. xxxviii). predictably, the new poetry’s claims of raw artistic integrity in the face of academic sloth and decay incited controversy. and according to pound, at least, this was the desired response: “we artists who have been so long the despised are about to take over control. . . . and the public will do well to resent these ‘new’ kinds of art” (qtd. in levenson, p. ). sending harriet monroe a batch of poems in for her magazine, poetry, he writes, “i give you your chance to be modern, your chance . . . to produce as many green bilious attacks throughout the length and breadth of the usa as there are fungoid members of the american academy” (qtd. in perkins, p. ). tellingly, pound presents this as a gift, anticipating that the ensuing melissa bradshaw / controversy over his polemical poems will not only incite members of the “fungoid” academy to fight back, but will simultaneously create, radicalize, and/or panic a readership that previously may not even have been inter- ested in poetry. the hope is that people will not only read poetry, but develop strong opinions about it. ford madox ford remembers this as ex- actly what happened: “in , les jeunes had succeeded in interesting a usually unmoved but very large section of the public—and had forced that public to take an interest not in the stuff but the methods of an art” (qtd. in levenson, p. ). in her autobiography, a poet’s life, monroe quotes an angry letter writer who begs readers to “throw aside the products of distorted imaginations, even if they are fascinatingly novel and full of color and noise” (p. ). she quotes this particular letter in order to point out the irony of the author’s attack. is she, monroe’s inclusion of the letter implies, really so corrupt in wanting to bring audiences “fascinatingly novel” poems “full of color and noise”? amy lowell’s public lectures and readings, which inevitably ended with conservatives leaping to their feet, accusing her of attempting to de- stroy poetry, are the extreme version of how poets courted, manipulated, and capitalized on controversy. in a letter to fletcher she describes the atmosphere of her lectures as “a gladiator fight and wild beast show” (qtd. in gould, p. ). commenting on this phenomenon, louis untermeyer mused, “it does not seem possible that this set of honest and almost platitu- dinous principles (the imagist credo) could have evoked the storm of argu- ment, fury and downright vilification that broke after the indomitable miss lowell began to champion them.” lowell’s effect seems less surprising, however, given the rhetoric of her lectures, the sharpness of her responses to rebuttals, and the context in which she delivered them. for example, her first “public row,” as damon calls it, took place at the meeting of the poetry society of america, a conservative group of poets and poetry readers. eager to plug the first installment of some imagist poets, lowell talked the society’s secretary, jessie rittenhouse, into letting her have five minutes at the end of the already full program. once there, lowell used her allotted five minutes to read several imagist poems, includ- ing “bath,” a bather’s meditation on sunlight reflected in bath water which shocked and scandalized the audience who could not separate the nude speaker in the poem from lowell. in addition, she outlined the principles of imagism. rittenhouse reports that she did this in a manner that “bristled with so much provocative dicta that the right wing was stirred to action and primed for reply” (qtd. in damon, p. ). or as damon puts it, “the little chams who felt their prestiges endangered rose and thundered against this power that shocked and surprised them”(p. ). heymann claims that audience members were so enraged that they charged the podium / victorian poetry after lowell finished speaking (p. ). that lowell’s impromptu speech, the specifics of which have not sur- vived, was deliberately polemical is corroborated by accounts that empha- size the lack of controversy in the preceding speeches, even though they were about masters’ spoon river anthology, whose subject matter (govern- ment corruption, adultery, religious hypocrisy) and free verse rhythms made it as potentially controversial as imagism. says damon, “so skillfully did these two men [who preceded lowell] speak, that . . . the more conserva- tive were hardly made aware that it was free in form and content” (p. ). lowell, on the other hand, made freedom of form and content, which she believed most defined the new poetry and distinguished it from the rest of contemporary verse, the primary focus of her brief comments. as a result, “the conservatives . . . rose in clamorous unity to attack imagism, and amy lowell’s poetry in particular, far beyond the allotted five minutes” (damon, p. ). on another occasion, invited to speak before the macdowell club in new york, on the assigned topic “poetry and polemics,” lowell bypassed subtlety and began her speech by addressing the conflict directly, thus put- ting the audience on the defensive before she even began her lecture: i realized that under the guise of poetry you were all asked here to witness a cockfight, with the odds running high against the imported bird. and yet how you have worked to make these odds secure! here are nine poets lined up against the bottom of your postal- card, of which one, possibly two, may fight on my side. that leaves seven. seven lusty natives to down one alien woman. thank you for the compliment. (damon, p. ) being compared in rapid succession to first cockfight enthusiasts and then natives would have been unspeakably offensive to lowell’s audience (the racial and class assumptions of her metaphors are obviously still dis- turbing today, though for different reasons.) with the cockfight metaphor lowell undermines the class pretensions of an audience gathered to hear a poetry lecture. after all, the kind of crowd that goes to a cock fight would not be seen as respectable as, say, an audience at a tennis match, a game which might have served her purpose just as well. she also questions their motives. this is not about advancing the cause of poetry, it is about turn- ing bloodshed into sport. she strips away any the possibility of rationalizing the ensuing conflict as enriching either the audience or the participants, leaving them stronger after having learned from each other: a cockfight lasts until one of the cocks dies. with her next breath she similarly de- grades the other poets on the program. they too fall under the heading “uncivilized” as her words transform them into not only natives, but “lusty natives.” they are barbaric, driven by primal passions; she (and here she plays a trump card), the lowell, is genteel, cultivated, intellectual. if they are natives, then she is the colonizer and ultimately she will subdue their melissa bradshaw / savageness and teach them her ways. in her last “public row,” at the contemporary club of philadelphia’s celebration of the whitman centenary, lowell stood before club members, knowing they were fiercely proud of whitman having belonged to their organization, and gave a lecture on how little an influence he ex- erted on contemporary poetry (damon, p. ). insisting that whitman “was chiefly propagandist and only afterwards poet,” lowell dwelt at length on his success in legitimating the american experience as a proper object of poetry. but at the same time she took great pains to distance his work from her own, stopping just short of calling him an idiot savant, insisting that his “mind was of too harsh and primitive a texture to grasp fully” his own poetic innovations (p. ): i believe that walt whitman fell into his own peculiar form through ignorance, and not, as is commonly supposed, through a high sense of fitness; in this point he is at complete issue with the moderns who are supposed to derive from him, since they are perfectly conscious artists writing in a medium not less carefully ordered because it is based upon cadence and not upon metre. (p. ) as usual, lowell’s comments led to intense debating, with the other speak- ers abandoning their prepared speeches in order to denounce lowell and the new poetry—one even called her a “literary hand-grenade thrower.” “and then i slammed back good and plenty,” lowell later told carl sandburg (damon, p. ). the next day the story made philadelphia papers with headlines reporting “tears punctuate stormy spots in vers libre debate” and articles depicting lowell sobbing on stage, some even swearing she had a nervous breakdown. lowell was upset by these claims, and spent the next afternoon trying to refute them (“do i look as if i were a weeping woman?” she asked the reporters whom she summoned to her hotel room). but the immediate effect of the speech, controversy, and newspaper coverage dem- onstrates how the furor surrounding lowell’s lectures worked to her advan- tage: her books quickly sold out in philadelphia, with booksellers shipping books in from new york to meet customers’ demands (damon, pp. - ). amy lowell’s attitude towards such public rows is complicated. by all appearances she seems to have invited conflict and profited from the ensuing publicity. but after the first few years of being a “storm centre,” as she called herself, lowell began accepting speaking invitations only if there were to be no question and answer periods afterwards. as she wrote h.d. after the whitman lecture, “i had especially stipulated that there should be no discussion. i think that the time for discussing the new poetry has gone by. i am willing to talk about it, even explain it, anything, but i will not stand up to be badgered even with the result, as always happens, of my beating my opponents” (qtd. in damon, p. ). striking back at / victorian poetry journalists who, damon reports, “found the new poetry excellent material for . . . wise-cracks” and lowell “particularly good copy,” she ended an interview in the new york evening post by threatening, “if i had my way, there would be no mention of literature at all in the american newspapers” (damon, p. ). journalists, of course, called her on this stance, claiming her anti-publicity tirade was merely another strategy for publicity. com- ments like this suggest that although lowell initially used public debates and controversy generated in newspaper gossip columns to bring attention to her cause, as she became more secure in her role as a public lecturer and a best-selling poet she increasingly demanded the right to issue polemicisms without being contradicted. a memorial tribute to lowell in the literary digest describes her power in the “principality of modern poetry” as “almost autocratic,” a characterization with which lowell apparently would have agreed. it is not surprising, then, that some of her poems echo the polemicism of her public persona. in “the dinner party” (men, women and ghosts, ), for example, she caricatures conservative academics’ resistance to the new poetry. with a stanza for each stage of the evening, she, as repre- sentative of the new poetry, faces the contempt and disdain of the acad- emy, which she characterizes as “ghouls battening on exhumed thoughts,” “mildly protesting against my coarseness / in being alive” (ll. , - ). during “fish” the staid, snobbish champions of tradition bait the outsider with feigned interest in her project: “so. . . .” they said, with their wine-glasses delicately poised, mocking at the thing they cannot understand. “so . . . .” they said again, amused and insolent. (ll. - ) with “game” the attack begins as a “gentleman with grey-and-black whis- kers / sneer[s] languidly over his quail,” his cool, impenetrable, demeanor driving the narrator into an emotional outburst: then my heart flew up and laboured, and i burst from my own holding and hurled myself forward. with straight blows i beat upon him, furiously, with red-hot anger, i thrust against him. but my weapon slithered over his polished surface, and i recoiled upon myself, panting. (ll. - ) by the time dinner is over and they have retired to “the drawing room,” the narrator has retreated into herself, nursing her wounds. here the nar- rative switches to the third person: melissa bradshaw / in a dress all softness and half-tones, indolent and half-reclined, she lay upon a couch, with the firelight reflected in her jewels. but her eyes had no reflection, they swam in a grey smoke, the smoke of smoldering ashes, the smoke of her cindered heart. (ll. - ) lowell uses this sudden switch to the third person in order to show that this defeated woman whose “eyes had no reflection” is not her, but is instead a projection of how her antagonizers want her to be: passive, soft, and vacu- ous. they want her to be “indolent,” causing no commotion, reverent to- wards tradition, satisfied with pretty words and phrases, content to sip “black- ness out of beautiful china” (l. ). they want to believe that they have extinguished her passion, reducing her to “smoldering ashes” and a “cindered heart” (ll. - ). but as the narrative slips back into the first person lowell insists that her hosts, with “dead men’s souls / . . . pinned . . .on their breasts for ornament,” are intellectually dead, so certain of themselves and their opinions that they cannot conceive of something new. she, on the other hand, as she reminds herself by running her palms along the sharp metal of the railing as she leaves the house, “again and again / until they were bruised,” is alive, “for only living flesh can suffer” (ll. - , ). but in lowell’s narrative of modern poetry, paralyzing smugness and intellectual stasis are not solely the domain of conservative academics. her poem “astigmatism,” dedicated “to ezra pound with much friendship and admiration and some differences of opinion” depicts her rival as so fix- ated on his narrow definition of art as to be unable to see the beauty around him (cpw, p. ). the poem tells the story of a poet who goes out walking, with his “walking-stick / of fine and polished ebony,” looking for roses. although he never finds exactly what he is looking for, the poet encounters several other flowers on his journey: “daisies, / open-mouthed, wonder- ing,” “dahlias ripened against a wall, / gillyflowers stood up bravely for all their short stature, / and a trumpet-vine covered an arbour / with the red and gold of its blossoms” (ll. - , - ). the poet brutally destroys each flower with his walking stick because “they are useless. they are not roses” (l. ). each stanza ends with the refrain “peace be with you brother,” and a swipe at pound as the narrator simultaneously claims kinship with the poet and distances herself from his actions, as in stanza three where she warns him, “peace be with you brother. / but behind you is destruction, and waste places” (l. ). later that night, the reflection of candlelight in the cane’s ivory head momentarily gives the impression of life, “but these things are dead, / only the candle-light made them seem to move”(ll. - ). as the poet laments his luckless day (“‘it is a pity there were no roses’”), the / victorian poetry poem ends with a remonstrance: “peace be with you brother. / you have chosen your part” (l. ). pound’s infamous cane, remembered vividly in h.d.’s asphodel, hermione, and end to torment, of course symbolizes the damning power of pound’s opinion: for years the poet had wrought upon this cane. his wealth had gone to enrich it, his experiences to pattern it, his labour to fashion and burnish it. to him it was perfect, a work of art and a weapon, a delight and a defence. (ll. - ) as the inclusion of this poem in lowell’s sword blades and poppy seed demonstrates, modern poets also manipulated, courted, and exploited controversy within the ranks of “high” culture, compelled not only to dis- tinguish themselves from their more obvious conservative nemeses, but from each other as well. as the claim of modernity was itself a marketing strat- egy, poets had to continually redefine what it meant to be modern in order to maximize its effectiveness, refining and revisioning in ever more exclu- sive and particular terms. in this way their current projects and interests become quintessentially “modern.” and in order to be truly modern, the edge against which they sharpened their blades ultimately had to be other moderns. i want to consider this poem’s twofold function as, on the one hand, it very publicly disavows any sympathies with an increasingly elitist pound, while on the other, it memorializes (cashes in on?) their brief alliance. in this way lowell doubles her odds of maintaining cultural currency. pound’s zealous pronouncements and seemingly ineffable sense of what is “modern” make him a feared and respected leader of the new poetry movement. by this poem’s publication in september he had earned a reputation as a poetic talent scout, ushering in the newest, most progressive trends, most visibly through his key editorial roles in prominent contemporary literary journals: poetry, the little review, blast, and the new freewoman, which he wrested away from dora marsden and turned into the egoist. by asserting her connection to such a dominant cultural figure—the epitome of modern in the general public’s eyes—and denigrating his artistic judgment as a fatal flaw that keeps him from appreciating all but the most narrow definition of art, lowell sets herself up as a more competent, because wiser, more careful, judge. she becomes more modern than the most modern. as we will see, this goes both ways: lowell and pound’s infamous clash of wills provides each of them with an easily-identifiable other against whom they define themselves. but what especially interests me about their “war” is the way it echoes the cultural conflict between high art and mass melissa bradshaw / culture, particularly as the terms of this conflict are saturated with gender stereotypes. as andreas huyssen explains in after the great divide, during the nineteenth century “a specific traditional male image of woman served as a receptacle for all kinds of projections, displaced fears, and anxieties (both personal and political), which were brought about by modernization,” as well as social conflicts, such as the rise of the new woman, and move- ments for reform among the working classes. mass culture became more and more closely associated with passivity, subjectivity, and emotion, rep- resenting vague, nebulous forces encroaching upon male ascendancy and privilege. high art, then, became the cherished refuge of objectivity, viril- ity, and intellect. pound’s infuriated reaction to lowell’s proposal that in future imagiste anthologies, after the original, des imagistes, each poet receive equal space, and that they collectively choose the poems to be included suggests just this sort of anxiety as he insists that he wants “the name ‘imagisme’ to retain some sort of meaning. it stands, or i should like it to stand for hard light, clear edges, i cannot trust any democratized committee to maintain that standard.” just a year earlier, however, in “the serious artist,” pound’s position is considerably less emphatic. in this essay he carefully mediates between “hardness” and “softness,” calling for poetry that evokes images in an indeterminate way—“you can be wholly precise in presenting a vague- ness”—producing an “impression as hard and definite as a tin-tack.” that pound’s unequivocal valorization of hardness coincided with his anger at females challenging his authority— lowell, monroe, and marsden in par- ticular (“damd female tea parties who . . . committeeize themselves”)—is over-determined, to say the least. declaring that the new artist “must live by craft and violence. . . . he has dabbled in democracy and he is now done with that folly,” he next turned to vorticism (levenson, p. ). as shari benstock observes, pound’s new poetic theory “preserved that which was masculine about imagism (its hard, clear, concrete, and unsentimental treatment of the subject).” it also, most importantly, repositioned him as the authority on what it means to be hard and unsentimental, on what qualifies as a “clear edge” in a poem. pound must rally against what he calls a “democratic beer garden” approach to art because it suggests that the value of art is subjective and undermines the value of authoritarian pro- nouncements such as good/bad, authentic/inauthentic, hard/soft (qtd. in levenson, p. ). it is not enough that he disassociate himself from imagism: he must denigrate it by feminizing it as “amygism,” that is to say, “emotional slither,” “mushy technique,” and “general floppiness” (pp. - ). it is “the fluid, fruity, facile stuff we most wanted to avoid,” he rages in a letter to aldington. pound endows lowell, her poetry, and that of her “followers” with qualities associated with mass culture: “monolithic, / victorian poetry engulfing, totalitarian, and on the side of regression and the feminine” (huyssen, p. ). pound’s dislike of lowell, then, runs far deeper than a personality conflict; it smacks of what huyssen calls the “anxiety of contamination” in an almost absurdly literal sense (p. vii). notice the words he chooses to bash amygism. he describes it as floppy, mushy, soft, without clear lines. certainly pound tosses around phrases like this before meeting lowell, and certainly the misogyny they suggest runs far deeper than their encounters, but when he continues to use these words (which more completely describe lowell’s five foot, two-hundred pound body, than say, h.d’s) in the con- text of his specific dislike of lowell, they take on a more sinister cast. their use suggests that pound’s antagonism, his anxieties of being overwhelmed and supplanted by lowell’s money, her american publishing connections, or even by the sheer force of her personality, are informed as well by a fear and loathing of her on the most basic and primary of levels: a fear of her in her very embodiment. perhaps all women threaten pound, but with a body like the venus of willendorf, lowell is the ur-woman: excessively fleshy, excessively female. just as pound’s beloved odysseus (whom he compares himself to in hugh selwyn mauberly and “canto i”) must battle female forces which threaten to keep him from his destiny—calypso, circe, the sirens—so must pound escape the “damd female tea-parties” which threaten his mission to champion a poetry “as much like granite as it could possibly be” by diluting it and rendering it soft (levenson, p. ). lowell’s shameless self-promotion and her willingness to market her- self to a commercial audience threaten to contaminate his project, since pound’s self-commodification strategy hinges on erasing any evidence of self-commodification, on naturalizing his opinions as nondebatable artistic truths. he has an investment in casting himself as the “artist-philosopher- hero, the suffering loner who stands in irreconcilable opposition to modern democracy and its inauthentic culture” (huyssen, p. ). this is not to say that pound claimed to be above propagandizing, however. in a letter to william carlos williams he talks about having to “work hard . . . to escape, not propagande, but getting centered in propagande” (qtd in materer, p. ). trying to talk lowell out of using the term imagisme for her anthol- ogy, he admits that the term’s chief value is as a marketing tool, and that her appropriation of it “would deprive [him] of [his] machinery for gather- ing stray good poems and presenting them to the public in more or less permanent form” (qtd in levenson, p. ). he certainly appreciated lowell’s marketing abilities when they worked in his favor. she “would advertise us like hell. it is her talent,” he wrote margaret anderson in (lrl, p. ). but pound’s methods are at odds with lowell’s: his cultural indispensability is contingent on continually producing new and melissa bradshaw / improved criteria for artistic excellence and marketing himself as the only person who can understand/interpret/disseminate them. once these crite- ria have gained widespread acceptance, however, they become obsolete. this method builds up an audience that thrives on defining itself against the vulgar tastes of the masses, that sees itself as select and elite, a demo- graphic which responds approvingly to vintage pound sound bites like “there is no misanthropy in a thorough contempt for the mob. there is no respect for mankind save in respect for detached individuals.” in fact, shortly after accepting the position as foreign editor for the little review he changes the masthead to read “making no compromise with the public taste” (materer, p. ). in order to maintain his status as a true avant-garde he must court this readership and vehemently disavow any connection to “amy- just-selling-the-goods.” amygism, therefore, serves as a catch-all term for everything pound defines himself against; it represents the actualization of his worst night- mare, that “of being devoured by mass culture through co -option, commodification, and the “wrong” kind of success” (huyssen, p. ). but if lowell represents pound’s worst nightmare, she is also his dream-come- true in that she serves as the perfect foil. canonically, she helps crystallize his position as the ultimate high modernist. according to this formula, what she considers successes become evidence of her failure: if she fills auditoriums to standing-room only capacity, if her volumes sell out within days of publication, this serves as evidence either of her lowering her stan- dards to conform to the demands of popular culture, or of popular culture’s lack of discernment. conversely, lowell has an investment in pound as a forbidding, men- acing arbiter of high culture. next to him, she comes off as a reasonable, fair, benevolent leader in the new poetry movement. while pound and eliot’s writings become more and more elitist with their return to classical meters and allusions, aimed at an educated, multi-lingual audience, lowell carves a niche for herself as introducing poetry to “people with a spark of poetry in them, be they blacksmiths or millionaires” (qtd. in damon, p. ). lowell criticizes harriet weaver and margaret anderson for allow- ing pound to control their magazines, the egoist and the review respec- tively, and refuses to publish in them as long as he and wyndham lewis are in heavy rotation and their elitist attitudes condoned (damon, p. ). as she explained to richard aldington, chastising him for writing poetry she believed would alienate the average reader, “great poetry is and must be universal, above the customs and cliques of the initiated” (qtd in damon, p. ). horace gregory, in many ways one of lowell’s less-sympathetic biog- raphers, attempts to position lowell as a minor poet by characterizing her / victorian poetry poetry and prose as aimed at women’s clubs (p. ). but to a certain extent, i believe, this is precisely the point: this is lowell’s primary market- ing strategy and, if we cast off gregory’s narrow canonical value system, her greatest triumph. that lowell, a cigar-smoking, opinionated, outspoken, publicity-seeking woman who eschews the dictates of her upper-class birth by speaking in public, reading poems about female nudity, and living openly with another woman (an actress no less), finds an audience among early twentieth-century ladies clubs is no minor feat. lowell’s initial success with this demographic came from her appro- priation of imagism. pound introduced imagisme gradually, in bits and pieces—the first edition of poetry printed two “imagiste” poems by pound, the next featured one by richard aldington, two months later a batch of poems signed h.d. imagiste appeared. finally in march the magazine printed two seminal articles: pound’s “a few don’ts by an imagiste” and f. s. flint’s “imagisme.” in this way pound slowly built suspense, teasing read- ers into wanting to know more about these mysterious poets. flint’s article, in addition to stating the basic premises of imagisme—“direct treatment of the ‘thing’. . . .to use absolutely no word that did not contribute to the presentation,” to use an organic rhythm, not that of a “metronome”—hinted at an undisclosed “doctrine of the image” “which they had not committed to writing; they said that it did not concern the public, and would provoke useless discussion.” timothy materer points out that cloaking imagism in mystery, insinuating that there was more, if only readers were prepared to accept it, was merely a rather obvious, but successful, marketing strategy (p. ). in fact, lowell journeyed all the way to england in hoping to learn the secrets of this doctrine, which probably never existed beyond its name. when lowell brought the movement back to america, however, she switched gears. if the original imagists garnered attention by being enig- matic, she would employ precisely the opposite strategy and stress the com- mon sense behind its principles. defining imagism as a movement only in the loosest of terms, lowell explains in tendencies in modern american po- etry that it “refers more to the manner of presentation than to the thing presented,” and places highest importance on “a clear presentation of what- ever the author wishes to convey” (p. ). further, she insists imagism is “only one section of a larger movement” (p. ). with this move she loosens the term, making room for frost, sandburg, masters, and robinson in the above-mentioned book and in her poetic pantheon. armed with a concept that already has proven name-recognition, she makes it even more pliable, more useful as a buzz word. to pound’s mind she empties it of meaning, returning to america “with the imagist ark of the covenant, var- nished and empty,” but i think, rather, that she rescues a term on the verge melissa bradshaw / of self-destructing because of its vacuousness and makes that very weak- ness work for her (ep/ach, p. ). now her poetry, as well as h.d.’s or aldington’s or pound’s, qualifies as imagist as long as it offers a clear pre- sentation of whatever she wants to say—an impossibly easy “rule” to com- ply with. in the same way, lowell can gain even more credibility for the term by claiming dickinson, coleridge, whitman, and poe as practitioners as well. in damon’s words, “having got the best out of imagism, miss lowell used it for her own ends” (p. ). she justifies this appropriation by assert- ing that pound’s version of imagism lacks “the quality of soul, which, i am more and more fain to believe, no great work can ever be without”( p. ). john gould fletcher describes lowell’s own poetry as a hybrid of imagism, “an encyclopedia of poetic modes rather than a mode in its own right.” interestingly, once the term is solidly identified with lowell, she works to distance herself from it. the preface to her second volume of poetry, sword blades and poppy seed ( ), makes no mention of imagism. she even goes so far as to claim “schools are for those who can confine themselves within them. perhaps it is a weakness in me that i cannot.” as self-proclaimed promoter of the new poetry, amy lowell aims for the public’s trust by fostering a sense of dialectic between the conservatism of the academy and the elitism of the avant-garde. she positions her brand of poetry as the only logical response to these two extremes. in this lowell is rather too successful, as she inspires audiences once intimidated by the complexities of poetical meters and forms not only to read poetry, but to write it as well. horace gregory contends that one of lowell’s more unsa- vory triumphs was unwittingly prompting “a children’s crusade for ‘free verse,’” as “her spontaneously written verses encouraged school girls to write millions of impressionistic fragments” (p. ). damon captures the en- thusiasm spawned by the new poetry campaign when he breaks from his narrative of lowell’s life to exclaim, “free verse suddenly had taken! . . . [people] found that all their lives they had been talking poetry. fresh ca- dences fitted fresh subjects: in free verse one could write of shoes and automobiles and skyscrapers and one-self, whereas in meter and rhyme one could mention only sandals and winged horses and greek deities” (p. ). but in her response to this phenomena, lowell proves to be just as invested as pound in differentiating between “true” artists and those who dabble as a hobby. macmillan’s book-jacket advertisement for sword blades and poppy seed claimed lowell as “the foremost member of the ‘imagistes’—a group of poets that includes william butler yeats, ezra pound, ford madox hueffer” (qtd in perkins, p. ). when an irritated pound suggested that he might have grounds to sue lowell for stealing the term she responded, “so far as i / victorian poetry know you have not copyrighted the name ‘imagiste.’ . . . but if you should feel inclined to sue, i should be exceedingly delighted, as then they would put new jackets on the book, which i would greatly prefer. also it would be a good advertisement” (damon, p. ). however, within a year she her- self made legal inquiries into the possibility of copyrighting the term in or- der to safeguard it from weak imitators, complaining to richard aldington, “all the questionable and pornographic poets are trying to sail under the name just now” (qtd in damon, p. ). returning a batch of poems to barrett wendell, who had forwarded them from a young female poet soliciting lowell’s critical perspective, she firmly explains why these poems are not “true” poetry. the young poet’s writing is apparently infused with emotion, but this, she claims, “is not enough; one must also be an artist. . . . the writer belongs to the large class of amateurs, namely, those people who write to relieve a strain of feeling, whereas, to my mind, a professional in art is a person who writes in obedi- ence to the impulse of the creative faculty” (qtd in damon, p. ). that self-expression should not be mistaken for artistic creation she again em- phasizes in her advice to another aspiring poet, insisting that the urge to create is not the same as the urge to “free [oneself] from an oppressive state of mind.” the “great artist . . . is creating something outside of himself” (qtd in damon, p. ). in her poetry as well she repeatedly describes the impulse to write as an all-consuming power coming from outside the artist. in “the poet” she asks, “what instinct forces man to journey on, / urged by a longing blind but dominant! / . . . forever done / with simple joys and quiet happiness” (cpw, p. ). in “fatigue” she pleads with the poetic muse, “dower me with strength and curb all foolish eagerness— / the law exacts obedience. instruct, i will obey” (cpw, p. ). lowell seems to suggest that one is called to be a poet, but in thus romanticizing the vocation of poetry she contradicts her insistence elsewhere that she made herself a poet. this contradiction reveals that she too has anxieties about her success in selling the new poetry. the gentle banter with her audiences, the encouragement to voice their reactions through boos or hisses, and the memorable, quot- able sound bites on modern poetics put lowell’s audiences at ease, but what follows is a tricky balancing act. her struggle is to maintain her place as a popularizer of poetry—to continue to bring poetry to a wide audience, to make it accessible—but to maintain as well a certain distance, to keep in- tact the hierarchical division between the artist/performer and the audi- ence. through her critical writings and public lectures lowell must con- struct a readership that understands its role in modern poetry: they “are not the creators, they are the appreciators” (qtd. in damon, p. ). this melissa bradshaw / strategy attempts to circumvent enthusiastic audiences from mistaking them- selves as poets and producing inferior imitations that detract from what she considers true, pure art. she must make audiences care enough to listen and buy, all the while keeping their own creative impulses in check. like pound, she “tries to stake out [her] territory by fortifying the boundaries between genuine art and inauthentic mass culture” (huyssen, p. ). al- though lowell expends a great deal of energy promoting the idea that po- etry is for everyone, in her speech before the macdowell club, discussed earlier in this essay, she discloses her belief that ultimately no art can be democratic. is it possible that there is anybody so blinded by a beloved theory as to think for a moment that the great mass of people has any artistic desire, any real artistic taste? . . . that there are men in every walk of life with real poetic feeling in their hearts i do not for a moment deny, and it is to these men that poets with the welfare of the people at heart should address themselves. for poetry should try to lift men to its level, not sink itself to theirs.” (pp. - ) my inclination as i began reading and thinking about amy lowell was to romanticize her as a hero of the down-trodden, a poetic robin hood who stole ideas from high culture and brought them to the starving deni- zens of popular culture. i did this, in part, because i had an investment in reading lowell as the anti-pound, in reading her career as the feminist/ populist response to the arrogance and misogyny of canonical modernism. but this narrative of modern poetry that i had hoped to suggest as an alter- native to the pound/eliot continuum would have merely switched the key players and the targeted demographic. rather than romanticizing lowell’s role in modernism—claiming her as representative of a more inclusive mod- ern poetry movement which sought to democratize poetry’s audiences, as well as revolutionize its forms—a reconsideration of her career needs to be willing to consider the ways her and pound’s ends, if not their means, are similar as they manipulate the terms of the twentieth-century literary mar- ketplace. here, for example, we see her lecturing other poets that “aver- age” people exist in a debased state, that it is the noblesse oblige of artists to raise them out of their filth. as much as lowell courts the general public and markets herself for a mass audience, she, too, violently disidentifies herself from that mass culture. my point here is not that lowell was a hypocrite, that she put on one face in order to exploit the public and then put on another in order to gain critical currency. nor even do i want to single out lowell as exceptional in this regard. andreas huyssen observes that “mass culture has always been the hidden subtext of the modernist project” (p. ). by this he means that the success of high modernism is always contingent on its ability to deny or erase its own embeddedness in commercial culture. “the autonomy of the modernist art work, after all, is always the result of a resistance . . . to the / victorian poetry seductive lure of mass culture, abstention from the pleasure of trying to please a larger audience” (huyssen, p. ). lowell stands out in that, while she is every bit the modern in disassociating herself from the masses, she remains forthright about targeting them as viable consumers of her prod- uct. while one can almost imagine poetry in its first few decades of publica- tion, for example, as a popular magazine, as it came to look next to the little review, the egoist, and blast, it is important to remember that when harriet monroe first conceived of it, she envisioned an alternative to the “ordinary magazines [which] must minister to a large public little inter- ested in poetry”(monroe, p. ). even that most humble of poets, vachel lindsay, who traveled on foot so that he could truly be among “the people” and who so eschewed materialism that he traveled penniless, trading his poems for bread and lodging, called his product “high vaudeville” and saw his role as one of elevating popular tastes (perkins, p. ). the very act of singling oneself out, insisting on one’s identity as a poet, attaching one’s name to a poem, invokes a hierarchy between artist and audience, putting into play an economy of ownership. a signed work of art is a commodity; it participates in a system of exchange. monroe’s insistence on paying her contributors well for their poems, lindsay’s liter- ally trading poems for bread, lowell’s involvement in the printing, design, marketing, and distribution of her poems, to name just a few examples, make this explicit and frustrate the high modernist project of defining itself as autonomous from, as flourishing despite, commercial mass culture. this, of course, is why there are few contemporary narratives of modern poetry which posit these figures as central. what is so exciting about the vachel lindsay letter cited at the beginning of this essay is that it describes a mod- ern poetry far removed from what cary nelson so succinctly describes as “the extraordinarily restricted (and exclusively male) canon of american modernism that came to dominate academic literary study in the s and s and that has been aggressively marketed as the entirety of mod- ernism ever since.” instead, lindsay offers us a glimpse of a dynamic cul- tural movement in which poetry captured the public’s attention and in which poets appear to be consciously marketing tastes and constructing audiences. and in this narrative amy lowell emerges as a major presence: a popular lecturer, a best-selling poet, a prolific literary critic, and a market-savvy business woman. notes nicholas vachel lindsay, letters of vachel lindsay, ed. marc chénetier (new york: burt franklin, ), p. . michael murphy, “one hundred per cent bohemia” in marketing modernisms: self- melissa bradshaw / promotion, canonization, and rereading, ed. kevin j. h. dettmar and stephen watt (ann arbor: univ of michigan press, ), p. . stanley olsen, elinor wylie: a life apart (new york: the dial press, ), p. ; david perkins, a history of modern poetry (boston: harvard univ. press, ), p. ; harriet monroe, poets and their art (new york: macmillan, ), p. . amy lowell, “the poetry bookshop,” the little review (may ): . s. foster damon, amy lowell: a chronicle, with extracts from her correspon- dence (boston: houghton mifflin, ), p. . commissioned by lowell’s com- panion and literary executor, ada dwyer russell, and written by a friend of lowell’s, this exhaustive, day-by-day account of her life is the standard biogra- phy. eleanor robson belmont, the fabric of memory (new york: farrar, straus, and cudahy, ), p. . horace gregory, amy lowell: portrait of the poet in her time (new york: thomas nelson, ), p. . c. david heymann, american aristocracy: the lives and times of james russell, amy, and robert lowell (new york: dodd, mead & company, ), p. . amy lowell, the complete poetical works of amy lowell (boston: houghton mifflin company, ), p. . subsequent references appear parenthetically in the text as cpw. louis untermeyer, from another world (new york: harcourt brace & com- pany, ), p. . susan edmiston and linda d. cirino, literary new york: a history and guide (new york: houghton mifflin, ), p. . jean gould, amy: the world of amy lowell and the imagist movement (new york: dodd, mead & co., ), p. . margaret thompson drewal, “the camp trace in corporate america: liberace and the rockettes at radio city music hall,” the politics and poetics of camp, ed. moe meyer (new york: routledge, ), p. . this essay analyzes liberace’s performances, and argues that while they are ostensibly campy, they remove camp from its queer signifiers, ultimately disseminating the ideology of corporate capitalism. amy lowell, john keats (boston: houghton mifflin, ), quoted in george h. sargent, amy lowell: a mosaic (new york: william edwin rudge, ), p. . ford madox hueffer (ford), “henri gaudier: the story of a low tea-shop,” the english review (october, ): . ezra pound, the letters of ezra pound to margaret anderson: the little review correspondence, ed. thomas l. scott and melvin j. friedman (new york: new directions, ), p. . subsequent references appear parenthetically in the text as lrl. see lillian faderman, surpassing the love of men, chapter two, “writing les- bian” (new york: william morrow and company, ); judy grahn, the highest apple: sappho and the lesbian poetic tradition (san francisco: spinsters ink, ). caption underneath lowell’s picture in an unsigned memorial tribute, “amy / victorian poetry lowell,” published in the literary digest, may , , eighteen days after her death. michael h. levenson, a genealogy of modernism: a study of english literary doc- trine - (cambridge: cambridge univ. press, ), p. ix. amy lowell, tendencies in modern american poetry (new york: macmillan, ), p. . subsequent references appear parenthetically in the text, abbreviated as tenden- cies. quoted in glenn richard ruihley, the thorn of a rose: amy lowell reconsidered (hamden, connecticut: archon books, ), p. . ezra pound, literary essays of ezra pound, ed. t. s. eliot, (new york: new direc- tions, ), p. . quoted in renate stendahl, ed., gertrude stein in words and pictures (chapel hill: algonquin books, ), p. . ezra pound, the cantos of ezra pound (new york: new directions, ), p. . harriet monroe and alice corbin henderson, eds., the new poetry: an anthology of twentieth century verse in english (new york: macmillan, ), p. xxxv. william wordsworth, wordsworth’s preface to the lyrical ballads, ed. w.j.b. owen, (copenhagen: rosenkilde and bagger, ), p. . john keats, letter to george and thomas keats, december , , in the selected letters of john keats, ed. lionel trilling (garden city: doubleday anchor books, ), p. . harriet monroe, a poet’s life: seventy years in a changing world (new york: macmillan, ), p. . clement wood, amy lowell (new york: harold vinal, ), p. . amy lowell, poetry and poets: essays by amy lowell (boston: houghton mifflin, ), p. . see note . “astigmatism”’s over-determined phallic imagery, and the feminization of the hap- less flowers who never know what hit them (“they lay/dying, open-mouthed, won- dering”) suggest lowell’s consciousness of the misogyny behind much of pound’s editorializing/artistic authority, a point taken up by andrew thacker in his essay “amy lowell and h.d.: the other imagists,” women: a cultural review , no. ( ): - . andreas huyssen, after the great divide: modernism, mass culture, postmodernism (bloomington: indiana univ. press, ), p. . pound used the spelling imagisme/imagiste, hinting at a french origin for this type of poetry. when he refused to participate in lowell’s series of anthologies and pro- tested against her using the term, she deferred to him only by dropping the final “e.” i therefore spell the term with the final “e” only when referencing pound’s use of the term. ezra pound, selected letters of ezra pound: - , ed. d. d. paige (new york: new directions, ), p. . literary essays of ezra pound, p. ; levenson, p. , my emphasis. timothy materer, “make it sell! ezra pound advertises modernism,” in marketing modernisms: self-promotion, canonization, and rereading, ed. kevin j.h. dettmar and melissa bradshaw / stephen watt (ann arbor: univ. of michigan press, ), p. . shari benstock, women of the left bank: paris, - (austin: univ. of texas press, ), p. . quoted in e. claire healey and keith cushman, eds., the letters of d.h. lawrence and amy lowell (santa barbara: black sparrow press, ), p. . levenson’s chapter “the war among the moderns,” demonstrates the persistence of such characterizations as well as the continuing tendency to make gross generali- zations about modern poets who do not find their way into the pound/eliot con- tinuum. throughout this chapter he uses the term “lowellites” to describe an un- specified group of poets whose only identifiable feature, as far as i can tell, is that their poems fall beyond the scope of the critical writings of pound, eliot, and harold monro that he builds his chapter around. as this is a term i have not run across in any other poetical studies, i assume it is levenson’s creation. its use implies a ho- mogeneity among poets who associated with lowell, however loosely, that would be impossible to substantiate with concrete examples. although he gestures towards odysseus in the first section of hugh selwyn mauberly, “e.p. ode pour l’election de son sepulchre,” where he describes himself as briefly swayed by the siren call of the classics early in his career, he returns to it more fully in “canto i” where he translates andreas divius’ translation of homer. blurring the lines between himself and odysseus, pound appropriates the prophecy of tiresias, “lose all companions,” for himself. margaret anderson, ed., the little review anthology (new york: hermitage house, ), p. . ezra pound, the letters of ezra pound to alice corbin henderson, ed. ira b. nadel (austin: univ. of texas press, ), p. . subsequent references will appear par- enthetically in the text, abbreviated as ep/ach. f. s. flint, “imagisme,” in poetry: a magazine of verse, , no. (march ): - . john gould fletcher, selected essays of john gould fletcher, ed. lucas carpenter (fayetteville: univ. of arkansas press, ), p. . amy lowell, sword blades and poppy seed (new york: macmillan, ), p. xii. cary nelson, “the fate of gender in modern american poetry,” in marketing mod- ernisms, p. . anatomy of the image of the nurse: dissonant and ideal models* beatrice j. kalisch, ed.d., r.n., f.a.a.n., and philip a. kalisch, ph.d. all professions, including nursing, rest on a cultural base. berger and luckman argue that the sociology of knowledge concerns itself more with common sense than with theoretical abstractions. everyone must exist within some kind of structure, some kind of ordered world, and so people create a "reality" for themselves about nurses and nursing which is based on things they "know," regardless of the ultimate validity or inaccurateness of their "knowledge." the cultural lag implicit in current public 'knowledge" about nursing will exist until, and unless, it is directly challenged by new "knowledge." for example, the generally accepted "knowledge" of male/ female interaction of the s has become unacceptable to the culture of the s; a new "knowledge" has replaced the old, perhaps only substitut- ing one set of stereotypes for another, but definitely altering the tone. socialization, the process of learning basic values and orientations that prepare individuals to fit into their cultural milieu, contributes to the cognitive system a collection of interrelated items of knowledge and beliefs about the profession of nursing. a predominant consistency between the knowledge, ideas, and beliefs about nurses and the actual role, work, and nature of nursing yield an ideal or consonant image. the absence of such consistency and the ensuing internal contradictions provide a cognitively dissonant image of nursing. when this theoretical model is applied to a perceived incongruity between a person's attitudes and his or her behavior, there is evidence that people tend to reduce such dissonance by making ap- propriate changes in their attitudes and beliefs. the mass media are instrumental in the image formation process. originally, mass media research did not put much stress on the socialization function, because it was thought that this was primarily performed by parents and the schools. studies conducted in the s finally put the spotlight on the media as a primary factor in socialization, showing that a beatrice kalisch is titus distinguished professor of nursing and chairperson, parent-child nursing, school of nursing, university of michigan. ann arbor. philip kalisch is interim director, center for nursing research, and professor of history, politics, and economics of nursing. school of nursing. university of michigan, ann arbor. *this paper is based partly upon studies supported by research grant nu from the divi- sion of nursing, bureau of health professions, health resources administration. u.s. depart- ment of health and human services. co-investigators of the image of nursing in the mass media project are beatrice [. kalisch and philip a. kalisch, . large proportion of information that children acquire about the nature of their world comes from the mass media. it reaches them either directly through exposure to the electronic and print media, or indirectly through mass media exposure of their families, teachers, acquaintances, and peers. this information presents specific facts as well as general values. the media indicate the elements which make for power, success, and happiness in society and provide models for behavior. public opinion polls show that most of the new orientations and beliefs that adults acquire during their lifetime also are based on information sup- plied by the mass media. people do not necessarily adopt the precise at- titudes and opinions that may be suggested by the media, but the informa- tion provides the ingredients they use to adjust their existing attitudes and opinions to keep pace with a changing world. one must therefore credit the mass media with a sizeable share of continuing socialization and resocializa- tion about all aspects of life including nurses and nursing. the media have an enormous impact on the formation of images. ken- neth boulding names the basis for human behavior the "image" in order to emphasize that it is a subjective knowledge structure, not necessarily reflec- ting actuality in all of its components. images are mental representations that influence how people see allaspects of life, including nurses and nurs- ing; they help people in achieving tangible goals, making judgments, and expressing themselves. public images are the basic bond of any society and are produced by sharing messages. persons exchange images between each other by using symbols in both interpersonal and mass communication. ac- cording to boulding, behavior depends on the image; and in his view, messages change images, which in turn account for changes in individual behavior patterns. social construction of reality is a result of the process of image forma- tion, stimulated by messages transmitted by various forms of communica- tion. in effect, the entire public perception of truth about nursing is a paradigm based on a socially created legitimacy. when used as tools for ad- vancing interests, public images create and reinforce distinctions between groups. as evaluative standards, public images create and reinforce distinc- tions in occupational prestige and entitlement to certain scarce resources. when nurses are constantly portrayed in negatively stereotyped ways, these images affect their lives and their aspirations as well as delimit the scope of their work. mass media products seethe with myths and heros. they guide deci- sions, inform perceptions, and provide examples of appropriate behavior. for example, most americans' current image of health care owes its origins to the heroic and self-perpetuating media messages about the miracles of modern medicine of the s and s, in which any health problem could be cured if only the victim could get the assistance of "doctors" at some place like the mayo clinic. this general belief was reinforced by the miracles of medical intervention; broken bones were mended, eyesight restored, infections cured, and miraculous surgery performed. nurses, however, are well aware (even though the public is not) that rates of mor- bidity and mortality have little relationship to the quality and quantity of the amount spent on health care. life expectancy is not the longest in the country with the most advanced bio-medical research or even in the coun- try with the greatest per capita expenditures on health care. instead, a grow- ing part of the health care community has come to conclude that general health, morbidity rates, and life expectancy are more influenced by genetic heritage, life style habits, and environmental factors, which receive far fewer dollars. we initiated the study of the image of the nurse in the mass media in search of the evolving social perception of the nurse and the accompanying symbolic system that expresses the implicit concepts of what nursing means. we have regarded the products of mass media as cultural indicators of the commonly accepted themes, symbols, concepts, styles, and sentiments associated with nursing in the mass society of the past century. in in- vestigating the treatment of the nurse within the context of mass culture, the concept of genre provided the best point of departure. it refers to a central organizing conceptual category by which all media representations of a similar form, type, structure, function, kind, or style may be grouped for comparison, contrast, evaluation, or study. the generic mass media trad- tion of nursing, therefore, consists of all those media products which display conventions, themes, motifs, stereotypes, or archetypes pertaining to nurses and their work. the resultant study of the meaning of the various images within the social context yields the "iconography of nursing." tracking the somtimes fugitive mass media products of the past cen- tury and a half that pertain to nursing yielded evidence from the print media ( novels, magazine short stories, poems, and articles, and , newspaper clippings) as well as the newer non-print media ( motion pic- tures, radio programs, and television episodes). both quantitative and qualitative methods were employed in a content analysis of the data which facilitated the reduction of this evidence into five dominant image types that are fundamentally characteristic of the five successive periods of time—( ) the angel of mercy [ - ], ( ) the girl friday [ - ], ( ) the heroine ( - , ( ) the mother [ - ], and ( ) the sex ob- ject [ - ]. these images epitomize the mode of thought and feeling about nurses that was inherent in the prevailing mass media entertainment and information messages of the day and as such constitute the nurse stereotypes fundamentally characteristic of their particular periods. as iconographical indicators, these nurse image types fall at several intervals within the range from "ideal" to "dissonant" and proved to be of varying ef- fectiveness for their particular eras in molding popular conceptions about nurses and nursing within their unique cultural milieus. i. angel of mercy, - in the mid-nineteenth century, two opposing conceptions of the nurse image were epitomized by two media-created "nurses": satry gamp, the alcoholic hag immortalized by charles dickens in martin chuzzlewit and florence nightingale, the real-life heroine immortalized by newsman william howard russell in his articles in the london times. indeed, both figures contributed to the rapid revision of nursing's public image of the s; miss nightingale's service to the profession is self-evident, but the caricature of mrs. gamp helped to clear the way for nightingale's seminal contribution to nursing. s. squire sprigge, a physician author of dickens' own day, noted that: with regard to the nurses. dickens . . . helped in a very pronounced degree to rescue society from the ministration of the hopeless class into whose hands the calling of nursing was committed. society owes dickens a double debt, for having buried the nurse-hag under indistinguishable laughter." sairy gamp embodied the nurses of the day who lived and worked in appalling surroundings; whose work was considered a particularly repug- nant form of domestic service for which little or no education and special training were necessary; and whose living was meager indeed. young ladies of the middle classes were revolted by the idea of becoming nurses, a reac- tion easily understood in view of the conditions of the time. the major transformation in the new image of the nurse was of course due to the work of florence nightingale. no other nurse—perhaps no other woman—has so quickened the imagination and gratitude of a people as did nightingale. her achievements at scutari hospital were astounding, and her later career, though somewhat less dramatic, was no less innovative or significant for the fields of nursing, health, and hospital planning. her effect upon the profession of nursing was immeasurable; indeed, for decades the names were, and in many ways still are, synonymous. nightingale gave to the nursing profession both an unprecendented degree of public respect and acceptance and a new and abiding symbol of excellence. unsurprisingly, she often found herself a subject for creative artists, and poets in particular drew inspiration from her work. most of these poets wrote specifically of miss nightingale; yet her influence was so pervasive that one invariably finds a close correspondence between the direct poetic image of nightingale and the generally more implicit image of nursing. in , american poet henry wadsworth longfellow wrote a personalized tribute to nightingale in his well-known poem 'santa filomena,' published in the atlantic monthly. here the poet speaks explicitly of the "lady with a lamp," and, by identifying her with saint filomena, longfellow makes use of the popular conception of nightingale as the "saint of the crimea." the poem opens with a statement of the inspiriting and enlightening quality of "noble" deeds and thoughts. the presence, real or imagined, of "deeper souls" lifts the spirit from mean notions and superficial cares. this seraphic imagery is emphasized by the reenactment of a scene which had been popularized for british readers through a celebrated newspaper ac- count of scutari hospital: and slow, as in a dream of bliss the speechless sufferer turns to kiss her shadow, as it falls upon the darkening walls. we are told here that she passed like a vision, as if a "door to heaven," left momentarily ajar, were suddenly shut. longfellow calls nightingale "a no- ble type of good, heroic womanhood"—a woman fit to carry the symbols once borne by saint filomena: the palm of peace, the lily of christian love and mercy, and the spear of courage and determination. longfellow's sym- bols of saintliness serve to reiterate the metaphors of nobility, heroism, and self-sacrifice. modern nursing owes its origins to florence nightingale's work and the attendant "angel of mercy" media image which provided an effective ideal in garnering public support for the first nurse training school at london's st. thomas' hospital in . the saturday review of january , , for example, expressed undiluted praise for nightingale's notes on nursing ("it is prevaded by power and wisdom and true goodness"), for her nursing work (her expedition to scutari is called "the single bright spot in one of our gloomiest national reminiscences"), and for miss nightingale's character (as readers are told that englishmen will always remember "with pride and gratitude how the exigencies of a great crisis were bravely and successfully met by her genius, experience, and resolution"). nightingale's struggles to define the nursing profession took place against the background of intense mid-nineteenth century debate over the position, rights, and potential of women. victorian women were ex- emplified by what has been called the cult of 'true womanhood": this so- called victorian code drew upon the almost universal conviction that women were weaker than men physically, emotionally, and intellectually, and were dependent on males for social position, security, and direction. many a daughter of a victorian family, however, covertly scorned the domestic docility of her mother and, in her own quest for freedom and ex- citement, secretly envied and identified with men. thus at a time when the masculine professions were all but closed to women, entry into the profes- sion of nursing itself represented an attractive step toward emancipation from the confinement of the domestic sphere and well-intentioned but often ineffectual "good works." once florence nightingale brought respectability to the nursing profes- sion, a new image of the nurse began to appear. nurses were portrayed as noble, moral, religious, virginal, ritualistic, and self-sacrificing. a majority of late th century authors contrasted the newer "trained nurse' with the discredited and older familiar "sairy gamp" type of nurse. for example, in st. bernard's: the romance of a medical student by edward bersoe ( ), the refined and sensitive nurse heroine is contrasted with a thoroughly igno- rant and weak-willed nurse who unashamedly persuades her patients into going through the tortures of amputations and other surgery they do not need in order to give the medical students the opportunity to practice their skills. the heroine is depicted by the author as one of those "gentlewomen who have adopted the noble profession of nursing from the love of god and their neighbor." her innate sensibility eventually forces her to leave this hospital, but she goes on to establish a nightingale school of nursing. between the early s and the first world war, the durable but adaptive nature of the "angel of mercy" nurse image was successfully in- corporated into a major shift in the feminine image of the day. this "new woman" was typified by the popular "gibson girl," the creation of the ar- tist charles dana gibson in a series of drawings in life magazine in the s. that the gibson girl was the image of women which captured the imagination of a generation of americans is evidenced by the proliferation of artifacts, plays, and songs which accompanied her popularity in life magazine. staring cooly into the distance, only rarely gazing at her reader or pictorial admirer, she conveyed a mysterious elegance. physically, her presence not only dominated gibson's drawings, but she literally dwarfed her male counterparts. statuesque, long-limbed and long-necked, her physical bearing conveyed authority; her thrown-back, upright carriage and lowered eyelids projected power and control over self and others. nursing was the only occupation identified with this lofty female ideal (as based on our visual analysis of several hundred of gibson's still extant drawings), attesting to the acceptability of the profession for well-bred women in a time when women working outside of the home was viewed negatively and solely for "misfortunates" who did not have a man to take care of them. positive imagery surrounding "trained nurses" contributed to the rapid growth of the profession as the census bureau found that the , professional nurses of rose to , in , climbed to , in , and soared to , in . the characterization of nursing during this era emphasized the noble, self-sacrificing angel of mercy component of nur- sing's image and its expression of the quintessence of femininity. world war i saw the last glorious outpouring of the "angel of mercy" imagery that had persisted as the predominant mold since the time of nightingale. the nurse was the envy of all american women as rampant media-inspired patriotism instilled the desire to play an active role near the fighting front. hundreds of society women sought to pressure congress to allow them to go overseas to serve as nursing aides at their own expense. in the media, nurses were consistently presented as noble and heroic. an in- spirational, saintly, other-worldly aspect of nursing the wounded was seen in countless portrayals. tor example, several recruitment posters and magazine covers featured nurses imposing themselves between recumbent, wounded soldiers and the threatening, robed figure of death lurking in the foreground. a typical drawing, inscribed "the angel of life in the valley of death," featured an ethereal, illuminated nursing figure standing and poin- ting the way for a group of fallen soldiers in no-man's land. nurse edith cavell, executed by a german firing squad on october , , became the first popular martyr of world war i. canonization occur- red not through the time-consuming roman curia, but more immediately, through the press and the several films hollywood quickly made about her life and death. not incidentally, cavell's media fame created so strong an impression on the popular imagination that her sacrifice strongly influenced the many fictional accounts of heroic nurses in war-theme films. in many ways, the cavell case reinvigorated the "angel of mercy" image with a heavy dose of "moral purity" symbolism. so powerful was the moral aura surrounding the work of the nurse that many vamps and other fallen women characters depicted in the entertainment media of the day regained their virtue by becoming nurses. the typical world war i film told of how a young american male volunteered for service in the war, how his nurse sweetheart joined up to be near him, and how, fortuitously, the hero was wounded and found by his sweetheart-nurse who restored him to health. furthermore, the strong pro- pagandistic attitudes of filmmakers usually guaranteed that there would be a few scenes of a brutal and animalistic german officer threatening to rape the nurse. in these world war i media portrayals, a model of an "angel of mercy" with new values was depicted. the nursing identification provided one effective way to mask the novelty of female independence with tradi- tional female values. these nurse portrayals gave the viewing public the needed encouragement to accept an expanded sphere of female efforts. nurse characters demonstrated, countless times, that women could provide enormous wartime support and make their own decisions, without jeopar- dizing the pre-war social arrangements. they prefigured a transformation that was to take place for american women as a whole. almost all the nurse characters came from sheltered, prosperous backgrounds; and the decision to become a nurse emerged consciously. perhaps the greatest change in female standards to be observed in these portrayals was a consistent devaluation of other women who were providing no useful war service. ii. girl friday, - the s proved to be a transitory period in the reshaping of the public image of the nurse. world war i had made it possible for women to enter new areas of activity, and brought the passage of the woman suffrage amendment in the united states. by the number of working women had virtually doubled since the turn of the century so that women represented more than one-fifth of the total working population. a quest for private fulfillment, motivated by the new advertising industry and na- tional prosperity yielded an upheaval in social mores, often called "the flapper's revolution." the shedding of victorian inhibitions led women to abandon clothing taboos and proscriptions on social behavior as the female ideal of the s, popularly known as the "flapper," wore bobbed hair, decorative cosmetics, and short-skirted, shapeless clothing. this woman was so drastically different from her predecessors that she seemed practic- ally new-born. she was delineated as one who enjoyed all kinds of sports, who danced regardless of her age, who dieted to maintain the slim figure currently in fashion, who sometimes smoked cigarettes, and who went to beauty parlors regularly. in opposition to much of the flapper's values, the public image of the nurse and of nurse training in general suffered considerable deterioration during the s. from the time of nightingale up through world war i, nursing was popularly regarded as a select occupation of noble proportions, strongly imbued with military-religious traditions and distinctive rituals. increasingly, in the twenties, standards in nursing education declined as far too many hospitals opened and expanded schools, ruthlessly exploited stu- dent labor as a means of staffing their wards at the lowest possible cost, and generated a flurry of negative newspaper and magazine articles on the poor working conditions surrounding nurse training. accompanying this deprofessionalization in nursing was the shift in american social ideology from one that was rural, homogeneous, fun- damentalist, and traditional in point of view, to one that was urban, cosmopolitan, heterogeneous, and adventuresome in viewpoint. nursing was slow in adapting to the mass ideology and its popular image drifted into a dissonant state vis-a-vis the new female ideal of the "flapper." the dominant public image of the s media nurse was the "girl fri- day" type, a transitory representation that grew out of the interface bet- ween the variable changes operative in nursing as well as society's moral climate and values. the emphasis was on the nurse as a reliable working woman whose career lasted only until her wedding day as her nursing duties were primarily used to showcase an on the job romance with her future hus- band. prince charming was often her employing physician (as in sinclair lewis' pulitzer prize winning novel arrowsmith and mary roberts rinehart's film version of k—the unknown) or the son of a million- naire who happened to be momentarily in need of a nurse, as was true in such films as the glorious fool ( ) and why worry? ( ). as work- ing girl companions, these nurses were single and often emanated from a lower class background. for the most part, they were faithful, dependent, cooperative, long suffering, and subservient girls friday. the s, then, saw two female image systems struggle for supremacy and public adherence. nursing became the victim, willingly or unwillingly, of the image molders of an older set of values that had become increasingly rigid and sour in the face of powerful challenges to their survival as the dominant, even if ineffectual, communicators to the public. the "girl fri- day" image of the s promoted nurses' professional inequality and sought easy, optimistic resolutions to any personal or professional pro- blems their fictions treated. they were subservient, cooperative, methodical, dedicated, modest, and loyal. but a handful of media products simultaneously reflected, unconsciously or otherwise, the malaise of this role along with the untenably narrow boundaries of the handmaiden nurse role, and also offered a glimpse of a new recommitment to the profession that was just on the horizon. iii. heroine, - during the abysmal days of the s, an economic paralysis spread, snuffing out the jobs of one quarter of the labor force. despite this low point in american economic history, the public image of the nurse was in the process of being elevated to an all time high in the embodiment of the heroine representation. the mass media recognized nursing as a true profes- sion which required education and the development of skills and knowledge for its practice. nurses were depicted as brave, rational, dedicated, decisive, humanistic, and autonomous. the most powerful medium of the s and s was the motion pic- ture, which held unchallenged sway over the national imagination as million americans went to , theatres each week to see the depiction of things lost or things desired. the positive imagery created-about nursing by this medium is evidenced by the fact that one of the few nursing films ever to be nominated for the academy award for best picture was the white parade, a motion picture based on rian james' novel. a reviewer for the journal trained nurse documented the film's effectiveness as both a work of entertainment and a communicator of accurate information about nursing: this interpretation of nursing catches the feeling of altruism so characteristic of youth and gives it wings in a form that is harnessed to practical service. moreover it breaks down the thin wall between comedy and tragedy that is so present in reality until smiles and tears chase across the film and the audience feels itself a part of this life within hospital walls. a similarly positive contribution to the heroine image was a.j. cronin's popular novel, vigil in the night, which was quickly made into a movie starring carole lombard. this motion picture emphasized the vir- tues of courage, self-sacrifice, dedication, and compassion. reminiscent of the scenes of florence nightingale in the crimea, the nurse heroine takes the initiative of creating a children's isolation ward for victims of a highly con- tagious and virulent disease against the hospital administrator's wishes. stories of such nurse heroines as florence nightingale, edith cavell, and sister kenney became the subjects of extensive biographical treatment. for example, in , kay francis, then the most popular star under warner brothers contract, played miss nightingale in the white angel. the audience was brought to a full awareness of the colossal demands nightingale and her nurses faced, and how they were successful in sur- mounting the obstacles that were placed in their way by unappreciate physi- cians. in the white angel, a woman and nurse is portrayed as a heroic crusader who successfully defeats the forces of convention, and the nursing profession is associated with the highest level of humanitarianism. another unique role, the "private duty nurse as a detective," made an impressive debut in numerous magazine short stories, mystery novels, and feature films. in film the popular hollywood actresses of the new decade who played nurse-detectives were bolder and brassier than the actresses that had portrayed the movie nurses of the s. starring as nurse-detectives were barbara stanwyck, joan blondell, ann sheridan, and aline mac- mahon, among others. these women were strong-willed, independent types who used their professional abilities with intelligence. two other popular themes which often involved nurse characters in media of the s were adventure dramas about airplane or ship travel. novelists and filmmakers apparently believed that any crisis, danger, or romance occurring on land would be twice as exciting if it happened in mid- air or in the middle of an ocean. hence, for a decade, the creative arts com- munity presented numerous films, novels, and short stories with titles such as "ship's nurse," "mercy plane," "flight angel," and "air hostess." the fact that the airlines actually hired graduate nurses to augment the pilot and copilot as stewardesses in the early years of commercial flying led to a number of daringly adventurous portrayals of nurses in the media. most people in the s audience were unfamiliar with air travel, so it is impor- tant to consider how these nurse characters must have appeared to the public at that time. there they were, brave women who not only dared to go up in those dangerous flying machines but also handled any emergency that seemed (inevitably) to arise. they delivered babies in mid-air and assisted at emergency operations. if the pilots were disabled, the nurse would land the plane safely. only slightly less heroic were the ships' nurses who also displayed the same kind of courage, resourcefulness, and romantic attractiveness as they performed emergency surgery and fought raging cholera epidemics. like other s media portrayals, these representations depicted the nurse as a brave, adventurous, romantic figure, a power for good and an inspiration to others. on december , , the japanese bombed pearl harbor and attacked u.s. troops in the phillipines. the nation mobilized, and as a consequence, the lifestyles of american women were jolted considerably, largely because extensive new employment opportunities opened up for them. women were encouraged to fulfill their patriotic duty and enter occupations which before had been considered for men only. as a result, the female labor force in- creased percent during the war years, boosting the proportion of women in the labor force from percent in to percent in . this in- crease was greater than that of the previous four decades combined. the coming of the second world war and its social effects both inten- sified the heroic propensities of the nursing profession and subtly altered the way in which nurses were presented. the popular image of wartime nursing was markedly less sentimental during world war ii than had been the case in world war i. recruitment posters pictured nurses in dignified, serious poses, wearing the much admired uniforms of their profession and the military service. striking recruitment posters such as one featuring a young nurse in a fatigue uniform with a rifle and i.v. bottle in the background, gave clear recognition of the nurses' essential role and proximity to the fighting front. publicity given to real life heroism such as that of the nurses trapped on bataan and corregidor brought the public to accept the notion of active, physically courageous women, standing side-by-side with the fighting men. hollywood accurately captured the sense of the nurse's dangerous work in several memorable films produced during the war. most famous were the star-studded, fictionalized accounts of nurses trapped in the philippines. one example is so proudly we hail released in , which starred claudette colbert, paulette goddard, veronica lake, and barbara britton as army nurses who endured massive military defeat on bataan and corregidor before a last-minute evacuation. the highlights of the film showcased a group of female nurses adjusting to combat situations with equanimity, maintaining their own discipline, providing needed leadership in many situations, and performing feats of physical bravery. the sound of bombs exploding accompanied all the main action. one nurse saved the lives of her fellow nurses by carrying a live grenade in her surrender to the enemy. another nurse refused to seek shelter during a raid, remaining by the side of the surgeon during an operation; she was killed by enemy fire. yet a third received severe burns when she tried to rescue a friend: with burned hands she paddled her way out into the bay to take her friend to the evacuation boat. through it all, the nurses remained confident and op- timistic as they took care of their patients. the same heroic nurse image was broadcast via the newly powerful medium of radio which during the s and early s, provided the in- timate, in-home information and entertainment functions now replaced by the television. one of the most durable programs was nbc's one man's family, a norman rockwell creation heard in million homes on wednesdays at p.m. the announcer always began by declaring that the show was "dedicated to the mothers and fathers of the younger generation and to their bewildering off-spring." between the time that it went on the air for the first time in to the final broadcast twenty-seven years later. one man's family helped idealize the nursing profession by incorporating it into the lives of two members of the extended barbour family, one of whom was a world war ii cadet nurse who subsequently joined the army nurse corps. through such mass media portrayals, the real work and physical stamina evidenced by military nurses during the second world war did reach the consciousness of the american people, and the public found no difficulty in accepting these women as heroines. iv. mother, - nothing about the late s, the decade of the s, and the early s was more paradoxical than the role women played in it. after sharing the camaraderie of the fighting services and the hardships of the war on equal terms, surely women would not go meekly back home to function solely as wife and mother? but they did, with a fervor that would have amazed the feminists of their grandmothers' generation. birth rates soared and career women sank in prestige to the level of drop-outs in the great breeding stakes. in the two years following the termination of hostilities, the number of females in the labor force declined by about two million, or from percent of all women in to percent in . for married women, opportunity meant not working in the marketplace. since the family was credited with being the most important institution in a democratic society, women's caretaking functions were seen to demand their full attention, offering a pleasurable and important role to the wife and mother as well as a benefit to the husband-father and an invest- ment to society. in the early years, the baby boom carried aimo t all women before it. the vogue for large families—for third, fourth, even fifth and sixth babies—spread. not since before had such large families been typical. as a consequence, the united states population increased by twenty-eight million in ten years, at a rate even raster than india's. the mar- riage age steadily dropped until half of american brides married by the time they were twenty. why was this? partly because the happy housewife beamed at the world from countless advertisements, looking out of her gadget-lined nest. but more important was the fact that the social climate was imbued with a new puritan ethic, not the work ethic but the breeding ethic. this was even true for the college educated woman, since the most important task to which a woman's higher education could be put was, by wide agreement, raising the next generation. by the mid-fifties more than half the women at american universities were dropping out of college in order to marry and help their husbands to get through. it is interesting to note that unlike the post-world war i era, nursing remained a high status occupation for women after world war ii. the april issue of the personnel and guidance journal rcported a study which was conducted to determine the social status of twenty-nine women's oc- cupations. responses to questionnaires asking what occupation is "most looked up to," which is second, and so on, were obtained from two groups of high school students and two groups of college students. the tabulated results showed that in median rank order the professional nurse was second; the physician had first place and the teacher, sixth. reinforcing the regressed role of women were the new fashions of the day. according to fashion publicists, after two decades of the 'american look," marked by slim hips, casual appearance, and reasonably short skirts, paris couturier christian dior brought onto the stage what he called the "new look"—the long skirted, hourglass fashion. by the early s, these fashions reached their height in the "baby doll" look. it was characterized by a cinched-in waist, a full bosom, and long bouffant skirts held out by crinoline petticoats. not since the victorian era had women's fashions been so confining. on the popular level, the new emphasis on domesticity was everywhere apparent. by the end of the s, most female heroines in the mass media were again happy housewives. epitomizing society's belief that women functioned best as sweethearts, sirens, or wives, most female film stars of the s were sweet, innocent, and characterless, like debbie reynolds and doris day. by the mid- s, television, which was begin- ning to beam its message into countless american homes, also portrayed the woman as a contented homebody, often flighty and irresponsible. the em- phasis on domesticity was pronounced in long-running, popular television shows, like "i love lucy" and "father knows best." nurse characters in most television dramas of the s, while never intentionally distorted, more often than not were portrayed as sympathetic as women and dependent as nurses. the qualities lauded almost always came from the traditional womanly treasurehouse of virtue: good nurses were maternal, nurturing, sympathetic, passive, expressive, and domestic. although occasional references were made to a nurse's education, the actual nurses depicted exhibited very little knowledge and skill. nurses were never portrayed as uneducated or inarticulate, but neither were they admired for their intellectual competence or professional qualifications. ann talbot, of dr. hudson, appeared to be a thoughtful woman, but her value consisted mainly in her ability to be supportive of the doctor's temperament. donna stone of the donna reed show and martha hale of hennessey manipulated their menfolk with feminine charm and guile and operated on emotional reactions rather than objective assessments. the nurse chosen to personify the profession in medic's tribute to nursing exemplified the importance of self-sacrifice and generosity required of a truly successful nurse. school nurse nancy remington of mr. peepers, admirable as a young woman, was never shown doing any nursing. as a sin of omission, producers rarely presented real portraits of up-to- date nursing practice. lines of authority between nurses never emerged; for example, on dr. hudson, reference was made to a nursing director, but hudson himself appeared to make the real decisions regarding the nursing staff—authorizing transfers, arranging for nurses to quit, disciplining nurses, etc. nurse characters always gave up their profession for marriage and family. the viewer knew that ann talbot loved dr. hudson and, had she married him, would have been expected to quit nursing in order to be a full-time mother to his young daughter kathy. even without marriage, she performed many domestic, motherly functions for dr. hudson. similarly, donna stone had left nursing after marriage, martha hale exited the profes- sion after marrying chick hennessey, and marriage spelled the end of nancy remington's career as a school nurse. the long-suffering "mother" image of the nurse continued to dominate television images of nursing into the early s. the introduction of dr. kildare and ben casey on television in , which began a national craze for things medical, established certain conventions for health care drama that have never been successfully challenged. the depiction of nursing in these shows gave a grossly distorted view of the work of nurses. the nurses largely carried out menial tasks (e.g., running errands, answering the phones, delivering messages, and pushing carts), while the physician characters were shown doing the nursing care (e.g., the administration of drugs, the monitoring of seriously ill patients, and the provision of psychosocial support). miss wills of ben casey personified the typical tv nurse of the s. she was motherly, expressive, sympathetic, and ever- ready to do the doctor's bidding. while she performed no skilled nursing tasks, she did answer the telephone and gave dr. casey his messages in a most maternal manner. she also lent enormous support to dr. casey's brilliant work. among the motion pictures appearing between and that strongly equated nurses with the maternal role were such blockbusters as jolson sings again ( ), with a song in my heart ( ), magnificent obsession ( ), not as a stranger ( ), south pacific { ), opera- tion petticoat ( ), exodus ( ), and captain newman, m.d. ( ). in all these major features as well as scores of minor films, the dominant nurse image was that of "mother" to a man, a husband, or children. evidence of any professional expertise associated with nursing was almost non-existent in the american cinema of this era. an ideal preparation for marriage and motherhood was popularly ascribed to nursing in the period - . for example, among popular magazines, hygeia promised in that ''the girl who is trained as a nurse has several advantages over girls in other occupations when it comes to con- tact with the susceptible male." the following year the ladies home jour- nal asked, "who has heard the nightingale?"" in and , the satur- day evening post announced in one major feature story that "nurses are lucky girls!," claiming that "nurses have the best chances of marrying" of any professionals, and subsequently ran another story about a maternity nurse entitled "i've had a thousand babies." in . charm told readers that the "piteous cry of nurse" brought "to the hospital bedside a trim, effi- cient, sympathetic woman," a shift in imagery was in the making by when the reporter called nurses "medicines forgotten women" and in when science newsletter ran an article declaring "more glamor, pay, glory, needed to attract nurses." the "mother" image declined in importance during the mid- s. women, in general, were sensing as never before that they had capabilities far greater than were being used entirely in the traditional feminine role, a major contribution to this development of a modern philosophy of women's role was the second sex by simone de beauvoir, first appearing in transla- tion in the united states in but belatedly becoming popular in and . women were now inspired by her most famous statement, "one is not born a woman, one becomes one," to conclude that the inferior status of the "second sex" was not a natural phenomenon but a man-made one. once the contraceptive pill became available and accepted and made any further baby boom unlikely, years of frustrated and dammed-up feminism were ready to burst in the new wave of women's liberation. in , betty friedan published the feminine mystique, a journalistic polemic which dealt with "the problem that has no name"; and while it was not, strictly speaking, a book about liberation and equality, it discussed the discontent and dead-endism that an increasing number of women were ex- periencing and started the wheels turning in many women's heads. to betty friedan, the american home, filled with its creature comforts, was a gilded ghetto, a velvet concentration camp. she wrote: "a baked potato is not as big as the world, and vacuuming the living room floor—with or without makeup—is not work that takes enough thought or energy to challenge a woman's full capacity." i by millions of women and thousands of nurses had been changed by the movement, but nurses seemed left behind in media accounts of these developments. v. sex object, to date as the "mother" image of the nurse declined in the mid- s, the vacuum that it left was filled by the most negative media image since charles dickens' pre-nightingale character sairy gamp—the nurse as a sex object. in the majority of media portrayals from the mid- s to the pre- sent time, an obsession with nurses' sex lives has dominated ail other thematic elements and yielded a representation of the nursing profession which is often blurred and twisted to fit bizarre objectives. in these por- trayals, nurses are depicted as sensual, romantic, hedonistic, frivolous, ir- responsible, and promiscuous. and, unfortunately, the more the nurse is presented as a sex object, the less she is shown being engaged in actual pro- fessional nursing work. the primary plot development in these stereotypical depictions has the nurse becoming emotionally and sexually involved with her patients. a pa- tient's welfare becomes the nurses private mission, and in the process of aiding his physical and psychological recovery, she readily becomes his sex- ual partner. another common representation involves the portrayal of sex- ual liaisons between nurses and physicians. these almost always cast the nurse in a subordinate and usually demeaning role. for instance, in order to assure that the head nurse will not learn of her medication error, a nurse agrees to have sex with a young physician; another nurse allows a psychiatrist to talk her into believing that she is potentially deviant, and then is seduced by him in the name of a cure. the nurse as a sex object is the pervasive theme throughout novels and motion pictures of the period - . even the origins of the most durable "nurse" of the entertainment media world of the past generation. margaret "hot lips" houlihan! originated as a sex object role in the novel and the motion picture m*a*s*h. hawkeye sums up his reac- tion to the nurse's views when he informs her, patronizingly, that because of her being a regular army clown, he will not favor her with an invitation to his bed. to elaborate their distaste for her prudery and military manner and in an effort to destroy the last of hot lips' self-confidence, the physi- cians stage the humiliating shower scene. the other nurses join in the fun, sharing the physicians' delight in witnessing the head nurse's downfall. the attractive nurse found in bed with the commanding officer epitomizes the concept of what a good nurse should be—sexually attractive and willing to sacrifice herself to a good cause. the depiction of nurses as the sexual mascots for the medical team recurs again and again throughout the period - . at the "sexploita- tion film " level, nursing has been the most frequent occupational identifica- tion utilized in film titles since the mid-sixties. of r- and x-rated films with occupationally linked titles, "nurse" has been used in % of the cases, followed by wife ( %), hooker/prostitute ( %), cheerleader ( %), and stewardess ( %). furthermore, the word "nurse" in the titles of such films as the sensuous nurse ( ), night call nurses ( ), nurses for sale ( ), head nurse ( ), and naughty nurses ( ) needlessly degrades the profession's image. nurses have also been largely portrayed as sex objects on the television entertainment programing of the past decade. for example, early episodes of m * a * s * h featured nurses as off-duty sexual playmates while operation petticoat and black sheep squadron similarly featured military nurses. all these series emphasized the sexual attractiveness of the nurse characters. the nurses of black sheep squadron were a gratuitous device designed to provide sexual interest as they were all shapely and young and seemed out of place at a front-line air field devoid of medical officers or hospital. trap- per john, one of the more successful current series, continues this imagery with nurse "ripples." emphasis on the nurse as a sex object would not be so damaging to the image of nursing if there were countervailing images of nurses as true professionals. but the quantity of nurse characters incor- porated into the mass media products each year has continued to decline in the late s and early s as female physicians and other women profes- sionals are now accorded all the glamour and heroic proportions that once were accorded media nurses. unlike the sex object depiction of nurses, the media entertainment roles accorded other women did improve in the late s and early s. the films julia, the turning point, an unmarried woman, and norma rae opened within twelve months of each other, and the media exultantly dub- bed it 'the year of the woman." a year later the new york times declared that after "long neglect, hollywood is fascinated with women—their careers, their individual destinies, their relationships with each other, their passions, and, of course (but no longer exclusively), their relationships with men." by the early s, even television was portraying a few intelligent and independent women in other professions, such as public defender joyce davenport on hill street blues. vi. the careerist—an ideal image of the s and s the fabrication of a more ideal nurse image of the s, the careerist, is essential to persuade the public (as well as many nurses) that how things are is not how they ought to be and that the place provided for nurses in the media is much less than the place nurses ought to have. let us accept the fact that, for better or worse, mass communications about nursing are a necessary form of social exchange that interact with the environment sup- porting it. the pragmatic concern of this paper has been with how com- munication has created nurse images and the values ascribed to these im- ages. nurse images are a part of the mind-affected world where values, meanings, and purposes are realized or made manifest. to the extent that the mass media serve an agenda-setting function, we are calling for their conscious employment in effecting a transformation of the image of the nurse which emphasises equality, commitment to career, and renunciation of nursing as a physician-dominated occupation demanding an impossible degree of obedience. substitution of androgyny for traditional rigid female imagery in media nurse representations would effectively provide alter- native role models that would begin to open nursing up as a strong career option for both sexes. the image implications of the popular opinion that equates the nurse with the quintessence of traditional womanhood has come to the fore largely as the result of the women's movement. a parallel assumption exists that since women have traditionally been subordinated to men, the principal sign of the "new woman's" emancipation is entrance into the "male" world of work. public support through acceptance of appropriate imagery has helped promote impressive gains; women in comprised one-third of the first year medical students, one-third of all business students, and the percentage of female engineering graduates has soared from percent to to in . meanwhile the number of school of nursing applicants and graduates continues to decline despite widespread career opportunities. before the turn of the century and during the first half of this century, a woman's decision to become a nurse represented a blow for independence: but for a woman of today, entrance into the nursing profession is too often regarded as one more surrender to the narrowing of personal ambition and an unadventurous acceptance of the stricture of sex role specialization. this negative effect is due to the perpetuation of the outmoded occupational stereotype that the ideal nurse is dependent and ineffectual in her attempts to direct her own destiny. such stereotypes deter prospective nurses from entering the field, as well as limiting the aspirations and opportunities available to professional nurses, since employers, patients, other health care providers, and nurses themselves are all influenced by media images. the dearth of viable role models of progressive media nurses serves to perpetuate the traditional images of nurses as angels of mercy, girls friday, mothers, and sex objects while at the same time quietly disposing of nursing's heroine connotation. the transition to a careerist nurse image will necessarily be a time of conflict and contradiction, as well as growth and change. when outmoded images begin to shatter, both old and new alternatives compete for ascen- dancy. as millions of women have moved out of the home into the labor force to comprise a figure of percent of all adult women (up from per- cent in ) and total percent of the total american work force (up from percent in ), they have been accompanied by the creation and diffu- sion of new female imagery. one aspect of that new imagery has been pro- vided by a host of new magazines. six of these—new woman, savvy, self, spring, working mother, and working woman—set growth records for woman's magazines. it took several years to develop appropriate images tor the new working woman. for example, the first issue of working woman ( ) had not one but nine working women on the cover. how did one stereotype a working woman? with a steno pad? with coveralls? in a uniform? carrying a briefcase? a housewife-type with horn-rimmed glasses? by the end of the s, however, most of the magazines for work- ing women had settled on an idealized image of a dauntless, attractive business executive in a tailored suit, string tie, and feminine-looking brief- case. little of this idealized image is appropriate for registered nurses, who comprise the nation's second largest profession. we have seen, if only through a glass darkly, the fragmented vision of five images of american nursing. most of us who have experienced socialization as nurses can readily identify parts of ourselves and our social conditioning in these images. we have all played the angel of mercy,' the "girl friday," the "heroine," the "mother." and the "sex object." we've been living with definitions of ourselves and assigned cultural roles in which we have had no hand, yet we have offered amazingly little resistance. why? this is the real question. at least part of the answer lies in the self-fulfilling nature of stereotypes. research shows us that members of a group which are stereotyped often subscribe to the stereotype's expectations. thus nurses, perhaps on an unconscious level, have contributed to the maintenance of dysfunctional stereotypes. it is perhaps a commentary, however, on our lack of professional self-identity and self-esteem that we have so readily adapted our "selves" to images that are so strongly derivative of outmoded military, religious, and female ascribed values. what is needed now is to create a new ideal nurse image for the s and s—the careerist—an intelligent, logical, progressive, sophisticated, empathic, and assertive woman or man who is committed to attaining higher and higher standards of health care for the american public. references . berger l., and t. luckmann. the social construction of reality: a treatise in the sociology of knowledge. garden city, new york; doubleday and co.. . . festinger, l. a theory of cognitive dissonance. stanford: stanford university press . . davison, w.p., et al. allies media: systems and effects. new york: praeger, ; m. defleur and s. ball-kokeach, theories of mass communication, new york: david mckay company, ; d.a. goslin (ed). handbook of socialization theory and research. chicago: rand mcnally, : l. gross and s. jeffries-fox. what do your want to be when you crown up little girl in g. tuchman, a.k. daniels, and j. benet (eds,). hearth and home: images of women in the mass media. new york: oxford university press, : j-t. klapper. the effects of mass communication. new york: free press, : m. guttentag and h. bray. undoing sex stereotypes. new york: mcgraw-hill, : e.e. maccoby and w.c. wilson. identification and observational learning from films, journal of abnormal and social psychology ( ), - ; s.l. o'bryant and c.r. corder-bolz. the effects of television on children's stereotyping of women's work roles, journal of vocational behavior ( ), - : s. pingree. the effects of nonsexist television commercials and perceptions of reality on children's attitudes about women, psychology of women quarterly ( ). - ; u.s. civil rights commission. window dressing on the set: women and minorities in television. washington, d.c.; u.s. government printing office, . i. u.s. public health service, alcohol drug abuse and mental health administration. na- tional institute of mental health. television and behavior: ten years of scientific pro- gress and implications for the eighties. washington: government printing office. , - ; g.h, brady, z. stoneman and a.k. sanders. effects of television on family in- teractions: an observational study. family relations, ( ), - : p.c. rosenblatt and m.r. cunningham. television watching and family tension. journal of marriage and the family ( ), . - : j. lull. the social uses of television, human communication research o ( ). - ; j. lull. family communication patterns and the social uses of television. communications research ( ). - . . gerbner, g., l. gross, m. morgan, and n. signorielli. health and medicine on televi- sion. new england journal of medicine ( ), - . . boulding, k. the lmage. ann arbor: the university of michigan press, . p. . . very little research has been conducted on the image of the nurse in the mass media. several interesting articles that provided useful insights are: e.e. beletz. is nursing's public image up to date? nursing outlook ( ), - ; l.w. simmons. past and potential images of the nurse. nursing forum ( ), ; e.p. lewis. so many images, so many voices. nursing outlook ] ( ) ; editor. nursing and the popular press, american journal of nursing ( ), : l. bernstein. the relationship between masculine/feminine personality characteristics and image of professional nursing. unpublished dissertation, florida institute of technology, ; j, hott. updating cherry ames. american journal of nursing ( ), - : a. woolley, nursings image on campus. nursing outlook ( ), - . l, richter and e. richter. nurses in fiction. american journal of nursing ( ), - : d. versteeg. the fictional nurse: is she for real? nursing outlook ( ), - : d. collins and l. joel. the image of nursing is not changing. nursing outlook ( ), - . . shils, e. and h.a. finch. max weber on the methodology of the social sciences. glencoe, ill.: free press, , . a discussion of the study methodology and specific study findings can be found in the following references: p. kalisch and b. kalisch, perspectives on improving nursing's public image. nursing and health care ( ), - ; b. kalisch. p. kalisch, and j. clinton. how the public sees nurse-mid wives; news coverage of nurse-midwifery in the nation's press, journal of nurse-midwifery ( ), - : p. kalisch, b, kalisch, and e. livesay. the angel of death case: the anatomy of s 's major news story. nursing forum : ( ), - : b. kalisch. p, kalisch, and m. mchugh. content analysis of film stereotypes of nurses. international journal of women's studies : ( ), - : b, kalisch, p. kalisch, and . clinton. minority nurses in the news. nursing outlook : ( ), - ; b. kalisch and p. kalisch. communicating clinical nursing issues to the public through the mass media. nursing research : ( ), - ; b. kalisch, p. kalisch, and m. scobey. reflection; on a television image- the nurses - . nursing and health care : ( ). - ; b. kalisch. p. kalisch, and j. clinton an analysis of news flow on the nation's nurse shortage. medical care : ( ), - : p. kalisch and b. kalisch. the image of the psychiatric nurse in motion pictures. perspectives in psychiatric care : - , ( ). - ; p. kalisch and , kalisch. when nurses were national heroines: images of nursing in american flm. nursing forum : ( ), - ; p. kalisch, b. kalisch. and m. scobey. nurses on television. new york: springer, in press; p. kalisch and b. kalisch. nurses on prime time television, american journal of nursing ( ) - ; p. kalisch and b. kalisch. the image of the nurse in motion pictures. american journal of nursing ( ) - ; p. kalisch and b. kalisch. the image of the nurse in novels. american journal of nursing ( - ; b. kalisch. p. kalisch. and m. mchugh. the nurse as a sex object in motion pictures, to . research in nursing and health, september : p, kalisch and b. kalisch. sex role stereotyping of nurses and physicians on prime time television: a dichotomy of occupational por- trayals. sex rales, in press; p. kalisch, b. kalisch. and j. clinton. world of nursing on prime time television. - . nursing research, in press; b. kalisch and p. kalisch, an analysis of the impact of authorship on the image of the nurse presented in novels. research in nursing and health, in press: p. kalisch and b. kalisch. when nurses had a positive screen image: the nurse-detective in american film. nursing and health care ( ), - ; b, kalisch, p. kalisch, and r. young. television news coverage of nurse strikes: a resource management perspective. nursing research, in press: b. kalisch, e. livesay, and p. kalisch. the deadly balance: news coverage of nurses charged with patients' deaths. nursing life, in press. . sprigge, s. squire. the medicine of dickens. the cornhill magazine ( ), - . . longfellow, h.w. santa filomenna. atlantic monthly ( ), - . . notes on nursing, saturday review ( ) - . . bersoe, e. st. bernards: the romance of a medical student. london: swan, son- ncrschein, lowery and co., . . the white parade. trained nurse and hospital review ( ) - . . baudler, l., and d.g. patterson. social status of women's occupations, occupations ( ) - . . fishbem. m. nursing as a career. hygeia ( ), . who has heard the nightingale? ladies home journal ( ). . . perry, g.s. nurses are lucky girls. saturday evening post ( ). - . . ellison, j . c , i've had a thousand babies, saturday evening post , ( ), - . . mcclare, m. a nurse leaves a human life. charm ( ), - , . carter, . medicine's forgotten women. reporter ( ), - . . more glamor, pay, glory needed to attract nurses. science newsletter ( ), . . beauvior. the second sex. new york: bantam books, . . friedan, the feminine mystique. new york: dell, , . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk”: wilderness, whiteness, and work in north america, – jason l. newton in the brown company was a small water-powered sawmill in berlin, new hampshire, but by the turn of the century it had become a highly suc- cessful lumber and paper-processing company which made some of the largest timber cuts in the northeast us. its success depended largely on the french canadian immigrant labourers employed to cut and drive logs. the company found that these workers could be hired cheaply, worked long hours, and, perhaps most importantly, it regarded them as innately suited for logging work. according to company officials, french canadians were of a “hardy type, accustomed to the work in the bush, such as portaging, running rapids, etc., … [and were] as a rule, pretty high-grade men.” the french canadian affinity for logging work was recognized all over north america. adirondack scholar alfred donaldson wrote in the s that these people “seemed naturally endowed with the agility, recklessness, and immunity to exposure that must combine to make them expert. they have always predominated as a race in the lumbering operations.” the french from “the settlements,” one canadian sociologist wrote, “[have] the lure … of the woods tingling in their blood down through the generations.” . william robinson brown, our forest heritage: a history of forestry and recreation in new hampshire (concord: new hampshire historical society, ), ; james elliott defebaugh, history of the lumber industry of america (chicago: american lumberman, ), . . “first annual conference of the woods department,” berlin historical society ( ), , ; brown, our forest heritage, , ; edmund w. bradwin, the bunkhouse man: a study of research note / note de recherche jason l. newton, “‘these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk’: wilderness, whiteness, and work in north america, – ,” labour/le travail (spring ): – . / l abour/le tr avail from to one million québécois migrated to the us, pushed by rapid population growth, a shortage of good agricultural land, and slow industrial development in their home country. by the s, new rail lines, specifically the grand trunk, québec central, and the canadian pacific accelerated their immigration. by almost one quarter of the entire population of québec moved to new england. ninety-two per cent of these immigrants settled in urban areas in the “border states or in states immedi- ately south of them.” even though most settled in urban areas, in the forests along the border and in inland lumber regions of new england and new york there were logging camps composed entirely of french canadian workers. by , a congressional report found that “american farmers’ sons no longer follow wood chopping for a business, and their places have been filled by the french canadians.” in , . per cent of new england “woodchoppers, work and pay in the camps of canada, – ( ; toronto: university of toronto press, ), – . . stephen j. hornsby, richard william judd, and michael j. hermann, historical atlas of maine (orono: university of maine press, ), plate ; yves roby, “the economic evolution of quebec and the emigrant ( – ),” in claire quintal, ed., steeples and smokestacks: a collection of essays on the franco-american experience in new england (worcester: assumption college, institut français, ), ; marcus lee hansen, and john bartlet brebner, the mingling of the canadian and american peoples. vol. , historical (new haven: yale university press, ), – ; gerard j. brault, the french-canadian heritage in new england (hanover: university press of new england, ), – ; gary gerstle, working- class americanism: the politics of labor in a textile city, – (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), ; bruno ramirez and yves otis, crossing the th parallel: migration from canada to the united states, – (ithaca: cornell university press, ), ; victor bushey (b. ) interview by sue dauphinee, , p. , transcript, lumberman’s life collection, maine folklife center, university of maine at orono (hereafter llc, mfc). . some evidence for the high percentage of french canadians in lumber camps can be found in raymond j. smith and samuel b. locke, “a study of the lumber industry of northern maine,” master’s thesis, university of maine orono, , ; david nathan rogers, “lumbering in northern maine,” master’s thesis, university of maine orono, , ; william james henry miller, james plummer poole, and harlan hayes sweetser, “a lumbering report of work on squaw mountain township, winter of – ,” master’s thesis, university of maine orono, , – ; frank carey (b. ), interview by rita swidrowski, , p. , transcript, llc, mfc; andrew chase (b. ) interview by linda edgerly, , p. , transcript, llc, mfc; john f. flanagan, “industrial conditions in the maine woods,” first biennial report of the department of labor and industry (waterville: sentinel publishing, ), ; maine department of labor and industry and maine division of research and statistics, “working conditions in lumber and pulpwood camps august – march ” ( ), labor standards documents, paper ; ferris meigs, the santa clara lumber company, vol. , (unpublished manuscript, typeset ) santa clara collection, adirondack museum, blue mountain lake, new york (hereafter adkm). . united states senate, report of the select committee on immigration and naturalization: and testimony taken by the committee on immigration of the senate and the select committee on immigration and naturalization of the house of representatives under concurrent resolution of march , (washington, dc: government printing office, ), . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / lumbermen [or] raftsmen” were french canadian immigrants and the per- centage was much higher in the northern portion of the region. their affinity for the woods made them useful for specific tasks in other rural industries as well. on railroad grades, one sociologist found, the french “prefers to be in the vanguard. the space and freedom of the trail and water routes appeal to him … assisting with ready axe to erect the big log company camps.” when it came to technical work, however, the experts claimed they were useless. these com- ments on french canadian loggers are evidence of how the perceived racial hierarchies that were constructed in the us by academics, government, and business officials pushed immigrant workers into specific industries based on their perceived racial characteristics. these rural immigrant workers were especially vulnerable to exploita- tion. they were isolated on wilderness tracts, separated from urban french canadian communities and church support. they were also unfamiliar with the english language and american labour laws. in northern new york, the emporium, santa clara, and a. sherman lumber companies conspired to set wages lower for immigrant workers than native “white” workers. referring to immigrant logging labour, one government report found that “there has probably existed in maine the most complete system of peonage in the entire country.” the preference for french canadian loggers in american camps evolved from an informal and exploitative cross-border contracting system in the th century into a federal government sponsored contract labour program in the s, s, and s. during the labour shortages of world war ii, the canadian and american governments allied to create a system which “bonded a specific number of canadian woodsmen to their american employers for fixed terms.” large paper and lumber companies utilized a mode of production known as “shacking,” in which entire “bonded” canadian families were hired to go into an isolated forested area and produce logs on a piece rate in rough, dangerous conditions. a violation of child labour laws, shacking also often led to debt peonage. . bradwin, the bunkhouse man, – . . w.c. sykes to c.h. sisson, may ; c.h. sisson to w.c. sykes, may ; w.c. sykes to c.h. sisson, may , box ; e.l. stables to mr. sykes, mr. caflish and mr. turner, november , box , emporium forest company records, adkm; william p. dillingham, et al., abstracts of reports of the immigration commission: with conclusions and recommendations and views of the minority (washington, dc: government printing office, ), – ; bill parenteau, “bonded labor: canadian woods workers in the maine pulpwood industry, – ,” forest & conservation history , ( ): – . . stacy warner maddern “bonded labor and migration, united states” in immanuel ness, ed., the encyclopedia of global human migration (chichester: wiley-blackwell, ), ; fred alliston gilbert papers, f.a. glibert to g. schenck, december , box , correspondence, – special collections, raymond h. fogler library, university of maine; united states, report of the select committee on immigration and naturalization, – ; united states, importation of canadian bonded labor: hearings before the subcommittee on labor of the committee on labor and public welfare, united states senate, eighty-fourth congress, first / l abour/le tr avail italian immigrant workers were employed in the canadian and american wilderness as well, but they rarely worked in logging camps. logger arnold hall said that he only ever saw “one or … two italians in the woods in my life. they don’t work in the woods much. pick and shovels all right, but they don’t seem to go for the woods.” the maine department of labor found that “italians who work on our dams, railroads, and other construction opera- tions in the summer are not to be found in [logging] camps. it is too cold for them.” an adirondack area newspaper from reported that “excepting the french-canadians the latins have an insurmountable aversion to the ax.” the supposed french canadian affinity for logging work and odd exclusion of italians exemplifies how north americans in the late th and early th centuries connected their ideals about race with the realities of industrial work. by the early th century, eugenic and racial thinking had become “so pervasive … that it attained the state of common sense,” and experts asserted that even “economic virtues … [were] a function of race.” as “white” northern europeans pushed west to civilize supposedly free, wild land, industries in the east were “directed to attracting to their workshops people representing almost static civilization.” these immigrants from the “static civilizations” of eastern and southern europe were considered a “mobile army of cheap labor,” and – in order to maximize industrial production – progressive thinkers con- structed racial taxonomies that dictated which races best fit different types of production. this extended beyond logging work. the american government session, on s. res. , a resolution to authorize a study of the policy and practice of the united states with respect to permitting bonded laborers from canada to enter and work in the united states (washington, dc: government printing office, ), . . arnold hall (b. ) interview by william bonsall, , p. , transcript, llc, mfc; flanagan, “industrial conditions in the maine woods,” ; “among the woodcutters,” chateaugay record (chateaugay, ny), may . . daylanne k. english, unnatural selections: eugenics in american modernism and the harlem renaissance (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), , ; edward alsworth ross, foundations of sociology (new york: macmillan company, ), ; matthew frye jacobson, whiteness of a different color: european immigrants and the alchemy of race (cambridge: harvard university press, ), ; nell irvin painter, the history of white people (new york: w.w. norton, ), ; thomas f. gossett, race: the history of an idea in america (dallas: southern methodist university press, ); reginald horsman, race and manifest destiny: the origins of american racial anglo-saxonism (cambridge: harvard university press, ), – . . theresa schmid mcmahon, social and economic standards of living (boston: d.c. heath, ), . . gunther peck shows that bosses and labour agents used race to help decide what groups would do different types of labour. there were particularly large racial divisions in skilled vs. unskilled positions. gunther peck, reinventing free labor: padrones and immigrant workers in the north american west, – (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), – ; horsman, race and manifest destiny, – . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / found regular patterns in the type of work that different immigrant groups engaged in: the austrians have gone principally into construction work and to the iron ore fields. the finns have been furnished with about the same class of labor. the greeks and italians almost without exception have gone into section work for some railroad system. the scandinavians and americans have gone into almost every kind of work, but the largest percentage of them have gone into the logging camps.… the poles and bulgarians, almost without exception, have gone into construction work.… the cuban and spanish races are employed exclusively in the manufacture of cigars and tobacco … north and south italians are most extensively employed in silk dyeing, railroad and other construction work, bitu- minous coal mining, and clothing manufacturing … the slovaks seem to be industrial laborers rather than farmers. similar sentiments were expressed by canadian academics and officials. though historians of immigration now realize that there were several reasons for the consistent occupational streaming patterns illustrated above, in the late th and early th centuries these patterns were attributed to racial char- acteristics. at their most extreme, immigration policies that followed racial dictates led to draconian exclusionary laws, such as the chinese exclusion acts in canada and the us. in america before the johnson reed act, however, less than two per cent of immigrants were denied entry. when immigrants were rejected, it was most often because it was presumed they would become a drain on the nation’s economy – because they couldn’t work. racial thinking . william p. dillingham, immigrants in industries: part ; diversified industries, vol. (washington, dc: government printing office, ), . . canadian sociologist edmund w. bradwin wrote “[e]ach nationality on a frontier work seems to fit into some particular form of activity: the slavs … become laborers’ helpers, the english-speaking delight in machinery, the finn … in blasting … [italians] work with cement.…” bradwin, the bunkhouse man, . . the us passed a chinese exclusion act in , and canada passed one in and another in . even exclusion policies were tied to economics. the argument was that chinese bare minimum subsistence would lower the living standards of all americans. lawrence b. glickman, a living wage: american workers and the making of consumer society (ithaca: cornell university press, ), ; mcmahon, social and economic standards of living, – ; lucy e. salyer, laws harsh as tigers: chinese immigrants and the shaping of modern immigration law (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), , ; rosanne currarino, “‘meat vs. rice’ the ideal of manly labor and anti-chinese hysteria in th- century america,” men and masculinities , ( ): – ; vincent j. cannato, american passage: the history of ellis island (new york: harper, ), , ; margot canaday, the straight state: sexuality and citizenship in twentieth-century america (princeton: princeton university press, ), , ; mae m. ngai, impossible subjects: illegal aliens and the making of modern america (princeton: princeton university press, ), ; peck, reinventing free labor, . in his analysis of this rhetoric jacobson found immigrants were judged by their “relative merits.” jacobson, whiteness of a different color, – , , . historians disagree on the extent to which “irrational” nativism influenced american exclusionary and restrictive immigration policy. oscar handlin and john higham argued that, while economic exploitation was a factor in immigrant exploitation, racism was the primary / l abour/le tr avail was a major factor in deciding how the tens of millions of immigrants who were allowed into the country were treated and directed once they got here. reflecting popular opinion, labour leaders like samuel gompers, terence powderly, and frank p. sargent (the latter two of whom also doubled as public immigration officials) were against allowing immigrants of questionable “whiteness” to compete with real white americans for jobs. if questionably white people were allowed into the country, some justification was needed for why they should work the type of undesirable jobs that american labourers were leaving: monotonous factory jobs and grueling manual work like logging. the argument not only involved a debate over the low standard of living of immigrant workers, but also whether their labour was, in a fundamental way, worth less than real white peoples’ labour. one way to justify routing immi- grants into demeaning, low-paying jobs was by interpreting the valuable types of labour – clearing and civilizing supposedly wild land, for example – as work that only real white people could do. culprit. in nation by design, aristide zolberg argues that us immigration policy dipped in and out of periods of irrational nativism. mae m. ngai, “oscar handlin and immigration policy reform in the s and s,” journal of american ethnic history, , (spring ): ; aristide r. zolberg, a nation by design: immigration policy in the fashioning of america (cambridge: harvard university press, ), – ; john higham, strangers in the land: patterns of american nativism, – (new york: atheneum, ). award-winning historian mae ngai has added evidence to handlin’s and higham’s argument. her recent impossible subjects shows how us policies discriminated against and exploited asian and mexican people in order to establish a “desired composition … of the nation” which was european and white. according to ngai immigration laws like the johnson reed act “put european and non-european immigrant groups on different trajectories of racial formation” the bracero program was an extension of that thinking. it was, ngai argues, “imported colonialism” and based on “the subordination of racialized foreign bodies,” a legacy of “[w] estern expansion” and notions of “anglo-saxon superiority.” the bracero program and the bonded labour system relied on similar legal precedent and so the exploitation of seemingly white french canadian immigrants in non-western states challenges ngai’s understanding of immigration policy and labour. mae m. ngai, impossible subjects, , , . robert f. zeidel’s immigrants, progressives, and exclusion politics: the dillingham commission, – found that american immigration policies were less reliant on racial assumptions that handlin, higham, and ngai assume. instead, zeidel argues that immigration policy was designed to allow for maximum economic productivity in american industry. the argument posed in this article is that the imperatives of industrial capitalism were difficult to disentangle from the racial thinking. robert f. zeidel, immigrants, progressives, and exclusion politics: the dillingham commission, – (dekalb: northern illinois university press, ), . . david r. roediger, the wages of whiteness: race and the making of the american working class (london: verso, ); philip s. foner, history of the labor movement in the united states vol. (new york: international publishers, ), – ; luis l.m. aguiar and tina i.l. marten, “shimmering white kelowna and the examination of painless white privilege in the hinterland of british columbia,” in audrey kobayashi, laura cameron, and andrew baldwin, eds., rethinking the great white north: race, nature, and the historical geographies of whiteness in canada (vancouver: ubc press, ), . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / in his book barbarian virtues, matthew jacobson focuses on how americans created and reacted to what he calls the “image” of the immigrant, “[seem- ingly] unshakable demonstrations of this or that ethnological truth about this nation and the nature of the world’s diverse populations.” one of the many ways that these images were formed was through the observation of immi- grant workers as they attempted to transform wild land into arable or valuable land, an activity that proved a worker’s degree of whiteness and aptitude for citizenship. wilderness has been defined by americans in a number of ways. areas designated wilderness received that designation by the fictions that were created about them. in the narrative of industrial capitalism of the late th and early th century, before preservationism became a mainstream cultural phenomenon, most north americans of european ancestry thought of wilder- ness as an isolated tract of unproductive land that required improvement to become valuable or productive. influential conservationist and forestry expert gifford pinchot was famous for saying “wilderness is waste.” in this utilitar- ian view, the pastoral landscape was the desirable landscape. immigrants of questionable whiteness who proved capable at improving wilderness land might be more than just expendable industrial workers; they might have the ability to become independent agriculturalists, the bedrock of american democracy. nativism was built into this tautology: any person descendant from a group with a long history of free citizenship in the country was pre- sumed to have descended from pioneering, wilderness conquering people and was therefore de facto white. the constructed history of the white conquest of the american wilderness explains how wilderness became a space exclu- sively for white middle-class men in the first two decades of the th century. observing immigrants’ adeptness at creating civilization on wilderness land allowed state, federal, and business officials to judge their whiteness and . matthew frye jacobson, barbarian virtues: the united states encounters foreign peoples at home and abroad, – (new york: hill and wang, ), ; peck, reinventing free labor, , , – ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, ; horsman, race and manifest destiny, ; glickman, a living wage, ; joyce appleby, “commercial farming and the ‘agrarian myth’ in the early republic,” journal of american history , ( ): – ; rossell dave, “tended images: verbal and visual idolatry of rural life in america, – ,” new york history , ( ): – ; david danbom, born in the country: a history of rural america (baltimore: johns hopkins university press, ). . quoted in richard white, “from wilderness to hybrid landscapes: the cultural turn in environmental history,” in douglas cazaux sackman, ed., a companion to american environmental history (chichester: wiley-blackwell, ), . the government equated wilderness land with idle land and worthless land. william p. dillingham et al, immigrants in industries: part ; recent immigrants in agriculture, vol. (washington, dc: government printing office, ), , , ; louis s. warren, “paths toward home: landmarks of the field in environmental history,” in sackman, ed., a companion to american environmental history, ; william cronon, “the trouble with wilderness; or, getting back to the wrong nature,” in william cronon, ed., uncommon ground: toward reinventing nature (new york: w.w. norton, ), – . / l abour/le tr avail sort immigrants into different types of work based on their displayed racial characteristics. because of the messiness of the “racial sciences” there were people who were “in between” white and non-white, groups whose whiteness remained in question even after being tested by wilderness work. this was where the french canadians fit into the scheme and these racial discourses are the primary reason they were exploited in the woods for more than a century. this type of racial thinking was applied to all immigrant groups coming into america and was responsible for other ethnically based labour systems like the italian padrone system, tenement sweating in new york city and, by the s and s, federally sanctioned guest worker arraignments like the bracero mexican farm worker program. the discourses that formed about french canadians in northeastern logging camps were distinctly rural, however, and therefore have not been the target of historical investigation to the same extent as urban discourses on race and industry have been. this is unfortunate because until the s most canadians and americans lived in the countryside where the transition to industrial capitalism often had its most dramatic effects. the images of immigrants in the rural northeast had a profound effect on where foreign workers settled, how they were treated, and how they adapted to industrial capitalism. as canadian social historian béatrice craig found, opinions on the french canadians depended on “whether [writers] took their cue from longfellow or darwin.” though this point was just an aside for craig, it reveals an . paul outka, race and nature from transcendentalism to the harlem renaissance (new york: palgrave macmillan, ), , – , ; james belich, replenishing the earth: the settler revolution and the rise of the anglo-world, – (oxford: oxford university press, ). . the absence of black, mexican, or other obviously “coloured” workers in the forests of the northeast meant that the whiteness of new immigrant groups was scrutinized closely. peck, reinventing free labor, ; david r. roediger, working toward whiteness: how america’s immigrants became white: the strange journey from ellis island to the suburbs (new york: basic books, ), . . peck, reinventing free labor, – ; deborah cohen, braceros: migrant citizens and transnational subjects in the united states and mexico (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ); noel ignatiev, how the irish became white (new york: routledge, ); jacobson, whiteness of a different color; . on ideas of immigrants’ low standard of living driving down wages see lawrence b. glickman, a living wage, – . . those historians who have discussed industrialization, immigration, and whiteness have usually done so using the american west or the southwest as their setting. see peck, reinventing free labor; elliott robert barkan, from all points: america’s immigrant west, s– (bloomington: indiana university press, ); ava f. kahn, ed., jewish life in the american west: perspectives on migration, settlement, and community (los angeles: autry museum of western heritage in association with university of washington press, seattle, ). . sven beckert, empire of cotton: a global history (new york: alfred a. knopf, ), . . beatrice craig, backwoods consumers and homespun capitalists: the rise of a market “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / important change in the way that north americans thought about whiteness, wilderness, and work. in the s, as an influx of irish, german, and canadian immigrants began to complicate the us understanding of whiteness, a dis- tinctive rhetoric emerged that allowed americans to group immigrants into different racial categories. the first section of this article discusses french canadian images in literature from the s to . in these works, racial differences were noted by the authors and were often an important part of the text, but the causes of these differences remained obscure to the audi- ence. ideas about whiteness began to change as darwinian interpretations of human evolution merged with the american fixation on a vanishing frontier, and concern over the effects of industrialization – a time most clearly denoted by frederick jackson turner’s presentation of “the significance of the frontier in american history” in . from the s into the s, the images of french canadians and other immigrants were elucidated by academics and government officials as a scientific racial consensus solidified in the minds of most americans. this is the topic of part two. the lingering effects of the racialized french canadian image were still apparent in the s when the bonded labour and shacking system became well documented. more than a century before the bonded labour system, however, the french canadian image was perpetuated by an influential american writer living in a shack in massachusetts. literature and the early french canadian image one of the few people who visited henry thoreau at walden pond was the french canadian woodchopper and post maker alek therien, a character who represented nearly all the attributes of the french canadian image before . in walden ( ), as in the other works discussed in this section, the french canadian image depicts a people who are unperturbed by modernity and almost indistinguishable from the trees they work among. though his name is never given in the original text, therien is introduced to the reader as a “true … paphlagonian man,” a reference to an ancient region along the culture in eastern canada (toronto: university of toronto press, ), . . on increased canadian migration into the us in the s see james p. allen, “migration fields of french canadian immigrants to southern maine,” geographical review , ( ): ; ralph dominic vicero, “immigration of french canadians to new england, – : a geographic analysis,” phd dissertation, university of wisconsin – madison, , ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, , – ; roediger, the wages of whiteness, ; horsman, race and manifest destiny, , . . the presentation of the turner thesis also coincides with a period of extensive french canadian migration to new england. yves roby, the franco-americans of new england: dreams and realities (sillery: septentrion, ), ; carl n. degler, in search of human nature: the decline and revival of darwinism in american social thought (new york: oxford university press, ). / l abour/le tr avail black sea that was “rugged and mountainous with dense forests.” dressed in homespun cloth, “a more simple and natural man it would be hard to find,” thoreau wrote. therien was a wage worker who owned no land and did not have the ambition to become a proprietor. he lived in a log house in the woods, and admitted to thoreau that if he could live off of hunting alone, he would. he imbibed nature by drinking spruce, hemlock, or checkerberry tea, and by taking balls of bark from trees and chewing them. “in physical endurance and contentment,” thoreau wrote, “he was cousin to the pine and the rock. i asked him once if he was not sometimes tired at night, after working all day; and he answered … ‘gorrappit, i never was tired in my life.’” thoreau wrote that “in him the animal man chiefly was developed.” he was a skillful woodsman capable of making more posts in a day than the average person. when chop- ping a tree his cuts were clean, level, and close to the ground, and his cordwood was piled right. though attentive to his work, therien didn’t have the “anxiety and haste” of yankee workers. when working he was in a constant state of elation. to the french canadian, pleasure and work were the same thing. “i can enjoy myself well enough here chopping,” he reportedly said. “i want no better sport.” therien was almost the embodiment of thoreau’s ideal austere life, a person who rejected modern civilization for the natural world. he was so “simple,” however, that he was unable to engage in the type of deep thought that was so important for thoreau. for americans in the middle of the th century, the french canadian simplemindedness, connection to nature, and lighthearted passivity were partially caused by their devout catholicism: [his] strength skill and endurance came at the expense of intelligence, a flaw bolstered by his education.… he had been instructed only in that innocent and ineffectual way in which the catholic priests teach the aborigines, by which the pupil is never educated to the degree of consciousness, but only to the degree of trust and reverence, and a child is not made a man, but kept a child. . henry david thoreau and jeffrey s. cramer, walden: a fully annotated edition ( ; new haven: yale university press, ), , , . . robert w. bradford, “thoreau and therien,” american literature , ( ): ; edward watts, in this remote country: french colonial culture in the anglo-american imagination, – (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), ; thoreau and cramer, walden, , , – ; david e. shi, the simple life: plain living and high thinking in american culture (new york: oxford university press, ), – ; philip cafaro, thoreau’s living ethics: walden and the pursuit of virtue (athens: university of georgia press, ), , , , , , , . . thoreau and cramer, walden, – . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / in his survey of french canadians in early american literature, edward watts found that the french were depicted as a group “meant to be governed, not to govern themselves.” in thoreau’s early life, the racial sciences were in a nascent state. the supe- riority of the anglo-saxon-teutonic people was commonly understood, but hierarchies of racial characteristics that extended beyond a dichotomy of white and black were, according to historian reginald horsman, “confused” and “jumbled.” there was also no “sharp separation between a precise scientific racialism and literary racial nationalism,” horsman found. understanding thoreau’s influences will explain the type of sources that perpetuated immi- grant images for american audiences before . thoreau read john springer’s forest life and forest trees ( ), a popular account of logging labour in which french canadians were represented as “demi-savages” with a propensity for woodwork. like other americans, thoreau likely read alexis de tocqueville’s works, including “two weeks in the wilderness,” in which the french settlers are “carefree,” “cheerful,” men of “instinct” who submit to “life in the wild.” “he clings to the land,” de tocqueville wrote, “and rips from the life in the wild everything he can snatch from it.” one text that had a strong influ- ence on how americans thought of french speaking canadians was henry w. longfellow’s epic poem evangeline, a tale of acadie ( ), a work that his- torian naomi griffiths found “was the most powerful cultural tool available to those constructing an acadian identity.” although french canadians and acadians were distinct people, many americans conflated the two groups. in evangeline, the idyllic “forest primeval” of acadia was the birthplace and a safe haven for the french who were forcefully expelled by the british. the french people were viewed as part of the landscape, their lives gliding on “like rivers that water the woodlands.” like the landscape, these people’s society yielded slowly to time. the pine trees sang the tale of evangeline. the therien character also reflected circulating ideas of the familial and communal connection between the french and first nations people. this connection partially explained their “swarthy” complexion and affinity with . watts, in this remote country, . . horsman, race and manifest destiny, , . . john s. springer, forest life and forest trees ( ; new york: harper, ), – . . alexis de tocqueville, quoted in watts, in this remote country, – . . the first printing of evangeline in sold out and in the following century the poem went through editions and was translated into languages. naomi griffiths, “‘longfellow’s evangeline’: the birth and acceptance of a legend,” acadiensis , ( ): , ; andrew j.b. johnston, “the call of the archetype and the challenge of acadian history,” french colonial history , ( ): ; eric l. haralson “mars in petticoats: longfellow and sentimental masculinity,” th-century literature , ( ): , ; henry wadsworth longfellow, evangeline, a tale of acadie ( ; boston: leach, shewell, & sanborn, ), – ; watts, in this remote country, . / l abour/le tr avail the forest. thoreau read james fenimore cooper’s leatherstocking tales, in which the french and first nations are not only allies, but also people who share a connection with the forest. early and mid-century nonfiction works by zadok cramer, francis parkman, and george bancroft furthered this idea. according to parkman, “the french became savages” in early america. “hundreds [of french settlers] betook themselves to the forest, never more to return,” parkman wrote in his the conspiracy of pontiac ( ). after his stay at walden, thoreau visited therien’s homeland and wrote a yankee in canada ( ). he found that, like the first nations people, “the french … had become savage.” there was truth to the history of french and first nations linkage. historian richard white found that “there is no need to romanticize this rela- tionship … [french and first nations’] knowledge of each other’s customs and their ability to live together … had no equivalent among the british.” even though most french canadians were not of mixed heritage, by this belief was so widespread that the united states immigration commission felt the need to address it in a dictionary of races, stating “the french canadian race is not widely intermingled with indian blood, as some misinformed persons think.” at mid-century, american attention was fixated on the expansion of anglo-saxon peoples westward and on the domination and disappearance of native peoples. like the seemingly weak mexicans that the us fought a war against in the late s, the french canadians were assumed to be spoiling their bloodline by intermingling with first nation peoples. people who were associated with first nation blood were on the wrong side of history. they would need to assimilate or be destroyed. . wayne franklin, james fenimore cooper: the early years (new haven: yale university press, ), xxix; allan m. axelrad, “historical contexts of the last of the mohicans: the french and indian war, and mid- s america,” paper presented at the th cooper seminar, “james fenimore cooper: his country and his art at the state university of new york college at oneonta,” july , accessed, august , http://external.oneonta.edu/cooper/articles/ suny/ suny-axelrad.html; james fenimore cooper, the deerslayer ( ; new york: dodd, mead, ), , ; james fenimore cooper, the pathfinder ( ; new york, ny: dodd, mead, ), ; zadok cramer, the navigator ( ; pittsburgh: cramer & spear, ), , , ; fulmer mood and frederick j. turner, “an unfamiliar essay by frederick j. turner,” minnesota history , ( ): ; peter cook, “onontio gives birth: how the french in canada became fathers to their indigenous allies, – ,” canadian historical review , ( ): – . . quoted in watts, in this remote country, ; henry david thoreau, a yankee in canada with anti-slavery reform papers ( ; boston: ticknor and fields, ), , ; charles hallock, “aroostook and the madawaska,” the harper’s monthly (october ): . . richard white, the middle ground: indians, empires, and republics in the great lakes region, – (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), – , ; carolyn podruchny, making the voyageur world: travelers and traders in the north american fur trade (lincoln: university of nebraska press, ), , , , ; william p. dillingham, et al., dictionary of races or peoples (washington, dc: government printing office, ), ; jean charlemagne bracq, the evolution of french canada (new york: the macmillan company, ), ; madison grant, the conquest of a continent; or, the expansion of races in america “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / the french canadian connection to nature and first nation peoples was reinforced by the popular image of the french voyageurs and coureurs de bois, frontier workers who defined the early canadian experience in the wilderness. importantly, th-century texts on the voyageurs depicted them as blending into, rather than civilizing, the frontier. the french entered the woods not to “clear and colonize,” but to range. the only enduring marks they left on the land were “names upon the map.” thoreau wrote that they had “overrun the great extent of the country … without improving it.” one american author, reflecting on the settlement of the us wrote, “if these countries had contin- ued to belong to the french, the population would certainly have been more gay than the present american race … but it would have had less comforts and wealth, and ages would have passed away, before man had become master of those regions.…” clearly american thinkers were quick to forget the real french contribution to the settling of north america when it supported their narrative of anglo-saxon superiority. french canadians, like native people, were a “vanishing” part of the landscape. unlike native peoples, however, french canadians remained valuable to the growing american economy because, as therien demonstrated, they fit into a specific industrial niche. the idea that french canadians were a people who uniquely fit into wood- work was a common theme in late th- and early th-century popular fiction. a romanticized view of the arboreal and agrarian life of the french canadians was part of la survivance, a repatriation and cultural preservation movement which gained momentum after the accelerated influx of french canadians into the us in the late th century. a popular example of la sur- vivance literature was louis hémon’s book maria chapdelaine. in the book, clearing the forest was the passion of these people: “‘make land!’ rude phrase of the country, summing up in two words all the heart-breaking labor that transforms the incult woods, barren of sustenance, to smiling fields.…” (new york: c. scribner’s sons, ), – ; horsman, race and manifest destiny, , , , , . . mood and turner, “an unfamiliar essay,” ; watts, in this remote country, ; konrad gross, “the voyageurs: images of canada’s archetypal frontiersmen,” in hena maes-jelinek, gordon collier, geoffrey v. davis, and anna rutherford, eds., a talent(ed) digger: creations, cameos, and essays in honour of anna rutherford (amsterdam: rodopi, ), – ; thoreau, yankee in canada, ; béatrice craig and maxime dagenais, the land in between: the upper st. john valley, prehistory to world war i (gardiner: tilbury house, ), . . quoted in watts, in this remote country, , – ; thoreau, yankee in canada, ; see also zadok cramer, the navigator; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, ; horsman, race and manifest destiny, , , , , . . the book was translated into english multiple times and adapted into several movies. louis hémon, maria chapdelaine, trans. w.h. blake ( ; toronto: macmillan, ), ; brault, the french-canadian heritage, , . . hémon, maria chapdelaine, ; paul socken, “maria chapdelaine” in eugene benson and william toye, eds., the oxford companion to canadian literature. (oxford: oxford / l abour/le tr avail félix-antoine savard’s popular menaud maître-draveur, depicts the forests and rivers of québec under the thrall of an anglo-canadian lumberman and the french take their place in the river crews, using their innate skill to bring the logs to market. there is a long list of other canadian authors who employed similar depictions of french canadian woodsmen. french canadians are similarly depicted in american literature. in jack london’s popular the call of the wild, the québécois francois and perrault are idealized frontiersmen who are fundamentally important to the protagonist buck’s reconnection with nature. characters similar to francois and perrault appear in the pleth- ora of lumbermen novels and pulp fiction which were popular in the us from into the s. in his famous the blazed trail ( ), edward stewart wrote that french supporting characters “typified the indomitable spirit of these conquers of a wilderness.” similar characters are found in white’s other popular books and in maine writer holman day’s forest fictions. hard race science in the literary and fictional works written in the middle of the th century the french canadian idiosyncrasies were thought to have been caused by their catholicism, their intermingling with native peoples, and their history university press, ) accessed august , http://site.ebrary.com/lib/alltitles/docdetail. action?docid= . . these include william henry drummond, gilbert parker, cornelius krieghoff, george boucher, rosarie dion-levesque, reine malouin, camille lessard, and jacque durcharme. félix-antoine savard, boss of the river ( ; toronto: ryerson press, ); jules tessier “menaud, maître-draveur,” in benson, and toye, eds., the oxford companion to canadian literature; armand chartier, “towards a history of franco-american literature: some considerations,” in quintal, ed., steeples and smokestacks, – ; richard s. sorrell, “‘history as a novel, the novel as history’: ethnicity and the franco american english landguar novel,” in quintal, ed., steeples and smokestacks, . . jack london, the call of the wild ( ; new york: macmillan, ), ; stewart edward white, the blazed trail (new york: mcclure, ), , , , . white’s other books with stereotypical french canadian characters include the westerners (new york: mcclure, phillips, ), conjuror’s house: a romance of the free forest (new york: mcclure, phillips, ) and the forest (new york: outlook company, ). day’s books include joan of arc of the north woods (new york: harper, ) and the landloper: the romance of a man on foot (new york: harper, ). there are many other examples, including, sara ware bassett, the story of lumber (philadelphia: penn publishing company, ); levi parker wyman, the golden boys among the lumberjacks (new york: a.l. burt, ); stephen w. meader, lumberjack (new york: harcourt, brace, ); frank gee patchin, the pony rider boys in new england: or, an exciting quest in the maine wilderness (philadelphia: h. altemus, ); capt. charles a.j. farrar, through the winds: a record of sport and adventure in the forests of new hampshire and maine (boston: estes & lauriat, ); david c. smith, “virgin timber: the maine woods as a locale for juvenile fiction” in richard s. sprague, ed., a handful of spice: a miscellany of maine literature and history (orono: university of maine press, ), – , . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / of work in the wilderness. there were few clues in these works as to why french canadians were ostensibly predisposed to these activities. after the us census declared the official closing of the western frontier in and frederick jackson turner published his thesis on that topic in , north american elites increasingly attempt to fit immigrants into a scientific “hierarchy of evo- lutionary economic stages,” which helped explain their behaviour. just as the african american predisposition to slavery was supposedly a result of race, french canadian catholicism, affinity to the first nations, and connection to the forest became, not the cause of racial difference, but the consequence. in this period the most useful tools to use in determining racial traits were not works of fiction (though these still helped perpetuate the images) but the social scientific disciplines of sociology, history, and anthropology. as the racial sciences developed, experts like anthropologist franz boas posited that peoples were shaped by their environment, and shaped their envi- ronment in turn as part of the progression of human evolution. observing how different cultures were able to make civilization from wilderness land, historically and in the present, revealed their innate racial characteristics. popular travel writer richard harding wrote in that “there is no more interesting question of the present day, than that of what is to be done with the world’s land which is laying unimproved, whether it shall go to the great power that is willing to turn it to account, or remain with its original owner, who fails to understand its value.” supposedly “civilized” races used wild land to make a profit, and to bring forth culture and free government. those who were controlled by nature, or lived in harmony with it, were more “savage.” savage societies like the first nations were wasteful because they did not create as much value from wilderness land as civilized people did. by not retaining the same amount of value from their labour as white people, lesser races were always working at a loss and could never be completely economi- cally independent. white races were more bodily efficient than inferior races, . jacobson, barbarian virtues, – , . johannes fabian, time and the other: how anthropology makes its object (new york: columbia university press, ), ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, , ; john s. haller, outcasts from evolution; scientific attitudes of racial inferiority, – (urbana: university of illinois press, ). . in his working toward whiteness roediger argues that readers should be skeptical of any history that presents the racial thinking of the time as “elegant.” peck calls the racial thinking of the time “unstable.” in retrospect it was clear that these were “messy” sciences but around the turn of the century there was a clear, collective attempt to make the racial sciences more precise. roediger, working toward whiteness, – , ; painter, the history of white people, x; ngai, impossible subjects, ; peck, reinventing free labor, ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, . . roediger, working towards whiteness, ; degler, in search of human nature, . . quoted in jacobson, barbarian virtues, , , ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, ; adam kuper, the reinvention of primitive society: transformations of a myth (london: routledge, ); horsman, race and manifest destiny, – . / l abour/le tr avail a us government report found. the germans, for example, were better able to “apply their industry and energy” than southern europeans. racial char- acteristics, then, innately determined the type of professions to which racial groups were predisposed. in his popular passing of the great race, madison grant discussed the “racial aptitudes” of different people: “the alpine race is always and everywhere a race of peasants, an agricultural and never a maritime race.… the nordics are, all over the world, a race of soldiers, sailors, adventur- ers and explorers, but above all, of rulers, organizers and aristocrats.” the history of north america as it was written by the “conservative evolu- tionist” and “progressive” historians of the late th and early th centuries supported these racial taxonomies. proponents of the “germ theory” of histori- cal progression argued that, in the civilizing of the north american wilderness land, “the inherent superiority of the anglo-saxon … germanic … teutonic or the aryan race was a common intellectual assumption of the day.” the “free land” of america was “an anglo-saxon theatre, an empire which only the ‘old stock’ americans could have developed and in which the new immigrants played no part.” theodore roosevelt, frederick jackson turner, herbert baxter adams, edward perkins channing, and george bancroft all agreed that “when germanic people were placed in a forest environment they tended instinc- tively to evolve … free political institutions” and economic success. it was the prerogative of true white people to bring about civilization wherever there was free wild land. racial thinking of the time suggested that to civilize wilder- ness land a racial group needed three crucial characteristics: ) to be bodily able, ) to have familiarity (actually or hereditarily) with forest land, and ) to be self-directing or have independent inclinations. these characteristics come up again and again in texts on race and wilderness. for example, turner described these pioneering traits as “coarseness and strength combined with acuteness and inquisitiveness; that practical, inventive turn of mind, quick to find expedience; that masterful grasp of material things, lacking in the artistic but powerful to effect great ends; that restless, nervous energy; that dominant individualism.” the last attribute, individualism, was particularly important. . dillingham, et al., immigrants in industries: part ; recent immigrants in agriculture, vol. (washington, dc: government printing office, ), . . grant, the passing of the great race, – . . gilman m. ostrander, “turner and the germ theory,” agricultural history , ( ): ; peter novick, that noble dream: the “objectivity question” and the american historical profession (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), ; horsman, race and manifest destiny, ; gail bederman, manliness & civilization: a cultural history of gender and race in the united states, – (chicago: university of chicago press, ), ; bronwen j. cohen, “nativism and western myth: the influence of nativist ideas on the american self-image” journal of american studies , ( ): – ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, , – ; madison grant, the conquest of a continent; patricia nelson limerick, the legacy of conquest: the unbroken past of the american west (new york: w.w. norton, ); novick, that noble dream, . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / even slaves could clear land under direction, but true white pioneers tamed the wilderness individually, civilized it, and eventually lorded over others who did the manual labour. americans on canadian frontier rail grades expressed their dominance by quickly rising up the ranks to become “pushers,” “drivers,” or “foremen-bullies.” “they take hold of a group of workers and get something done,” sociologist edmund bradwin wrote. the forest was a crucial part of creating civilization because it gave pio- neering races vast resources while also imposing a substantial barrier to weed out weaker peoples. according to turner, “american democracy came from the forest.” when white people turned forest into farms, “culture” emerged. the axe was a metaphor for the advancement of civilization, but there was a presumed literal element to the metaphor. only those capable of sustained manual labour and ingenuity were capable of creating civilization. northern europeans had a propensity for “unbroken forest land” and naturally avoided slavish, urban, industrial work. they were always owners and their own bosses. the norwegian, for example had “never known the steamroller of feu- dalism.” the scandinavian “insisted on getting his living in connection with soil, water and wood,” and looked for “good land rather than for land easy to subdue.” the german “chopped his homestead out of the densest woods” because, according to early sociologist edward a. ross, he knew “heavy forest growth proclaims rich soil.” ross’ comments on the issue carried weight. a renowned academic, his popular audience widened in when he was fired from stanford university for supporting chinese exclusion, which, he argued, would prevent “race suicide” (a phrase he coined). . attribute number three was an economic and a political virtue. on the frontier, immigrants and citizens were making free markets and making free government at the same time. it is difficult to divide citizenship and economic viability into separate discursive categories like jacobson seems to want in whiteness of a different color, ; peck, reinventing free labor, – ; dillingham, et al., immigrants in industries: part ; recent immigrants in agriculture, vol. , ; turner, the frontier in american history, ; bradwin, the bunkhouse man, ; horsman, race and manifest destiny, . . turner, the frontier in american history ( ; project gutenberg, ), , accessed may , http://www.gutenberg.org/files/ / -h/ -h.htm#page_ ; michael j. pikus, “chopping away at the new world: the metaphor of the axe in the prairie. the axe as a symbol of destruction, in the pioneers and the prairie” (suny seminar: ) accessed november , http://external.oneonta.edu/cooper/articles/suny/ suny-pikus. html; cohen, “nativism and western myth” ; dillingham, et al., abstracts of reports of the immigration commission, – , ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, . on the importance of the forest in the myths that propagated proper whiteness see horsman, race and manifest destiny, , , , , , ; roderick nash, wilderness and the american mind (new haven: yale university press, ), – ; della hooke, trees in anglo-saxon england: literature, lore and landscape (woodbridge, suffolk: boydell press, ). . ross, the old world in the new ( ; new york: century, ), , – , ; dillingham, et al., immigrants in industries: part ; recent immigrants in agriculture, vol. (washington, dc: government printing office, ), ; cohen, “nativism and western myth,” ; painter, the history of white people, – ; james c. mohr, “academic turmoil and public opinion: / l abour/le tr avail the harshness of the american wilderness weeded out the weak, it was thought, forging a unique american race. in roosevelt’s words “there was scant room for cowards and weaklings in the ranks of the adventurous fron- tiersmen … who first hewed their way into the primeval forest.” historian george bancroft wrote that the “the century-training in backwoods life” gave white americans advantages over the immigrant germ. boas, who typically argued against some of the most harmful racial science of his time, found to his own surprise that the “american soil” could change people bodily in only a few generations. since darwinian evolution occurred over time, the study of ancient and medieval history provided important evidence to support the racial sciences. in the early th century there was a growing alliance between the profes- sion of history and the newer social sciences. historical evidence was used to help explain the habit of races in the present day. for example, ross found that scandinavian people were drawn to “northern lumber camps, where they wield another pattern of ax than did their forebears, who, eight centuries ago, were known as ‘ax-bearers’ in the eastern emperor’s body-guard.” scandinavia was, according to ross, “the mother hive of the swarms of barbarians that kept southern europeans in dread a thousand years.” they brought to the frontier of america “the spirit of the viking race,” bradwin found. he continued: “let us think of these things as we watch their descendants … gather in groups on some isolated work, loitering, skulking … men of massive frames, slouch about some obscure canadian camp.” like the scandinavians, the germans were a race forged in the “hercynian forest.” modern germans were “descendants from the tribes that met under the oak-trees of old germany,” making them “strong like the oak.” the ross case at stanford,” pacific historical review , ( ): – . . ross, the old world in the new, ; theodore roosevelt, the strenuous life: essays and addresses (new york: charles scribner’s sons, ), . . quoted in ostrander, “turner and the germ theory,” ; william p. dillingham, et al., reports of the immigration commission: changes in bodily form of descendants of immigrants (washington, dc: government printing office, ), , , ; degler, in search of human nature, – ; painter, a history of white people, . . novick, that noble dream, ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, ; ross, the old world in the new, , – ; barkan, from all points, , . on the importance of ancient and medieval history in this discourse see, horsman, race and manifest destiny, – ; meyer reinhold, classica americana: the greek and roman heritage in the united states (michigan: wayne state university press, ); andrew f. west, f. f. abbott, edward capps, duane reed stuart, donald blyth durham, and theodore a miller, eds., value of the classics (new jersey: princeton university press, ); t.j. jackson lears, no place of grace: antimodernism and the transformation of american culture, – (new york: pantheon books, ) – . . bradwin, the bunkhouse man, ; quoted in painter, the history of white people, ; jacobson, barbarian virtues, . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / still influential at the end of the th century, the works of historian of the classics edward gibbons reinforced these ideas. the gallic, nordic, or teutonic people surpassed mediterranean people in vigour and manliness, partly because of their ability to thrive in frontier environments. these envi- ronments bred in them physical vitality and size. living in the wilderness was directly linked to their bellicose nature. to various degrees, these warlike people resisted the decadence of the roman metropolis and were better off for it: “the true mission of the germanic peoples was to renovate and reorganize the western world. in the heart of the forest, amid the silences of unbroken plains … [they] re-infuse[d] life and vigor and the sanctions of a lofty morality into the effete and marrowless institutions of the roman world.” although he became famous for his ideas on the environment, george perkin marsh was inspired by ideas of race and nature. according to marsh’s man and nature or, physical geography as modified by human action, roman decadence and weakness had caused the culture to become out of sync with the environment, leading to the fall of the empire. in a similar vein, ross wrote that some slavic people were destroying american soil, leaving “death’s-head in the landscape.” he argued that north americans would have to pay for these mistakes just like “france paid for the reckless ax work that went on under the first republic.” according to marsh and ross the ability to make land profitable in the long term was an inheritable racial trait. with a few exceptions, the logic of the time dictated that races whose ances- tral homeland was outside of northwestern europe had less ability to civilize wilderness, and thus less aptitude for citizenship. immigrants from southern and eastern europe carried with them this presumed racial burden. as they inhabited the seat of metropolitan decay in ancient times, italians attained effete racial characteristics. russian and romanian jews, sometimes assumed to have mongolian blood, sometimes mediterranean, were always a bad racial type and thus bad pioneers. lacking physical stamina and frugality, they were a city people by nature. journalist jacob riis, author of the popular how the other half lives, reported that “the great mass of them [jews] are too gregari- ous to take kindly to farming, and their strong commercial instincts hamper” their ability to cultivate the land. according to ross, “they came from cities and settled in cities…. no other physiques can so well withstand the toxins of urban congestion. not one hebrew family in a hundred is on the land.… they . gilbert f. lafreniere, the decline of nature: environmental history and the western worldview (bethesda: academica press, ), – ; ostrander, “turner and the germ theory,” ; painter, the history of white people, – ; ; quoted in horsman, race and manifest destiny, , , , . . horsman, race and manifest destiny, ; george p. marsh, man and nature or, physical geography as modified by human action ( ; project gutenberg, ) accessed may , http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/ , , , , ; lafreniere, the decline of nature, – ; ross, the old world in the new, . / l abour/le tr avail contrive to avoid hard muscular labor.” ross observed that the second gen- eration improved, but suggested that “it will be long before they produce the stoical type who blithely fares forth into the wilderness, portaging his canoe, poling it against the current, wading in the torrents living on bacon and beans, and sleeping on the ground.” the comedy films der yiddisher cowboy ( ) and der yidisher kauboy ( ), mocked jewish ineptitude on the frontier and popularized these stereotypes. us government reports and racial scientists agreed that perceived french canadian racial deficiencies were caused by the evolution of french society in ancient and medieval europe, though there was mixed opinion on their exact racial genealogy. it was assumed by some that the french were celtic or gallic people who shared the bellicose nature of other ancient frontier peoples. dillingham’s dictionary of race along with a few other sources defined the french as teutonic, or purely white. the gauls and celts, however, had given into the roman conquest easier than german, teutonic, nordic, or anglo- saxon people, demonstrating their weakness. one visitor to the acadians of madawaska found they were clearly “distinct in tastes, habits and aspirations from the anglo-saxon race.” still other racial thinkers saw the french as a bifurcated people, the peasant class comprised largely of roman slave blood, while the aristocracy maintained teutonic traits. this unstable genealogical position meant that french canadians could not immediately be considered proper white citizens. american investigations into the active settling of wilderness land rein- forced the idea that immigrants of questionable whiteness were unfit to create civilization from wilderness. collected under the direction of vermont senator william p. dillingham (r), the federal reports of the immigration commission of constituted a series of studies on american immigration that focused on industry and agriculture. two volumes on “recent immigrants in agriculture” explored how new immigrants took to “pioneer farming” or . dillingham, et al., dictionary of races or peoples, , ; ross, the old world in the new, , , , ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, , ; grant, the conquest of a continent, ; joseph jacobs, studies in jewish statistics, social, vital and anthropometric (london: d. nutt, ), v. . ross, the old world in the new, ; ava f. kahn, “american west, new york jewish,” and ellen eisenberg, “from cooperative farming to urban leadership,” in kahn, ed., jewish life in the american west, , – ; edward paul merwin, “in their own image: new york jews in jazz age american popular culture,” phd dissertation, city university of new york, , – . . painter, the history of white people, – ; watts, in this remote country, , ; john davidson, “the growth of the french canadian race in america,” annals of the american academy of political and social science ( ): ; dillingham, et al., dictionary of races or peoples, – ; bradwin, the bunkhouse man, – ; painter, the history of white people, ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, , ; edward h. elwell, aroostook: with some account of the excursions thither of the editors of maine, in the years and , and of the colony of swedes, settled in the town of new sweden (portland: transcript print, ), . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / the clearing and civilizing of wild land. the site of investigation was the wilderness of northern wisconsin, but according to the study, wild land was any land that was valueless until hard work rendered value from it. wild land could be swamp, sand, brush, cutover land, second growth, grassland, and any type of forest. they even referred to “wild lands” in new jersey. the land in wisconsin, however, like much of the forests of the northeast, pacific northwest, and the canadian boreal shield was a type of landscape that was imagined to have improved the northern european races in early america. it also mimicked some of the features of the landscape of ancient northern europe. in a growing industrial economy, this type of land had two primary uses: lumber and other natural resources could be extracted from it and the land could be put into cultivation. this type of work was the first step in creating civilization and was only suited for the most fit races. “it is just such land as this … that hundreds of germans, scandinavians, poles and swiss have been buying, clearing and making good living on since the early [eighteen] nineties” the report found. the dillingham studies found that immigrants of southern italian lineage were naturally ill equipped for this pioneer agriculture. they were urban “industrial workers” by nature and “ordinarily the city-bred immigrant does not make a good pioneer farmer.” italians proved to be better pioneer farmers than jewish settlers, however. one local wisconsin man commented after watching the jewish workers that “no . the authors of the studies on agriculture exposed their racial bias in the abstract, writing that they selected for study only those “races … which we are accustomed to consider inclined to industrial rather than to agricultural pursuits.” they included only those “races which come from southern or eastern europe, and the japanese.” ostrander, “turner and the germ theory,” ; dillingham, et al., abstracts of reports of the immigration commission, ; zeidel, immigrants, progressives, and exclusion politics. . dillingham, et al., abstracts of reports of the immigration commission, ; dillingham et al, immigrants in industries: part ; recent immigrants in agriculture, vol. , , , . . ostrander, “turner and the germ theory,” – ; novick, that noble dream, ; herbert baxter adams, the germanic origin of new england towns (baltimore: n. murray, publication agent, johns hopkins university, ), . . poles inhabited a space in the racial hierarchy that was similar to the canadian french. their whiteness was questionable, but they exhibited many white racial characteristics. dillingham, et al., immigrants in industries: part ; recent immigrants in agriculture, vol. , , , , , , , ; roediger, working toward whiteness, ; ross, the old world in the new, ; painter, the history of white people, ; dillingham, et al., dictionary of races or peoples, . . jacob riis, how the other half lives: studies among the tenements of new york ( ; new york: charles scribner’s sons, ), ; dillingham, et al., abstracts of reports of the immigration commission, , ; dillingham, et al., immigrants in industries: part ; recent immigrants in agriculture, vol. , – , , ; ross, the old world in the new, , ; there was, however, “[a] sharp cleavage” between northern and southern italians, proving how specific the racial sciences had become. dillingham, et al., dictionary of races or peoples, ; peck, reinventing free labor, ; cohen, “nativism and western myth,” . / l abour/le tr avail one could handle or sharpen an ax or a saw, or milk a cow, care for stock or conduct any sort of farming operations.… ‘ask one to dig a post hole and he would likely dig a well.’” ross stated the prevailing attitude bluntly: “the hebrews are the polar opposite of our pioneer breed.” french canadians were not included in these dillingham studies because their history in the new world proved that they excelled at many aspects of improving wilderness land, yet this did not mean their whiteness was unques- tioned. the french canadians were perceived to have white people’s physical aptitude and ability in the woods, but were lacking in the third crucial element required to bring civilization to the land: an independent inclination. the col- lection of essays edited by james george aylwin creighton, french canadian life and character: with historical and descriptive sketches ( ), demon- strates the common conception of french canadian workers at the time: “[the] canadian experiences developed in the old french stock new qualities, good and bad, the good predominating … such men needed only a leader [emphasis added] who understood them to go anywhere into the untrodden depths of the new world, and to do anything that man could do.” the shortcomings of the french canadians and southern italians in the realm of independence was attributed to their catholicism, adherence to which was now a sign of racial inferiority. to creighton, the french canadian was “a genuine survival of the old regime … smoke-dried into perpetual preservation” and their devo- tion to religion was likewise outdated. gerald morgan argued in the pages of the north american review in that the will of the french canadian people was the same as the will of their priests who had it in their best inter- est to keep the laity ignorant, isolated, and bound to tradition. the result, according to morgan, was the “stoppage of national progress.” convinced by the french canadian image, americans and british canadians alike depicted these people’s agriculture as backwards. conveying both the french canadian inability to properly render profit from the land and their racial inferiority, popular author on race madison grant wrote they were “a poor and ignorant . there were a few exceptions, the report noted, and these exceptional jewish settlers were able to clear a “large quantity of timber.” dillingham, et al., immigrants in industries: part ; recent immigrants in agriculture, vol. , , , – ; bradwin, the bunkhouse man, – ; ross, the old world in the new, , . . george monroe grant, ed. french canadian life and character; with historical and descriptive sketches of the scenery and life in québec, montreal, ottawa, and surrounding country (chicago: a. belford, ), . catholic french canadians supposedly brought to the new world a norman predisposition to tyranny and absolutism. northern europeans were depicted as the “purest protestants” and thus the most free-thinking, free-acting, and capable people. according to turner, scotch-irish were also great frontiersmen because they were not catholic celts, but saxon protestants. barkan, from all points: america’s immigrant west, ; watts, in this remote country, ; mood and turner, “an unfamiliar essay,” , ; ross, the old world in the new, , , ; ostrander, “turner and the germ theory,” , ; watts, in this remote country, ; grant, ed., french canadian life and character, ; craig and dagenais, the land in between, , – ; elwell, aroostook, . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / community of little more importance to the world at large than are the negroes in the south.” the french proved they could clear wilderness land, but, like “negroes” they could never truly bring high civilization to it. in one northern new york newspaper published an article on logging in the region proclaiming “these french-canadian inhabitants of the woods are half-wild folk.” this article encapsulated the prevailing attitudes on the french canadian race at the time. the common belief was that first nations made the wild their home and they had no desire to civilize it. this had made them wild and savage. french canadians had an affinity for wild land like first nations but they also had an affinity towards clearing it. if left on their own, however, their racial weaknesses meant they were forever stuck in the process of civilizing the wilderness. given the fact that they were also seen to have mixed their blood with first nations people, it is easy to understand how they were understood to be in between white/civilized (or civilizing), and savage (non-white)/wild. therefore they were “half-wild folks.” by the s the explicit racial thinking of the first two decades of the th century had been almost completely abandoned. stereotypes of immi- grants remained, but they were explained using different analytical methods. mid- th century “chicago school” anthropologists and sociologists created narratives of the french canadian transition into modernity that reinforced all the characteristics of the french canadian image. even with their fixa- tion on data and ethnographic observation, these experts were not able to evade reifying commonly held beliefs. anthropologists robert redfield and horace miner argued that french canadian peasants, or habitants, were primitive people. they were not land owners like american farmers; instead they worked on behalf of another, and the full product of their labour was not their own. they had an affinity with nature that most modern people did not possess because they worked so closely with it daily. for habitants, the sea- sonal cycles of life and in agro-forestry repeat year after year, generation after generation, with little change unless change was brought from the outside. sociologist everett c. hughes wrote in his french canada in transition ( ) . gerald morgan, “the french canadian problem: from an american standpoint,” the north american review , ( ): – ; grant, the passing of the great race, ; outka, race and nature, . . according to jacobson it was part of the imperative of imperial nations to see foreign people as “wilderness in human form.” jacobson, barbarian virtues, ; “lumbering operations in the adirondacks,” the watertown re-union (watertown, ny) march ; jocelyn thorpe, temagami’s tangled wild: race, gender, and the making of canadian nature (vancouver: university of british columbia press, ), ; nast, wilderness and the american mind, ; colin fisher, “race and us environmental history,” in sackman, ed., a companion to american environmental history; outka, race and nature, . . the holocaust and a retrospective understanding of america’s eugenic policies towards african americans had proven the dangers of these ideologies. english, unnatural selections, , ; jacobson, whiteness of a different color, – , – . / l abour/le tr avail that the small french canadian farmers were “bound by sentiment, tradition, and kinship to the … countryside.” according to hughes, when the french did industrialize it was because of british canadian or american catalysts not because of their own ability. as depicted in savard’s menaud maître- draveur, the natural transition for these peasant lumberers in an increasingly industrial world was work in commercial logging interests. the french canadian image made these workers specific targets for labour agents in the lumber hubs of the northeast. immigrant workers were often dependent on these middle men to find work in american camps. the foran act of banned immigration of contract labourers but the immigration act of allowed “skilled workers” to be imported if there was no native labour available to do the work. under the act immigrant workers were subject to an eight to ten dollar head tax, a charge that was often factored into the labour agents’ fees. workers who took the jobs from labour agents often accumulated debt of around $ –$ from fees, transportation, and advances. if they spent liberally at the wangan, or camp store, they might accumulate $ or $ of debt to different parties. with wages between $ and $ a month some indebted workers needed to work nearly months before they were even and the logging season was only between and months long. once in camp, there is evidence that french canadians were subject to very harsh treatment. tough bosses in wilderness camps pushed foreigners hard and dis- ciplined them severely, hoping to weed out unfit workers. a boss in charge of a lumber operation in st. lawrence county, new york shot and killed a french canadian worker in after a disagreement about camp food. this type of . robert redfield, peasant society and culture: an anthropological approach to civilization (chicago: university of chicago press, ), – . , ; horace miner, st. denis: a french-canadian parish (chicago: university of chicago press, ), , – ; brigitte lane, “three major witnesses of franco-american folklore in new england,” in quintal, ed., steeples and smokestacks, ; everett c. hughes, french canada in transition (chicago: university of chicago press, ), ; marlene shore, the science of social redemption: mcgill, the chicago school, and the origins of social research in canada (toronto: university of toronto press, ), – . . fred alliston gilbert papers, “f.a. glibert to g. schenck, december ,” box , correspondence, – special collections, raymond h. fogler library, university of maine; meigs, the santa clara lumber company, – . . farm labor national agricultural statistics service, united states department of agriculture, agriculture marketing service, january , accessed, march , http:// usda.mannlib.cornell.edu/mannusda/viewdocumentinfo.do?documentid= ; william f. fox, a history of the lumber industry in the state of new york (washington, dc: us dept. of agriculture, bureau of forestry, ); meigs, santa clara lumber company, ; flanagan, “industrial conditions in the maine woods,” , – ; paul h. douglas, real wages in the united states, – (boston: houghton mifflin, ) , , ; james h. blodgett, wages of farm labor in the united states: results of twelve statistical investigations, – (washington, dc: us dept. of agriculture, bureau of statistics, ), . . bradwin, the bunkhouse man, ; robert e. pike, tall trees, tough men (new york: “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / rough treatment may have even led to the famous french canadian “jumping” disease, a type of post-traumatic stress disorder reported among immigrant workers in a few northeastern camps. rough treatment was one of the many reasons why some workers jumped camp and returned to québec without working off their debt, a practice that became known as taking the “french leave” or “jumping the line.” in the maine legislator followed the lead of minnesota and michigan and enacted a statue which allowed authorities to arrest loggers and river drivers who did not pay off advances. if found guilty of “intent to defraud” they faced up to days of jail or a $ fine even though most debts did not exceed $ or $ . many rural justices either did not understand, or willingly misinterpreted, the “intent to defraud” provision and punished any worker caught with outstand- ing debt who left camp, even those with legitimate reasons for leaving. the threat of punishment pressured many workers to continue to work and few cases ever made it into the courts. when workers were arrested “in nine cases out of ten the men are made to go back to work” according to one labour agent. a rural justice in maine admitted that he would wait for debtors to get drunk in mill towns and when they were arrested for some related offense he would check to see if they had any unpaid debt with an operator. if so the justice forced the man to work off both the state fine and the debt in camp. labour advocate john clifton elder studied debt peonage around and he testified that “the labor law of maine … make virtual slaves of the labouring classes.” w.w. norton, ) ; bradwin, the bunkhouse man, ; white, the blazed trail, – ; wyckoff, the workers, ; “telephones after murder” chateaugay record and franklin county democrat, june , page , image , northern new york library network, accessed march , http://nyshistoricnewspapers.org/lccn/sn / - - /ed- /seq- /. . robert howard and rodney ford, “from the jumping frenchmen of maine to posttraumatic stress disorder: the startle response in neuropsychiatry,” psychological medicine ( ): , ; george beard, “remarks upon ‘jumpers or jumping frenchmen,’” the journal of nervous and mental diseases ( ): ; marie‐hélène sainte-hilaire, jean‐ marc sainte-hilaire, and luc granger, “jumping frenchmen of maine,” neurology ( ): – ; george m. beard, “experiments with the ‘jumpers’ or ‘jumping frenchmen’ of maine,” journal of nervous and mental disease ( ): – . . john f. flanagan, “industrial conditions in the maine woods,” first biennial report of the department of labor and industry (waterville: sentinel publishing: ), , ; victor bushey (b. ) interview by sue dauphinee, , p. , transcript, llc, mfc. . john clifton elder, “peonage in maine (a manuscript report sent to the attorney general of the united states),” march , rg , department of justice file - - , - , pg. – , , , – , , , national archives, washington, d.c.; “does peonage exist in the maine lumber camps?” paper trade journal, (november ): ; robert j. steinfeld, coercion, contract, and free labor in the nineteenth century (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), ; flanagan, “industrial conditions in the maine woods,” ; “may repel law protecting lumbermen,” paper: a weekly technical journal for paper and pulp mills (new york: paper, ); “is it a feats or a famine?: symposium by high and low authorities on the epicurean delights of maine logging camps – forestry student refutes vile slanders,” bangor daily news, march . / l abour/le tr avail the shacking system of lumber production that was documented in the s likely evolved from the system of debt bondage described above. between and an average of , french canadian workers were “bonded” to logging companies throughout new york, new hampshire, vermont, and maine, though some years there were more than , . in maine during these years the pulpwood cutting force was on average . per cent french canadian and a portion of these were shackers. the shacking system mimicked the way that french canadian habitants were thought to have lived in québec. an employee of maine’s great northern paper company described it thusly: a shacker is a man, usually with a family, and one or two relatives who will move onto company land, build himself a shack to live in, cut pulp through the cutting season and haul it to the designated hauling point … usually the whole family, regardless of age, works with the father in the woods. the children rarely attend school … the shacker invariably is semi-literate.… if a contract can be drawn that will make these shackers independent con- tractors we will be able to relieve ourselves of a great deal of responsibility and will be able to produce wood much cheaper.… the french canadian image from thoreau to miner inspired this labour exploitation, but the image did not reflect any innate characteristics of french canadians. instead the image was a reflection of the shallow understand- ing that many people in the us had of the political, economic, and religious history of québec. historian bruno ramirez found in his comparative study of immigration in canada that “clearing forest land in québec required work techniques and an endurance that not all prospective settlers were willing to endure.” thus italians, jews, and even many french canadian and northern european settlers failed at civilizing wild land simply because of the “physical and mental difficulty it entailed.” in québec, frontier colonization efforts led by clergy, lumber companies, and the canadian government put many french canadian families in a position that disallowed economic or educational advancement. it was just these types of small pioneer farmers who tended to migrate to the us, bringing with them pioneering skills. approximately per cent of french canadian textile workers in new england had been farmers or farm labourers before coming to the us. many french canadians were not able to own land right away so their “supreme resource, as a release from … poverty … was to take to the ax …” it is also possible that the perpetuation of . on the various types of debt bondage see félix albert, immigrant odyssey: a french- canadian habitant in new england-a bilingual edition of histoire d’un enfant pauvre, (orono: university of maine press, ), – , – . . parenteau, “bonded labor,” . . on the standard of living of peasants see glickman, a living wage, – ; quoted in parenteau, “bonded labor,” . . bruno ramirez, on the move: french-canadian and italian migrants in the north atlantic economy, – (toronto: mcclelland & stewart, ), – ; bradwin, the bunkhouse man, ; vicero, “immigration of french canadians to new england,” . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / the french canadian image within this immigrant community created what social psychologists call “stereotype lift,” whereby exposure to positive ste- reotypes causes “an elevation in their self-efficacy or sense of personal worth [and] performance.” whatever caused the french canadian affinity for logging work, the contradiction in depicting french canadians as a primitive peasant class is glaring, since moving to american lumber camps proved their adapt- ability toward modernization and progress at a time of economic trouble in their home country. it is important to note, however, that the racial discourse on whiteness, wil- derness, and work was not as strong a factor in deciding where immigrants would work as was the iron law of supply and demand. most immigrants coming to the us, regardless of their race, settled in factory towns and cities. by french canadians made up per cent or more of the entire popu- lation of southbridge and spenser massachusetts; biddeford, lewiston and old town, maine; woonsocket, rhode island; danielson, connecticut and suncook, new hampshire. it was estimated that only per cent of all the french canadians in new england lived in rural areas and as few as one per cent of workers went into “forest work” (there are problems with this latter figure, however). a majority of french factory workers were immigrants. while the lumber industry had the second highest percentage of french canadians as a portion of the workers employed in , the brick and tile making industries had an even larger number – more than per cent. . albert, immigrant odyssey, – , , ; richard william judd and patricia a. judd, aroostook: a century of logging in northern maine (orono: university of maine press, ), – ; ramirez and otis, crossing the th parallel, , , ; – , ; vicero, “immigration of french canadians to new england,” , – ; j.i. little, nationalism, capitalism and colonization in nineteenth-century quebec: the upper st. francis district (kingston and montreal: mcgill-queen’s university press, ), , , – , , xii–xiii; j.i. little, crofters and habitants: settler society, economy, and culture in a quebec township, – (kingston and montreal: mcgill-queen’s university press, ), , ; brault, the french- canadian heritage, , ; ramirez, on the move, ; gregory m. walton and geoffrey l. cohen, “stereotype lift,” journal of experimental social psychology , ( ): – ; margaret shih, todd l. pittinsky, and amy trahan, “domain-specific effects of stereotypes on performance,” self and identity , ( ): – . . vicero, “immigration of french canadians to new england,” , ; hornsby, judd, and hermann, historical atlas of maine, plate ; brault, the french-canadian heritage, – . . these figures are drawn from vicero, “immigration of french canadians to new england.” the nature of logging in eastern north america make precise employment figures in the lumber camps difficult to surmise. logging was inseparable from the agricultural sector, it was seasonal work, most workers took up other jobs when they were not logging, and loggers rarely self-identified as such. by combining figures from several categories of work in vicero’s study which were closely allied with logging (agriculture, forest workers, pulp and paper, saw and planing mills, general labour, teamsters, railroad and street railway workers, and other occupations) we see the figures could have been as great as per cent. vicero, “immigration of french canadians to new england,” . . vicero, “immigration of french canadians to new england,” . / l abour/le tr avail in urban areas another french canadian image developed which reflected the type of work found there. it was assumed that the french habitants who moved to cities were a simple people who would work for below subsistence wages. their strong nationalism, and adherence to traditional culture, lan- guage, and religion worried protestant new englanders. in cities like lewiston, maine and woonsocket, rhode island immigrants were able to virtually reconstruct the social, religious, and political order of québec in immigrant enclaves. the la survivance movement made many new englanders worried that the québécois had no desire to assimilate or nationalize and were only present for quick monetary gains. in the state of maine passed a consti- tutional amendment targeting french canadians by disallowing anyone who could not “read the constitution in the english language, or write his name” from voting or holding office. as in rural logging areas, the french canadian adherence to catholicism seemed to prove they had a greater devotion to the tenets of their religion then to the tenets of republicanism. finding irish catholic churches disagreeable, the first thing that many french canadian settlers did when they came to new england was build their own churches. by there were at least parishes in the region. some french immigrants were comfortable settling political and workplace problems within the church, giving the québécois a reputation as an insular and clannish people. the rise of the second ku klux klan in the us in the s was a time of rampant anti-catholicism and anti-semitism. during this period french canadian workers were publicly intimidated by members of the klan in two different cities in maine because of their adher- ence to catholicism. as obedient female catholics the québécois factory workers were seen as a people who followed orders well and respected authority. “they are industrious in the extreme” one employer wrote and they “do not grumble about pay, are docile, and have nothing to do with the labour agitations.” their large family size, and their need to send their children into the factories young worried . brault, the french-canadian heritage, ; roby, the franco-americans of new england, – , – ; gerstle, working-class americanism, ; michael j. guignard, “the franco- americans of biddeford maine,” in quintal, ed., steeples and smokestacks, . . the law was on the books until – . rebecca dirnfeld, “research note: maine ‘jim crow’? the forgotten maine constitutional amendment of ,” in nelson madore and barry h. rodrigue, eds., voyages: a maine franco-american reader (gardiner: tilbury house, ), . . brault, the french-canadian heritage, – ; gerstle, working-class americanism, – ; mark paul richard, “this is not a catholic nation’: the ku klux klan confronts franco-americans in maine,” new england quarterly , ( ): – ; philip t. silvia, jr., “neighbors from the north: french-canadian immigrants vs. trade unionism in fall river, massachusetts” in quintal, ed., steeples and smokestacks, ; david h. bennett, the party of fear: from nativist movements to the new right in american history (new york: vintage books, ), – . “these french canadian of the woods are half-wild folk” / progressive reformers but were a boon to factory owners. a representative of a fall river company testified in a massachusetts bureau of statistics of labor (mbsl) report that he sought these workers out because “they are not so apt to rebel as others … they are quiet; they don’t raise much disturbance around the factory village.” through the leadership of their priest, rev. pierre j.b. bedard, french canadians in massachusetts became strikebreaker during the fall river strike of , perpetuating the idea that they were an anti-labour group. these distorted views of french canadian immigrants in factory towns led the mbsl to famously condemn them as “the chinese of the eastern states” in an report. comparing the chinese with french canadians conveyed the perceived chasm between native white americans and québécois immigrants and shows how pervasive the hierarchies of whiteness were at the time. almost immediately after the report was issued coalitions of franco americans from cohoes, fall river, lewiston, manchester, nashua, woonsocket, and worcester publicly refuted these claims in a meeting, the views of which were published as the canadian french in new england. they hoped to distance themselves from undesirable immigrants. the “chinese of the eastern states” comments shows that the rhetoric on whiteness, wilderness, and work in the logging woods was not the only way that french canadian immigrants were defined in america. images of immigrants were adaptable and worked symbiotically with specific industries. the images also reflected the gender of the workers in different industries, as most factory workers were women and all loggers were men. the image of the french as “half- wild” was supported in rural industries and it was used to help fill isolated work camps with a racially desirable type of labour. this image ensured that all the industrial niches of this vast heterogeneous economy would be filled efficiently. conclusion ideas about wilderness, whiteness, and work evolved out of a long process of immigrant image formation which began in the s as americans strug- gled to comprehend different european immigrants. after , americans meshed their ideas about race with an industrializing economy, a disappeared frontier, and a large population of exotic immigrants. bolstered by evidence from history, sociology, and anthropology, characters from literature like . quoted in vicero, “immigration of french canadians to new england,” ; guignard, “the franco-americans of biddeford maine,” in quintal, ed., steeples and smokestacks, ; gerstle, working-class americanism, ; brault, the french-canadian heritage, – ; roby, the franco-americans of new england, . . massachusetts bureau of statistics of labor, thirteenth annual report (boston: wright & potter printing, state printers, ), ; gerstle, working-class americanism, – , ; guignard, “the franco-americans of biddeford maine,” in quintal, ed., steeples and smokestacks, . . brault, the french-canadian heritage, . / l abour/le tr avail alex therien or london’s francois and perrault came to represent categories of workers in the minds of many american businessmen. the racial world- views that formed made the rapidly changing world of modern america more digestible for many “white” americans. under the dictates of this racial logic almost every group of immigrants had a unique place in this new industrial economy, and native white peoples’ standard of living was ensured. the objec- tives of government and business officials were not strictly nativist, however. in creating these immigrant images they were attempting to fit different types of workers into industries where they would be economically efficient and most likely to succeed. from this vantage point it is clear that the chronology of american immigration is not characterized by successive dips into “irra- tional” nativist thinking, as some historians have argued, but instead there was a consistent goal of advancing the american economy by whatever means necessary. applying “common sense” racial science to immigration and indus- trial policies simply helped improve the economy. nativism was not at odds with capitalism because the desire for a “white republic” was synonymous with a desire for an economically robust republic. by s systematic racism had been a part of american political and economic thought for more than a century so its effects on immigrants remained even as the explicit discussion on racial whiteness began to disappear. the french canadian image, with its “unshakable demonstrations … of … ethnological truth,” made the label of savage/wild hard to dislodge, and the exploitation of french canadians in the woods remained a problem into the s. i would like to thank the maxwell school at syracuse university and the forest history society for their generous support of my research on logging and french canadian immigration. none of this research would have been possible without initial funding from the new england regional fellowship consortium. i would also like to thank all the librarians and archivists who helped me locate and access material as well as my colleague philip d. erenrich at syracuse university for his help and advice. . zolberg, a nation by design, , ; cannato, american passage, ; ngai, impossible subjects, . jacobson’s assertion in whiteness of a different color that “economics alone … cannot explain why this government was made on the ‘white basis’” needs to be reexamined because it is clear that the economic imperatives shaped immigration policy and even ideas of race. jacobson, whiteness of a different color, – ; michael hillard and jonathan goldstein, “cutting off the canadians: nativism and the fate of the maine woodman’s association, – ” labor: studies in the working class history of the americas , ( ): – ; william c. osborn, the paper plantation: ralph nader’s study group report on the pulp and paper industry in maine (new york: grossman publishers, ), – . the p r o c e s s of maturing a s a competent clinical t e a c h e r by a n g e l a christine wolff bscn, mcmaster university, a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the d e g r e e of master of science in nursing in the faculty of graduate studies (school of nursing) we accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard the university of british columbia august, ©angela christine wolff, in presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the university of british columbia, i agree that the library shall make it freely available for reference and study. i further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. it is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. the university of british columbia vancouver, canada de- ( / ) abstract clinical nursing teachers are a unique group of academics; they are experts in the art of teaching and the clinical aspects of the nursing profession. a relatively large body of published research substantiates the nature and scope of effective of clinical teaching behaviors as perceived by students and nurse educators. there is, however, a topic that is surprisingly absent from this literature; that is, the study of clinical teachers' competence. for the most part, research has not been conducted to determine clinical teachers' perceptions about their combined competence as teachers and as nurses. the purpose of this study was to describe the process, or processes, by which clinical nursing teachers attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence. indirectly, this research revealed the factors and situations that either facilitate or hinder the process of becoming competent. a grounded theory design was chosen for this study because this method was most appropriate for exploring a basic social process such as competence. eleven clinical nursing teachers from three nursing programs in the lower mainland of british columbia were interviewed for this study. data analysis proceeded according to the method of constant comparative analysis designed by glaser and strauss ( ). in an analysis of the interview results, common themes comprise a three-phased process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. the main theme underpinning all three phases of this process was found to be the development of self-confidence. the first phase, dealing with "self learning needs, described a period of adjustment where clinical teachers confronted the difficulties associated with making the transition from a nurse clinician to a clinical teacher. in phase two, clinical teachers built their teaching style. the third phase focused on integrating the complexities of clinical teaching into their practice as educators. each phase featured a central focus, key strategies, outcomes, conditions, and facilitative factors. the findings also indicated the maturation process was situation specific and context bound. furthermore, clinical teachers may experience either occasional or overall incompetence. based on the findings of this study, the implications for nursing practice, education, administration, and research were identified. iv table of contents page abstract ii table of contents iv list of tables viii list of figures ix acknowledgements x dedication xi chapter i: an overview of the research problem background to the study problem statement purpose research question literature review introduction usage of the concept "competence" defining competence motivational definition behavioral definition behavioral effectiveness definition self-evaluation definition trait definition conceptualizing competence product process summary defining attributes demonstration cases model case contrary case related case performance experience expertise effectiveness caring antecedents consequences empirical referents v page summary significance of the study definition of terms clinical agency competence clinical competence clinical teacher clinical teaching learning environment neophyte clinical teacher organization of the thesis conclusion chapter ii: research method the qualitative approach - grounded theory participant selection sample data collection interview research notes data analysis stage : discovering the categories stage : integrating categories and their properties stage : identifying the core category and delimiting the theory stage : refining and writing the theory rigor truth value: credibility applicability: fittingness consistency: auditability neutrality: confirmability ethical considerations limitations of the study conclusion chapter iii: the discovery introduction the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher: an overview the core category: developing self-confidence guiding frame of reference phase : dealing with "self learning needs (figuring it out) developing abilities as a clinical teacher gaining awareness about clinical teaching adjusting to the idiosyncrasies of the role establishing teacher-student relationships evaluating student performance vi page dealing with anxieties orientating to the clinical agency establishing credibility summary phase : building one's teaching style (learning as you go) maintaining credibility learning how to teach focusing on student-centered learning knowing the student facilitating student learning giving feedback evaluating students summary phase : integrating the complexities (putting it all together) consolidating one's abilities as a clinical teacher learning as a process richness of the learning environment knowing the student confronting learning issues advocating for students evaluating borderline students dealing with professional obligations summary facilitative threads support familiarity with the clinical agencies stable teaching assignments knowledge and education personal qualities ability to communicate curricular involvement summary variations in the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher incompetence occasional incompetence overall incompetence summary conclusion chapter iv: discussion of the findings developing self-confidence self-confidence and other related concepts self-confidence and competence summary the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher summary vii page strategies specific to the phases of the maturation process establishing and maintaining credibility learning how to teach through reflection knowing the student summary facilitative factors support consistent teaching assignment clinical background summary incompetence occasional incompetence overall incompetence summary conclusion chapter v: summary, conclusions, and implications summary of the study background literature review methodology the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher summary of the major findings implications for nursing clinical teaching practice administration education for clinical teachers research conclusion references appendices appendix a - domains of competence appendix b - letter of request for agency consent appendix c - letter of invitation appendix d - nformed consent appendix e - sample of the interview questions appendix f - demographic form list of tables demographic characteristics of study participants ix list of figures page figure the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher figure triad of relationships figure phase one of the maturation process figure phase two of the maturation process figure phase three of the maturation process x acknowledgements completing a thesis is made possible with the assistance of many people. i would like to acknowledge those who have contributed directly to this thesis and those who encouraged me throughout my masters studies. i wish to thank the clinical teachers who participated in this study. your accounts of clinical teaching experiences were interesting, motivating and enlightening! i would also like to thank my thesis committee, they are: dr. carol jillings (chair), professor elaine carty (second), and professor marion clauson (third). each member, in her own way, has contributed immeasurably to my scholarly development. their expertise, support, and belief in my ability made this an experience i will never forget! next, i would also like to thank other nursing faculty at the university of british columbia who contributed to my graduate education. their insightful thoughts and stimulating questions furthered my abilities as a clinical teacher. i am appreciative of dr. barbara paterson's positive influence on my abilities as a clinical teacher. her passion for, insight into, and dedication to clinical teaching are truly inspiring. thanks also to dr. pamela ratner for her role modeling how to be a researcher and a scholar. and, to professor louise tenn, thank-you for mentoring me in my graduate course on clinical teaching. i would like to extend my appreciation to my friends and colleagues who listened to me during this endeavor. in addition, i would like to thank keyano college for contributing towards my graduate studies. last, but not least, i am grateful to my family for their encouragement while i worked to fulfill my goal of obtaining a master of science in nursing. i am especially grateful to blair who was always there when i needed a shoulder to cry on or a distraction from my studies. i am also grateful to my sister barb whose encouragement and editorial expertise inspired me to continue with this project. barb constantly provided editorial feedback despite my numerous subject and verb agreement errors, barb constantly provided feedback! xi this thesis is dedicated to those who aspire to be competent clinical teachers: may your dreams become a reality. chapter i: an overview of the research problem clinical teachers are a unique group of academics; they are experts in the art of teaching while remaining involved with the clinical aspects of the nursing profession. because nursing is a practice-based profession, clinical teaching is a major component of nursing education. nursing faculty who engage in clinical teaching have the dual responsibility of demonstrating competence as both teachers and nurses (karuhije, ; morgan, ; wiedenbach, ). the issue of clinical teacher competence has been increasingly scrutinized in recent times due to changes in the health system and the nursing education system. these changes have resulted in an increase in the complexity of the roles and responsibilities of clinical teachers. administrators of post-secondary institutions, supervisors of clinical agencies, and members of professional regulatory bodies want to be assured that students are being accompanied to the clinical setting by teachers who demonstrate competence. furthermore, present-day students tend to have clearer guidelines for what they consider to be a "quality education". for example, students expect their theoretical and clinical courses to be delivered by competent teachers. in this chapter, the rationale for arid purpose of this study will be presented. to begin, background information pertinent to the proposed study is introduced. then, after introducing the research problem and research question, i will provide a brief overview of the research literature on competence in the substantive area of clinical teaching. the significance of this study will conclude this chapter. background to the study as an experienced clinical teacher i have periodically conducted a self-evaluation of competence. in addition, i have observed other clinical teachers' behaviors and found that their actions could be interpreted as either competent or incompetent. based on these personal experiences, i became interested in exploring both the meaning of and the characteristics that underpin the nature of competence in the context of clinical teaching. i was also curious to determine whether the contextual and situational nature of clinical teaching had a significant influence on competence. specific situational factors of interest were the changing paradigms of education and the changing demands of the health system. for example, during the past two decades, nursing education has experienced a curriculum revolution. this revolution has resulted in significant changes to the structure, purpose, and outcomes of clinical teaching (bevis & watson, ; karuhije, ; marcinek, ). specifically, the purpose of clinical teaching has shifted from showing students how to "do" tasks to working with students to learn how to "know" and "understand" concepts and procedures (wong & wong, ). in relation to the curriculum revolution, clinical teachers are now required to be knowledgeable about educational content, teaching-learning processes, and student-teacher partnerships (gallagher, ; marcinek, ). in addition to the changes associated with curriculum changes, clinical teachers are expected to teach the essentials of nursing practice in a variety of health settings and to support students to meet the academic and social demands of their future workplaces (wong & wong). these curriculum and role changes may leave nursing faculty feeling less confident in their clinical teaching abilities. nursing faculty who have been teaching clinical theory for a long duration may feel especially vulnerable. for example, nursing faculty who have been teaching solely in the classroom setting may be expected to return to the clinical setting. first, these faculty may struggle to be competent in the clinical setting due to a long absence from hands-on nursing practice. second, they may not have received advanced preparation for their role as teachers in the clinical setting (karuhije, , ; morgan, ; myrick, ). these are two examples of factors that may affect these teachers' abilities to be competent clinical teachers; however, other examples are likely to exist. the process of clinical teaching is further complicated by recent changes in the health system, an increase in client acuity, and changing employer expectations (crotty & butterworth, ). for example, clients admitted to health care settings (i.e., acute care and community) have exhibited increasingly complex conditions requiring complicated interventions. in these instances, clients expect both teachers and students to be knowledgeable in the theoretical aspects of nursing practice while remaining sensitive to their personal needs. employers, on the other hand, expect nurses entering practice to be able to function as independent practitioners. modem nurses are expected to demonstrate such skills as assertiveness, an ability to adapt to change, and a willingness to act as a change agent. in addition, employers often expect graduating nurses to function as part of multi-disciplinary teams. one method for transmitting the knowledge, skills, and attitudes of nursing is through clinical teaching. clinical teachers are often expected to teach students how to nurse through hands-on experience with clients. in other words, clinical teachers have an obligation to prepare students for the real life demands of the nursing profession. in sum, the re-organization of nursing education, prompted by the curriculum revolution, changes to the health system, and an increase in client acuity and employer expectations, have combined to challenge the abilities of those faculty teaching in the clinical setting. in searching to understand clinical teacher competence, i deliberated about the importance of these various factors. to further understand the concept of competence, i began by exploring the existing literature on clinical teaching. while the scope of clinical teaching has long been understood, research related to the meaning of competence in the context of clinical teaching was limited. beginning in the early 's and continuing through much of the 's, a majority of the research on clinical teaching was dedicated towards identifying the characteristics of effective clinical teachers and the methods used to evaluate their effectiveness (benor & leviyof, ; bergman & gaitskill, ; brown, ; fong & mccauley, ; johnson, ; knox & mogan, ; mccabe, ; mogan & knox, ; nehring, ; reeve, ; wong & wong, ; zimmerman & waltman, ). while the knowledge generated from this "effectiveness literature" indicated that clinical competence was an essential characteristic of effective clinical teaching, the literature failed to address a critical issue. specifically, the literature did not include an explanation of how clinical teachers achieve, demonstrate, and maintain competence as teachers. more recent 's literature has deviated from issues related to teacher effectiveness to investigate the core competencies required of nursing faculty (choudhry, , a; davis, dearman, schwab, & kitchens, ). other authors have attempted to delineate ways of maintaining and evaluating clinical competence of nursing faculty (barnes, duldt, & green, ; cox, ; kirkpatrick, ; oermann, ; weitzel, ; yonge, ). in short, although much is written in the realm of clinical teaching, the literature was inadequate for addressing my interest in competence. first, the research delineating core "educator" competencies did not address the competence of educators who teach specifically in the clinical area. for instance, many of the research findings referred only to nursing faculty teaching in the classroom setting. second, the authors who did acknowledge the importance of competence restricted the use of this concept to a narrow view of clinical competence of teachers as nurses rather than the more complex competence of clinical teachers as both teachers and nurses. third, most of the research was based on a behaviorist approach to competence as an end product. this reductionist view failed to address the process, or processes, involved for achieving, demonstrating, and maintaining competence as teachers. as i broadened my exploration of the literature on competence i found that the concept became increasingly ambiguous. it became evident that the health profession and education literature used a multitude of terms when discussing competence (e.g., clinical competence, professional competence, teacher competence, interpersonal competence, academic competence, and nursing competence). a preliminary review of the literature revealed that, despite a wide use of the word competence, this concept was ill-defined and in some instances the use of the term competence was confusing and contradictory. the literature also failed to clearly specify which characteristics were essential to comprise competence (bergman & gaitskill, ; kirkpatrick, ; maynard, ; nagelsmith, ; reeve, ; roach, ; salvatori, ; scheetz, ; white, ). to summarize, much of the literature related to nursing, clinical teaching, and competence was based on a collection of preconceived ideas. these ideas are identified as follows: . the components of competence are identifiable and objectifiable. . competence is unidirectional as nurses progress from novice to expert. in other words, according to this assumption, incompetence does not exist. . clinical competence is achieved solely through nursing practice. . clinically competent nurses are assumed to be competent teachers. . competence in clinical teaching is synonymous with effective classroom teaching. while the nature of clinical teaching has frequently been scrutinized, the primary area of attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence has not been a focus of study. due to the paucity of literature currently available on clinical teacher competence, many of the questions i had regarding this topic could not be answered. problem statement a brief overview of the literature on clinical teacher competence reveals a number of inconsistencies in the definitions, characteristics, and related concepts that underpin the essence of competence. these inconsistencies indicate that the nursing profession has made limited progress towards understanding the process of becoming a competent clinical nursing teacher. purpose the purpose of this study was to describe the process, or processes, by which clinical nursing teachers attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence. indirectly, this research was directed towards uncovering the factors that facilitate and the situations that affect the process, or processes, of becoming competent. research question the specific research question directing this study was: what is/are the process, or processes, described by nurse educators for attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence in their role as a clinical teacher? grounded theory methodology was used to explore this question. literature review the purpose of grounded theory is discovery. consequently, the direction of a literature review is to establish the diversity and scope of the previous research on the substantive area to be studied. at the same time, the researcher attempts only to briefly review the literature to avoid complete immersion (glaser & strauss, ; strauss & corbin, ). ideally, when researchers are effective in their analysis, "new categories will emerge that neither we, nor anyone else, had thought about previously" (strauss & corbin, p. ). thus, the literature review allows the researcher to identify pre-existing concepts which may be used to extend the developing theory. complete immersion is avoided during this process to prevent the researcher from becoming confined or creatively stifled by the existing knowledge available on the substantive area being studied (strauss & corbin). the following represents a review of the literature as a method for exploring the phenomenon of competence in clinical teaching. the databases utilized in the literature search included the cumulative index to nursing and allied health literature (cinahl) ( to ), healthstar ( to present), and the education resources information center (eric) ( to present). the literature used in this study was screened according to the following parameters: . research and anecdotal literature providing relevant descriptions (e.g., attributes, antecedents, and consequences) of clinical teacher competence. . research and anecdotal literature providing sufficient information on related concepts relevant to extending the current theory on competence. . research studies providing data on competence of teachers and students in nursing and other disciplines (e.g., medicine, dental hygiene, occupational therapy, and education). introduction the accumulation of knowledge relating to the meaning of competence has continued to grow since the concept was first introduced in the early 's. the attributes associated with competence, both in everyday language and in professional usage, vary depending on the context in which the term is used. consequently, conceptual ambiguity currently exists. to provide clarity for understanding the scope and nature of clinical teacher competence, the literature will be organized according to a concept analysis framework. this framework is based upon a design created by walker and avant ( ). usage of the concept "competence" a literature review of numerous disciplines (e.g., nursing, occupational therapy, education, psychology, health care ethics, and mental health) indicated that various definitions of competence are used in similar but distinctive ways. at the same time, most of the literature was competing to identify one correct definition of competence rather than considering the complementary benefits of incorporating a number of these perspectives to define competence. this review of the definitions of competence led to the identification of two central methods for categorizing the meanings of competence (ford, ). only the core ideas within each of the two categorical methods will be identified. they are: . defining competence in five distinct ways: motivational, self-evaluative, behavioral, behavioral effectiveness, and trait. . conceptualizing competence as an end in itself or a state-of-being. defining competence there are five interrelated but somewhat distinct definitions of competence currently used in the literature. motivational definition. white's theory of competence motivation was used by schwammle ( ) to gain a deeper understanding of the factors involved in personal competence. this motivational definition of competence was based on the premise that being or becoming competent was dependent upon an individual's perception of "self as an effective controlling agent (ford, ). specifically, white's theory stated: (a) the environment has an effect on an individual and vice versa, (b) an individual has a desire to be competent in their environment, and (c) the results of competence are feelings of efficacy (schwammle). thus, development of competence refers to not only an individual's ability to deal with his or her surroundings, but also to his or her degree of motivation and interest in becoming competent (i.e., efficacy) (schwammle). in other words, having a desire to become competent strengthens an individual's confidence and his or her subsequent development of competence. similarly, gatz et al. ( ) defined the attributes of personal competence as being self-efficient and having a sense of inner control. these facets of competence referred to an individual's subjective evaluation of whether he or she was capable of producing some set of desired environmental effects. therefore, in the determination of competence, the motivational definition considered the existence of various internal influences (e.g., self perceptions, beliefs, values, and expectations) and external influences (e.g., demands or situational characteristics such as time, place, persons, and history) which affect motivation, interest, and the desire to succeed (burrows, ; schwammle). in sum, the motivational definitions of competence refer principally to an individual's directive function. behavioral definition. in the literature, competence was also used to refer to a repertoire of behaviors. in this usage, attainment of the specified behavioral abilities or capabilities leads to successful outcomes, that is, competence. various definitions of competence included behavioral characteristics such as knowledge, values, attitudes, motivation, energy, and judgement (burrows, ; butler, ; kirkpatrick, ; nagelsmith, ; registered nurses association of british columbia [rnabc], ; roach, ; scheetz, ; white, ; yonge, ). for the purposes of identifying the behavioral characteristics of clinical competence, the definition of competence was modified to include clinical skills, knowledge and application of theory to practice, interpersonal attributes, problem solving and clinical judgement, and technical skills (brown, ; knox & mogan, ; neufeld, ; scheetz, ). according to yonge ( ), additional attributes of clinical competence were utilization of the nursing process and confidence as a nurse. oldmeadow ( ) stated ethical and moral views also comprise the characteristics of clinical competence. while no links are explicit in the literature between critical thinking and competence, some authors supported the premise that critical thinking was necessary for the overall development of competence (brookfield, ; maynard, ; rnabc. ; toliver, ). the skill of critical thinking includes two concepts: reflection and openness to learning. reflection was described as important for developing competence because it provides an opportunity for individuals to challenge, refine, or disclaim their decision-making patterns. in turn, these new insights would be applied to subsequent encounters with similar situations leading to further development in clinical teacher competence (paterson, ; saylor, ). in paterson's opinion, a clinical teacher who significantly improved his or her teaching abilities was an individual who was willing to reflect on his or her performance. hence, the notion of perfect competence is contrary to the idea of "reflective thinker" (schon, ). in the nursing profession, the identified repertoire of behaviors indicative of competence was also expressed through actions and interventions. thus, an individual who possesses the requisite skills and knowledge must also be able to apply and integrate them to competently perform the activities required in a designated role (burrows, ; canadian nurses association, ; kirkpatrick, ; nagelsmith, ; rnabc, ). as well, for competence to occur, an individual must be cognizant of the actions required to perform within a given role and must understand the nature of the task or role (white, ). accompanying competence were varying degrees of power, authority, respect, and trust (covey, ; white). behavioral effectiveness definition. included in the behavioral definitions of competence, was literature that makes reference to the effectiveness of one's behavior in various contexts (ford, ). according to this definition, competence as a clinical teacher was demonstrated when an individual successfully adapted to a given set of role demands. thus, the central theme of the behavioral effectiveness perspective was that an individual must have accomplished some specified set of objectives (e.g., teaching, research, and nursing) within certain boundary conditions as defined by a given role (e.g., professional expectations, student expectations, or employer expectations) to be considered competent. through a comprehensive review of nursing research studies written from until , many authors have attempted to identify a list of necessary behaviors by which a clinical teacher could be evaluated as effective. when the clinical teacher was effective, he or she was assumed to be professionally or clinically competent. also, the nursing literature sought to determine how much and what type of nursing practice and expertise was necessary to ensure teacher competence. absent was the recognition that the integration and application of teaching-learning theory is a significant component of clinical teacher competence. furthermore, this perspective of competence does not consider situational factors such as the level of student, the stability of teaching assignments, and the teacher's familiarity with the clinical agency. primarily, the behavioral effectiveness literature emphasized the significance of nursing or clinical competence. self-evaluation definition. many regulatory and licensing bodies of the nursing profession used the self-evaluation definition to delineate behavioral competencies expected of all nurses in various settings and practice dimensions (e.g., practitioner, researcher, administrator, and educator). these specific competencies provided evaluative criteria for establishing regulatory guidelines for determining nursing competence. the underlying assumption of this definition was the importance of safeguarding the public. when individuals are deemed competent they are licensed to practice within a specific professional body (rnabc, , , ). this definition implied that when a clinical teacher meets the required standards of nursing practice they are also deemed to be a competent nurse educator. this notion of competence was based on the threshold approach to evaluation. the threshold approach indicated there was a single cut-off point for determining whether a clinical teacher was either competent or incompetent (white, ). although butler ( ) affirms the notion that a minimum standard of competence was necessary, he also believed individuals may surpass the standards of adequacy in a designated role and setting depending on their level of knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes. trait definition. in addition to the identification of behaviors, several authors have identified ways in which various functional or behavioral components of competence could be organized into three domains: cognitive domain, psychomotor domain, and affective domain (appendix a) (maynard, ; roach, ; salvatori, ; white, ). according to these authors, "overall competence of the professional was determined by the demonstration of a combination of behaviors in all three domains" (salvatori, p. ). this definition of competence was the most inclusive; however, it failed to acknowledge relevant contextual and developmental considerations (ford, ). conceputalizing competence as discussed, there are a number of ways to define competence. the motivational, behavioral, behavioral effectiveness, self-evaluation, and trait definitions tend to be limited in scope. conversely, other authors equate professional competence as either an end (i.e., product) or a state-of-being (i.e., process). product. as previously identified, competence was historically viewed as a product. this perspective suggests that the outcome of an individual's performance or ability within his or her environment eventually results in the desired end in itself; that is, competence. in other words, authors often refer to competence as a product or an outcome (burrows, ; butler, ; ford, ; know & mogan, ; nagelsmith, ; scheetz, ). in the professional health literature, this perspective of competence was commonly used to identify competent nurses and students (burrows, ; jameton, ; kirkpatrick, ; oldmeadow, ; rnabc, ; salvatori, ; scheetz, ). as discussed in the five previous definitions, the product perspective of competence limits its meaning to ways of "knowing" and "doing" through the identification of behavioral criteria. on the other hand, opposing views suggest competence is more complex than merely being observable and measurable behaviors (ford, ). process. according to the literature, the determination of an individual's competence was both subjective and objective in nature. from a subjective point of view, competence as a process referred to an individual's state-of-being at any point in time for a given situation and context. each individual holds a view about his or her own competence. each individual must determine whether, at a particular moment in time, he or she was acting in a competent manner. simply put, a person's view of his or her own competence may vary both in the way he or she sees him or herself and in the way others perceive him or her (slunt, ). to be competent, personal knowing about one's self was necessary. a component of personal knowing was reflection. reflection included recognizing one's learning needs, determining the actions necessary to enhance one's abilities, and gaining meaning from experiences. according to slunt ( ), personal knowing inevitably leads to competence. in this context, competence was an evolving process of growth and development influenced by interactions with the self (i.e., internal circumstances) and the environment (i.e., external circumstances) (cohen, ; slunt). in addition, to fully understand one's self, an individual must be motivated, energetic, and dedicated to lifelong learning (roach, ). according to the process perspective, competence was viewed as a goal to be achieved and never an end in and of itself. in this evolving process, anxiety and tension as well as plateaus of comfort and a sense of empowerment are found. in sum, the state-of-being meaning of competence includes both the knowledge and the skill for competent performance and the attempt to understand one's self and others (slunt, ). summary in most cases, competence was defined in the literature as an achievement; that is, the attainment of personally or socially desired outcomes in some set of relevant contexts. nearly all authors placed the responsibility for attaining and maintaining competence on the individuals themselves. there was the view that one must do something to be competent. in this stance, competence refers to an end in and of itself (i.e., product). conversely, a select number of authors recognized competence as a human activity that evolves with time and is relative to various situational and contextual events. this latter perspective infers that competence depends on external factors beyond an individual's control and is, to some degree, situation specific and contextually determined (jameton, ). in the next section, the attributes, antecedents, and consequences identified in this literature will be presented as they pertain to clinical teacher competence. defining attributes defining attributes of a concept are abstract and universal characteristics that appear over time and are frequently associated with the concept (walker & avant, ). in the literature review, the attributes of competence were dependent upon the context in which the word was used. all definitions and conceptualizations of competence were valid and useful for examining the attributes of clinical teacher competence. the defining attributes are: . an actual, or potential, state of or ability to integrate and apply a blend of attributes identified in the cognitive (knowledge) domain, psychomotor (skills) domain, and affective (values) domain (appendix a) as required in the professional role. . an evolving process of continual development. this means a person will continue to develop to suit various contexts. . an ability to deal with one's surroundings which are influenced by personal (internal) circumstances and environmental (external) circumstances. • internal factors (e.g., self perceptions, beliefs, values, and expectations) • external factors (e.g., demands or situational characteristics such as time, place, persons, and history) . an ability to learn and to gain meaning from one's experiences through critical thinking, problem-solving, and reflection. inherent in this attribute is an openness to learning, an attitude of inquiry, a willingness to improve, and an ability to gain insight. . motivation, interest, energy, and commitment. . enduring feelings of anxiety and tension, comfort, and a sense of empowerment. in short, competence is the actual, or potential, state of and ability to integrate and apply a blend of attributes identified in the cognitive, psychomotor, and affective domains through an evolving process. this process requires an individual to gain meaning from his or her experiences. motivation, interest, energy, and commitment are required to help an individual deal with the internal and external factors that influence his or her state-of-being competent. furthermore, competence is not a constant state. rather, feelings fluctuate between anxiety and tension, comfort, and a sense of empowerment. demonstration cases demonstration cases provide clarity to the defining attributes by applying them to everyday examples. application is important for determining whether the identified attributes are accurately illustrative of the concept (walker & avant, ). an example of each type of case - model, contrary, and related - will be presented. model case in this case, the descriptive attributes of competence are applied. martha is a clinical teacher who has been on the same hospital unit teaching senior nursing students for the past five years. this unit specializes in the care of people undergoing cardiovascular surgery. martha was an in-service educator and nurse on the unit before becoming a clinical teacher. martha recognizes that she has grown a great deal as a clinical teacher during this time and has reflected on her teaching. she is now confident that she is able to meet most students' needs. martha dedicates a significant amount of time to keeping current with recent literature on ways to help students learn. when asked how she has changed since she began teaching, martha states, "i think i am much better at making decisions about evaluating students' performances. i believe teachers at different phases in their careers are competent in different ways. when i was a younger teacher i was a different teacher." students describe martha as an energetic and highly motivated teacher who works well with both patients and students. students consistently say they learn a lot from her. specific attributes illustrated in this case include competence as an evolving process, gaining meaning from experience, demonstrating energy and motivation, and comfort with the clinical teaching role. by reading about martha's past practitioner and educator experience one would assume she has the prerequisite cognitive, psychomotor, and affective abilities necessary for clinical teaching. however, specific information is needed to determine the application and integration of martha's abilities. an expressed outcome of martha's competence is the students' comments that they have learned a great deal from her. contrary case the following contrary case exemplifies attributes that do not apply to the concept under analysis. beth has been hired on contract for one year to teach first year nursing students on a surgical floor. she has approximately years of hospital-based and administrative nursing experience; however, prior to this appointment she had no experience as a teacher. four months go by without incident. beth is observing a female student prepare a specified dose of ventolin via nebulizer. beth notices the student has calculated the wrong dose of ventolin but says nothing. the student proceeds to the client's bedside to administer the drug. after the student administered the drug beth tells the student that she has administered the wrong dose. beth, in a casual conversation to another instructor, boasts that she allowed the student to administer the wrong dosage to help the student to "learn a lesson". beth believed this was an acceptable approach to help a student learn. in this case, beth's behavior is not indicative of the defining attributes of competence. for example, beth did not apply or integrate the knowledge, skills, and attitudes necessary (e.g., medication administration and the principles of teaching-learning) to function competently as a clinical teacher. beth's unacceptable behavior prompts others to question her moral and ethical standards. why? in this case, the client was unharmed by an inaccurate dosage of ventolin. however, what would occur when beth permits students to "learn a lesson" by administering an incorrect dosage of intravenous narcotic medication? in this instance, severe medical consequences could occur. clearly, both examples of permitting an incorrect dosage administration do not reflect beth's personal nursing abilities. however, both examples do plainly demonstrate beth's use of inappropriate moral and ethical judgments, and her inability to apply the principles of teaching and learning. related case related cases illustrate examples which are related to the concept of interest; however, they do not contain all of the defining attributes (walker & avant, ). other concepts commonly associated with competence include performance, experience, expertise, effectiveness, and caring. performance. conceptual ambiguity exists between competence and performance. for example, in a review of the literature, while ( ) revealed that distinctions are rarely made between the constructs of competence and performance. according to while ( ), performance was seen as a means by which competence was demonstrated. thus, competence refers to an individuals potential. potential is what an individual knows and can do under ideal circumstances. on the other hand, performance refers to the actual behavior enacted during a real life situation (while). this view of competence and performance was often supported in the nursing literature. for example, student performance is usually measured with the intent of determining competence. moreover, professional licensing bodies often deem nurses as being competent to do a specific action within his or her role; however, what follow-up is conducted to determine how well the nurse actually performs in the real life setting? despite the merit of this view, other authors challenge while's ( ) distinction between competence and performance. for example, some authors define competence as the actual ability to apply and integrate the knowledge, skills, attitudes, values, and judgments necessary for the current situation (burrows, ; butler, ; nagelsmith, ; rnabc, ; roach, ; schwammle, ). experience. experience (e.g., nursing practice, teaching, and formal education) provides a venue for a clinical teacher to acquire, integrate, and apply the necessary knowledge, skills, and attitudes necessary for competence (benner, ; brunke, ; jameton, ; maynard, ; rnabc, ). yet, measuring experience in terms of actual time spent in practice is insufficient for identifying one's competence as a clinical teacher (benner; watson, ). rather, experience acquisition occurs when preconceived ideas and actions are challenged, refined, or rejected. thus, experience prompting higher levels of cognitive reasoning (e.g., critical thinking, problem-solving, and reflection) and self-awareness are conditions necessary for the development of competence through experience (benner; saylor, ; watson). several authors have stated that nursing practice is a necessary requirement for being able to teach in the clinical setting; however, the nursing literature fails to empirically substantiate this claim. while one anticipates that the passing of time is necessary for competence some aspects of competence may, in fact, deteriorate with experience. for example, as the skills of an individual's role become more rote and less lively he or she may continue to use the same skills. for experience to have impact on clinical teaching practice, it must reflect continuous professional development (e.g., gaining meaning from an event or situation) rather than the completion of a series of repeated activities over time (gee, ). expertise. in the literature, the development of expertise is based on an individual's ability to gain meaning from personal experiences. by experiencing a variety of situations, it was assumed, expertise will be developed. in time, expertise will contribute to the evolving process of competence (benner, ; saylor, ). in bonner's conceptualization of expertise, nurses are not categorized as either competent or incompetent. rather there are five degrees of expertise which nurses strive towards. as well, these degrees lie on a graduated continuum which includes competence. in a broad sense, benner"s continuum is conducive to the development of a clinical teacher's competence because it allows for, encourages, and explains the continual improvement in one's abilities. next, the gradient approach accounts for the variability and individuality of the participants' abilities, their professional learning needs, and various situational factors. finally, according to benner, competence is only one component of developing expertise. effectiveness. all nursing studies exploring the effectiveness of a clinical teacher are descriptive in nature and sampled various groups of nursing students and nursing faculty. specifically, the literature on this topic was extensive in two areas: (a) identifying the qualities and characteristics of effective teachers and (b) evaluating the successfulness of a clinical teacher based on these qualities (benor & leviyof, ; bergman & gaitskill, ; brown, ; knox & mogan, ; mogan & knox, ; nehring, ; oermann, ; reeve, ; sieh & bell, ; van ort, ; zimmerman & waltman, ). the characteristics of effective teachers included two elements: competence and character. this approach to determining personal and professional success was similar to covey's ( ) belief that effectiveness was achieved through a combination of strong character (e.g., integrity and maturity) and high competence. in spite of the methodological problems (e.g., no consistent research tools and small sample sizes) encountered by researchers studying clinical teacher effectiveness, two tentative conclusions were reached: (a) a clinical teacher was required to be knowledgeable about the substantive area of nursing practice in which he or she teaches and (b) a clinical teacher must exhibit competence as a clinician (oermann, ). once again, this research acknowledges the importance of a clinical teacher exhibiting competence in nursing practice. it does not, however, recognize the importance of being a competent teacher. in addition, this research fails to acknowledge the process, or processes, by which a clinical teacher becomes competent. caring. in the nursing literature a connection has been made between competence and caring (cohen, ; girot, ; halldorsdottir, ; paterson & crawford, ; roach, ; slunt, ). professional caring behaviors in nursing were explicitly manifested through such attributes as compassion, competence, confidence, conscience, and commitment (roach, ). from this perspective, demonstrating one's nursing competence is shown through professional caring (halldorsdottir; roach; slunt). paterson and crawford's research findings further supported the view that caring is the context in which competence exists. to be competent in a humane fashion individuals must demonstrate a blend of compassion and competence (roach). based upon this body of literature, one can conclude that teacher competence is an element of professional caring. furthermore, a caring environment is conducive to the development and maintenance of competence as a clinical teacher. antecedents antecedents are consistent predecessors to the occurrence of the concept. several antecedents for competence were identified in the literature review: . acquisition of abilities within the cognitive (knowledge), psychomotor (skills), and affective (values) domains through a combination of life experiences and formal education. . expertise in the discipline of practice (e.g., nursing). . cognitive ability to make judgments. . desire and perceived ability to succeed. this includes self-efficacy. . positive perceptions of one's self and an inner sense of perceived control. . self-confidence . awareness of the role requirements and expectations, including knowledge of the nature of the required task, or tasks, at hand. . ethical and moral judgment. consequences consequences are consistent events or effects succeeding an occurrence of the concept (walker & avant, ). several consequences resulting from competence were identified in the literature review: . the completion of desired effects resulting in successful outcomes (e.g., promotion, student learning, or fulfilling role requirements). . the achievement of a higher professional status accompanied by respect, power, and trust. . the attainment of credibility both as a teacher and as a nurse. . the request, or requests, for one's consultation by other professionals and colleagues. . the opportunity to act as a positive role model or mentor for students and colleagues. . an elevated perception of one's self-control and self-confidence. while some authors indicate these consequences arise as a result of competence, many researchers identified these consequences as either personal implications or student-related outcomes. the literature also did not address the consequences of competence in relation to the agency staff and clients, the nursing profession, or the educational institution, including other clinical teachers. empirical referents the use of empirical referents is a strategy for measuring or determining the existence of the concept (walker & avant, ). much of the literature pertaining to the use of referents to assess competence was based on the evaluation of students' performance in the health-related professions and the maintenance of competence in the nursing profession (e.g., clinical competence) (burrows, ; milligan, ; salvatori, ; scheetz, ). evaluation tools used to measure student competence have sought to determine a list of criteria (e.g., domains) which a student must meet or exceed. thus, evaluation of clinical competence was measured according to certain levels attained within the cognitive, affective, and psychomotor domains (oldmeadow, ; scheetz, ). in the search for effective clinical teaching criteria, a number of instructor rating scales were developed. included in these rating scales was a sub-component entitled clinical competence. clinical competence was also referred to as professional or nursing competence (bergman & gaitskill, ; brown, ; knox& mogan, ; nehring, ; reeve, ; van ort, ; weitzel, ). it is important to note, however, that such evaluations fail to acknowledge or measure teacher competence. in fact, these tools are often based on the students' evaluations of their teacher's effectiveness (benor & leviyof, ; brown; knox & mogan, ; mogan & knox, ; nehring). this was not to say that students can not evaluate faculty, but rather student assessments should focus on the teaching-learning process and not the teacher's clinical competence (ward-griffin & brown, ; whitman, ). another form of evaluating the competence of clinical teachers was examining the outcomes of various situations (e.g., student learning and client safety). various descriptive studies have sought to identify linkages between specific teacher behaviors and student learning outcomes (karuhije, ; krichbaum, ; kramer, polifroni & organek, ; wills, ). krichbaum identified certain teaching behaviors (e.g., asking appropriate questions; helping students organize their learning; and providing specific and timely feedback) as significant influences on cognitive learning and performance outcomes. the findings of krichbaum's study indicate that the competence of clinical teachers does affect the students' learning to some extent. however, there is inconclusive evidence to pinpoint exactly what effect a teacher's competence, or lack thereof, has on student outcomes. furthermore, while the effects of teacher competence on student learning are important, consideration must also be given to the other individuals and groups who may also be affected: the clinical agency (including both its staff and clients); the educational institution (including co-workers as other colleagues); and professional regulatory and licensing bodies. relatively new to the literature was the recognition of the important role clinical colleagues play in the evaluation process for clinical teachers (whitman, ). in an exploratory study, whitman asked clinical colleagues to identify which clinical teaching behaviors were important, observable, and measurable for evaluation purposes. a list of clinical teaching behaviors were categorized as nursing skills, interpersonal skills, and instructional skills. of these three categories, clinical colleagues were better able to observe and evaluate nursing skills and interpersonal skills than instructional skills. specifically, clinical colleagues could not observe and evaluate many instructional behaviors. in fact, only of instructional behaviors achieved consensus by clinical colleagues (whitman). wellard, rolls, and ferguson ( ) also found inadequacies with the colleagues' contributions to teachers' evaluations. while collegial evaluations of a clinical teacher appear be deficient in some respects, the colleagues' contributions to the evaluations of the teachers' nursing and interpersonal skills were beneficial. in sum, the nursing literature identified the most common forms of clinical teacher evaluations as peer evaluation, self-evaluation, student evaluation, and administration evaluation (harwood & olson, ; ward-griffin & brown, ). absent from the previous empirical referents were measures designed to assess a clinical teacher's competence as both a teacher and as a nurse. moreover, the aforementioned methods of assessing competence were primarily based on behavioral criteria. the research has failed to identify a state-of-being criteria for measuring competence. these criteria have been difficult to establish since evaluating competence from the perspective of "what one is" can be subjective and unreliable. adding to these evaluation difficulties was the isolating nature of clinical teaching. summary a brief overview of the research and anecdotal literature pertaining to competence has been presented in this section. this section has identified the defining attributes, antecedents, consequences, and empirical referents that underpin the concept of competence. demonstration cases were also used to clarify and illustrate the defining attributes relevant to clinical teacher competence. while most defining attributes are product and performance based, some conceptualizations of competence as a process were acknowledged. however, no current empirical studies have explored the process, or processes, by which clinical teachers attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence. since concepts provide the building blocks from which theories can be built, the results of this concept analysis provide directions for future research in the area of clinical teacher competence. significance of the study a review of the literature and an analysis of the concept of competence revealed that limited research has been conducted on this issue. as the roles and responsibilities of clinical teachers continue to change, the process by which clinical teachers attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence remains relevant and important in today's world. due to the practice-based nature of the nursing profession, clinical teachers have a professional obligation to students, clients, agency staff, educational institutions, and the nursing profession. clinical teachers are expected to teach students how to nurse through hands-on experience with clients. when clinical teachers are not capable of demonstrating safe and competent nursing practices they can not effectively teach students the fundamentals of the profession. this lack of nursing competence also compromises the safety of clients. to facilitate student learning clinical teachers must also be competent teachers. clinical teachers must be able to apply and integrate theoretical knowledge (e.g., learning processes and evaluation) relevant to teaching-learning theory. knowledge and insight gained from this study could be used to assist clinical teachers in maintaining the degree of competence necessary to continue their roles. the study results will provide baseline data for understanding the process, or processes, by which clinical teachers use theory to guide their professional practice in a competent manner. understanding the competence process could be used to help orient new clinical teachers and to support the ongoing development of current teachers. as well, this research could provide insight into competence as a process that is inclusive of elements of both teacher and nursing competence. finally, this study may provide valuable data to assist academic administrators with the evaluation of clinical teachers (wong & wong, ). definition of terms a list of definitions has been provided to clarify the meaning of various terms used throughout this thesis. clinical agency the clinical agency refers to the entire agency to which a clinical teacher and his or her students is assigned. the clinical agency includes the specific unit, or ward, within the agency and the health professionals employed within the agency. these health professionals are referred to as agency staff. competence this definition of competence was based upon the defining attributes section of the literature review in chapter i of this document. competence is the actual, or potential, state of and ability to integrate and apply a blend of attributes identified in the cognitive, psychomotor, and affective domains through an evolving process. this process requires an individual to gain meaning from his or her experiences. motivation, interest, energy, and commitment are required to help an individual deal with the internal and external factors that influence his or her state-of-being competent. furthermore, competence is not a constant state. rather, feelings fluctuate between anxiety and tension, comfort, and a sense of empowerment. clinical competence in the literature distinctions are made between terms such as competence and clinical competence. for the purpose of this research, clinical competence refers to a registered nurse's competence in a clinical setting. clinical teacher a clinical teacher is a registered nurse who teaches undergraduate nursing students in a wide range of practice settings. a clinical teacher is employed by an educational institution or faculty and may be referred to as a "teacher" or an "instructor". a clinical teacher is an individual who has completed, at minimum, a baccalaureate degree in nursing. clinical teaching clinical teaching is a dynamic and interactive process. it is a type of teaching that occurs in the proximity of a client (e.g., individual, family, group, community, and population) and in a variety of health-related settings. learning environment the learning environment refers to the context in which learning and clinical teaching occurs. this environment may vary depending on the clinical course and the clinical agency. however, the learning environment is not inclusive of the learning that occurs in the classroom or laboratory setting. neophyte clinical teacher a neophyte clinical teacher is an individual who is new to clinical teaching; he or she is a beginning instructor. organization of the thesis the thesis is organized into five chapters. this chapter has introduced the purpose and significance of the proposed research. also, a review of the literature pertinent to the research problem was presented according to a concept analysis framework. chapter ii includes a discussion of the research design, sample characteristics, method used to collect and analyze the data, strategies used to ensure rigor, ethical considerations, and the limitations of the study. the results of data analysis will be presented in chapter iii. selected findings of this study will be discussed in chapter iv. finally, chapter v will present a summary of the study, and will conclude with a discussion of the implications of the study for nursing. conclusion nursing is a practice-based discipline. one method for passing on the knowledge, skills, and attitudes associated with nursing is through clinical teaching. to safeguard quality nursing practice it is necessary to ensure that clinical teachers are competent. while the concepts and issues that encompass competence have been explored in research, the explicit nature of the process, or processes, of becoming a competent clinical teacher have not been explored. through a grounded theory methodology, i set out to describe the process of attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence as a clinical teacher. chapter ii: research method the qualitative approach - grounded theory the grounded theory method of research was used to generate new knowledge of the processes of attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence as clinical teachers. grounded theory is an inductive mode of research used for the generation of theoretical concepts about phenomena and the exploration of basic social processes (glaser & strauss, ). grounded theory, through a method of constant comparative analysis, seeks to generate theory from data. consequently, theory development is viewed as a continuous process of simultaneous data collection, coding, and data analysis. during this developmental process, conceptual categories and conceptual properties emerge along with tentative hypotheses (glaser & strauss). it is these conceptual categories, properties, and hypotheses that form the basis for substantive or formal theory. thus, the purpose of grounded theory is to generate theory from data derived from empirical evidence rather than to test existing theory. theory grounded in data is of particular importance because it increases the chance that theory and the empirical world will match (glaser & strauss). in this study, the primary source of data were derived from formal, unstructured, audio-taped interviews with participants. this researcher supplemented the interview data with her research notes (e.g., think notes and memos) compiled throughout the research process. included in this chapter will be an overview of the selection of participants and the sample characteristics. next, data collection procedures will prove a basis for the next step, data analysis. following a description of the analysis process, issues of rigor and limitations to the study will be presented. participant selection in grounded theory, the researcher generally chooses participant groups that will compliment the needs and nature of the study. this is achieved by applying the principles of theoretical sampling. theoretical sampling is a process through which the researcher concurrently collects, codes, and analyzes the data and then determines which data to pursue next and where to locate it (e.g., what type of participant is needed and what is the theoretical purpose). in short, theoretical sampling allows the researcher to seek out key participants based upon their potential ability to facilitate the generation of conceptual categories and their properties (glaser & strauss, ; robertson & boyle, ). with theoretical sampling, specific sampling decisions evolve throughout the entire research process (glaser & strauss). when the emerging theory requires it, theoretical sampling allows the researcher to select from the volunteers with differing characteristics (e.g., educational backgrounds, philosophical perspectives, and years of experience). both theoretical sampling and the following criteria were used to guide the researcher in the selection of participants. the participants were to be: . employed by an accredited educational institution. . currently working as a clinical teacher or had done so in the past six months. . working within the lower mainland of british columbia. . fluent in the use of the english language. . educated at or above the baccalaureate degree in nursing level. since the primary goal of grounded theory is richness of data, data collection is usually terminated when theoretical saturation occurs. generally speaking, theoretical saturation happens when no additional data are found to further develop categories and their respective properties, and no new themes evolve (glaser & strauss, ). based on the need for theoretical saturation, the emphasis of sample selection is based on the appropriateness of participants' experience and the accuracy of the data (i.e., quality) rather than the kind of evidence and the number of cases (i.e., quantity) (glaser & strauss). sample participants for this study were recruited through three nursing programs in the lower mainland of british columbia. permission was obtained from the director of these nursing programs to distribute a letter of invitation to participate (appendix b). the letters of invitation were distributed via the mailboxes of clinical teachers in the three nursing programs (appendix c). clinical teachers interested in participating were asked to contact either the researcher or the thesis supervisor. to determine the appropriateness of the potential participant, the selection criteria for the participants were reviewed and data needs were considered. once suitability was determined a mutually agreed upon meeting location was designated. during the first interview session, the research study was explained in detail, a signed consent was obtained (appendix d), and future interview times were discussed with the participants. the total sample was comprised of participants who met the stated criteria and agreed to participate in several audio-taped interviews. a description of the sample is provided in table . participants in this study ranged in chronological age, years of experience (e.g., clinical teaching and nursing), educational backgrounds, philosophical perspectives, and level of students (e.g., first year, second year, third year, and fourth year) being taught. forty-five percent of the participants were employed as clinical teachers for to years. every clinical teacher in this category had six years or less of experience as clinicians prior to commencement in clinical teaching. all participants taught in a wide range of clinical agencies and substantive areas of nursing practice with various undergraduate student groups. in teaching various undergraduate student groups, % of participants taught two or three levels of students during their careers as clinical teachers. table demographic characteristics of study participants characteristic n gender female level of education upon initial rn registration diploma in nursing baccalaureate degree in nursing current level of education master's degree in nursing master's degree in nursing in progress master's degree in education number of years practicing as a clinical teacher - years • - years • - years - years - years number of years working as a clinician prior to clinical teaching - years - years - years +years current type of nursing program employed as a clinical teacher diploma nursing program baccalaureate nursing program collaborative baccalaureate nursing program specialty nursing program note. n = data collection to describe the process of attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence as a clinical teacher, data were collected from formal, semi-structured, audio-taped interviews with participants. the goal of data collection was to gather empirical evidence that was accurate. glaser and strauss ( ) place more emphasis on the accuracy of data (i.e., quality) versus the kinds of evidence and the number of cases (i.e., quantity). interview the structure and sequence of asking questions is an important dimension of the interview (goetz & lecompte, ). for this research study, the initial interview agenda (appendix e) was semi-structured. the interview guide introduced the main themes of the interview to help participants' focus their thoughts regarding the process of attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence. the first interview with participants provided a basis for alternate and more directed interview questions for succeeding participants. the emerging categories and tentative conceptual framework provided structure for the second interview as participants were asked to clarify and validate data interpretations. probing questions were also used to attain a deeper understanding of the participants' answers. ten participants were interviewed twice for confirmation and depth of information over the course of a -month period. an additional participant was interviewed once during the middle portion of the analysis process to further verify the dimensions of the categories. each interview took approximately to minutes. before each interview, participants were informed that a break could be taken. during the interview participants were also informed they could request to discontinue audio-taping at any time. to place participants at ease with the interview process, the researcher conducted interviews at locations selected by participants (e.g., home or work). an interviewer-administered demographic questionnaire was completed at the end of the first interview (appendix f) and confirmed during the second interview. research notes research notes reflected the events of the interview as well as the personal aspects of the research process. note taking is central to the research process since it marks the beginning of preliminary analysis and theoretical discovery (spradley, ). the research notes for this study were organized as think notes and memos. the think notes were organized to include observations of (a) the events that transpired during the interview, (b) the general mood and tone of the interview, and (c) non-verbal communication of the participants. as well, think notes included personal impressions of the interview, descriptions of themes to further explore, and personal biases of the researcher (spradley). the researcher recorded (i.e., hand written or audio-taped) most of the think notes immediately following each initial interview. fewer think notes were recorded following the second interviews. ideas about the data, its interpretation, and the coded categories were elaborated upon in written or typed memos (charmaz, ). memos written by the researcher were a stepping stone between coding and writing the first draft of the analysis. ideas, hypothesis, and conceptualizations regarding the coded categories (e.g., properties and consequences) were written as memos (charmaz). these memos provided a basis for advancing the data from the empirical to the theoretical level of abstraction. this level of abstraction was necessary for the identification of the core category and the description of the basic social process reflected in the data (glaser & strauss, ). thus, the conceptual pieces to the puzzle, if you will, became clearer to the researcher through having a "discussion" with herself through memo writing. working conceptualizations of the framework depicting the process of becoming competent were also drafted in the form of memos. data analysis the goal of the data analysis is to create a vivid reconstruction of the phenomena being studied (goetz & lecompte, ). since the objectives of this research were exploratory with an emphasis on theory development, constant comparative analysis was used. this method of analysis allowed the researcher to systematically generate theory by constantly comparing the data obtained through the interview process (chenitz & swanson, ; glaser & strauss, ). according to glaser and strauss there are four stages of analysis: (a) discovering the categories, (b) integrating the categories and their properties, (c) identifying the core category and delimiting the theory; and (d) refining and writing the theory. since each stage of the analysis provided the basis for the next, the analysis required constant reflection and review of the data collected. in other words, the analysis was cyclical in nature and each phase was interconnected; several stages occurred at the same time. theory that evolved using this method both subsumes and assumes verifications and accurate descriptions (glaser & strauss). when possible, every attempt was made by the researcher to permit the theory to emerge from the data. stage : discovering the categories during the first stage, the researcher analyzed the interview data and research notes. as previously stated, data were collected from participants. the interviews were transcribed verbatim, lines numbered, and hand coded. the researcher also listened to the audio-tapes a second time while alone to refresh her memory of the interview, correct transcription errors, and add intonations. the transcripts were read and each line or paragraph was deconstructed to identify a fact or an incident. these facts and incidents were underlined. key words or phrases that represented and summarized the participants' thoughts were written either in the margin of the transcript or typed below participants' comments . from the collection of facts and incidents a pattern of themes began to emerge. codes were then developed to capture the meaning of the themes. the codes were a combination of the actual terms used by participants or terms constructed by the researcher. a working list of tentative * was developed. the researcher then returned to the initial interviews to designate codes to each fact or incident. after the interviews were coded, the researcher documented a summary of the interview. this summary sought to capture an overview of the key themes discussed by each participant during the interview. this summary was beneficial as it became a source of quick reference for the researcher in comparing the similarities and differences among each participant's respective experience. to ensure accuracy of data collection, verify its interpretation, and control personal bias, the researcher's committee members read the data generated from a portion of the interviews. furthermore, committee members validated conclusions made by the researcher. stage : integrating the categories and their properties since the theory developed through constant comparative analysis, differing categories that emerged were compared with each other with the goal of reaching theoretical saturation. to facilitate theoretical saturation of the emerging categories, variability among participants was sought during the ongoing participant selection process. as data were compared, the working list of tentative codes developed in stage one were consolidated into a list of codes (e.g., comfort level, confidence, and assessing the student). these codes represented important themes. the initial codes were reorganized into substantive categories (e.g., nursing practice, knowledge base, and evaluation process) that the researcher interpreted as pertaining to the same phenomena. the name selected for a category was more abstract than the concepts it represented. as data this means the researcher used a word processing program to type the code words/phrases into the actual transcript versus hand writing her comments. the code words/phrases were typed below the area that it referred to, key comments from participants were underiined. collection and analysis proceeded, it became clear that some categories were defining characteristics, or properties, of other categories. categorized data were compared to previous data and new incoming data. when the code did not fit in a given category, a new one was developed to represent the code. at the same time, similar properties were integrated into existing categories (glaser & strauss, ). to assist with the integration process, conjectures were tested, revised, or modified until all of the categories were linked together and relationships identified (glaser & strauss). the outcome of stage two was the identification of eight substantive categories linked together and arranged into a tentative conceptual framework that consisted of three phases. stage : identifying the core category and delimiting the theory the second interviews completed by the researcher became a means of testing the themes of both previous and new participants. specifically, participants were interviewed for a second time. in these interviews, participants were encouraged to elaborate upon and validate the themes identified in the tentative conceptual framework. as such, some participant quotes presented in the findings (chapter iii) were in response to reviewing the emerging framework. terminology in some quotes may reflect the wording of the presented framework (e.g., phase one, phase two, and phase three). nonetheless, this component of the analysis allowed the researcher to build and to modify the existing categories with the intent of formulating a theory from a smaller set of higher level concepts (glaser & strauss, ). in stage , the constant comparative method changed from comparing incident with incident to comparing the incident with the properties of the category. in other words, categories were moved to a higher level of abstraction. the eight substantive categories were refined and organized into nine major categories (e.g., dealing with anxieties, learning how to teach, and confronting learning issues). at this point, saturation of the major categories was achieved. since the nine major categories were established and linked, the next task was to reorganize the categories around a core category. the core category, also referred to as a major concept or core variable, was the category in which other categories fit and to which they all relate (glaser & strauss, ). through reflective memo writing and dialoguing with committee members the relationship of the core category to each phase crystalized; the process as a whole began to emerge. all data related to the major categories were re-examined to saturate the categories and refine the conceptual framework. the researcher identified developing self-confidence as the core category. the three-phase process was reconstructed around the identified core category. stage : refining and writing the theory during the final stage of analysis, the researcher possessed coded data, a series of research notes, and a theory (glaser & strauss, ). the goal of this stage was to devise a theory consisting of a core category around which the other major categories fit (chenitz & swanson, ). the researcher's notes provided the content to support the preliminary conclusions about the main categories (glaser & strauss). after synthesizing and reorganizing the preliminary conclusions, the researcher devised a final conceptual framework of the central phenomena, namely the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. the core variable of this process was developing self-confidence. an additional review of the categories and of each participant's interview was conducted. a description of the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher was identified and is presented in chapter iii. rigor grounded theory is a qualitative approach to exploring a social process and discovering theoretical explanations about a particular phenomenon (glaser & strauss, ). qualitative methods, such as grounded theory, can not be evaluated against conventional methods that are applicable to scientific criteria (robinson & thorne, ). sandelowski ( ) suggests four criteria of rigor by which to evaluate qualitative research: credibility, fittingness, auditability, and confirmability. in this section, a discussion regarding each criterion addresses the concerns of rigor for this study. truth value: credibility in qualitative research, credibility is similar to the conventional form of internal reliability. credibility is the main criterion by which external reviews have confidence in the truth of the findings (sandelowski, ). it attempts to measure the clarity and thoroughness of the description and interpretation of the phenomena under study (beck, ). that is, can the researcher demonstrate that the study measures what is being studied as it is defined in the study (beck; sandelowski)? to ensure credibility of this research, the systematic method of constant comparative analysis was used as a method for avoiding misinterpretation or inaccuracies of the data. specifically, the researcher checked for denseness of the data and emerging categories by posing questions along each stage of the research process and constantly comparing incoming data with previously analyzed data. throughout the entire analysis, the researcher maintained a certain level of skepticism about the emerging data and questioned herself about each set of data (e.g., what are the data descriptive of?, what category does this incident indicate?, and what is actually happening in the data?) (glaser, ). credibility was also established through participant checking and peer debnefing. participant checks involved completing a second interview with participants for the purpose of data clarification and validation of the emerging theory (glaser & strauss, ). peer debnefing was ensured by having the researcher working collaboratively with the thesis committee members (e.g., sharing data, ongoing analyses, and emerging theory). the committee members posed key questions that guided and aided the researcher in moving towards higher levels of abstraction. as stated previously, when members of the committee did not concur with the researcher's interpretations of the data, the inconsistencies were discussed until an agreement was reached. the activities involved in peer debriefing were important because it enabled the researcher to discover the processes underpinning the experiences of clinical teachers. additional techniques used to ensure credibility were: . documentation of descriptive think notes following each interview (e.g., setting, events, and behaviors of both the participants and the researcher). . documentation of memos detailing the researcher's ideas, thoughts, hunches, and potential bias about conceptual notions and research methodology. . audio-taped interviews were completed to obtain achieve accurate and precise descriptions of the clinical teachers' experiences in attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence. after transcription, the researcher listened to the taped interviews once again to check for errors or omissions. tone of voice and other non- verbal behaviors were also added to the transcripts at this time. applicability: fittingness fittingness refers to how well the research findings "fit" into a context other than the one from which they were generated. in other words, how applicable and generalizable is the data outside the study situation (beck, ; sandelowski, )? thus, fittingness provides the foundation on which comparisons can be made. in grounded theory, both comparability and translatability can be used to contribute to the overall fittingness, or external validity, of any study (glaser & strauss, ). in fact, one of the goals of grounded theory is to establish generalizations regarding applicability, explanatory, and predicatory power (glaser & strauss). three strategies were used by the researcher to ensure fittingness of the data. first, the researcher described the characteristics of participants thereby assisting others to accurately transfer the findings to other similar groups. second, the principles of theoretical sampling (glaser & strauss, ) were used to ensure that the findings were not only representative but also credible and applicable. according to sandelowski ( ), another strategy for evaluating the credibility (truthfulness) of a study is if the audience views the findings as meaningful in terms of their experiences. based on sandelowski, the third strategy for evaluating the fittingness of the emerging theory occurred when the researcher presented the preliminary findings of this study at three conferences (e.g., international, national, and provincial). to elaborate, at a national conference for nurse educators, an oral presentation of clinical nursing teacher competence was given. it was readily apparent that the audience concurred with the process of becoming competent clinical teachers by the feedback received from the delegates. then, at an international and provincial conference, preliminary findings were presented in poster format. during the viewing of the poster several external reviewers provided insightful and stimulating comments which assisted in the interpretations emerging from the data. consistency: auditability reliability is typically thought of as being synonymous with auditability. it refers to the ability of another researcher, through replication, to arrive at similar, non-contradicting conclusions to those of the original researcher. thus, another reader should be able to clearly follow the researcher's decision-making process as it pertains to the study under discussion. since there can be no validity without reliability - and hence no credibility without auditability - the techniques used to establish credibility should be sufficient for demonstrating auditability (sandelowski, ). as previously discussed, the decision-making process for this study was guided by constant comparative analysis (glaser & strauss, ). the researcher maintained documentation on the entire research process by using transcribed interviews for each participant; code and category logs; think notes, memos, category booklets; and written drafts. as previously discussed, peer debriefing with committee members aided the researcher's decision-making abilities regarding the research process (e.g., interviewing techniques, coding of data, and interpreting the categories). throughout the research process, the researcher sought the feedback of committee members regarding the clarification of categories, their properties, and the emerging conceptual framework. neutrality: confirmability the concept of confirmability is the criterion for neutrality or objectivity. due to the subjective nature of qualitative research, confirmability refers to the findings themselves and not to the subjective or objective stance of the researcher. when auditability, credibility, and applicability are established confirmability is achieved (sandelowski, ). since the primary tools of any qualitative research, such as grounded theory, are the sensory organs of the researcher, one must strive for neutrality or objectivity. this was established by having the researcher, prior to the interviews, identify her beliefs concerning the competence of nurse educators in their role as clinical teachers. furthermore, research notes (e.g., think notes and memos) were compiled throughout the research process. this provided a venue for the researcher to acknowledge and report any feelings, attitudes, or behaviors that may have influenced the research process. finally, confirmability of the research findings was achieved by having the interpretations reviewed by two members of the thesis committee. ethical considerations in this study, the researcher used various strategies to protect the human rights of all participants. ethical approval for this study was obtained from the behavioral sciences screening committee for research involving human subjects at the university of british columbia. this study was developed by following the canadian nurses association's ( ) guidelines for research and the international council of nurses ( ) ethical guidelines for nursing research. each participant was required to sign an informed consent form which explained the nature of the study; the extent and duration of his or her participation; the interview process and how the interview information was to be used; and the anticipated benefits (appendix d). upon verbal request, each participant will receive a synopsis of the research findings. confidentiality was maintained by locking the transcribed interviews, notes, and audio tapes in a cabinet separate from consent forms and code lists. this material will be destroyed five years after the completion of the study. moreover, to ensure confidentiality, additional measures were implemented, these include: . identifying information was omitted from the interview transcripts, written reports, and verbal reports. . only the researcher, the transcriber, and the thesis committee members were permitted access to the interview transcripts. . transcribed interviews and notes located on the researcher's computer hard drive were protected by password access. . to ensure anonymity in the final report and subsequent presentation of the findings, the participants are referred to as a collective whole. in rare situations where the research is required to refer to an individual participant, a code number or pseudonym will be used. limitations of the study a limitation of this study was that participants who volunteered were more likely to have definite ideas and opinions about competence while those who are uncertain or indifferent may not. since those volunteering were also more likely to be viewed as "competent" clinical teachers this may have reduced the number of participants who could speak to issues of incompetence. furthermore, the volunteer nature of the participants limits the generalizability of the study to those that were interested and willing to participate. also, those who refused to participate may have been disinterested in or had opposing beliefs about the research topic. conclusion grounded theory was used as the research methodology for investigating the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. chapter ii began with an overview of the theoretical foundations of grounded theory. the sample selection and criteria, the data collection procedure, and the stages of data analysis were outlined. a summary of the measures used to guarantee rigor were also identified by the researcher. the chapter concluded with ethical considerations and limitations of the study. chapter iii: the discovery introduction the goal of this research study was to describe the process by which clinical nursing teachers attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence. as the investigation proceeded, it became apparent that participants went through a three-phase process as they matured into self-confident and competent clinical teachers. further analysis exposed a core category of developing self-confidence that served to integrate and clarify variations in data from which further sub-categories emerged. the outcome of each of the three phases resulted in the building of various degrees of self-confidence and competence. the activities associated with "confidence building" in one phase were necessary for succeeding phases to occur. in this chapter, the outcomes of data analysis are presented. this chapter begins with a theoretical portrait of the three phases of maturing as a competent clinical teacher that evolved through grounded theory methodology. next, a description of the core category is presented with a detailed review of the three phases to follow. factors that facilitated the process will be addressed where their effect was most pronounced. participants' experiences of incompetence will complete the chapter. integrated throughout this chapter are verbatim quotations from participants. these quotes serve to illustrate and substantiate the researcher's interpretations of the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. because all of the participants in the study were female, the clinical teachers will be referred to in this report using the feminine pronouns. the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher: an overview central to the participants' descriptions of their experience were the three phases through which they passed during the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. the three phases, as depicted in figure , are: (a) dealing with "self learning needs, (b) building one's teaching style, and (c) integrating the complexities. phases of this process, illustrated as independent circular shapes, evolved as opposed to concluding or commencing in an abrupt manner. some outcomes of one phase became a prerequisite of the next phase. thus, each phase became dependent on the previous one. movement among the phases was multi-directional and multi-factorial. to best explain the process, each phase was depicted in a linear, distinct fashion; however, in actuality the phases were not mutually exclusive. variations in the process will be discussed in a later portion of this chapter. the first phase, dealing with "self learning needs, was best described as a period of adjustment as participants dealt with the transitions or changes in their current position; for example, changing from working as clinicians to employment as clinical teachers. during this phase participants focused on themselves. they dedicated the majority of their time and energy to fulfilling their learning needs rather than those of the students. as a way of addressing their learning needs, participants employed three interrelated strategies: developing abilities as a clinical teacher, gaining awareness about clinical teaching, and dealing with anxieties. according to the participants, these strategies varied according to the context of each participant. at some point in phase one, the participants needed to address their own needs and anxieties before they could progress on to phase two; this condition was essential. participants also needed to figure our what was expected of students in order to progress through the clinical course. the outcome of phase one was being able to know about and understand the clinical teacher role, an outcome that promoted higher degrees of self-confidence. phase two, building one's teaching style, was primarily a time of trial and error. as clinical teachers become self-confident with the clinical teacher role, they ventured onward by challenging old assumptions, discovering new alternatives, and subsequently building one's teaching style (e.g., methods and philosophies). in this phase, participants focused on building a repertoire of teaching activities that fostered student learning. participants used a combination of three interdependent strategies to develop their teaching style: maintaining credibility, learning how to teach, and focusing on student-centered learning. all participants, in one way or another, dedicated time towards critically appraising themselves. when reflection did not occur participants said they remained stagnant. the outcome of this phase was a variety of teaching methods which the participants had self-confidence in utilizing when a specific learning situation presented itself. self-confidence in one's teaching ability was a requirement for moving to phase three. two additional conditions needed to complete this progression were the commitment and the desire to advance the substantive area of clinical teaching. the third phase focused on integrating the complexities of clinical teaching into their practice of educators. it was at this point that participants developed a greater appreciation and understanding of how to consolidate their abilities as clinical teachers within the nchness of the learning environment. the focus of this phase was on directing energy towards the student but in a much broader context of the clinical teacher's professional nursing obligations. participants who spoke of phase three had developed enough self- confidence and competence to confront student learning issues. the outcome of phase three led to a continual development of self-confidence and competence - there was no predetermined end. as new factors were introduced to participants who were experiencing phase three, they would mobilize various strategies to maintain and enhance their self- confidence and consequently contribute to the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. in figure , each circular shape is connected by two threads. one thread is depicted as a solid line. the other thread encircles the solid line and is graphically represented as a spiraling line. the thread illustrated as a solid line represents various degrees of competence - referred to as the competence thread- attained within each of the three phases. movement along the competence thread (i.e., progression among the three-phased process of maturing as competent clinical teachers) was expedited by the presence of various facilitative factors that were identified by participants. each facilitative factor was a component of the thread illustrated as a spiraling line. collectively the facilitative factors were coined the facilitative thread. each facilitative factor did not apply to all participants and the degree of applicability of the factors to each phase also varied. participants reported various components of the facilitative thread: support, personality traits (e.g., attitude and reflective nature), continuing education, communication skills, relationships with clinical agencies, and teaching assignment. an analysis of these facilitative factors will be presented in a later portion of this chapter. specifically, a report will be given to detail where the influence of the facilitative factors was most prominent. the competence thread and facilitative thread have a interdependent relationship; the direction of movement along the competence thread was dependent on the presence of the facilitative thread. although all facilitative threads are not necessary for competence to occur, some type of facilitative factor was required. for example, some participants said that progression from phase one to two would not have occurred when they did not have collegial support. because having support lessened their anxieties about clinical teaching this was significant since a decrease in their anxiety levels allowed for the development of their self-confidence and competence as clinical teachers. conversely, lack of support hindered the process. in other words, participant progression through the phases was lengthened, stagnated, or regressed (e.g., incompetence). as participants considered the applicability of the three phases to their own experiences, they perceived they possessed various degrees of competence as well as having some experiences of incompetence. typically, participants categorized incompetence as either an overall incompetence or an occasional incompetence. at different times throughout each phase teachers are competent and incompetent in distinct ways. a synthesis of the participants' ideas of incompetence will be addressed in the final portion of this chapter. the core category: developing self-confidence the core category underpinning the entire process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher is developing self-confidence. to foster the process, and thus progress from phase one to three, participants needed to develop a significant degree of self-confidence. the initiation of the "confidence building" process began with participants making a change, either self-initiated or as a result of external pressures (e.g., curriculum changes and reassignment of teaching responsibilities). a certain degree of self-confidence was required for participants to consciously make the decision to change in the focus of their nursing career. self-confidence was increased further when the clinical teacher was successful in each phase. the participants indicated that: (a) self-confidence was necessary for competence as clinical teachers and (b) at the end of each phase clinical teachers displayed different degrees of self-confidence and competence. in other words, the two concepts, developing self-confidence and maturing as competent clinical teachers had a reciprocal, interdependent relationship. when the participants viewed themselves as competent, self- confidence was enhanced because they realized their ability to be successful as clinical teachers. feelings of pride and respect heightened participants' self-confidence; the more self-confidence developed, the easier it was to engage in activities directed towards enhancing competence. the strongest reciprocal relationship between the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers and self-confidence appeared to be during phase one. guiding frame of reference throughout the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers the importance of managing a triad of relationships emerged (figure ). participants in all phases used, in varying degrees, a frame of reference where the client's well-being was central to their competence as clinical teachers. second to the client's well-being was the degree of student learning that occurred within a given clinical context. clinical teacher student agency staff figure . triad of relationships managed by the clinical teacher. this triad of relationships was an important frame of reference for clinical teachers dealing with every day teaching situations. as participants' self-confidence and competence in the clinical teaching role developed, they were better able to manage the triad of relationships. in phase one, for example, neophyte clinical teachers were most concerned for the safety of the client (i.e., what would happen if clients were harmed by students?). as participants developed self-confidence and matured as competent clinical teachers they learned to let go and permit the student to learn. thus, in phase two, the students' learning process gained equal attention in relation to the clients' well-being. in addition, contributing to the students' learning process were activities carried out by clinical teachers to maintain positive working relationships with the agency staff. finally, in phase three, participants developed a degree of self-confidence and competence to manage complex situations that arose within the triad. in other words, all needs were met and energy was dedicated to each element of the triad as needed. this participant recalled her shift in thinking about the balance reached among the members of the triad, "in phase , still was a bedside nurse, so my priority was the patient, the staff, the unit, the students. [later], i moved into the idea of being a teacher, the students, on the unit with patients and staff'. other participants agreed with this clinical teacher. the participants came to see the students as only one variable within a larger context of clinical teaching where the needs of others (e.g., clients and agency staff) also needed to be managed. this dimension of clinical teaching, in addition to others revealed in this chapter, validated the complex nature of the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. in the following sections of this chapter, the three phases of the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers will be presented. the strategies and their consequences will also be described. the strategies used in the process of attaining competence were not necessarily exclusive to any one phase. for ease of reporting, three strategies are reported in phase one, three in phase two, and three in phase three. moreover, the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher will also be referred to as "the maturation process" and "the process of maturing". phase : dealing with " s e l f learning needs (figuring it out) phase dealing with ' s e l f learning needs \ "ocus: sett "figuring it out" knowing figure . phase one of the maturation process. at some point in time, assuming a clinical teacher position was a new experience for the nursing clinicians who participated in this study. all participants stated that they needed time to adjust to the uncertainties that accompanied the transition to their teaching position. during phase one (figure ), many participants agreed their self-confidence, pertaining to their abilities as a teacher, was at its lowest point. participants who lacked self-confidence in the new or adjusted teaching position went into what they referred to as "survival mode". while experiencing the survival mode, participants coped by focusing their energy and attention primarily on their personal learning needs rather than those of their students. one neophyte clinical teacher recalled phase one, "it was all about me. and, the student success or failure or the program, i don't recall it entering into it [sic]. simply, how was i going to survive". in addition, participants survived their new experience by relying primarily on their self-confidence as clinicians. participants' learning needs were individualistic in nature. successful resolution of participants' own learning need(s) boosted their self-confidence as clinical teachers. three strategies to address participants' learning needs included developing abilities as a clinical teacher, gaining awareness about clinical teaching, and dealing with anxieties. in phase one, support and repeated exposure to various teaching situations served as facilitative threads. to attain of certain degree of competence in phase one, the confidence building activities needed to occur before participants could shift their focus to students' learning. building confidence became an outcome of phase one and a necessary condition for the occurrence of phase two. another condition for the resolution of the first phase was participants need to figure out what was expected of students given the clinical course requirements. developing abilities as a clinical teacher developing one's abilities as a clinical teacher required participants to acquire the knowledge, skills, attitudes, and judgements associated with clinical teaching. this strategy was used by all participants who had no previous experience as clinical teachers (also referred to as neophytes) or had their teaching assignment changed (e.g., clinical agency, level of student, or substantive practice area). the experiences of participants being reassigned to a new area of teaching will be discussed in a later portion of this chapter. participants dedicated a substantial amount of time towards building their expertise in the area of nursing practice where they were assigned to teach. participants took a self- inventory to determine their learning needs. this critical evaluation included assessing their strengths and limitations regarding nursing knowledge - theoretical and practical - as it related to the clinical course and the level of student being taught. one participant's comments reflected the need that many other participants concurred with: what i would try to do when i first started teaching was know all the nice to knows, need to knows and even the don't need to knows. and then it changed, probably i accessed the people i needed, i accessed the resources i needed. clinical teachers often expressed how it seemed like they were always trying to keep one step ahead of the students. in fact, some teachers became overwhelmed with the perception that they needed to know everything. for this participant, phase one meant that it was "getting past the point of knowing that it is okay to look up something when i need to". participants engaged in various activities to develop their knowledge and self-confidence in the substantive area by orientating to the clinical agency, engaging in nursing practice, reading textbooks and periodicals, attending workshops, reviewing the course syllabus, and conversing with other clinical teachers. participants believed that the most significant factor that contributed to being a competent clinical teacher was having a solid grounding in the fundamentals of nursing practice. in phase one, clinical teachers relied on the fundamentals of nursing knowledge versus applying specific teaching and learning theory. the following two comments were typical of most participants' experiences "[in the beginning] i was certainly confident in my practice skills, and i knew my theory backwards and forwards". "i think probably at the beginning you rely...more that you are an expert nurse". in addition to participants relying on the fundamentals of nursing knowledge, dealing with their own learning needs was also grounded in their experience in nursing practice. nursing practice was identified as a prerequisite to becoming a self-confident and competent clinical teacher. many participants clearly identified that a competent clinical teacher was someone who was, first and foremost, a competent clinician. to ensure clinical competence, teachers engaged in nursing practice. engaging in nursing practice occurred prior to or during the participants' clinical teaching activities. this activity was identified by participants as serving three purposes. first, clinical competence allowed participants to build the self-confidence to succeed as clinical teachers. this belief was substantiated by the fact that nursing is a practice-based profession and as such, those who teach need to have a strong grounding in current clinical practice. second, engaging in nursing practice allowed clinical teachers to access a frame of reference by which to create learning opportunities for students and evaluate student performances. third, practice-based nursing activities contributed to participants' credibility as clinical teachers. in summary, identifying knowledge requirements and engaging in nursing practice fulfilled participants' learning needs, built expertise and credibility, and promoted self-confidence. some clinical teachers did not develop self-confidence until they learned more about clinical teaching. learning about clinical teaching was another strategy used by all participants to make sense of what was required of them as clinical teachers. gaining awareness about clinical teaching gaining awareness about clinical teaching was another strategy used in the first phase of dealing with self learning needs. many participants began clinical teaching by emulating teaching behaviors they had observed as students. as participants continued teaching they gradually figured out the meaning of the clinical course. as this discovery was made, participants then determined the specific knowledge, skill, attitudes, and judgements required of them. as a neophyte clinical teacher, one participant recalled her experiences in gaining awareness: one of the analogies i used for last semester was navigating a black hole because there is a structure of things but it's like there's nothing to find. so, your out there, you know your supposed to be teaching clinical skills, but, so okay what does that mean and how do you know what the student can do and can't do and how do you know what they've done and haven't done and so i just, it took a long time to be able to sort those things out. during the period of gaining awareness about clinical teaching, some common areas of concern to participants were adjusting to the idiosyncrasies of the role, establishing student- teacher relationships, and evaluating students' performances. adjusting to the idiosyncrasies of the role. for many participants to be successful in phase one, they needed to go through the process of challenging preconceived views they held about clinical teaching. this process was achieved through questioning one's behaviors and the experience of actually teaching. during this process, participants spent a great deal of time (a) figuring things out by themselves, (b) paying attention to cues, and (c) pondering how their actions could be altered for subsequent teaching experiences. participants noted that as neophyte clinical teachers they regimented the students experiences in the clinical setting based on what they thought the student needed most: "i have a need that you [the students] do every single psychomotor skill on this unit". clinical teachers went through a period of figuring it out to determine which clinical experiences the students needed to meet the required course objectives. one participant recalled dealing with this issue: "if they [students] are more involved with that patient and her baby in terms of supporting her breastfeeding should i haul her away to hang an iv medication... just for the experience?" neophyte clinical teachers tried to do everything, be everywhere, and do all tasks. one participant said "i just stretched myself way too thin... and then my anxiety increased and their [the students] anxiety increased.... it wasn't a very good experience for any of us actually". establishing student-teacher relationships. part of the process of figuring it out was determining how to establish relationships with students. most struggles associated with building relationships related to determining the nature of the student-teacher boundaries. this participant recalled her realization about this issue: when i first started teaching, with one group of students, it was way too social. it was actually one of the nurses on the ward that said 'you know these are not your friends.' and i thought, oh ya right.... they were getting away with murder. while the opinions on "boundary" issues varied among the participants, they did agree there was a need to base relationships on mutual respect and caring. reaching tentative conclusions about the student-teacher relationship became a means of gaining awareness about clinical teaching. additional issues associated with student-teacher boundaries were associated with incompetence. these concerns will be addressed in the latter portion of this chapter. evaluating student performance. another component of gaining awareness about clinical teaching was becoming cognizant about evaluation of student performance. during the beginning of phase one, participants were uncertain about the "hows" and "whys" of evaluation. evaluation was viewed as a task versus a process coinciding with learning. the participants' inability to evaluate students was primarily attributed to their lack of knowledge regarding the level of student and the outcomes expected of the particular clinical experience. all participants concurred with this clinical teacher's rendition of evaluating students: initially...you're kind of in a...fog...because you are evaluating and...you are not sure what you are seeing. you have a gut reaction that perhaps it is not what you should be seeing, but you are just not sure how to categorize that according to...an evaluation form. in other words, the participants believed that as neophytes they did not know enough about evaluation and thus lacked the self-confidence to trust their judgment of the students' performances. furthermore, participants expressed the need to develop insight into the level of student performance required during the clinical rotation. this step was crucial for the progression to phase two. then in phase two, the clinical teachers could determine what was expected of the students for their progression through the clinical course. another clinical teacher recalled her experience with evaluation as follows: the bottom line that i am the person who decides whether or not this person passes or fails - it's a reality. so one of the big things that i know i really went through was how do i judge people who are in nursing? how do i judge that... behavior? why do i judge that?, and how much do i understand where these judgments are coming from? to deal with these uncertainties, participants required support from other experienced clinical teachers. this support served as reinforcement for their interpretations of student behaviors. because of the unfamiliarity with evaluation, participants found dealing with borderline students to be problematic and anxiety provoking. in fact, a few participants recall avoiding these students as much as possible. in sum, all clinical teachers implemented various activities to gain an awareness of about clinical teaching which led to the beginning of an appreciation for the complexities of clinical teaching (e.g., developing student-teacher relationships and evaluation). participants who understood the roles and responsibilities associated with clinical teaching experienced a sense of comfort and self-confidence. however, to develop the degree of self-confidence needed to progress to phase two, these clinical teachers need to move beyond knowing about clinical teaching and reconcile their feelings of anxiety. in fact, participants stated that unaddressed anxieties hampered their progression into phase two. dealing with anxieties all of the participants' narratives included detailed information about the anxieties they experienced and the strategies they used to deal with these stressors. the anxieties were most evident among participants who were adjusting (a) to the clinical teacher role or (b) to a new teaching assignment (i.e., course, level of student, agency, curriculum change, or substantive area of practice). perceptions of these anxiety-producing stressors varied in both source and degree among the participants. anxieties might also have been associated with phase two or three; however, the recollection of these anxieties, as recalled by participants, were predominant in phase one. participants who recalled being a neophyte clinical teacher attributed their anxiety to the lack of awareness about the scope of clinical teaching. most of these anxieties could be classified as those relating to the environment, the teacher, and the student. a s neophyte clinical teachers, many participants were anxious about not knowing how to teach. these feelings contributing to teaching anxieties were explained by one participant as "it was really difficult to come from being an expert nurse to being a novice teacher. it was like starting all over again". other participants explained similar feelings. for example, they said "i [felt like i] needed to know everything and i... didn't so i was really nervous"; "i [wanted] to do such a good job"; "it is really hard when you have or students...you feel like you are so responsible for them"; "i was absolutely terrified that the students would kill somebody, or cause a problem or make a mistake that would reflect badly on me or more importantly harm the patient"; "my anxiety arose from not knowing how to do it [teaching]"; "the other place that... is anxiety producing is group dynamics and how to facilitate that conversation and having people feel comfortable and open and talking"; and "i didn't sleep before clinical ... wondering about what was going to happen and how could i manage it". the sources of anxiety differed for participants, therefore, each employed various strategies to cope. one common strategy used by participants to minimize, and to eventually overcome, these anxieties was to ask questions. the participants questioned their own practice decisions, they asked questions of more experienced clinical teachers, and then asked questions of students. other common strategies expressed by participants for dealing with anxieties included orientating to the clinical agency, establishing credibility, and learning to trust the students. many participants were able to resolve their trust issues once they realized the students were capable of proving safe, competent care. this realization was often achieved by the end of phase one. orientating to the clinical agency. participants agreed that spending time orientating to the clinical agency, prior to the arrival of the students, had several benefits. for many participants, orientating to the clinical agency was a means of identifying appropriate learning experiences for students and familiarizing themselves with the routines, rituals, and idiosyncrasies of agencies. what you're learning when you go, there to go to the unit, ... is to find how they do things on that unit.... to know, on this ward, this is where they write, you know this is where they hide this, this is how they want you to organize your day, ...these are the rules. just to actually get a bit of a grounding and the unwritten rules of the ward and getting to know the nurses on the unit a little bit and getting [to know] the routines. a few teachers were initially unclear as to why teachers should make contact with the agency. this participant recalled her first experience as a clinical teacher, "i mean it was sort of like 'well you have to go make contact on the ward' and its like oh okay, so like what all are we supposed to be doing out there?". in retrospect, participants became aware of other benefits of orientating to the clinical agency: (a) being perceived as clinically competent and credible as clinicians; (b) identifying key personnel; and (c) building positive working relationships with agency staff. although the exact length of time and nature of the activities associated with orientation varied among the participants the final outcome was greater self-confidence as clinical teachers. establishing credibility. participants also experienced the need to establish credibility- first, as a clinician and second, as a teacher. a fear of not being seen as credible was perceived as a hidden source of anxiety experienced by participants; however, it was essential to establishing professional working relationships with the agency staff (primarily other nurses). one participant summarized the importance of credibility, "they want to know can you [§jc] practice ... it was establishing the fact that i am a practicing nurse and that i know how to nurse". participants who sensed that the agency staff saw them as credible expressed a sense of comfort. this sense of comfort then heightened their self-confidence and competence as clinical teachers. while establishing credibility was not viewed by all participants as an essential condition to growth as a clinical teacher, they did find that it gave them "one less thing to worry about". this realization was beneficial because it allowed the participants to focus their attention on their students' learning needs. summary during the journey through phase one, clinical teachers implemented three strategies to deal with their learning needs. developing one's abilities as a clinical teacher was as important as gaining awareness about clinical teaching. the data suggested that being competent as clinicians provided the foundation by which participants could then move towards understanding the roles and responsibilities associated with clinical teaching. clinical teachers also developed a mental image of what was expected of them and students within a given clinical course. this development was a requirement necessary for the second phase. as participants became more knowledgeable of the clinical teacher role they experienced heightened self-confidence in their abilities as clinical teachers. this self-confidence was a necessary tool for helping new teachers deal with their anxieties. dealing with the anxieties associated with clinical teaching (e.g., unfamiliar clinical area, credibility, and trust) was paramount to the attainment of competence as a teacher. moreover, the threads facilitating the first phase of this process included collegial support and a consistent teaching assignment. in summary, clinical teachers described a process of developing enough self-confidence to enable them to deal with their learning needs and advance to building their teaching style. they continued through the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers by progressing to the second phase, building one's teaching style, which will be described next. phase : building one's teaching style (learning as you go) phase building one's teaching style figure . phase two of the maturation process. at the end of phase one, clinical teachers developed self-confidence in "knowing" about clinical teaching. this self-confidence was a necessary condition for building one's teaching style; that is, for "doing" clinical teaching (figure ). the most significant component of this phase was the metamorphosis that participants went through to develop their teaching style. this transition was assisted by three strategies: maintaining credibility; learning how to teach; and focusing on student-centered learning. according to the participants, a prerequisite to implementing the three strategies was the awareness about what was expected of students to progress in the clinical course. all participants used three strategies to build a repertoire of teaching methods to promote student learning and indirectly ensure client safety. thus, the driving force for participants became the students' needs - with the assumption that the clients' needs were also being met. one participant explained the difference between phase one and phase two as, "phase one is most likely about you, your movement away from ... bedside nursing to a different type of role, your competency .... phase two is about being interested in ... students and wanting their success". the three strategies that participants used in phase two enabled clinical teachers to develop their teaching style. this resulted in an increase in the clinical teachers' self-confidence. an enhanced self-confidence then promoted an environment for the continuation of the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. as well, having support and engaging in reflective thinking were facilitative threads that affected both the core category of developing self-confidence, and the characteristic of competence as clinical teachers. an additional requirement for progression to phase three was a sense of commitment and dedication to advance the substantive area of clinical teaching. maintaining credibility since the primary focus of phase two was the students, participants dedicated only a limited amount of time to maintaining the credibility they established for themselves in phase one. participants used the same techniques in phase two to maintain credibility; they continuously orientated themselves with the clinical agency, developed positive working relationships, and demonstrated their abilities as clinicians. the participants' believed that student learning was hampered when they did not maintain their clinical competence and credibility. thus, maintaining credibility became a foundation for establishing a context in which the students' learning could occur. being seen as credible also became a mechanism used by participants to foster camaraderie and develop respectful working relationships with the agency staff. these relationships with the staff are vital for me for many reasons. one is the acceptance of the students, but also because ... [of] my situation ..., i had ten students on four wards, okay, so they were on two floors, but four wards.... so i couldn't be everywhere and ... you know when you don't really know these students what do you do? ... so that building of the relationships with the staff was vital because they were the people who were there, they became my eyes and ears and my hands. the primary outcome of maintaining credibility was that it allowed participants to focus their energy on individualizing students' learning, achieving the course objectives for the clinical rotation, and ensuring quality client care. maintaining credibility also provided the foundation for achieving the other two strategies: learning how to teach and focusing on student-centered learning. participants discussed how maintaining credibility (e.g., theoretical knowledge and nursing practice) helped to create an environment to support student learning. this clinical teacher discussed the importance of nursing practice in this manner: you don't need to know every frigging policy ... or things like that, that's part of the on the job learning curve. but, if you don't know how to do an assessment and you don't know the population base, then how do you teach your student? i don't think teachers need to be experts in the, totally in the subject matter, but i think that they have to have some foundational knowledge in order to teach. participants engaged in a wide variety of activities to maintain credibility. some of these activities were reading journals, attending conferences, assisting with laboratory teaching, and engaging in nursing practice either in a clinical agency where participants were teaching students or elsewhere. these activities resulted in participants' abilities to keep current with nursing practice and teacher practice. continuing to engage in nursing practice as a means of maintaining clinical competence was seen as the most important component of maintaining credibility. maintaining credibility not only contributed to participants' abilities as clinicians (i.e., clinical competence) but also facilitated their ability to learn how to teach. stated another way, maintaining credibility allowed clinical teachers to (a) define expectations of students, (b) facilitate instructor organization, (c) modify teaching strategies (e.g., role modeling), (d) select clients, (e) create learning opportunities for students, and (f) build and maintain existing working relationships with agency staff (e.g., public relations). thus, the purpose of maintaining credibility, as identified by participants, was much broader than in phase one. credibility became a means by which participants developed self-confidence in their nursing practice and clinical teaching. being perceived as credible and self-confident helped clinical teachers to develop their teaching style and facilitate student learning. learning how to teach the second strategy, learning how to teach, was interrelated with the third strategy of focusing on student-centered learning. in order for participants to develop their own teaching style they also needed to determine the essential components of clinical teaching (e.g., understanding the student, facilitating student learning, giving feedback, and evaluating students). thus, the second strategy referred to the activities used by participants to learn how to teach while the third strategy identified the activities that clinical teachers used to promote student-centered learning. these strategies occurred simultaneously. learning to teach was primarily concerned with challenging old assumptions and discovering new alternatives. neophyte clinical teachers began teaching by emulating behaviors of clinical teachers they had as students. participants in phase one also spent a great deal of time observing and questioning other clinical teachers. with successful completion of phase one, participants developed enough self-confidence to venture towards the challenges of the second phase - to implement, test, revise, and refine their own methods of teaching. through the process of trial and error, participants adopted a series of approaches to learn how to teach; these included: evaluation and feedback (e.g., self, colleagues, students, and formal performance appraisals), reflection (e.g., introspection and review), observation (e.g., other clinical teachers and student responses), discussion (e.g., with a supportive mentor or role model), education (e.g., undergraduate and graduate studies in nursing), and examination of the research literature. one common link among these approaches was the necessity of participants to engage in some method of critical self-appraisal. regardless of the means of appraising (e.g., self-evaluation, reflection, or dialoging with others), participants needed to evaluate their abilities as clinical teachers. i think it is thinking about my experience, reflecting on my experience and learning from that, whatever that experience might be. it might be being on the ward with students looking after the patients or it could be reading something ... you can't learn from your experience ... unless you think about it and relate it to your past and your future. when "self-appraisal" did not occur, participants did not further develop their teaching style nor did they advance to the next degree of competence as clinical teachers. collegia) support during the appraisal period served to be beneficial in providing an environment to augment participants' self-confidence. continuing education was another facilitative thread mentioned by some participants as a means of learning how to teach. participants also expressed time as an essential component of learning how to teach. time simply referred to the period of time necessary for personal growth to occur. time also allowed for repeated exposure to a breadth of clinical teaching experiences. one participant identified how time influenced her awareness, "when you first start teaching you think you know more than you do and it is not until you get experience you realize [what] you don't really know". not only did participants need to have exposure to various situations but they also needed to encounter successful outcomes. experiencing successful outcomes was critical because it was another means for developing self-confidence. in addition to the importance of time in developing self-confidence, the data also revealed the participants' ability to have insight into and be willing to change their behavior (i.e., reflection). this insight and willingness helped participants to continue learning from their experiences and adjust their teaching styles according to changing circumstances and variables. participants then began to develop a sense of which particular teaching strategy worked best for a given situation. this participant provided a vivid recollection of this process: time is a really big factor... you get the exposure that you need. you run into situations more often than once. you have an opportunity to see how you deal with them and you have a chance to look at an evaluation of that to see whether that was a good outcome or a not so good outcome and whether you need to improve on, change [sjc] that the next time. so that, once you have some experiences with it, it makes it a lot easier and that comes with time. although several participants in the first phase considered their behaviors to be somewhat inappropriate, it was not until the second phase that participants felt self-confident enough to address the need for change and enact on suitable methods for change. i have always reflected, but i have not always acted on that reflection and i guess that is based on your level of...feeling comfortable with yourself. yeah...when i first started teaching... i wouldn't act on it because i felt i had to know everything.... now i don't feel i have to know everything and...there is no way i can know everything and so i...will go back and re-visit that [event]. focusing on student-centered learning dealing with the components of the students' learning process coincided with the previous strategy learning to teach. although the learning process was a concern with other phases, it seemed to be a predominant theme in phase two. one clinical teacher summarized her shift in thinking while teaching students on a labor and delivery unit: i think before i was interested ... in getting the students deliveries [sic], thinking that was what they would need. what i have come to realize now is...about the process of learning and applying what you can learn in one situation. so, more the principles of learning and [how] to move it to another situation. because participants had dealt with their anxieties and uncertainties associated with phase one, they were better equipped to focus on student learning processes in phase two. participants emphasized four components of the learning process: understanding the student, facilitating student learning, giving feedback, and evaluating students. with repeated exposure to the components of the learning process, participants enhanced their abilities as clinical teachers (i.e., knowledge, skill, attitude, and judgement). second, exposure positively affected their self-confidence. third, as the participants' self-confidence increased so did their competence. being competent clinical teachers in phase two resulted in increased student learning, client safety, and fulfillment of the clinical teacher role. focusing on student learning involved knowing the student, facilitating student learning, giving feedback, and evaluating students. knowing the student. to successfully develop student-teacher relationships participants identified the need to shift their perspectives and attitudes towards students. participants in phase one confronted issues relating to student-teacher boundaries. participants in phase two further refined these boundaries; however, they also needed to understand the student from the student's perspective. participants in phase two realized that students are individuals who have unique learning needs, styles, and interests. this participant recalled her thoughts on why teachers need to understand students: at level two ... they [students] need to understand why they are doing things and take it a bit slower. they need to learn to do a good job with the hands on stuff, but i think they could take more time to make sure they know why they are doing what they are doing .... i think maybe i value the "understanding". i know that the students have taught me over the years a better notion at where they are at and how i think how they need to move to become a competent practitioner. i think i used to make some assumptions about how quickly they could pick things up and how simple things are when they are not simple at all. many participants found when they understood the students they were better able to facilitate the students' learning. participants enlisted several types of activities to gain an understanding of students (e.g., pre-clinical interviews, informal meetings with the student, observation of behaviors, and retrospection). at the end of the second phase, some participants viewed the learner first, as an individual first and second, as a student. other participants did not experience this realization until phase three. as a new clinical teacher, this participant was unsure how to manage students. she discussed how her abilities changed as her competence increased: well the way i would go into a situation, i would spend some time discussing the situation with the student. then i would review, reflect on that once i finished and i would think to myself, "oh, boy, i didn't handle those points or i didn't handle that situation very well," and part of it was ... i did not feel very competent in my abilities to handle students but i had to start somewhere to learn about them. and now when i go into a situation ... i feel more competent.... so it changed from being unsure about myself and moving into [feeling] competent. as the degree of self-confidence and competence increased so too did participants' abilities to understand individual students. one factor that facilitated the understanding of students was longer clinical rotations for a given clinical course. in other words, during longer clinical rotations, participants' gained more time to understand students and build student-teacher relationships. to further develop an understanding of students, participants talked about how trust and tolerance of students was necessary. for example, when clinical teachers did not convey some degree of trust in students' abilities they also did not provide students with adequate opportunities to become independent practitioners. simply put, participants needed to "let go" and trust students in order to facilitate learning. furthermore, clinical teachers needed to become tolerant of various student behaviors. in phase one, participants stated they often overreacted to certain student behaviors. this teacher explained, "i remember reaming out a student simply because she kept saying 'okay'." another participant found herself reacting to students negatively because she did not like some of them, "i would interact with them on ... an annoyed level, we would find a place where we disagreed and then i was as sad as they were at times ... that was silly but i think that was part of my growth and development". being patient and identifying with the students' perspectives (i.e., empathetic) became a virtue necessary for knowing individual students and a co-condition for facilitating student learning. facilitating student learning. as participants became more experienced with the intricacies of clinical teaching, they struck a balance between the students' needs and the application of the principles of teaching and learning. because clinical teachers had self-confidence in their nursing practice (i.e., clinical competence) this allowed them time to build a repertoire of teaching methods which would facilitate learning in a given context (e.g., level of student). this participant recalled how her ability to facilitate student learning had changed: as a novice, just not being aware of the type of clinical experiences that i could hook the students into .... i was ... wanting to make sure they understood the right answer about... the specific thing i was asking them. whereas now i am more interested in not only the answer but also how their thought process goes. so i think it is a whole maturation that has occurred more in my ability to bring it out of them than their ability to do it. matching one's teaching style with the students' needs and course requirements became an effective means of presenting students with a variety of relevant learning opportunities. participants identified various teaching strategies used in the second phase to facilitate student learning. two examples of these strategies are patterning information and role modeling. a common teaching strategy discussed among several participants was the ability to pattern information in such as way that it was useful, understandable, and memorable to students. this was accomplished by breaking learning tasks into manageable pieces or smaller parts. the ability to simplify tasks into smaller steps was viewed by many participants as a strategy used by experienced and competent clinical teachers. this clinical teacher spoke about how she simplified tasks for students during their first clinical experience: i particularly break it down in deciding how much to give them in terms of their assignment.... i... selected the patients very carefully so that i know they can all communicate .... so it is broken down so that they only have to talk and meet the patient for the first time. and then the next time it is the hygienic care, it is the mouth care, the bath, the bed .... so, i break down what they are doing by only giving them so much and by doing very careful patient selection ... [it] requires a lot of judgement and experience on the part of the teacher. another strategy used by all clinical teachers was role modeling. clinical teachers modeled appropriate professional nursing behaviors to students. the teachers' intent was to encourage professional nursing behaviors among the students. while clinical teachers in phase one may have used role modeling, it became a more purposeful behavior in phase two and three. in phase two, participants primarily focused on yet another component of the learning process, which included student evaluation (i.e., summative and formative). giving feedback. the data revealed that participants lacking self-confidence in their abilities as clinical teachers had a tendency to be either uncomfortable in giving or incapable of providing constructive feedback to students. participants who were uncomfortable with providing feedback were more prone to focusing solely on either negative or positive behaviors. participants postulated that this inability to provide feedback was primarily due to their lack of self-confidence regarding their knowledge about how and when to give feedback. this participant explained how her abilities to give feedback changed: i went so much on my own background and training. i gave a lot more negative feedback and not enough positive, not intentionally, but... it's much easier to see where somebody goes wrong than to sit down and say okay what did they really do that was really good or positive. so, as i went on i had to learn to be more positive and to focus on the things that were really important rather than what they [the students] weren't doing. it was also difficult for clinical teachers to ascertain when the students needed feedback. this was further complicated particularly when participants were unsure about what was expected of the students. thus, the precursor to offering feedback was identifying the level of clinical expectations to be achieved and then conveying these expectations to students in a clear fashion at the beginning of the semester. participants found having strong communication skills to be an essential component in developing their abilities to offer constructive feedback and thus assist and support student learning. therefore, as participants developed professional self-confidence, their abilities to provide constructive feedback improved. usually by phase two, if not earlier, participants had enough self-confidence to provide constructive feedback. participants often followed one method for giving feedback to all students. as the participants' self-confidence and competence grew, the clinical teachers began to individualize their feedback methods to meet the needs of individual students. for example, this clinical teacher commented on what she had learned over the years in terms of giving feedback, "it is better just to give it, say it right out and get it out on the table and then work with it there. i try to be a bit careful about when i give it and how i give it, but i am always clear". a larger component of giving feedback was evaluating students in the context of achieving the course objectives. evaluating students. through trial and error, participants developed a greater sense of understanding about "how to" interpret student performance. as clinical teachers developed their abilities as evaluators, they reported being knowledgeable of and proficient with the process. participants also identified that through their lived experiences they encountered repeated exposure to a breadth of students. from these experiences they developed a mental image of acceptable student expectations given the course requirements and the level of the student group. they became self-confident in trusting their judgement for identifying, interpreting, and diagnosing student behaviors. this was something participants in phase one struggled with. it seems when i first began teaching i thought they [students] were all just great and i was doing a great job and it wasn't until i was in it longer that i realized that i was really lacking in this whole evaluative thing. i was seeing what i wanted to see rather than truly looking at them [students] with ... a more critical eye .... i was ... rubber stamping them all... unless it was very blatant i would pick it up [their lack of skill], but i let lots go by for sure. initially some participants reported being rule-bound by carefully following the evaluation guidelines as determined by the program. with experience, teachers developed ways of relying on various sources of evidence to evaluate students (e.g., assessment tools, formative evaluations at the end of each clinical day, and discussions). a common theme for participants was their ability to eventually internalize the course objectives. when this internalization occurred, evaluation became second nature to the participants. this further substantiated and reinforced their intuitive abilities to evaluate their respective students. initial intuitive reactions experienced in phase one were now enacted upon in phase two. clinical teachers were self-confident and competent enough to trust their interpretations and tentative conclusions about the students' behaviors and clinical abilities. one participant talked about her experience with intuitive feelings: you move into another phase where you know what you are seeing and you are able to pinpoint it... then, i think you move into another phase where you ... have a gut feeling that they will be able to do it [pass the course]. most of that is based on your ... intuition or your gut feeling as to what you see that student do and what you feel that their potential is. participants in phase two listened to their "gut reactions" and substantiated these feelings with ongoing observations and evaluative data. after developing self-confidence in evaluating "typical" student behaviors, participants stated that they began to initiate the development of their abilities in dealing with borderline students. summary implementing a combination of three strategies - maintaining credibility, learning how to teach, and focusing on student-centered learning - allowed participants to develop their teaching style. the first strategy, maintaining credibility, provided a foundation for which participants learn how to teach. in learning how to teach, a requirement of the participants was having the insight and willingness to critically appraise their own abilities. self-evaluation and time to experience a breadth of student learning situations allowed clinical teachers to learn how to teach and further develop self-confidence. the third strategy, focusing on student-centered learning required participants to develop a greater appreciation for students as individuals with unique needs and challenges. intertwined in the three strategies were a series of activities that directly resulted in the building of relationships with students, agency staff, and other colleagues. for some participants, the building of relationships contributed to the development of their overall teaching style. through the implementation of the three strategies - combined with time, support, communication skills, and personality traits (e.g., willingness to learn and ability to reflect) - participants developed a repertoire of teaching abilities (e.g., knowledge, skill, attitude, and judgement) which combined to develop their teaching style. subsequently, the development of one's teaching style resulted in higher degrees of self-confidence in participants' abilities as clinical teachers. this cyclical process between developing a teaching style and increasing self-confidence was necessary for clinical teachers to proceed with the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. integrating the complexities of the clinical teacher role became phase three of the maturation process. phase : integrating the complexities (putting it all together) phase integrating the complexities "putting rt all together' synthesizing figure . phase three of the maturation process. at the end of phase two, participants developed self-confidence and competence in "doing" clinical teaching. this provided a foundation for synthesizing the intricacies of clinical teaching. participants in phase three perceived competence as a continual evolution of one's "self . part of this evolution was the participants' abilities to crystallize their conceptualization of clinical teaching in a broader context (i.e., bigger picture). i know what the big picture is. i know what i want, what my end goal is and that is to have the best student and client experience possible. you know, that the student gets their best experience as well as the client has the best safe, psychological care they can and if i need to confront [sjc] or i need to do the pr [sic] in order to get it.... then, i.think that is seeing the big picture as opposed to going for gratification for , yourself in that you're the clinical teacher and you're seen as being very competent .... then, you have to look at what is the better good for all. a necessity for participants in phase three (figure ) was having this clear focus on the bigger picture of clinical teaching. participants facing the challenges of phase three described themselves as clinical teachers with a spirit of inquiry, a willingness to change and take risks, and a commitment to clinical teaching. armed with these capacities, participants dedicated time and energy to integrating the foundational components of clinical teaching in complex learning situations (e.g., variations in learning situations and learning styles, confrontational issues, and failing students). this integration of the participants' clinical teaching abilities was directed towards the greatest good for all - the students, the client, the clinical agency, and the substantive area of clinical teaching. factors that facilitated integration were identified as institutional support, effective communication skills, and involvement with additional curricular activities (e.g., curriculum development). while all participants could identify with and speak about the first two phases of this process, fewer articulated the properties of phase three. consequently, two themes emerged. first, participants identified that strategies developed previously (e.g., dealing with anxieties, sustaining credibility, and maintaining clinical competence) were an obvious and ongoing part of phase three. second, the final phase included three additional strategies: consolidating one's abilities as a clinical teacher, confronting learning issues, and dealing with professional obligations. for example, in order to facilitate student learning and preserve self-confidence, participants were cognizant of the need to sustain their credibility in the clinical agency. however, the amount of time and energy consumed by this strategy was, in comparison to phase one and two, less dominant in phase three. no longer are the routines or the idiosyncrasies of the unit a challenge to my feeling of competence because i know that i know this area, have theoretical knowledge that is current and extensive. students know that, the nurses know, ... and the head nurse knows me, not just as a clinical teacher but in a broader context. this awareness, therefore, allowed clinical teachers to spend a greater amount of time focusing on the bigger picture of clinical teaching. as the complexity of phase three increased so too did participants' inability to view the development of their competence as a linear event. as previously stated, strategies used in previous phases became interwoven components of the third phase. participants describing the process of maturing considered an endless list of strategies to be used in clinical teaching. consequently, the boundaries between phase two and three were not as distinct as the division between phases one and two or phase one and three. the outcome of phase three was a strong degree of self-confidence and competence as a clinical teacher. because participants viewed the development of competence as a process, attainment of phase three was not an arrival at competence. rather, phase three signaled continual maturation of the participants' abilities as clinical teachers. that is, participants continued to engage in lifelong learning activities that were directed toward maintenance of their competence. in addition, the context in which participants taught was never static. thus, clinical teachers needed to develop self-confidence and competence to accompany the ongoing changes experienced in phase three. consolidating one's abilities as a clinical teacher just as the participants' expertise as clinicians set the foundation for phase two, the building of one's teaching style became the foundation for phase three. the participants believed that a lack of a solid grounding in who they were as teachers (e.g., style, perspectives, philosophies) limited, if not prevented, their progression to phase three. in phase three participants used the three strategies identified in phase two; however, the strategies evolved to have more meaning attached to them. this interconnectedness between phases allowed participants to consolidate their abilities as clinical teachers so they could individualize students' learning. it doesn't mean that you are so rigid that you take away the individuality and i think that [individualizing] is the real mark of an expert teacher. when we talk about the student that is an excellent ... above average student and the good student and the student that will struggle ... [to] achieve minimal level of competence, you know within that there are lots and lots of ways to individualize the students [learning].... i think that in the case of excellent teachers they keep in mind the reason why the course outline and the [ends in] views ... is because they should have meaning for the end product. participants identified that a facilitative thread of consolidating one's abilities as a clinical teacher was having varied experiences with diverse student populations. the outcome of this strategy was a continual development of the arsenal of teaching strategies that contributed to participants' teaching style. in addition, as participants developed self-confidence in their teaching abilities, they were assertive enough to confront learning issues. these two strategies had a complementary relationship. an increase in self- confidence with participants' teaching style affirmed their self-confidence to confront learning issues. the strategy of consolidation primarily related to the participants having several realizations about teaching and learning. this realization was coined the "aha experience". the "aha experience" was categorized as the (a) perspective of learning (e.g., student and teacher) as a process rather than a product, (b) richness of the learning environment, (c) management of relationships, and (d) importance of knowing the student. through the process of putting it all together, participants conceptualized various concepts in a new way. approaches used to consolidate one's clinical teaching abilities paralleled those identified in phase two as a means of learning how to teach (e.g., evaluation, reflection, discussion, education, and examination of the research literature). learning as a process. the basic principles of teaching and learning developed by participants in phase two became the basis of refining their teaching methods to facilitate student learning. there was an "aha experience" where participants' realized that learning was viewed as a process rather than a product. one participant explained how she matured: when i first went into teaching,... because i had been at the bedside so much, ... i tended to want to get in there and do things .... i almost had to ... sit on my hands ... or, your know zip my mouth because i wanted to impart that knowledge. now, i tend to stand back and if i think that... the patient is going to get into any jeopardy or anything i will sort of step in .... so, i found that i... over the years you learn to step back more and watch and give them feedback after, if it is not putting the patient in jeopardy. similar to experiences in phase two, participants realized that they needed to give up control over the student for learning to occur. participants in phase three had a heightened sense of what were appropriate expectations of students in a given clinical course. these realizations facilitated participants' self-confidence in selecting learning experiences (i.e., clients and client situations) for students. in phase three, client selection became an integral component of the learning process. although participants in preceding phases were also concerned with client selection, the essence of this task became more apparent in phase three. participants considered an array of variables when selecting clients for the students. these variables included: individual student abilities and interests, client characteristics, course requirements, agency opportunities, and clinical teacher abilities. this participant described the variables she considered when selecting clients for senior nursing students: i am looking at numbers of individuals they care for, acuity of individuals, perhaps organization as in a variety of kinds of individuals and then i want to make sure that over the course of a rotation that they have adequate numbers of patients and numbers of skills and so on. i try to make sure if people look at what i have done that i have, as much as possible,... really had an opportunity to maximize their learning given what is available and they have all been treated equally. this quotation reflects the thoughts of many participants. in fact, many participants agreed client selection involved a balance between the course objectives, the level of students, and the students' needs while at the same time ensuring the well-being of the clients. for many participants, fostering learning also involved assisting students with "thinking" skills. assisting students with their thinking skills was one way that participants fostered the learning process. for example, more attention was allocated to discussing client issues with students to help develop skills for higher levels of thinking (e.g., problem- solving and critical thinking). in addition to the development of higher levels of thinking, a few participants in phase three had adequate self-confidence to role model and encourage students to challenge the boundaries of nursing practice. success in these activities further contributed to development of the participants' self-confidence. the context of learning as a process also applied to clinical teachers. participants realized that the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers required lifelong learning. one participant discussed her revelation on lifelong learning: "one [component] is the integration as you describe it and the other is the lifelong learning about the different teaching strategies, different environment.... we are never finished learning how to teach". the ability to engage in lifelong learning allowed for further development of self-confidence and the continuation of the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. activities of lifelong learning encompassed both changes in nursing practice and nursing education. a complementary relationship between nursing practice and teacher expertise evolved from the data. richness of the learning environment. in addition to the realizations associated with the learning process, participants experiencing phase three also developed a greater understanding of the richness of the learning environment and the factors impinging on the environment (e.g., client demographics, changes in the clinical agency, changes to health services, and political influences). these two concepts were closely related in that the environment was a means to facilitate learning. this participant elaborated on this point: as an expert teacher, you have knowledge of the concepts and the principles that you are trying to get across to the students in a very broad way. you are not orientating to unit x, you want them to be able to identify those themes, or those concepts or those [ends in] views and to transfer them across the health care perspective in a variety of different units and agencies .... i try to look at and use a variety of tools to help them assess what they need to know and help me to determine whether i am giving them the kinds of experience that will broaden their skills and abilities by the time they leave. participants with a broad perspective of clinical teaching utilized and encouraged multiple sources of learning in the clinical setting. the clinical teacher was no longer seen as the primary source of knowledge. as well, participants realized that some learning occurred regardless of the events planned by the teacher and that each student took something different away from each learning situation. knowing the student. another property of consolidating one's ability as a clinical teacher was knowing the student. the outcome of knowing the student was to facilitate the learning process by displaying empathy towards students. in addition to empathy, the ability to be considerate of and compassionate towards individual students (e.g., cultural, learning disability, and personal issues). while a similar strategy was used in phase two it was further refined in phase three. one outcome of knowing the students was the development of caring relationships between students and teachers. these relationships were based on mutual respect and trust. demonstrating caring attitudes towards students also encompassed the notion that the students' needs and interests changed with each clinical course. as a means of putting everything together, participants tried to develop a sense of who the students were as individuals. to accomplish this goal, participants concentrated on the subtle cues given by each student (e.g., overwhelmed with a clinical assignment, learning difficulties, and cultural needs). this participant shared her thoughts about students: "i think i was more concerned [in the beginning]...about finding, you know, making sure the students got the ... technical kinds of things and now i am much more interested actually in students as individuals". participants who were empathetic to students as individuals were more likely to have insight into the students' performances and behavior. i think it's easier for me to see where the students are coming from because it is so overwhelming and they are so vulnerable and it is very traumatic .... so i try to tailor my teaching to their individual, where they are and where they are coming from. in addition to the strategies used in the second phase to understand the student, participants in phase three engaged in both formal and informal activities. some clinical teachers conducted formal preclinical interviews to develop a sense of who the students were on a professional level. thus, participants thought they were better able to individualize instruction based on the personalities of each student in the larger context of the course requirements and agency opportunities. this participant recollects the purpose of preclinical interviews as follows: one thing we do in preclinical interview is find out the mode of learning that students have - her learning style. i am interested also in some of their other real life experiences, like what type of job did they have before they came into nursing and what did they do during the summer. that tells me a lot about their maturity, the amount of work they do with the public, their completion skills, their resourcefulness, their industry and their self-esteem,... there is a whole lot of other facts and also i like to know that, i just like to get to know them as a person and i think they probably appreciate that, too. additional methods of getting to know students included informal activities such as working alongside students and informal discussions. these activities also helped to build professional student-teacher relationships and role model various aspects of nursing practice. confronting learning issues the strategy of confronting learning issues emerged subtly at first. many participants described difficult issues that they encountered. these issues were often ignored in phase one but confronted in phase three. in phase one, participants were not prepared with enough information about their role and therefore, they lacked the self-confidence to deal with learning issues. in phase two, participants may have identified learning issues; however, they did not always have the self-confidence to effectively deal with them. although a few participants in phase two may of had the self-confidence to confront some learning issues, discussions of participants' abilities to deal with such issues was prominent in phase three. participants in phase three, developed enough self-confidence in their abilities as competent clinical teachers to directly express their opinions. this strategy evolved into a more assertive stance depending on the participants' experience and self- confidence as a clinical teacher. this participant recalled her "aha experience": i remember specifically when my "aha" came around it was a really bad clinical situation and after i spent about hours doing pr stuff around, it was something the students ... were blamed [for]... i remember thinking so this is what clinical teaching ... is all about... just the feeling you have competence and confidence to go after it as opposed to before where i might have skirted the issue and i felt myself incompetent in those situations. when dealing with a range of issues, participants considered what would be in the best interests of the student, the client, the agency staff, and the nursing profession. confronting learning issues required participants to advocate for all students and to fairly evaluate borderline (or failing) students. successful resolution of confrontational issues boosted participants' self-confidence. the participants' felt more self-confidence for dealing with conflict when they used assertive communication techniques with others (e.g., agency staff, students, and other clinical teachers). participants involved with classroom teaching and curriculum development stated that effective communication skills broadened their perspective of clinical teaching within the larger context of nursing education. advocating for students. central to participants' experiences with learning issues between students and other persons (e.g., clinical agency staff, clinical teachers, and clients) was the need to advocate for students. in many instances, the participants became the students' voice. participants implemented various strategies for the purpose of becoming stronger advocates for students. for example, some clinical teachers dedicated time towards establishing new and maintaining existing positive working relationships with the agency staff. the participants viewed these relationships as essential when advocating for a broad spectrum of student learning experiences. this participant recalled advocating for students: the other thing about the difficult situations is ... if you go back to the [example of] having the students in report. if you can speak to the unit manager... and relate why it is important that the students to get that experience. if you can relate it to the reality of being a nurse, most times they hear you and then and then together you can problem solve effectively. i have done that with medications, i have done that with meeting rooms, i think we have all had experiences where ... it is just easier not to have them [students] there because it is just too many people and too much chaos, but that is not going to meet the objectives that we need to meet. so how can we work around this? what can we do? what protocol can we put in place? what communication needs to occur? ... so if you are a credible nurse ... and a credible teacher you can usually facilitate that in an environment. included in this participant's description of advocating for students was her goal to facilitate learning. her rendition of advocating for students also outlines the importance of establishing and maintaining positive working relationships with agency staff with the intent of gaining the power to advocate for a broad spectrum of student learning experiences. if you ... know that you are being ... given credit for what you know by the staff and they have some regard for you, then ... it's ... much easier to advocate for the students. i feel like i am a much better advocate for the students then i was in the past. participants in phase three reported a higher degree of self-confidence and competence in their abilities as clinical teachers. to them, this meant they were better able to advocate for students. evaluating borderline students. in addition to advocating for students, participants in phase three believed they had an obligation to deal with borderline students. this participant elaborated on her professional obligation: i think there is student advocacy, i think that is so important, and yet at what point do you draw a line in the and say "i'm sorry this is not the right place for you at the right time. this is what support we can offer you to withdraw with dignity, but this is not a safe place for you to be". by the end of phase two, participants had a handle on the "know how" of evaluating student performances. furthermore, the participants believed that positive experiences in evaluating students heightened their development of self-confidence with the evaluation process. the difference for participants phase two and phase three was a further refinement of the evaluation process in phase three. participants in phase three also believed that they had become more skilled with the evaluation process, particularly with decision-making and teacher judgement. i can look much wider than ... in phase . see why this can't be ... taken lightly. i can look at the whole and their [students] functioning ... i can pull from my arsenal of my strategies and try them out to see if... there is anything that would make a difference. i have less in my arsenal in the center [phase ]. i may still make suggestions, but i have to struggle more with it and in this case, i mean it is still going to be a struggle, but the decision is clearer. as well, participants revealed that they were much more capable of immediately assessing students as borderline. this participant revealed her focus about evaluating borderline students: to diagnose it fairly quickly and to help the student have some insight into what that problem is .... because ... i can tell them what the problem is ... but if they don't see it... they are going to say, well i'll just "jump the hoops" for her. thus, participants dealing with borderline students placed more emphasis on assisting students to gain insight about their behavior (e.g., unsafe performance or inappropriate behaviors). as participants gained more experience for dealing with borderline students, they also gained more self-confidence in their skills for the "due process" of evaluation (e.g., identifying and delineating areas of concern, developing learning contract, and documenting observations) and for dealing with the appeal process. it was interesting to note that once clinical teachers informed students of borderline performance, participants' focused more on gathering evidence to support their assessment than on the process of learning. to facilitate the evaluation process, participants also used advanced communication skills to assist students in gaining insight into their borderline performance. participants in phase three continued to build their repertoire of teaching methods for giving feedback, evaluating students, and generating remedial learning activities. furthermore, participants had a greater intuitive sense of identifying whether students had the potential to succeed. as with phase two, intuition was one of many sources of evaluating students' performances. an increased self-confidence in dealing with borderline students was often accompanied with a greater understanding of the institutional conditions influencing participants' decisions to fail or not fail students. participants also believed that their ability to assign failing grades to students was facilitated by having a supportive institutional environment (e.g., chairperson or dean). dealing with professional obligations the second strategy, confronting learning issues, was interconnected to the third strategy, dealing with professional obligations. in order to effectively confront learning issues, participants also needed to have a greater sense of their obligations to the nursing profession. thus, the third strategy of professional obligations provided a frame of reference by which participants identified the need to confront learning issues. the strategy of dealing with professional obligations occurred through a variety of activities carried out by participants. the most common examples were (a) role modeling the profession to students, (b) role modeling clinical teaching, (c) supporting other clinical teachers, (d) failing students when necessary, and (e) maintaining clinical competence. most participants' obligations to the nursing professional stemmed from their desire to ensure safe and competent client care. this participant summarized her professional obligations as a clinical teacher: you have above average knowledge, you work in research, you are an innovator, your always trying to grow, you have clinical expertise, but it is not at the level of an expert nurse, there are trade offs here because you can't be doing both. on the other hand, although participants had a professional obligation to clients, their role as clinical teachers also included capitalizing on a wide range of learning experiences for students within the larger context of the course requirements. participants in phase three clearly recognized that clinical experiences contribute to nursing education. clinical practice was valued for the richness and diversity it added to the educational experience. participants believed they had an ethical and moral obligation to themselves, the students, the clients, and the nursing profession to make an ongoing commitment to maintain their clinical competence. in other words, participants expressed a conscious need to maintain their standards of nursing practice. participants experiencing phase three also demonstrated a tremendous sense of commitment to their students and to their own lifelong learning needs. this participant elaborated on her sense of commitment: it is the part of you that makes you go to the library when you would rather be going for coffee. it is that part of you that wants you to make sure that you give the best you can to your students ... in the end that is where ... you feel like you have done a really good job. and i think that's ... passion, passion making. this participant talked about time she dedicated to maintaining her nursing expertise: "it is important enough for me to do that... i have two months off during the summer and i devote a month to working and a month off ... it is just too important to me not to do if. in working with colleagues that were either new to clinical teaching or that were less experienced, participants believed that they had an obligation to support these and other clinical teachers. some participants mentioned that clinical teachers in phase three would take on mentoring responsibilities. often participants in phase three became sources of support (e.g., mentor, role model, and collegial support) to other clinical teachers experiencing a variety of phases. summary the self-confidence developed in phases one and two allowed participants to progress to phase three. in phase three, participants were integrating the complexities of the clinical teaching role. three intersecting, related strategies were used in the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. strategies from phases one and two were a presumed part of phase three along with the three other strategies being: consolidating one's abilities as a clinical teacher, confronting learning issue, and dealing with professional obligations. as participants integrated these three strategies they experienced an "aha experience". during these experiences participants came to view their role in a different light. upon entering clinical teaching, participants conceived clinical teaching as "simple". however, upon further examination of their competence as clinical teachers, they realized the complexity of clinical teaching. that is, the participants realized the necessity of integrating the complexities of clinical teaching into their daily activities as clinical teachers. the integration of the clinical teaching role was facilitated by the amount of institutional support, the utilization of advanced communication skills, and the involvement with additional curricular activities. germane to phase three was the recognition that clinical teaching competence development did not simply end at phase three. even though participants had attained a high degree of self-confidence and competence by this phase, participants continued with the maturation process as new contextual variables were introduced to their role. as new variables were introduced, participants mobilized a series of strategies to maintain and strengthen their competence. hence, the maturational process of competence was both evolutionary and cyclical in nature. facilitative threads the process of clinical teacher maturation as depicted in figure (page ), indicates that the three phases are joined together by two threads. the straight line, or competence thread, is surrounded by a spiraling line which is referred to as the facilitative thread. movement along the competence thread (i.e., movement through the process of maturing to be competent clinical teachers) was determined by the presence or absence of the facilitative thread. although only one facilitative thread is represented in the diagram, there are several facilitative factors that combined to constitute the facilitative thread. the facilitative factors were any internal or external stimuli that, when present, prompted the occurrence of a phase or strategy within the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. not all facilitative factors applied to each phase or strategy. in addition, each respective participant experienced a variety of factors depending on their individual needs. in some instances the facilitative factors were as important as the strategies corresponding to each phase. the following discussion provides examples of common facilitative factors identified by participants; the examples include: support, familiarity with clinical agencies, stable teaching assignments, knowledge and education related to teaching and learning, personal qualities, communication abilities, and curricular involvement. support some form of support was required by participants to facilitate the transition among the three phases. both the amount and type of support varied among the participants. types of support ranged from collegial group support (e.g., team meetings) to individual support (e.g., role models or mentors). regardless of the type of support needed, additional requirements that needed to be met for the support to be effective were that the support provider(s) needed to be able to (a) relate to teaching; (b) share experiences both positive and negative; (c) listen; and (d) guide, support, and advise. in addition, support was more effective if it was provided in a safe environment. the various examples of support identified by participants included being orientated by their predecessors and being provided psychological support to deal with such matters as negative student-teacher experiences. one invaluable type of support identified by participants was some form of collegial support (e.g., mentor or role model). collegial support was viewed as important because it contributed to the self-appraisal and reflection process required to accurately assess the participants' teaching abilities. in phase three, it was beneficial for clinical teachers facing difficult work situations (e.g., a student appealing a failing grade) to have institutional support. an additional source of support in all phases was that provided by the clinical agencies (e.g., cooperative agency staff). the support of these agencies demonstrated their commitment to the students' learning. familiarity with the clinical agencies being familiar with a clinical agency was also reported to promote the participants' self-confidence and competence in the clinical teacher role. for example, participants who were educated in hospital-based programs and then later taught in the same program and clinical agency expressed fewer feelings of anxiety and higher degrees of self-confidence. analogously, participants who described the most self-confidence in their abilities as clinical teachers were those who had advanced education in a specialty area of nursing and then taught in this area in an agency where they had previously practiced. in both examples, participants were familiar with the clinical agency. this familiarity included having successfully established professional relationships and demonstrated credibility. this point is significant since this familiarity further facilitated the development of self-confidence and competence. stable teaching assignments participants who described the most competence in their teaching abilities were those who had (a) a consistent teaching assignment (e.g., same level of student, same clinical agency, or same clinical course), (b) been assigned to teach a "familiar" substantive area of nursing practice, and (c) longer clinical rotations with students. several participants concurred with this participant's thoughts on the benefits of being assigned to one clinical agency for an extended period of time: i think one of the key things is being in the clinical environment for a long time period ... because once you established yourself as a teacher in that setting and build a rapport with the staff... and physicians the better our skills are because we are comfortable and the more learning there is for the student because the staff then reach out to the student. having a stable teaching environment allowed participants to focus more of their energies towards students versus themselves. furthermore, participants having consistency in their teaching assignments experienced a sense of comfort. this participant expressed her thoughts regarding the importance of being familiar with the environment, "i think you gain confidence in a variety of ways, one is by experience, familiarity with the area, familiar with the context and the content of what your teaching and the environment you're working in". thus, a comfortable environment encouraged further development of self-confidence and credibility- both factors contributed to the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. conversely, an unfamiliar environment delayed the maturation process of competence. this was not to say that clinical teachers should not be reassigned to other clinical courses. rather participants in the first and second phases needed consistency in their teaching environment while participants in the third phase were more able to cope competently with a reassignment of course. participants in the third phase were more adaptable because they had developed their teaching style to a point where they had the self-confidence and competence to handle the uncertainties associated with changes to their teaching assignment. knowledge and education participants who possessed theoretical knowledge in teaching and learning theory also reported fewer anxieties and more self-confidence. these participants believed that they progressed to phase two at a swifter pace because they did not have as many extraneous variables to deal with (in comparison to neophyte clinical teachers with no previous knowledge related to teaching and learning) when reassigned. consequently, these participants were able to direct more energy towards developing their teaching style versus dealing with their learning needs. in addition, continuing education in any phases provided important opportunities for enhancing the participants' knowledge base and providing an environment for reflection. in phase three, continuing education became an integral part of the participants' commitment to lifelong learning. personal qualities the data also revealed that participants viewed some personal qualities as helpful for progression through the maturation process. specifically, facilitative personal characteristics were cited as individuals with an outgoing personality, a sense of humor, a willingness to learn and to change, a personal desire to succeed, an ability to gain insight into their behaviors, a natural ability to reflect, an ability to challenge oneself, an attitude of commitment, and a spirit of inquiry. participants who displayed these qualities believed they experienced a less traumatic journey in developing competence, particularly in both phase two and phase three. for example, this participant described how it was necessary for her to be willing to change: [in the] second phase i would still be working on my teaching ... it would be hard for me to ... let go of my tried and true methods ... after all these years it is maybe easier for me to let go in some ways .... and to be competent yes, we do need to be willing to make change. many teachers discussed the quest for knowledge as being an important component of the process of maturing. this quest protected participants from complacency. according to one participant, complacency was detrimental to achieving higher degrees of competence: some times they [students] do test [you] and i think that for me i look at it as a way to increase my competence ... having [that] quest for knowledge. and it makes it much easier for me because i like that challenge so i can be the best that i can be .... but... they are making me develop more as a teacher and that is one thing that i have always felt is that i can always learn more [about].... a couple of times in my teaching in clinical i was quite complacent and i really got pulled up by my socks, not intentionally, by a student... i realized that i had become complacent about things and i needed to get some joy back in my teaching and delve a little deeper in my competence so that i could make it more exciting for them [students]. participants displaying the aforementioned personal qualities identified greater feelings of self-confidence and competence as clinical teachers. ability to communicate although participants' communicative abilities were facilitative in all phases, their recollection of the importance of effective communication was emphasized in phase three. in other words, participants may have indirectly alluded to the use of their communication skills during the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. however, in phase three the participants clearly recognized the significance of effective communication on all aspects of the maturation process. specifically, the use of therapeutic communication techniques was discussed in the context of the triad of relationships (figure , page ). sound communication skills were needed to build strong student-teacher relationships. it really is important. you have to be able to communicate really diplomatically with the personnel that you're working with and of course with your students. you have to ... communicate your concerns to them [students] without putting them down. in developing one's teaching style, effective communication techniques were tested as participants experimented with ways to articulate their expectations, provide feedback, and cultivate student insight. this clinical teacher summarized her thoughts on competence and student-teacher communication: i think ...it is absolutely vital, probably [in] two...or three ways. one, you have to be able to communicate clearly what... you expect of students and you need to be consistent... if you're saying one thing then what you do follows that through. i think you need to be consistent in the kind of feedback that you give students and the kind of support you give them, so there's the verbals and there's also the non-verbals and there's how you handle stressful situations .... there may appear to be less structure [to communication]... but the purpose is clear. as participants progressed through the three-phased process they developed further self- confidence and competence in their abilities to communicate effectively with students. curricular involvement some participants in phase three mentioned that it was easier to integrate the complexities of their teaching role when they were either currently or previously involved with curriculum activities (e.g., curriculum development and classroom teaching). being involved in such activities broadened participants' perspectives of nursing education, of which clinical teaching was a sub-component. at the same time, teaching in the classroom or laboratory setting reduced the theory-practice gap common to nursing education. participants had more self-confidence in their abilities to integrate the theoretical content into the clinical setting. being familiar with the theoretical content facilitated the development of their abilities as clinical teachers and thus the maturation process. summary participants identified seven external and internal environmental factors that facilitated the three phase of the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. these factors commonly provided comfort to participants in the clinical teacher role. furthermore, higher degrees of comfort fostered the development of the participants' self-confidence and competence. on the other hand, while the facilitative factors could account for some of the variations in the maturation process, additional forces appeared to influence the process. variations in the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher the previous portion of this chapter presented a sketch of the three-phased maturation process. although the process was presented in a linear context, in essence it was influenced by an endless number of variables. as new variables were added to the clinical teaching context, the phases and strategies unique to the maturation process unfolded in a unique and complex fashion. typically, clinical teachers experiencing the process for the first time did so in a similar manner; that is, all experienced the three-phased process. however, at other points in time variations in the process occurred as a result of changes brought about by external forces (e.g., delegated by supervisor and imposed curriculum or program changes). in many of these situations, participants were faced with changes to their teaching assignment (e.g., a different clinical course, level of student, clinical agency, or substantive area of nursing practice). regardless of the specific change, participants were placed in situations unfamiliar to them. in many instances, teachers could experience these variations in any phase. then, as a general rule, participants would regress to a previous phase. after experiencing a change, the participants needed some time to focus on themselves before they could focus on their students. the most common variations in the maturation process were experienced during phase two and three. in every phase, one of the main changes discussed by participants was reassignment to a new clinical agency. moving to a different clinical agency was often accompanied with teaching a new clinical course and a different level of student. when participants were in phase two (i.e., developing one's teaching style) when this change was superimposed on their teaching, they reported a regression to phase one. these participants recalled their anxieties being related to issues of clinical competence and unfamiliarity with the context. for example, this participant recalled moving around at least two or three times a year. she said, "i would be at a new agency, didn't know the people, didn't know ... the kinds of patients ... and i didn't know the students, so everything was unknown." it was common for participants re-experiencing the uncertainties of phase one to cope by relying on their self-confidence and competence in their teaching abilities. in some instances they also relied on their abilities as clinicians. thus, a complementary relationship was established between their teaching abilities and their clinical abilities. common to all participants re-experiencing phase one was their ability to adjust to the situation in a more manageable way. participants were familiar with the difficulties associated with phase one. therefore, they were able to more quickly mobilize the necessary strategies to deal with their learning needs. this participant shared her experience with changing to a new clinical agency: "it seems to go much faster and the anxiety isn't as much .... when i think ... back, i ... ended up knowing that i was ... a teacher, therefore i... knew that i had the skills that i needed ... to learn about the area". this participant's experience paralleled others who were reassigned to teach in a new area: i would have to orient myself to the new environment, both the physical and the psychological environment, but i would have a better idea of what cues to attend to, to move to the second [sic] and then adjust my teaching style based on the environment and the students. to continue to progress forward in the maturation process participants mobilized previous strategies that had been beneficial in the past. consequently, participants' self-confidence returned more quickly which then expedited the process of moving on into phase two. to summarize, the data revealed that a disruption of participants' stable teaching environment resulted in some degree of regression in the participants' self-confidence and competence. participants needed time to reapply coping strategies for various phases. the type of strategies used was dependent on the context and participants' self needs. in many instances where there was some type of change to the participants' teaching assignment, they needed time to become familiar with teaching in the new context, establish credibility, and deal with anxieties. successful resolution of the participants' learning needs boosted their self-confidence and competence as clinical teachers. this adjustment period allowed for their progression to subsequent phases. the pace at which participants progressed through the phases during a second exposure was faster in comparison to the first time they experienced this process. incompetence during the three-phased process of developing competence, participants possessed various degrees of competence as well as having some experiences of incompetence. participants described two types of incompetence: (a) occasional incompetence and (b) overall incompetence. participants described occasional incompetence as a situation that happened irregularly or infrequently. many examples of occasional incompetence were commonly related to participants' abilities to perform specific clinical skills. overall incompetence was descriptive of a clinical teachers overall abilities, or lack of. the outcome of both types of competence varied in severity. common to both types of incompetence were clinical teachers' inability to meet the conditions and outcomes of particular phases. there were also common situations or events the precipitated incompetence. some participants commented that when they were reassigned to a new area of clinical teaching (e.g., clinical course, level of student, substantive area of nursing practice, and clinical agency) they were more likely to encounter some form of incompetence. in these instances, participants were lacking in their capacities to be competent in carrying out a required activity. as well, participants who did not have a supportive environment were threatened by low levels of self-confidence which led to further incompetence. in contrast, participants who had a stable teaching assignment but experienced incompetence did so due to a lack of motivation and insight. thus, occasional competence was more often a result of external influences whereas overall incompetence was a result of internal influences. one primary difference between occasional and overall incompetence was that the latter referred to clinical teachers who demonstrated a consistent pattern of unacceptable behavior(s). this clinical teacher elaborated on the determination of incompetence: there are levels of... incompetence in a way that i would feel strongly enough to make a report to a supervisor about and i have done this. and then there are reports of incompetence where it is a, maybe a singular incident that is uncharacteristic of the person or a knowledge deficit that they are working on or maybe something they are doing. so i guess maybe the attitude around their, whatever they are doing, is really important too in their incompetence. as revealed by this participant, the second most common determinant of incompetence was the attitude held by clinical teachers. when incompetent clinical teachers demonstrated a desire, motivation, and willingness to change they were deemed worthy (by others) to receive a second chance to improve their performance. thus, a clinical teacher's incompetence was tolerated or even forgiven when he or she had a positive attitude towards learning from his or her mistakes. a main factor influencing clinical teachers' abilities to overcome incompetence was described by participants as reflection. occasional incompetence occasional incompetence was described by participants as situations where very specific types of knowledge, skill, attitude, or judgement were required in a given situation. participants dealing with an unfamiliar situation experienced feelings of uncertainty and nervousness. this participant elaborated on her feelings accompanying occasional incompetence: well i certainly have been in situations where i didn't have a clinical background and i had to rely a lot on the staff and that was very uncomfortable .... you're just... sort of nervous about, is there something i am missing here that i should know that i don't know, that's that lack of ease and lack of familiarity. most participants described situations where they experienced occasional incompetence as those instances where skills or knowledge were infrequently used and rarely seen (e.g., glucometer in labor and delivery, iv pumps, infant resuscitation, and enema administration). this clinical teacher recalled her experiences of occasional incompetence while assisting a student insert a nasogastric tube: i hadn't done that for years ... and i ... [was] reviewing the procedure and then taking all of the stuff in and then trying to do it and it was really difficult... thinking is there something i am missing here or am i doing this right or am i hurting this person ... i felt like i wasn't competent, i... wasn't confident in my competence .... you don't have that degree of comfort that assures you that at least you think you're competent... i think they are times when you think your competent and maybe your not. in the experiences of occasional incompetence, participants did not have the clinical background or self-confidence to act in a competent manner. participants that experienced this type of incompetence either realized their incompetence at the time of their actions or in hindsight when they reflected on their actions. a comment element of reported occasional incompetence was that it was related to a single incident that was uncharacteristic of participants' overall performances. overall incompetence overall incompetence was described as a state when a clinical teacher lacked most of the conditions and outcomes necessary for the progression through the three-phase maturation process. in many instances therewas some type of imbalance in their abilities as clinical teachers. in addition, their behaviors were at extreme ends of a continuum (e.g., either lackadaisical or tough). participants found it difficult to address overall incompetence because their experiences were based mainly on third party observations. participants' views about overall incompetence were grouped into four main categories: (a) lackadaisical or tough beyond reasonable expectations, (b) focusing on personal needs, (c) non-professional student-teacher relationships, and (d) not keeping current with nursing practice. although some participants did elaborate on the meaning of each category, few personal experiences of feeling or being overall incompetent were revealed. summary clinical teachers describing incompetence characterized the phenomena as either being an occasional or an overall, broader type of incompetence. incompetence was brought about by either external or internal circumstances. for example, a change in teaching assignment is an external influence while a lack of motivation is an internal influence. participants who experienced occasional incompetence had insight into the factor(s) that led to the incompetent situation. consequently, they mobilized a number of strategies to overcome their deficiency. on the other hand, clinical teachers that met the criteria as being incompetent in a broader manner seemed to lack both the motivation and the insight to overcome their deficient abilities (e.g., tough or lackadaisical attitudes and unprofessional student-teacher relationships). persons characterized as being overall incompetent did not have the capacities to fulfill the clinical teacher role, to conduct student evaluations, to build professional relationships, to facilitate learning, or to understand the students. hypothetically, this inability to progress through the process of maturing could be accompanied by low degrees of self-confidence. consequently, as the lack of self- confidence and competence intensified, the incompetent clinical teachers would conceivably stagnate or regress towards phase one. conclusion in this chapter, the study findings of clinical teachers' experiences of competence were presented. the analysis of their experiences was conceptualized as a three-phased process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. although the maturation process was viewed, to some extent, as unique to each individual, many common findings emerged from the participants' discussions of their competence. these findings contributed to an increased understanding of the overall three-phase process of becoming competent, the central focus and strategies common to each phase, and the factors that facilitate progression. these findings and their implications for nursing education and future nursing research will be discussed in the following chapter. chapter iv: discussion of the findings this research set out to explore the process of attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence as described by clinical teachers. chapter iii presented the outcomes produced by grounded theory data analysis. in this chapter, select findings of the data analysis will be discussed in relation to the literature. although issues and concepts relevant to competence have been acknowledged in the nursing literature, no empirical evidence has been published which explores the phenomena of competence in the context of clinical teaching. consequently, the following discussion will rely on research and anecdotal literature from various disciplines and interrelated topics. the conclusions that emerged from the analysis of the interview data will serve to organize a discussion of the findings: developing self-confidence, the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher, strategies specific to the phases of the maturation process, facilitative factors, and incompetence. also, throughout the chapter, reference will be made to the defining attributes, antecedents, and consequences of competence as introduced in chapter i. developing self-confidence "jas you get more comfortabce as a ccinicac teacher you fee c more comfortabce and competent inside of yourself" participant the core category that emerged from the data analysis was self-confidence. this core category depicts the basic social process by which participants develop a degree of self-confidence necessary for the progression among the phases. it was rewarding to observe how the core category, as depicted by participants, captured the meanings of their actions and interactions with others, and accounted for the variations within their behavior patterns. also, it was fascinating to discover that at the end of each phase participants described different degrees of self-confidence and competence. it appears likely then that self-confidence is an antecedent to competence and that competence is a state-of-being which exists as an evolving process. the significance of these findings will be discussed in this section. self-confidence and other related concepts the participants described self-confidence as a feeling of self-reliance and a firm belief in their personal powers. in a review of the cinahl and psychinfo databases, various authors have identified relationships among self-confidence and hardiness, self-efficacy, self-esteem, self-worth, mastery, locus of control, and a sense of coherence. regardless of the term utilized, these concepts contain a common element. that is, each concept is "associated with a sense of self derived from direct encounters with and mastery of elements in the environment" (fidler, , p. ). to be competent, individuals need to develop a sense of inner confidence that they can succeed. bandura ( ) refers to this confidence in one's ability to be successful as self-efficacy. self-efficacy is a sense of controlling one's own destiny. in this study, participants who were the most self-confident felt a greater sense of control over their environment. for example, in phase one, the development of the participants' sense of self is attributed to dealing with their own learning needs. at the end of this phase, participants developed adequate self-confidence to believe in themselves. in other words, participants believed they could be successful as clinical teachers. in each phase, the consequences of gaining the self-assurance needed to succeed is positive reinforcement for developing more self-confidence. eventually high self-confidence leads to competence. an increase in self-confidence and a greater sense of control resulted in movement through the three-phased process. in listening to participants' experiences, it was interesting to determine how their self-confidence and perceived sense of control contributed to their maturation as competent clinical teachers. second, it was fascinating to learn that teachers who had greater perceptions of self-worth and self-confidence became stronger advocates for students. third, those participants who were self-confident, had well-developed teaching styles, and who had a number of years of teaching experience were not particularly concerned with the perceptions of others. nagelsmith ( ) concludes in her literature review that "...with increased levels of competence comes a corresponding increasing sense of self-worth and empowerment" (p. ). since self-worth and self-efficacy are components of self-esteem, individuals with a higher sense of self-esteem are more apt to succeed (i.e., become competent). in this study, participants concluded that with self-confidence came a sense of self-direction, meaningfulness, and a sense of control that guided their thoughts and actions for maturing as competent clinical teachers. in sum, both the concepts of self-efficacy and self-worth are valuable for explaining the variances in self-confidence. furthermore, these findings substantiate a claim made in chapter i: self-efficacy and self-confidence are antecedents to competence. self-confidence and competence it was significant to discover that in phase one participants' believed one of the most significant factors contributing to being competent clinical teachers was having a solid grounding in the fundamentals of nursing practice. this grounding brought them a sense of comfort. participants who perceived themselves to be competent as clinicians had a basic degree of self-confidence necessary to progress through the three-phased maturation process. crandall ( ) found that outstanding clinical teachers display "confidence in their clinical competence and are comfortable with their roles as mentor and teacher" (p. ). empirical evidence by mozingo, thomas, & brooks ( ) reports that students who perceive themselves to be clinically competent reported higher levels of self-confidence. conversely, gillespie ( ) identifies that the clinical teachers' self-confidence both as teachers and as clinicians is a significant factor in competently meeting the students' learning needs. clinical teachers who lack self-confidence were limited in what they could offer students in their clinical learning experiences. this finding suggests teachers with less self-confidence are less competent in their abilities as clinical teachers (gillespie). therefore, it is reasonable to suggest that a teacher's ability and self-confidence, as a clinician and as a teacher, has a strong influence on clinical teacher competence. in other words, not every competent clinician is a competent clinical teacher. rather, competent nursing practice is an antecedent to becoming a competent clinical teacher. ironically, participants having more experience as clinicians (e.g., greater than years) appeared to have more difficulty adjusting to the clinical teacher role. it is interesting to note that quantitative research by o'shea ( ) reports a positive correlation between years of nursing practice and the amount of role strain when adjusting to the clinical teacher role (e.g., increased years of nursing practice results in increased amounts of role strain). o'shea believes that clinical teachers with many years of nursing practice may experience more role strain because they self-impose their expectations for client care on students. these expectations make it more difficult for these teachers to let go and trust the students to care for clients. similarly, some participants of the present study reported difficulty in learning to permit the students to function independently; however, the findings were not correlated to the years of nursing practice held by participants. based on the findings of the present study and other literature, clinical teachers with experience in nursing practice have more self-confidence in their abilities as clinical teachers. similarly, participants having background knowledge and experience with teaching reported higher degrees of self-confidence, comfort, and competence in the clinical teaching role. in surveying health educators, jacobs and wylie ( ) conclude that those with no background in health education showed significantly less self-confidence and competence in their teaching ability than those with some background in health education. qualitative research by o'shea ( ) concludes that teachers with less teaching experience report increased amounts of role strain. based on these findings, one could conclude that a variety of past experiences (e.g., clinical and teaching) enhances feelings of self-confidence. summary while little empirically-based research explores the direct nature of the relationship between self-confidence and clinical teacher competence, these findings confirm and add to other findings that a reciprocal and interdependent relationship exists between these two concepts. this inner assurance, or self-confidence, has value because it promotes a sense of being able to influence and master the environment of clinical teaching. when participants' sense of competence and self-worth was strong, they were able to perceive themselves as being able to cope and mature as competent clinical teachers. the participants with stronger self-confidence also expressed higher degrees of clinical teacher competence. consequently, i suggest that developing self-confidence is an antecedent to becoming competent clinical teachers. concepts such as self-worth, self-efficacy, and locus of control are interrelated with self-confidence and are therefore antecedents to competence. further quantitative studies are necessary to determine the exact relationship between these concepts. the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher this study revealed the existence of a three-phased, evolving process that clinical teachers' experience within a given situation and context. due to a paucity of literature specific to the process of maturing as a competent clinical nursing teacher comparisons will be made between the overall process described in this thesis and three areas of the literature: (a) the process of adjusting to clinical teaching, (b) the experience of teaching, and (c) the development of a supervisory role. specific strategies used within the three-phased process will be discussed after this section. one of the most noteworthy findings regarding the overall maturation process was that the participants experienced varying degrees of anxiety. at first, i was unsure of the cause of these variations. upon further exploration, the participants revealed their varying degrees of anxiety were related to their (a) self-confidence, (b) previous experiences in teaching and nursing practice, and (c) abilities to adjust to their new role. participants who were adjusting to their new role as clinical teacher described a transitional period of uncertainty. to better understand this transitional period, i reviewed the literature on models of adjustment. two models of adjustment related to the experiences of the clinical teachers in this study; they were the brooke model of adjustment (bentz & ellis, ; brooke, ) and the community college of philadelphia model of adjustment (bentz & ellis, ). both models provided information relevant to understanding the feelings many clinical teachers' experienced as they moved through the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. as previously stated, participants new to clinical teaching often experienced feelings of anxiety and uncertainty. furthermore, some participants expressed feeling a sense of loss when dealing with the transition from being an expert clinician to novice teacher. the two models of adjustment define this feeling of loss as a "transitional" feeling (bentz & ellis, ; brooke, ). this feeling results from a loss of expertise (e.g., changing areas of nursing practice from familiar to unfamiliar) and a loss of relationships from the former familiar clinical setting. with a loss of the expert nursing role, clinical teachers often experience feelings of frustration, anger, and resistance (bentz & ellis, ). hess ( ) found that psychotherapists who assume the additional role of supervising students also experience a transitional period. for supervisors, two factors that influence their adjustment to their role change were high expectations and lack of preparation for the role (e.g., education and practice related to the theoretical basis of supervision). as previously stated, those having background preparation in education were better equipped to cope with the adjustment period. in addition, according to bentz and ellis, factors that facilitate faculty recovery from a loss of self-confidence are support and orientation to the clinical agency. participants in this study also identified with the need for support and clinical orientation; however, taking time to deal with their self learning needs was viewed as a requirement to developing their teaching style. it is also interesting to note that participants teaching in a familiar area of nursing practice recalled a less traumatic transitional period. that is, they experienced fewer feelings of anxiety, higher degrees of self-confidence, and stronger perceptions of competence. these participants also progressed faster to phase two. quantitative research by o'shea ( ) concludes that teachers with less teaching experience report increased amounts of role strain when they are familiar with the substantive area. additional research in nursing education has studied role transitions and nursing students. for instance, mozingo et al. ( ) reveals that competency levels of students are affected by factors such as self-esteem, level of anxiety, and clinical and technical skill. in dealing with the transition from school to a work setting, kramer (as cited in mozingo et al.) found that many graduates with low self-esteem also felt inadequate. other research on nursing student performance found that high levels of anxiety were also associated with low self-esteem (mozingo et al.). in these cases, anxiety is shown to negatively effect the development of self-confidence and its components (e.g., self-esteem). one could assume that these findings also apply to clinical teachers. in extreme cases, anxiety may hinder the continuation in the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. in sum, empirical data from this study serves to support and strengthen the ideas proposed by bentz and ellis ( ) and vice versa. specifically, the first phase of dealing with self learning needs was described as a period of adjustment. during this time, participants dealt with the transitions or changes of adopting the clinical teacher role. models of adaptation (brooke, ; bentz & ellis) primarily resemble phase one of the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. the models are helpful for explaining the variations some teachers may encounter during the process. for example, teachers may experience variations in their feelings while progressing through the maturation process. anxiety and tension, and plateaus of comfort and a sense of empowerment are common feelings. this finding is common to the identified defining attribute of competence in chapter i. moreover, the findings from this study substantiated the claim that a defining attribute of competence is that it is an evolving process of continual development. second, this evolution is influenced by clinical teachers' abilities to deal with their surroundings. while reviewing literature related to the overall maturational process a relevant study by ferguson ( ) was discovered. ferguson's findings of the lived experience of a clinical teacher revealed a similarity to phase two's subtitle, learning as you go. ferguson's version of learning as you go documented the experiences of clinical teachers and how they evolved to achieve a firm grounding in their clinical teacher roles. similar to ferguson, this study viewed learning as you go as a necessary component of the second phase of building one's teaching style. while ferguson's study describes characteristics similar to those in phase two, the specifics of these findings lacked depth and breadth. first, ferguson focused primarily on the experiences of clinical teachers rather than their competence. second, little was written to support the participants' descriptions of the events of phase three of the maturation process. in sum, the combined evidence from this study and ferguson' study suggests that becoming competent is a process embedded in a deeper sense of being and is existential in nature. the most relevant piece of literature relating to the topic of this thesis was written by hess ( ). hess's model of supervisor development is comprised of three stages: stage a - beginning; stage b - exploration; and stage c - confirmation of supervisor identity. this model incorporates existing knowledge from the literature with anecdotal comments from hess's observations of supervisors of students in the field of psychotherapy and counselling. while the empirical basis for hess's work is not parallel to that found in this study, several commonalties exist between the stages of supervisor development and the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. of significance are the similarities between beginning supervisors and neophyte clinical teachers (e.g., dealing with role change, emulating other teacher or supervisor behaviors they observed as students, and difficulties with student evaluation). as well, both supervisors and clinical teachers experience a phase where they shift their attention from their own learning needs to those of their students. accompanying this shift in focus is the development of their teaching and supervisory abilities. hess noted that the development of supervisory abilities included learning how to evaluate and tolerate students. in this study, it was revealed that developing trust and tolerance of students was necessary for gaining an understanding of students. absent from the literature are other discussions related to the development of tolerance. two other similarities between this study and hess's study are the wording of descriptive phrases. first, while hess's ( ) model uses terminology that reflects the stages of maturation for student supervisors, this study referred to the process of competence as the process of maturing. second, in hess's final stage of supervisory development and this study's third phase of the maturation process, supervisors and teachers respectively implement strategies directed towards the consolidation of their identity. furthermore, the model development completed by hess was the only source of literature found to parallel the findings in phase three of this study's maturation process. additional similarities between these two studies are (a) the supervisors' willingness to confront evaluation issues such as inadequate student behavior, (b) the inclusion of the students' evaluations as an ongoing component of the learning process, and (c) the focus of supervision on the students' learning agenda. to conclude, hess's ( ) work is important to the findings of this study because it confirms the existence of a process for the development of one's abilities as a clinical teacher. specifically, these findings support the experiences of phase three of the maturation process. although hess did not discuss competence or self-confidence directly, the combined findings of this study and hess's work substantiated my claim that competence is an evolving process of continual development. summary the overall process of maturing as competent clinical teachers bears a strong resemblance to the models of adjustment by brooke ( ) and by bentz and ellis ( ), the model of supervisory development by hess ( ), and the lived experiences of clinical teaching by ferguson ( ). these similarities indicate that smaller components of the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers are available in the current literature; however, this study is the only source to provide empirical evidence to describe the overall three-phased process. more specifically, previous research relates more to the first and second phase of the maturation process and less to that of phase three. it is my contention, however, that clinical teacher competence can be achieved by attending to all three phases of the maturation process. strategies specific to the phases of the maturation process since there has been little nursing research about the overall process of clinical teacher competence, the literature was classified according to three specific strategies: establishing and maintaining credibility, learning how to teach through reflection, and knowing the student. by comparing and contrasting the existing literature on these strategies important agreements were found in the data; however, there were also key points of divergence to be considered. establishing and maintaining credibility ^we judge ourselves y what we jeec capabce of doing, lyhice others judge us by what we have already done. henry wadsworth longfellow as participants spoke with vigor about their experiences as competent clinical teachers, outcomes of competence were revealed. these outcomes included success, promotion opportunities, and credibility. as longfellow suggests, most external judgments of competence focus on the perceived abilities of clinical teachers and are based on their accomplishments. the same was true for the participants of this study who believed they were judged on their abilities first, as a clinician and second, as a teacher. regardless of others' perceptions about their credibility, participants stated that establishing and maintaining credibility refers not only to being up to date with current nursing practice, but also to being familiar with current teaching practice. this finding is incongruent with the current nursing literature which equates clinical teacher credibility with the ability to perform solely as a clinician (cave, ; fawcett & mcqueen, ; goorapah, ). a literature review by fawcett and mcqueen ( ) reveals that the term clinical credibility is descriptive of keeping up to date with both theory and hands-on nursing practice. crotty ( ) holds similar beliefs about the importance of updating theoretical knowledge and basic skills to retain clinical credibility. moreover, the nursing literature seeks to determine the amount and type of nursing practice necessary for clinical teachers. for example, to claim credibility, green (as cited by fawcett & mcqueen) believes clinical teachers should spend a specified amount of time in nursing practice . the rationale behind these perspectives is that being clinically up to date will ensure that the theory taught in the classroom reflects what is being performed in practice; thus remaining current is thought to lessen the theory-practice gap. in this study, credibility is more than the fulfillment of practicing for a number of years as a clinical nurse. rather, it is maintaining a blend of expertise as a clinician, a teacher, and an academic; all of these roles are necessary to uphold professional credibility. the outcomes of being perceived as credible affected the respective teachers, the agency staff, and the students. participants who believed the agency staff perceived them as credible felt a sense of comfort. this comfort heightened their self-confidence and competence as clinical teachers. being seen as credible became also a "tool" used by participants to foster camaraderie and develop respectful working relationships with the agency staff. according to kramer et al. ( ), clinical teachers who engage in nursing practice are perceived as being credible. with this established credibility, teachers receive more positive reinforcement from agency staff than non-practicing colleagues (kramer et al.). moreover, teachers perceived as credible by students tend to develop a greater connection with students (kramer et al.; gillespie, ). thus, being perceived as credible by both agency staff and students had professional implications on how clinical teachers demonstrate and maintain their competence. in this study, clinical teachers engaged in various activities throughout the three phases that allow them to gain credibility as clinical teachers. an indirect consequence of in the nursing literature this is often referred to as faculty practice or clinical practice. a dichotomy of the meaning of the term faculty practice exists. the definition of faculty practice can range from moonlighting or working per diem over and above the faculty/clinical teacher role to joint employment as a clinical teacher combined with regularly scheduled nursing practice (e.g., direct client care or clinical nurse specialist role) at a clinical agency (kramer et al., ). kramer et al., states that teaching students in the clinical setting is not faculty practice because the central focus of the clinical teacher's time is on the students rather than performing direct client care. credibility was a sense of power and greater self-assurance. similarly, kramer et al. ( ) believes that clinical teachers who are perceived as credible have a degree of social power within the system; that is, they are perceived as having sound judgment and as being effective change agents. participants in this study stated that social power allowed them to be better able to advocate for a broad range of student learning experiences. in short, with credibility, clinical teachers gain more power and a sense of prestige, which in turn promotes an environment supportive of student learning. from a professional and personal point of view, maintaining and improving clinical and teaching skills leads to affirmation of one's professional credibility as a clinical teacher. i believe that credibility is more than being up to date with current nursing practices. because of the dual role of the clinical teacher as a clinician and as a teacher, it is reasonable to conclude that clinical teachers have a professional obligation to keep abreast of the changes in nursing practice and teaching practice. unequivocally, perceived credibility positively affects the teachers personally; it also affects the agency staff and students. clinical teachers in this study establish credibility through competence and feel a sense of satisfaction from perceiving themselves as competent. while credibility was initially regarded as a consequence of competence (chapter i), activities inherent to the strategy of establishing and maintaining credibility may also be a means for attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence. thus, credibility may be a defining attribute of competence. learning how to teach through reflection most of the nursing literature presents evidence for "how to" teach rather than addressing the process of determining what and how clinical teachers learn to teach. as the success of phase one is predicated on clinical teachers' foundations in nursing practice, the ability to reflect on one's teaching allows for the development of one's teaching style. to develop one's teaching style, clinical teachers in phase two needed to engage in some method of critically appraising themselves; this self-assessment led to further skill and competence development. thus, the cognitive flexibility to reflect on unchallenged assumptions about teaching is one way in which clinical teachers learn how to teach. although several authors have written about the models of reflection and the use of reflection with students, the nursing literature does not discuss how reflection contributes to the process of becoming a competent clinical teacher. in this section, the importance of reflection in the context of competence is explored. initially, neophyte clinical teachers begin teaching by emulating behaviors they viewed as students. participants scrutinized their experiences as students to determine what behaviors they liked and disliked of their teachers. these likes and dislikes formed the framework for their teaching behaviors in phase one of the maturation process. in phase two, participants challenged old assumptions and discovered new alternatives by implementing, testing, revising, and refining their methods of teaching. the activities described by the participants' parallel schon's ( ) concepts of knowing-in-action, reflection-in-action, and reflection-on-action. knowing-in-action refers to tacit knowledge that clinicians bring to a given situation (schon, ). in this study, clinical teachers with previous teaching experience or those who had received education in teaching practices reported a smoother transition to the clinical teaching role. less time was spent focusing on the "self learning needs and teachers were better able to progress to the second phase of developing their teaching style. clinical teachers also noted the importance of knowledge in the fundamentals of nursing practice. reflection-in-action includes the activities used by clinical teachers who reflect upon what they are doing and who convey knowledge through their actions (schon, ). this type of reflection is often described as a type of knowing that can not be explained with words. when using this type of reflection, clinicians think about how to modify a given a situation without interrupting what they are doing at the time (i.e., on the spot experimentation) (schon). some participants in this study talked about the use of their intuitive actions, which were derived from years of experience, as a means for modifying a given situation while it was occurring. this type of intuitive knowledge was commonly used when participants talked about evaluating students' performance. participants in this study also described behaviors known as reflection-on-action, that is, recalling what has been previously done to see how knowing-in-action contributed to the unexpected outcome (schon, ). this type of reflection encourages a critical appraisal and the restructuring of thoughts to change the future actions of clinical teachers. for instance, in phase two, a necessary element for developing one's teaching style was the use of some method of critically appraising oneself (e.g., self-evaluation, reflection, or dialoging). when "self-appraisal" did not occur, participants did not develop their teaching style nor did they advance to the next degree of competence as clinical teachers. scanlan and chernomas ( ) suggest that reflection allows teachers, through conversing with the self, to evaluate their teaching. through such reflective practices teachers are presumed to gain a better understanding of their teaching abilities. furthermore, this insight is believed to facilitate further development of professional expertise (scanlan & chernomas). saylor ( ) proposes that reflection is necessary for self-evaluation and that self-evaluation is necessary for competence. these findings are consistent with toliver's ( ) beliefs that inductive reasoning skills such as reflection promote clinical competence. similarly, maynard ( ) reports that experience and education play an important role in competence development. participants in this study claimed that education contributed to the process of competence because it creates an environment for challenging existing assumptions about their clinical teaching practices. in conclusion, nursing practice is not enough to ensure competence as clinical teachers. competence of clinical teachers in this study was dependent upon a cognitive process of awareness and critical analysis that ends in development. a result of this cognitive process is learning in the form of affective, cognitive, and/or behavioral changes. that is, clinical teachers learn how to teach. with ongoing development in one's abilities to teach, clinical teachers progress in the process of maturing as clinical teachers. at the same time, these findings support the claim that the actual ability to learn and to gain meaning from one's experiences (e.g., critical thinking, problem-solving, and reflection) is a defining attribute of competence. reflective thinking is necessary for the attaining and maintaining of competence. knowing the student another strategy found in phases two and three of the maturation process was a clinical teacher's ability to know the student. in this study, knowing the student encompassed the process of seeking to understand and know the student outside of their immediate role as a learner. knowing the student also implies seeking to understand the student's perspective and acknowledging the student as a valued and unique individual. it was interesting to note that the participants' views on knowing the student were similar to those expressed in the literature. the literature, however, uses the terminology of knowing the patient in nursing practice (benner, ; radwin, ; tanner, benner, chesla, & gordon, ). since knowing the student is a relatively new concept, particular attention was directed towards the literature on knowing the patient. radwin's ( ) review of the research literature found that knowing the patient embodies two components: nurse's understanding of his or her clients and the individualization of client interventions. additional phenomenological research by tanner et al. ( ) indicates two similar yet distinct categories of knowing the patient: in-depth knowledge of the patient's patterns of responses and knowing the patient as a person. both notions represented some of the participants' accounts of the concept of knowing the student. in many instances, participants first needed to build their theoretical knowledge of teaching and learning as a means for better understanding their students. this finding supports the notion that theoretical knowledge forms the foundation of the tacit knowledge characteristic of competent clinical teachers (tanner et al.). knowledge gained from experience also contributes to how clinical teachers come to know their students. in this study, knowing the student as a person was one way in which clinical teachers became more involved with and concerned for students' learning. this familiarity allows the teacher to complete student evaluations by viewing the learner as a unique and distinct individual. participants who understood the students in their clinical groups were able to assume a type of advocacy which reflected empathy and caring. the actions described by participants of this study are congruent with some of paterson and crawford's ( ) indicators of caring faculty. specifically, paterson and crawford refer to faculty who know students as individuals, listen to students, and act as advocates. this suggests a relationship between being caring and being competent. paterson and crawford also explain how "few ontological definitions refer to teacher competence as an aspect of caring" (p. ). research by gillespie ( ) also concluded that teacher competence is inclusive of the teacher's ability to recognize and respond to his or her students' learning needs. the factors that influenced a teacher's ability to respond to student needs are knowing the student and the teacher's abilities, skills, and confidence as an educator and a clinician. in addition, gillespie reports mutual knowing between students and teachers is necessary for the formation of a student-teacher connection. students who experience a connection with clinical nursing teachers perceived themselves to be known as whole persons. gillespie defined knowing the students as including teacher recognition of students as a person (e.g., lives outside of school), a learner (has individual learning needs), and a nurse (e.g., has knowledge and contributes to patient care) (gillespie). knowing is currently associated with building a caring student-teacher relationship. this type of relationship has been shown to affect student learning. it is also a strategy inherent to the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher (e.g., phase two and three). this study demonstrated that clinical teachers who achieved a higher degree of self-confidence and competence did so because they engaged in activities of knowing the student. previous research and anecdotal literature on knowing reinforces the importance of the student-teacher relationships in the context of clinical teaching. new to the nursing literature is the clinical teachers' use of knowing the student as a strategy for developing their teaching style and integrating the complexities of the clinical teaching role. in short, knowing the student is inherent to the maturation process, the demonstration of competence, and may even be a defining attribute of competence. teachers who are not able to engage in caring relationships with their students may demonstrate a lack of competence. without understanding students as individuals, it is difficult to individualize the learning process and focus on student-centered learning. summary three strategies common to the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers have been discussed in detail: establishing and maintaining credibility; learning how to teach through reflection; and knowing the student. existing literature is congruent with the findings of this study; all agree that nursing practice contributes to clinical credibility. however, the participants in this study differed by identifying that clinical teachers need to keep abreast of changes and trends in nursing education. at the same time, being perceived as credible influences the means by which clinical teachers attain, demonstrate, and maintain their competence. new to the literature are discussions regarding how clinical teachers learn to teach. the existing literature and findings from this study support the premise that ongoing reflection and a spirit of inquiry is crucial for the development of a clinician's abilities and clinical teacher competence. another component of the process of maturing is the teacher's ability to know and understand the student. findings from this study correspond to studies on knowing the patient. previous research by paterson and crawford ( ) and gillespie ( ) acknowledges the significance of knowing the student as an element of caring behaviors of clinical teachers and for the development of student- teacher relationships. new to the nursing literature is the notion of knowing the student as a defining attribute of competence. facilitative factors the facilitative threads comprise factors that directly or indirectly influence the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher vis-a-vis the development of self- confidence. some of the predominant external or internal factors influencing competence are: support, consistency in the teaching assignment, and clinical background. the salient features of these factors will be reviewed. overall, the presence or absence of these factors can either facilitate or hinder a clinical teacher's ability to attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence. support participants' expressed that some form of support was necessary to facilitate the transition throughout the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. one significant finding of this study was that some neophyte clinical teachers spent a great deal of time and energy trying to figure out their clinical teacher role. a few participants expressed frustration and resentment when discussing this issue; support was not given to them in their new role. colleagues who lacked empathy (e.g., forgot what it was like to be a new teacher) and professional caring (e.g., non-supportive) left new clinical teachers to figure things out for themselves. this often resulted in the new teachers becoming isolated from others. while clinical teachers do need to figure out some elements on their own, it is important to support neophyte clinical teachers in a way that may expedite their progression to phase two. the significance of support in this study was revealed in the consequences experienced by the participants. participants receiving support felt empowered; furthermore, feeling empowered helped to develop their self-confidence and their drive to control their development as competent clinical teachers. langford, bowsher, maloney, and lillis ( ) identified some of the consequences of social support as personal competence, perceived control, positive affect, sense of stability, recognition of self-worth, and decreased anxiety. at the same time, mozingo et al. ( ) reveals the most salient factors that influence perceived competence are anxiety and social support. these findings are significant since anxiety is negatively correlated to competence while social support is positively correlated. it is reasonable to conclude that positive forms of support for clinical teachers are a factor that facilitates the process of maturing; however, support is not a consistent requirement of competence. consistent teaching assignment one unexpected finding of this study was that competence of clinical teachers was dependent on external factors beyond individual control and is, to some degree, contextually determined. lack of control of external factors bought about feelings of vulnerability. jameton ( ) reports that in a setting with support, clinical teachers may be very competent. in a context where clinical teachers are continually being reassigned without appropriate support, a lack of competence may result. the participants of this study agreed with jameton's findings. in addition, a previous discussion of the literature substantiates the claim that consistency in the teaching environment is necessary for self- confidence and competence. specific to this study, participants' perceptions of self- confidence and levels of anxiety also varied with the match between their teaching assignment and their clinical background (e.g., generalist versus specialist). white (as cited in schwammle, ) suggests personal motivation and interest prompts the desire to explore a substantive area of nursing. fidler ( ) proposes that competence in an area is more readily achieved when the topic has greater meaning to the individual (e.g., intrinsic gratification, personal pleasure, and satisfaction). thus, being motivated, interested in, and familiar with an area of concern facilitates the development of self-confidence and minimizes anxiety. bentz and ellis ( ) recommend that during a clinical teacher's initial period of adjustment he or she should remain on one unit. familiarity with an area is important because clinical teachers (including expert teachers) who are outside of their comfort zone can temporarily behave as novices (bentz and ellis). this research also reflects the participants' thoughts on being re-assigned to new clinical agencies. that is, clinical teachers experiencing the first and second phases need consistency in their teaching environment. once clinical teachers develop their teaching style and enhance their self-confidence they are better equipped to handle the uncertainties associated with changes to their teaching assignment. bentz and ellis's research on the two models of adjustment provide new insight into the variations in comfort experienced by mature clinical teachers reassigned to an unfamiliar clinical area. this finding is significant because it is important to recognize there are differing degrees of competence which are dependent upon the teachers' abilities as nurses and teachers. bentz and ellis also found that clinical teachers in unfamiliar areas utilized new practice patterns which also resulted in new teaching strategies. furthermore, these new patterns of teaching and nursing often led to the development of collaborative partnerships among faculty, agency staff, and students (bentz & ellis). based on the findings of several authors, matching clinical teachers' teaching assignments to their clinical background has some influence on their self-confidence (fidler, ; schwammle, ; wood, ). in this study, when participants are matched with an area of familiarity less time is spent focusing on their self learning needs and more time developing their teaching style. participants' abilities to deal with changes in their teaching assignments were enhanced by support. the participants' nursing background (e.g., generalist or specialist focus) also influenced their abilities to adjust. this will be elaborated upon in the following section. clinical background while the issue of nursing practice has already been discussed in the context of credibility, at this time i will discuss this study's findings on the amount of clinical expertise required of teachers in the clinical setting. specifically, the debate of "how much" and "what type" of nursing practice is necessary to be competent as clinical teachers has not been determined. participants in this study revealed two differing perspectives; one from a generalist and the other is from a specialist perspective. the participants' abilities to cope with changes in their teaching assignment were related to their nursing background as either a generalist or a specialist. participants with a generalist background believed their breadth of past experiences contributed to increasing degrees of self-confidence and competence when coping with a variety of clinical courses and clinical agencies. participants with a specialist background believed their qualifications also increased their self-confidence and competence when teaching in their specialty area. however, participants with a specialist background identified a decrease in their self-confidence and competence when reassigned to a different substantive area. both perspectives have merit. the data reveal that, for study participants, the importance lay not in whether they are a generalist or a specialist but in the participants' perceptions of their abilities as clinicians and teachers. participants with either type of background went through a process of reviewing their past experiences and mobilizing their abilities to cope in a new teaching assignment. thus, it is the participants' perceptions of self that affects the degree of self-confidence they have teaching in a new area and not their nursing background. generalists typically work in a variety of clinical settings. generalists identify that they may be limited in their abilities in certain substantive areas; however, they manage by capitalizing on the strength of their teaching abilities. specialists, on the other hand, benefit from their expert knowledge base to maximize the learning opportunities available to students. another important finding is that most participants believed that it is an unrealistic expectation to be both an "expert nurse" and "expert teacher". a few participants, who were specialists in their substantive area, thought they met the standards of being both an expert nurse and expert teacher. regardless of the specific nature of nursing practice, all participants agreed due to the practice-based nature of nursing, clinical teachers needed to maintain their competence as clinicians to demonstrate competence as clinical teachers. it is reasonable to conclude that the answer does not lie in "how much" or "what type" but rather to what degree does each clinical teacher perceive the need for a maintaining a certain degree of expertise in their nurse practice to fulfill their role obligations. summary various factors in their presence, or absence, may either facilitate or hinder the maturation process. undoubtedly, the presence of support is a positive factor that promotes the process of attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence. at the same time, having consistency in one's teaching assignment is beneficial for attaining and maintaining a certain degree of competence. clinical background adds a new dimension to the construct of competence. in chapter i, an individual's expertise in nursing practice was identified as an antecedent to competence. the findings of this study supported this claim; however, clinical teachers also need to perceive themselves as capable clinicians (e.g., generalist or specialist). this perception contributed to the attainment of competence and facilitated the maturation process. incompetence "you get the four kinds ofpeopce. t'he group who are competent who hate teaching and don't come back; the group who are competent who stay; then you get the group that are incompetent that hate it andceave... then you stutget the group that are incompetent and stay because they don't have the insight to readze they are incompetent" participant inferiority, unpreparedness, and unskillfulness are all subentries to the word incompetence (nagelsmith, ). according to mobily ( ) and poteet ( ), incompetence is often attributed to a lack of requisite skill, knowledge, or the ability to enact the assumed role. the findings of this study are parallel to the findings of mobily and poteet. for some participants, incompetence stemmed from an inability to perform certain behaviors. these behaviors were most often clinically based. for others, incompetence was a result of a lack of commitment and a lack of job satisfaction. all of the participants in this study have experienced feelings of incompetence at some time in their career. this finding is not reflective of the current nursing literature where the concept of incompetence in the context of clinical teaching is rarely acknowledged. three sources of literature useful for understanding incompetence are administrative incompetence (poteet), understanding competence in nursing students (girot, ), and uncaring behaviors of nursing faculty (hanson & smith, ). it is interesting to note participants' varied responses to the word incompetence. some participants were comfortable using the word to readily identify examples while other participants thought that the word was too harsh because it evoked a negative and hopeless connotation. participants who viewed the word in a negative manner tended to have more difficulties in articulating examples of incompetence. there was also some reluctance in labeling someone as incompetent or for reprimanding teachers for isolated mistakes. this reluctance was justified by claiming that mistakes do happen. participants in this study did not view others as incompetent when they learned from their mistakes, displayed a willingness to improve, and demonstrated insight into their behavior. the importance of having insight is supported by girot ( ) who reports that incompetent student behaviors result from a lack of insight into their behaviors. forgiving others for their mistakes, as described above, is indicative of the participants' cultural concept of responsibility. this feeling of responsibility tends to focus more on the goodness of one's intentions rather than one's ability to carry them out perfectly (jameton, ). in this study, it was common to forgive mistakes unless they were seen as a continuous pattern of unacceptable behavior. thus, the attribute determining incompetence is whether there is a consistent pattern of unacceptable behavior by a clinical teacher. poteet ( ) and huettl ( ) support the belief that behavioral patterns displayed over time are indicative of a persistent deficiency or lack of competence. furthermore, huettl states that the degree of seriousness of a single mistake also certifies incompetence. in other words, the seriousness of the actual or potential outcome of a single event may constitute incompetence (e.g., degree of harm to the client). only one participant mentioned the seriousness of an event as a determining factor of clinical teacher incompetence. another theme common to the participants' discussions of incompetence was that it was described as a product or end. for example, competence was discussed as a developmental process while overall incompetence was described as a personal attribute or an outcome. moreover, all instances of overall incompetence related to personal or internal factors whereas situational or external factors were influences contributing to occasional incompetence. participants' views on occasional incompetence implied that when a clinical teacher is maturing as a competent clinical teacher they can also experience incompetence. occasional incompetence in most instances, participants who experienced occasional incompetence stated they were deficient in an area of knowledge or skill due to some unexpected external circumstance (e.g., change in teaching assignment or unexpected event in the clinical setting). wood's ( ) description of clinical teacher accountability alludes to the effects of mismatching clinical placements for clinical teachers. however, the extent of these situational influences on clinical teacher competence has not been examined in the literature. nonetheless, it is reasonable to infer from this study that external factors are significant contributors to some incidents of incompetence. the examples of incompetence given by participants related to clinical teachers' abilities as clinicians and, in some instances, their abilities as teachers. mobily's ( ) review of the literature indicates that some clinical teachers may lack adequate formal preparation in the strategies of teaching; this may contribute to their lack of competence. as well, clinical teachers who are expert clinicians discover that competence in the practice of nursing (i.e., clinical competence) does not ensure competence in the clinical teaching of nursing (mobily). on the other hand, some may believe that only the appearance of competence is needed to survive within the institutional system. participants in this study who experienced occasional incompetence were committed to mobilizing the necessary resources to overcome this deficiency. furthermore, participants were committed to maintaining a degree of competence that was adequate for meeting students' needs and ensuring client well-being. overall, most participants had a genuine desire to demonstrate legitimate competence and not merely the illusion of competence. overall incompetence new to the literature are four descriptions of overall incompetence: (a) lackadaisical or tough beyond reasonable expectations, (b) focusing on personal needs, (c) non-professional student-teacher relationships, and (d) not keeping current with nursing practice. some elements of overall incompetence were similar to poteet's ( ) descriptions of the five characteristics of incompetent administrative behaviors: uncommitted, absent, arrogant, fearful, and indecisive. in this study, a lack of commitment was described by participants as reflecting incompetence. the participants also defined teachers who were too lackadaisical or too tough or who did not keep current in their nursing practice as being incompetent. these teachers were seen to be uncommitted to their clinical teaching role. for example, they often abdicated their responsibilities to others and lacked accountability for their actions. hanson and smith's ( ) descriptions of uncaring behaviors (e.g., unavailable, hurried, condescending, disrespectful, rigid, defensive, and uninterested) of clinical teachers also correspond to participants' descriptions of incompetent clinical teachers. by applying these findings to the context of the participants' discussions on incompetence, clinical teachers who are uncaring would likely be seen to lack competence in the clinical teacher role. summary the findings of this study supported the existence of incompetence in clinical teaching. overall incompetence was described as an outcome (i.e., end product) whereas occasional incompetence was a part of the situational and dynamic nature of the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. these findings prompt the question: can incompetence and competence exist simultaneously? the participants' discussions suggest these two phenomena can co-exist. this study reveals that deficits in clinical teachers' abilities as clinicians are not the only contributors to incompetence. defining attributes such as inadequate teaching abilities and a clinical teacher's lack of ethical conduct within the student-teacher relationships are also significant. further issues of concern are the antecedents to incompetence. for instance, what are the effects of support, situational factors (e.g., changes to teaching assignment, stability in the clinical areas, and involvement in curricular activities), and personal qualities on incompetence? conclusion in this chapter, clinical teachers' descriptions of the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers were presented. the identified process and strategies were discussed in relation to the current literature. there are many findings in this study that did not exist in or were contrary to the literature on competence. other findings served to support various aspects of the literatures' conceptualization of competence. some of the existing literature offered insights into clinical teacher competence that were not revealed in these findings. new to the substantive area of clinical teaching was empirical evidence from this study that clinical teachers become competent by experiencing a three-phased process. this process includes elements from various models of adjustment and supervisory development. there was evidence to substantiate the claim that self-confidence is an antecedent to competence. confusion in the literature exists, however, regarding the nature and scope of self-confidence and competence relative to other concepts such as self-worth, self-efficacy, and locus of control. nonetheless, many of the antecedents to competence are intrinsically related to personal feelings of confidence, worth, and control. furthermore, this study indicates that support for clinical teachers is a factor facilitating the maturation process. at the same time, management of extrinsic factors such as consistent teacher assignments and previous experiences are attributes to the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. the premise that teacher competence is situation specific and context bound is also supported as a defining attribute. by completing each phase of the maturation process clinical teachers attain a certain degree of competence. with continued use of various strategies, clinical teachers maintain their competence. one of the most common ways of demonstrating competence was through various teaching activities and interactions with student. this study's findings suggest that a clinical teacher's abilities and his or her competence, or lack thereof, can have an influence on the learning process. these findings have implications for nursing practice, research, education, and administration. a summary of this study, the conclusions, and the implications of the major findings will be discussed in detail in the following chapter. chapter v: summary, conclusions, and implications summary of the study the purpose of this study was to describe the process, or processes, by which clinical nursing teachers attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence. indirectly, this research was aimed towards uncovering the factors and situations that either facilitate or hinder the process of becoming competent. background in recent years there have been numerous changes in nursing education and the health system. these changes have promoted uncertainties which have, no doubt, contributed to an increased focus on determining the competence of those who teach in clinical settings. for example, these changes have resulted in an increase in the complexity of the role and responsibilities of clinical teachers. consequently, administrators of post-secondary institutions and supervisors of clinical agencies want to be assured that students are being accompanied to the clinical setting by teachers who demonstrate competence. furthermore, present-day students tend to be more vocal about wanting to receive quality education. while the scope and nature of clinical teaching has been studied in the past, research related to the process of attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence in clinical teaching is limited. literature review a review of the literature from education, nursing, psychology, and other health related disciplines revealed numerous attributes, antecedents, consequences, and empirical referents related to competence. nearly all definitions found in the literature placed the responsibility for competence on the individual teachers. teachers are expected to do something to be competent. although most authors conceptualized competence as an action outcome or personal attribute, some studies recognized that competence evolves and is influenced by various situations and contexts. based on a review of the academic literature, a tentative definition of competence was developed: competence is the actual, or potential, state of and ability to integrate and apply a blend of attributes identified in the cognitive, psychomotor, and affective domains through an evolving process. this process requires an individual to gain meaning from his or her experiences. motivation, interest, energy, and commitment are required to help an individual deal with the internal and external factors that influence his or her state-of-being competent. furthermore, competence is not a constant state. rather, feelings fluctuate between anxiety and tension, comfort, and a sense of empowerment. since concepts provide the building blocks from which theories can be built, the results of this concept analysis directed the remainder of this research study. methodology a grounded theory design was chosen for this study because of its goals. the goals of grounded theory include (a) discovering theoretical concepts about phenomena and (b) exploring basic social processes derived from empirical evidence. the grounded theory orientation was best suited to answer the research question: what is/are the process, or processes, described by nurse educators for attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence in their role as clinical teacher? eleven clinical nursing teachers from three nursing programs in the lower mainland of british columbia were interviewed. ten of the eleven participants were interviewed a second time. all interviews were audio-taped and transcribed verbatim. since the objectives of this research were exploratory, the researcher used a method of constant comparative analysis designed by glaser and strauss ( ) to: (a) discover the categories, (b) integrate the categories and their properties, (c) identify the core category and delimit the theory; and (d) refine and write the theory. this method of analysis allowed the researcher to systematically generate theory by constantly comparing the data obtained during the interview process. in an analysis of the interview results, common themes were found to comprise the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher the participants' descriptions of their maturation as competent clinical teachers were complex and varied. central to the participants' descriptions of their experiences were the three phases through which they all passed during the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. chapter iii presented the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. this process was comprised of three phases characterized by key strategies, outcomes, conditions, and facilitative factors. the participants experienced the three phases in their own unique ways. for example, each participant progressed through the maturation process at a different pace. furthermore, as circumstances continued to change, the clinical teachers continued experiencing the process. thus, movement among the phases was multi-factorial and multi-directional with no predetermined end. although the participants' circumstances varied, the core variable of developing self-confidence connected the participants' experiences and explained the variance in their movement through the process. a degree of self-confidence was required to enact strategies and to move from phase to phase. outcomes of one phase became conditions for the next phase. as participants progressed through the three-phased process they simultaneously developed more self-confidence and competence. in other words, as clinical teachers developed self-confidence in their abilities their se/f-confidence and competence developed further. the first phase, dealing with "self learning needs, was best described as a period of adjustment. during this phase participants dealt with the transitions or changes in their current position. for example, changing from practicing as clinicians to working as clinical teachers. during this phase participants focused primarily on themselves. they dedicated the majority of their time and energy to fulfilling their learning needs rather than those of the students. to address their learning needs, participants employed three interrelated strategies: developing abilities as a clinical teacher, gaining awareness about clinical teaching, and dealing with anxieties. according to the participants, these strategies varied according to the context of each participant. at some point in phase one, the participants needed to address their own needs and anxieties before they could progress from phase one to phase two; this condition was essential. participants also needed to figure out what was expected of students in order to progress through the clinical course. the outcome of phase one was being able to know about and understand the clinical teacher role. this outcome promoted higher degrees of self-confidence as clinical teachers became more comfortable in their teaching role. phase two, building one's teaching style, was primarily a time of trial and error. as clinical teachers became self-confidentwith the clinical teacher role, they progressed onward by challenging old assumptions, discovering new alternatives, and building one's teaching style (e.g., methods and philosophies). in this phase, participants focused on building a repertoire of teaching activities that fostered student learning. participants used a combination of three interdependent strategies to develop their teaching style: maintaining credibility, learning how to teach, and focusing on student-centered learning. all participants dedicated time towards critically appraising themselves. when this reflection did not occur participants said they remained stagnant. the outcome of this phase was the acquisition of a variety of teaching methods. furthermore, the participants felt self-confident when utilizing these methods in relevant learning situations. self-confidence in one's teaching ability was a requirement for moving from phase two to phase three. two additional conditions were needed to complete this progression: the commitment and the desire to advance the substantive area of clinical teaching. the third phase focused on integrating the complexities of clinical teaching into the practice of educators. during this phase participants developed a greater appreciation for and understanding of how to consolidate their abilities as clinical teachers within the richness of the learning environment. the focus of this phase was on directing energy towards the student, but in a much broader context of the clinical teacher's professional nursing obligations. participants who spoke of phase three had developed enough self-confidence and competence to confront student learning issues. the outcome of phase three was a continual development of self-confidence and competence - there was no predetermined end. as new factors were introduced to participants experiencing phase three, they would mobilize various strategies to maintain and enhance their self-confidence. these strategies contributed to their process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. facilitative threads consisted of various factors that influenced the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. factors common to most participants included: support; familiarity with the clinical agency; stability of teaching assignment; congruency between teaching assignments and the clinical teacher's substantive area of nursing practice; continuing education related to teaching and learning; personality traits; communication abilities; and involvement with additional curricular activities. the facilitative threads affected the maturation process in varying degrees for each individual participant; however, all participants experienced the influence of facilitative threads to some degree. during the three-phased process participants experienced occasional incompetence. this type of incompetence usually resulted from external influences or circumstances for which participants were unprepared. when the participants lacked preparation, they did not have the capacity to be self-confident or competent in completing the specific activity. clinical teachers who demonstrated a consistent pattern of unacceptable behavior(s) experienced overall incompetence. common descriptions of an incompetent clinical teacher included persons who did not have the capacities to fulfill the clinical teacher role. both types of incompetence indicate limited progression through the maturation process. furthermore, this lack of progression was often accompanied by low degrees of self-confidence. summary of the major findings the results of this study delineated the process by which participants matured as competent clinical teachers. based on the study findings, the following conclusions can be made about clinical teaching in nursing. . becoming a competent clinical teacher is an ongoing maturational process comprised of three phases: (a) dealing with "self learning needs, (b) building one's teaching style, and (c) integrating the complexities. while each clinical nursing teachers' progression is unique, all teachers experience elements of the three-phased process. during each phase the clinical teachers utilize various strategies. competence development includes elements of education and nursing practice. progression through the process is influenced by clinical teachers' desire to succeed and their respective commitments to teaching. . developing self-confidence is both a condition and an outcome of progressing through the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. self-confidence increases during the three-phased process as competence builds. development of self- confidence is also influenced by internal and external factors. . the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers is based on several conditions: clinical teachers may or may not experience each phase, the process is ongoing, movement is multi-directional and multi-factorial, and completion of each phase leads to the development of self-confidence and a degree of competence which is necessary to begin the next phase. . clinical teachers who experience the maturation process encounter fluctuating feelings of anxiety and tension as well as plateaus of comfort and a sense of empowerment. . during the first phase of the maturation process, neophyte clinical teachers rely on their abilities as clinicians. once the period of adjustment is complete, competent clinicians should not be assumed to be competent clinical teachers. rather, the development of the teacher's competence is continual and is based on his or her cognitive ability to learn and gain meaning from his or her experiences. gaining meaning from experiences is achieved through critical thinking, problem-solving, or reflection. these are the primary ways in which clinical teachers develop their teaching style. to learn and grow teachers must also have an attitude of inquiry, a willingness to improve, an ability to gain insight, and a commitment to lifelong learning. . competence as a maturation process is situation specific and context bound. a variety of factors (e.g., internal and e'xternal) affect the course and outcome of the process. these factors include: support, nursing practice, familiarity with clinical agencies, stable teaching assignment, knowledge and education related to teaching and learning, personal qualities, communication abilities, and curricular involvement. in addition, others must perceive the teacher to be credible. . clinical nurse teachers experience incidences of competence as well as incompetence. in many instances the word incompetence carries a pessimistic connotation. incompetence among clinical nurse teachers is either occasional or overall. occasional incompetence is conceptualized as a minor mistake lacking severe outcomes while overall incompetence has significant repercussions. clinical nurse teachers who are "overall incompetent" lack commitment, lack accountability, and demonstrate uncaring behaviors. while instances of incompetence are observed they are rarely taken seriously from an administrative standpoint. . these findings prompt the question: do incompetence and competence exist simultaneously as suggested by the participants' discussions of occasional incompetence? this study reveals that deficits in clinical teachers' abilities as clinicians are not the only factor attributed to incompetence. defining attributes such as inadequate teaching abilities and the clinical teachers' ethical conduct in student- teacher relationships are also significant. . during the maturation process, clinical teachers use a variety of complex and dynamic strategies for establishing and maintaining credibility. strategies include remaining current with both nursing and teaching practices. credibility is important since it affects teachers, students, agency staff, and clients. credibility can not be established solely by practicing for a number of years as a clinician. rather, credibility is established and maintained by demonstrating a combination of expertise as a clinician, a teacher, and an academic; these are necessary to uphold professional credibility. . the abilities of competent clinical teachers do have some affect on the learning environment. furthermore, this may have some influence on student learning. . in most instances, clinical teaching is an enjoyable and liberating experience. clinical teachers derive a sense of satisfaction from watching their students learn and contribute to nursing practice. implications for nursing the findings of this study have implications for clinical teachers, administrators of post-secondary educational institutions, and educators of clinical teachers. included in this discussion will be suggestions for future research. clinical teaching practice according to the participants' descriptions, competence is embedded in a deeper sense of being and is existential in nature. while it is challenging to objectively evaluate this state-of-being, this view of competence becomes more possible with a realization that clinical teachers are continually developing their competence. participants revealed that within each phase they implemented several strategies to attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence. several elements of the three-phase process have implications for clinical teacher practice. the most significant implication of this study is that attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence is not the sole responsibility of the clinical teacher. in fact, competence is a diverse and complex process influenced by internal personal, structural, situational, and contextual variables. however, despite the variables beyond clinical teachers' control, educators must assume responsibility for helping to ensure their professional competence. first, clinical teachers need to be cognizant of the overall process of maturation to fulfill their role obligations. second, clinical teachers need to be aware of the aforementioned factors that may influence this process. an awareness of this process, and the variables which may affect it, is crucial because it may lead to changes in the strategies used in each phase. these changes are also significant since, as clinical teachers use these strategies, they learn how to better adapt to their environments and how to maintain or enhance their degrees of competence. third, clinical teachers realize that competence is not a final destination; once competence is attained, ongoing effort is required to maintain and enhance one's abilities. in other words, educators need to understand that the development of their teacher competence is an ongoing work in progress. gaining an understanding of the maturation process will not only assist with attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence, but will likely provide a sense of comfort to some clinical teachers. for example, clinical teachers often experience a period of adjustment when they begin their teaching role. during this time they need to identify and confront their own learning needs. teachers also need to acknowledge to themselves that they do not know everything about their new position. taking the time to deal with their own learning needs is essential for the development of their respective teaching styles, self-confidence, and competence. in addition, familiarity with the process of maturing could help to normalize the feelings of uncertainty, vulnerability, and anxiety clinical teachers commonly experience. clinical teachers in this study believe it is unrealistic to expect them to be both an expert nurse and an expert teacher. all participants also agreed that to be competent clinical teachers they need to maintain their competence as clinicians. therefore, according to these views, practicing clinical teachers should not focus on the number of hours performing nursing practice or the type of nursing practice. rather, it is more appropriate to focus on the teacher's identified need and then implement strategies for improving his or her abilities as a clinical teacher. for example, a clinical teacher must take responsibility to overcome any deficiencies he or she may have in a specific area(s) of practice. overcoming deficiencies may be achieved through individual efforts or by attending a professional development seminar. to date, the nursing literature has explored the impact of the clinical teachers' actions relative to the teachers themselves and the students' learning. the literature does not conclusively specify the exact influence of clinical teacher behaviors on student outcomes. however, this study does indicate various situational and contextual variables that alter how educators teach and how students learn. in light of this finding, clinical teachers need to consider how their competence affects student learning. a further influence of teacher competence on students is the clinical teacher's ability to role model. many participants stated that they initially learned how to teach by imitating the same behaviors they observed as students. it is important for clinical teachers to realize that in this role they are not only modeling nursing practice, but also teaching behaviors. clinical teachers also need to consider the effects of their actions on the clinical agency and their staff, the educational institution, the professional regulatory and licensing bodies, the clients, and their colleagues. this study's findings suggest that one of the consequences of higher degrees of clinical teacher competence is varying degrees of power, authority, and respect. a clinical teacher who is viewed as an expert teacher (i.e., credible) will receive a higher level of respect from their colleagues and students and will consequently have more power in the learning environment. therefore, it is important for clinical teachers to be aware that others' perceptions of their competence can have varying consequences for both student and teachers. for example, clinical teachers must correctly use their power and authority to benefit their students. based on these findings, clinical teachers need to be aware of the necessity to engage in various activities to establish and maintain their credibility both as teachers and as nurses. this credibility is essential for progression through the process of becoming a competent clinical teacher and the facilitating of student learning. this study suggests that three strategies help clinical teachers develop their teaching style and competence. first, the findings support the claim that nursing practice does contribute to teacher competence. for example, clinical teachers who perceive themselves to be competent as either generalist or specialist clinicians have the self- confidence necessary to progress through the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. specifically, nursing practice is a prerequisite to becoming a competent clinical teacher. individuals attain competence in the first phase of the maturation process by relying on their abilities as clinicians to help them through the adjustment phase. second, education and experience as a teacher facilitates competence as a clinical nursing teacher. this is knowledge is important for nurses interested in pursuing a clinical teacher role and those currently teaching. despite these two findings, however, it is important to note that neither nursing practice nor teaching practice are adequate for ensuring competence as a clinical teacher. teachers must also have the cognitive flexibility to engage in reflective thinking. reflective thinking is the third, and most important, strategy for developing clinical teacher competence. often this type of reflective examination allows clinical teachers to improve their teaching abilities and enhance competence. thus, it is the responsibility of the individual to continue refining reflective thinking skills through his or her ongoing practice. through reflective thinking clinical teachers gain meaning from their experiences which, in turn, help them to learn how to teach and develop competence. this notwithstanding, it is important to note that competence is more than an individual responsibility. i believe that administration also plays an important role in influencing the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. administration the findings of this study are important for the preparation of neophyte clinical teachers and the ongoing development for current faculty members. various external factors, which administration can influence, play an important role in the development and maintenance of clinical teacher competence. it is clear that faculty new to the clinical teaching role require support (e.g., institutional and collegial) to minimize their anxiety and maximize their self-confidence. administration can assist by establishing various resources (e.g., forms of professional caring) to support the development of self-confidence and competence. for example, establishing orientation programs and ongoing professional development programs can promote personal development, including the identification of personal learning needs. administration could also encourage experienced clinical teachers to assume a supportive mentoring role for new teachers. to summarize, this study discusses the importance of helping clinical teaches feel supported. clinical teachers receiving support feel empowered. this sense of empowerment helps to develop the clinical teachers' self-confidence. in turn, increases in self-confidence could help clinical teachers to feel more motivated to assume an active role in determining the course of their development as competent clinical teachers. this study also revealed that the context of clinical teaching influences clinical teachers' abilities to display competence. this finding indicates that unstable teaching assignments (e.g., reassignment, staff turnover, and part-time clinical teachers) do impact the self-confidence and competence of clinical teachers. this impact may be reduced by modifying such things as hiring practices and workload decisions. contrary to the current trends of hiring clinical teachers on a contractual, short-time basis, i believe that it would be beneficial for administrators of undergraduate nursing programs to hire faculty on a full-time basis to teach in both clinical and classroom settings. the benefits of such hiring practices are two-fold. first, having faculty teach in both settings would (a) better prepare faculty for clinical and classroom teaching, (b) reduce the theory-practice gap, and (c) enhance the credibility of classroom teachers since others would view them as being competent in both the classroom and the clinical setting. in short, these changes would reduce the incidences of unfamiliarity clinical teachers have with the learning that occurs in the classroom setting and vice versa. second, i believe that long-term positions benefits the educational institution because teachers have the opportunity to mature as competent clinical teachers. research suggests teachers would benefit from involvement in the decision-making process for such things as matching clinical teachers to clinical agency placements. this would include sharing decisions to identify the substantive area and type of agency in which specific teachers are most suited to being placed. this shared decision-making has been shown to increase faculty members' feelings of control, self-worth, and empowerment. furthermore, clinical teachers who are motivated and interested in their teaching assignments are more likely to experience a degree of competence required to continue the maturation process. another recommendation for improving competence is ensuring consistency in clinical teachers' assignment. neophyte clinical teachers should be assigned to areas with which they are most familiar and competent. changes to teaching assignments should be kept to a minimum or at least avoided until neophyte clinical teachers are established in their new role. more experienced clinical teachers are usually more adept at coping with changes; however, continual changes in substantive areas can also negatively effect their self-confidence and competence. overall, the decisions made by administration have significant influences on the competence of clinical teachers and their progression through the three-phased maturation process. while competence is associated with success and promotion, incompetence creates work for others and imposes risks for the students, the clients, and the integrity of the nursing program (jameton, ). for students, incompetence may hinder their learning. for clients, incompetence may hinder their well-being. clinical teachers must be professionally accountable to ensure that quality education and client care is provided. the negative connotations often associated with incompetence make it less likely that instances will be reported. as a result, incompetent individuals are not likely to receive the assistance they need for professional development. the question not answered in this study was: how long would clinical teachers observe the incompetent behavior of others before taking action (e.g., confronting the individual or reporting their observations to their administrator)? in most instances, incompetence is viewed as a personal responsibility. however, i believe that administration must assume some responsibility for dealing with issues of incompetence. next, administration must review the various factors which may be contributing to a teacher's lack of competence (e.g., improper teaching assignment and frequent reassignment, a lack of time to orientate to clinical agencies, or a lack of credit for clinical teaching contributions). finally, administrators must consider the means by which clinical teachers are to be evaluated. the methods utilized by administration for evaluating clinical teachers may also be influenced by the findings of this study. first, competence as a maturation process was described by participants as a state-of-being. while there are inherent difficulties in evaluating an individual's state-of-being at any point in time for a given situation and context, it is important to address this dimension in the evaluation process. second, included in the evaluation of clinical teachers should be aspects of the maturational process. third, consideration must be given to aspects of both teacher competence and nursing competence. other questions that this study prompts is: who should evaluate the clinical teachers' competence? should the evaluator(s) be a nursing colleague, a teaching colleague, an administrator, or another individual? the findings of this study suggest that some incompetent clinical teachers do not have insight into their inadequate behaviors. consequently, it is important for administrators to consider multiple evaluators to complete clinical teachers' evaluation. i believe using a panel of evaluators (e.g., students, colleagues, and administrators) will be beneficial since each type of evaluator will contribute to the evaluation process in differing ways. many administrators base hiring decisions on the assumption that competent nurses will be competent clinical teachers; however, the findings of this study may relate to the hiring practices of educational institutions. for example, as previously stated, clinical teachers do not learn how to teach solely from nursing practice. clinical teachers learn how to teach by accessing a combination of knowledge and experience from nursing, teaching, and learning situations. clinical teachers also learn to teach by using reflection; that is, their cognitive flexibility to gain meaning and insight from experiences. education for clinical teachers the clinical teaching role places two differing demands on nursing faculty: (a) competence in nursing and (b) competence in teaching. clinical teachers that have knowledge in and experience with teaching reported higher degrees of self-confidence, comfort, and competence in their clinical teaching role. therefore, the findings of this study have direct implications for preparing nurses for a clinical teaching role. evidence to suggest the need to better prepare faculty for the clinical teaching role was first introduced by infante in and restated by karuhije in . despite these appeals, little has been done to better prepare new clinical teachers. in some provinces, content related to teaching either does not exist in graduate curricula or is being removed from masters programs. i believe this has severe implications for the competence of clinical teachers responsible for teaching the next generation of nurses. clinical teachers unprepared for the clinical teaching role may affect the quality of education students receive. because of the demand for quality preparation of baccalaureate nurses, graduate nursing programs (e.g., masters and doctorate) need to offer courses relevant to clinical teaching. to ensure that professional practice is guided by theory, graduate nursing curricula for future clinical teachers should focus on both teaching and learning. the findings of this study clearly indicate that those interested in clinical teaching also need to be knowledgeable about the process of maturing as competent clinical teachers. for example, graduate education in nursing should focus on the (a) knowledge and skills required for understanding students (e.g., student counselling, student evaluation, and negotiating a supportive learning environment), (b) various strategies used to develop one's teaching style, (c) educational theory applicable to the practice of clinical teaching, and (d) factors that facilitate or hinder teacher competence. furthermore, graduate programs could offer opportunities for helping clinical teachers develop reflective thinking skills. research various researchers have studied the substantive area of clinical teaching. empirical evidence from this study identifies a need for additional research into the basic social process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher. while the multi-dimensional nature of clinical teaching makes it difficult to explicate the process of competence in a straightforward manner, replication of this study with a larger and more diverse group (e.g., cultural and male perspectives) may reveal either a variation or a consistency with these findings. additional research in the following areas would enhance the current knowledge on the maturation process: . empirically-based research exploring the direct relationship between self-confidence and clinical teacher competence. this research should include an examination of the proposition that self-confidence is an antecedent to clinical teaching. . examination of the relationship between self-efficacy and competence. . research to more clearly describe the process of enacting the clinical teaching role (i.e., performance) in relation to the process of competence. . advanced levels of cognitive thinking have been linked to the maturation process. empirical evidence substantiating the link between critical thinking and clinical teacher competence is necessary. also, further research is needed to confirm the relationship between reflection and learning how to teach, and reflection and clinical teacher competence. . examination of methods for evaluating competence from various perspectives (e.g., self, administrators, students, and colleagues). . research to further explicate the situational and contextual nature of competence. . due to increasing levels of client acuity in the clinical setting, clinical teachers are challenged to continually demonstrate credibility and competence. research is needed to explore the importance of expertise as both clinicians and teachers and how this expertise contributes to credibility. . exploration of the phenomena of incompetence, including, an examination of the defining attributes, antecedents, and consequences of incompetence. . research into the differences between occasional and overall incompetence. conclusion this study has explored the process by which clinical teachers attain, demonstrate, and maintain competence. through the experiences of clinical teachers the process of maturing as a competent clinical teacher was revealed. the 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( ). - . appendix a domains of competence . cognitive domain • comprehension and application of nursing knowledge (e.g., theoretical, personal, and practical) • comprehension and application of teaching-learning knowledge (e.g., principles of adult learning and the learning process) • utilization of critical thinking which includes the ability to problem-solve and make clinical and teacher judgments . affective domain • interpersonal skills • critical reflection of one's personal characteristics • attitudes (e.g., enjoys nursing), values, and beliefs • professional behaviors (e.g., role model, responsible for actions, caring, ethical, genuine interest in student learning, and lifelong learner) . psychomotor domain • clinical skills • teaching skills • expert learner skills • physical and motor skills appendix b letter of request for agency consent address of the nursing program: ubc bcit douglas college dear as my thesis project at the university of british columbia, master of science in nursing program, i am conducting a research project to learn more about nurse educator's perspective of competence in their role as a clinical teacher. at this time, i am seeking written permission to attend a faculty meeting at your educational institution as a means of recruiting potential research participants. in the event that i can not attend a faculty meeting i would like to leave a letter of information in each clinical teacher's mailbox or distribute this letter by email. enclosed you will find a sample of the letter of information. in trying to meet deadlines for the ethics committee, i am requesting written permission be faxed to xxx-xxxx with a hard copy of permission sent in the mail. if you have any further questions feel free to contact me at xxx-xxxx, by email at awolff@unixg.ubc.ca or you may contact my thesis chairperson, carol jillings at xxx-xxxx. thank-you in advance for your expedient reply. sincerely, angela wolff msn (student) university of british columbia enclosure ( ) return mailing address: xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxxxx xxx xxx mailto:awolff@unixg.ubc.ca appendix c letter of invitation dear clinical teacher: my name is angela wolff. as my thesis project at the university of british columbia, master of science in nursing program, i am conducting a research project to leam more about nurse educators' perspective of competence in their role as a clinical teacher. i am inviting you to participate in this project (september, until march, ). the results of this study may provide nurse educators with a clear understanding of competence in their role as clinical teacher. with your input it is hoped that alternate ways of clinical teacher evaluation will be formulated. this study will prove to be beneficial to contributing to changes in nursing education. if you agree to take part in this study, i will interview you twice to explore your viewpoint of clinical teacher competence. each tape-recorded interview will take about hour of your time, and will be conducted at a location of your choice. the taped interview will be transcribed, with the omission of identifying information. after the first interview has been analyzed, the researcher will arrange for a second taped interview to clarify and verify the issues identified and described in the first interview. the total time required for each participant is estimated to two hours. demographic data will also be collected to assist the researcher in analysis and description of the sample for this study. your participation is strictly voluntary. you may withdraw from the study at any time without jeopardizing your position as a clinical teacher. participation in this study will not have any effect on faculty performance evaluations. there will be no cost to you as a result of taking part in this study. thank-you in advance for your assistance is furthering research in nursing education. if you would like to participate in this study or if you would like further information, i can be reached by email at awolff@unixg.ubc.ca, xxx-xxxx (work), collect at ( )xxx-xxxx (home), and xxx-xxxx (fax); or you may contact my thesis chairperson, carol jillings at xxx-xxxx. sincerely, angela wolff, bscn, rn msn (student) mailto:awolff@unixg.ubc.ca appendix d informed consent attaining, demonstrating, and maintaining competence: the perspective of nurse educators in the role as clinical teacher researcher: angela wolff, bscn, rn master of science in nursing student school of nursing university of british columbia vancouver, bc phone: xxx-xxxx (home) supervisor: dr. carol jillings associate professor school of nursing university of british columbia vancouver, bc phone: xxx-xxxx as my thesis project at the university of british columbia, master of science in nursing program, i am conducting a research project to learn more about nurse educator's perspective of competence in their role as a clinical teacher. i am inviting you to participate in this project. the results of this study may provide nurse educators with a clear understanding of competence in their role as clinical teacher. with your input it is hoped that alternate ways of clinical teacher evaluation will be formulated. this study will prove to be beneficial to contributing to changes in nursing education. if you agree to take part in this study, i will interview you twice to explore your viewpoint of clinical teacher competence. each tape-recorded interview will take about hour of your time, and will be conducted at a location of your choice. the taped interview will be transcribed, with the omission of identifying information. after the first interview has been analyzed, the researcher will arrange for a second taped interview to clarify and verify the issues identified and described in the first interview. the total time required for each participant is estimated to two hours. demographic data will also be collected to assist the researcher in analysis and description of the sample for this study. our conversations will be kept confidential as i will assign a code number to each participant, no names will be used on tape or in transcriptions of the interview. a list of the names and code names will be kept locked in a secure place. all tapes, transcriptions, and notes will be kept in a locked cabinet, separate from consent forms or code lists, for five years after the completion of the study. typed notes and transcriptions will be kept under password on my computer hard drive. consent forms will also be kept for five years. only myself and my thesis committee will have access to the data collected during the interviews. data may be used for another study in the future, if the researcher receives approval from the appropriate ethics review committee. when the study is finished and upon request, a written summary of the results can be sent to you. appendix d (continued) the information and findings of this study may be published or presented at conferences, but your name or any material that may identify you will not be used. if you have questions or concerns about this study at any time, you can call the researcher or supervisor at the numbers above. your participation is strictly voluntary. you may withdraw from the study at any time without jeopardizing your position as a clinical teacher. participation in this study will not have any effect on faculty performance evaluations. there will be no cost to you as a result of taking part in this study. thank-you in advance for your assistance is furthering research in nursing education. if you have any questions or concerns, i can be reached at xxx-xxxx (home); or you may contact my thesis chairperson, carol jillings at xxx-xxxx. if you have any concerns about your treatment or rights as a research subject you may contact the director of research services at the university of british columbia, dr. richard spratley at - . consent the reason for this study is to explore nurse educator's perspectives of competence in their role of clinical teaching. i, the undersigned, have read the participant information letter and consent to participate in two taped-recorded interviews conducted by angela wolff. any questions have been answered to my satisfaction. in addition, i know that i may contact the persons named above if i have further questions either now or in the future. i understand that my name will be kept confidential. i understand that participation in research is voluntary and i am free to withdraw from the study at any time. in addition, i understand that my signature indicates that i have received a copy of the consent form. this is to certify that i (print name) have read and understood this consent, the research study has been explained, and all my questions have been answered. i hereby agree to participate as a volunteer in the above named project. (participant signature) (date) (signature of a witness) ( copy to subject, copy to researcher) (date) appendix e sample interview questions attaining competence • what experiences have you had as a clinical teacher that have enhanced or hindered your competence? • who or what contributes to your competence? • what did you do to become competent? demonstrating and maintaining competence • tell me about a time (an experience) when your were competent as a clinical teacher. • tell me about a time (an experience) when you (or a colleague) was incompetent (compare with competent). demonstrating competence • how would you describe a clinical teacher that is competent? could you tell me more about • how would you describe a clinical teacher that is incompetent? could you give me an example... types of competence • do you see a difference between teacher competence? nursing competence? • how does your competence in teaching relate to your competence as a nurse? evaluating competence • is competence more of a concern for licensing body, self, or students? • who do you think should evaluate competence of a clinical teacher (e.g., self, students, peer, administration)? • how did you decide you were competent to become a clinical teacher? appendix f demographic form . gender: female male . level of education upon initial r.n. registration: diploma in nursing baccalaureate degree in nursing other (specify) year of graduation ~~ . level of education to date: baccalaureate degree in nursing master's degree in nursing doctorate in nursing degree (specify) other (specify, includes certificate programs) year of graduation ~ ' . total number of years of clinical teaching experience _ _ _ years months . total number of years of experience as a registered nurse (before the commencement of clinical teaching): years months . program type currently teaching in: diploma nursing program (length of program) baccalaureate nursing program collaborative baccalaureate nursing program (specify if program offers first j years or entire years) specialty nursing program (specify length) _ — _ total number of years spent teaching clinical in the above program appendix f (continued) . type of program taught in the past: diploma nursing program (length of program) baccalaureate nursing program collaborative baccalaureate nursing program (specify if program offers first v% years or entire years) specialty nursing program (specify length) total number of years spent teaching clinical in the above program . specify past and current clinical settings in which you taught as a clinical teacher: . level of student taught. indicate the length of time you taught at this level. year year year year other (specify) microsoft word - layout-articles- asian social science; vol. , no. ; issn - e-issn - published by canadian center of science and education on the eternity of beauty again-reading john keats’s “ode on a grecian urn” dongmei song school of foreign languages, xinyang normal university, xinyang, china correspondence: dongmei song. e-mail:songdongmei @ .com received: may , accepted: june , online published: june , doi: . /ass.v n p url: https://doi.org/ . /ass.v n p abstract john keats was one of the most important figures of the early nineteenth-century romanticism. he pursed all his life the eternal beauty and truth and showed a certain indulgence in the appreciation of beauty. this essay analyses why keats never belongs to the school of aestheticism, interprets the use of the images in john keats’s “ode on a grecian urn” to demonstrate that the beauty in this poem is natural not philosophic. keywords: keats and romanticism, aestheticism, ode, symbol, eternity of beauty . introduction: keats and romanticism romanticism, which victor hugo calls “liberalism in literature”, is “a movement that espoused the sanctity of emotion and imagination, and privileged the beauty of the natural world” (zhang, ). the most important quality of this new movement is to give honor and glory to instinct and emotion, to venerate nature, and to become enthusiastic over remaking the world. scholar david wright once said in his english romantic verse “there was in fact no such thing as a romantic revival. it was rather a birth of a new kind of sensibility which had to do the new kinds of environment that man was in the process of creating for himself” (david, ). romanticism is associated with vitality, powerful emotion, and dreamlike ideas. many of the ideas and themes in keats’s poetry are quintessentially romantic concerns: the beauty of nature, the relation between imagination and creativity, the response of the passion to beauty and suffering, and the transience of human life in time. he has the power of entering the feelings of others—human, animal, even static things e.g. a grecian urn which will be analyzed as a symbol of eternal beauty later in this essay. he declared that when he saw a bird on the lawn, he entered imaginatively into the life of the bird. keats’s poetry is always sensuous, colorful and rich in images, which expresses the acuteness of his sense. sight, sound, scent, taste, and feeling are all taken in to give an entire understanding of an experience. he takes delight in dwelling on beautiful words and phrases, which sound musical. keats stressed the sense of beauty and imagination. in one of his letters, he said to a publisher “…that with a great poet the sense of beauty overcomes every other consideration, or rather obliterates all consideration…” keats emphasized beauty, because to him, as shown by his ode on a grecian urn, beauty and truth were integrated and should not be separated. in his opinion, “a thing of beauty is a joy forever.” keats thought that imagination is the driving force of knowing and achieving beauty. so he used many images in his odes to symbolize and express eternal beauty. we must rely on the power of imagination to gain beauty sense from the inside of the heart. in the same letter mentioned above, he wrote “…imagination is true, beauty through imagination is also true because all our passion, just like the passion of love, in their lofty state can create beauty in essence…” keats also pointed out that during the aesthetic process, the poet should be satisfied not only with his own passion but with the others passion to achieve rich and delightful imagination and to find vivid language to show his beauty more completely. . why keats never belongs to the school of aestheticism aestheticism which in a sense is called “art for art’s sake” puts art in the first place and above life. aesthetes hold that life should imitate art, not art imitating life. according to them, all artistic works are absolutely subjective not objective. they believe that art should not be concerned with controversial issues, such as politics and morality and should only promote beauty in a fine style. why do they aim at this? just as ralph fox said: “‘art for art’s sake’ is the hopeless answer of the artist to ‘art for money’s sake’, hopeless because ivory never ass.ccsenet.org asian social science vol. , no. was a good material for fortification.” however, “like love, poetry contains the possibility for evil as well as for good; what readers glean depends upon their faculties of judgment and perception rather than on the work itself” (dai, ). because keats showed a certain indulgence in the appreciation of beauty, some people held the view that he had the inclination for “art for art’s sake” and blamed him as an escapist. some critics even viewed him as the forerunner of the so called aestheticism, which represented by the english writer oscar wilde in the final decade of the th century. john keats never belonged to the school of “art for art’s sake”. actually, keats’s pursuit of immortal beauty is not like water without a source, a tree without roots, subjective and unreliable. once he said: “…if poetry comes not as naturally as the leaves to a tree, it had better not come at all…” keats suffered from very severe illness and was also harshly attacked by his rivals. he resented the bourgeois-aristocratic society. just as he wrote in the following poem: “…with her two brothers this fair lady dwelt. enriched from ancestral merchandize and for them many a weary hand did swelt in torched mines and noisy factories. and many once proud-quiver’d loins did melt in blood from stinging whip:----with hollow eyes many all day in dazzing river stood to take the rich-ored driftings of the flood. why were they proud? because their marble founts cush’d with more pride than do a wreth’s tears? why were they proud? because fair orange-mounts were of more soft ascent than lazar stairs? why were they proud? because red-lined accounts? were richer than the songs of grecian years? why were they proud? again we ask aloud why in the name of glory were they proud?...” keats described the sufferings of the miners and workers and told people that the pride of bourgeoisie was built upon the blood and sweat of the common people. he was truly concerned with the interest of the mass. based on this, don’t you think he will sing the praises of real and eternal beauty and truth? he, full of love and ambition, did make great efforts to perfect his writing skills, to pursue the real, eternal truth and beauty, rather than the abstract, meaningless ones especially by writing the ode on a grecian urn. . interpretation of the use of the images in john keats’s “ode on a grecian urn” keats always blends human feelings with nature perfectly in his poems and makes people feel as if they were right on the scene (li, ). “ode on a grecian urn” is no exception. dexu zhang, after analyzing the recurring images of life and death in keats’ poems, comments that the images in the poems in fact originate from the primitive memory of beauty and truth (zhang, ). zhang insists that keats intuitively captures the dynamic relations between life and death, truth and beauty with his unique sensitivity and imagination (zhang, ). there are five stanzas all together in john keats’s “ode on a grecian urn”. in the first stanza, the speaker stands before the grecian urn and as if speaking to it. he compares the urn to “still unravished bride of quietness”, “foster-child of silence and slow”, and a “sylvan historian”. he also describes the exciting “mad pursuit” scene to readers and wonders about the figures on the side of the urn: who they are, what legend they depict, and from where they come. in the second stanza, the speaker looks at another picture on it: a young man playing a pipe, lying with his lover beneath an open area of trees. the speaker says that the piper’s “unheard” melodies are sweeter than mortal ass.ccsenet.org asian social science vol. , no. melodies because they are unaffected by time. he tells the youth that, though he can never kiss his lover because he is frozen in time, he should not grieve, for her beauty will never fade. in the next stanza, he looks at the trees surrounding the lovers and feels happy that they will never shed their leaves. he is happy for the piper because his song will be “for ever new”, and happy that the love between the lovers will last forever, unlike the mortal love which lapses into “breathing human passion” and eventually vanishes, leaving behind only a “burning forehead, and a parching tongue.” in the fourth stanza, there is another picture facing the speaker: a group of villagers lead a heifer to be sacrificed. he wonders where they are going and from where they have come. he imagines their little town, empty of all its citizens, tells to the urn that its streets will “for evermore” be silent, for those who have left it, frozen on the urn, and will never return. in the final stanza, the speaker again talks to the urn that it, like eternity, “doth tease us out of thought.” he thinks that when one generation is dead, the urn will remain, telling the future generation its enigmatic lesson: “beauty is truth, truth beauty.” here keats doesn’t force people to appreciate beauty but to lead readers to sense, to indulge in the content beauty. he insisted that poetry should be great and unobtrusive, “a thing which enters into one’s soul, and dose not startle it or amaze it with itself but with subject. –how beautiful are the retired flowers! how would they lose their beauty were they to throng into the highway crying out, ‘admire me i am a violet! dote upon me i am a primrose!’” (abrams, ). keats, in this ode, using the grecian urn as the carrier and woven by the beautiful, musical words and phrases, especially the magic symbols to arouse readers’ imagination in each stanza, depicts an eternal and immortal attractive panorama. some people say the first symbol should be the urn itself. they have their reasons to say so, but the following given here emphasizes the understanding of the symbol. the urn, as the carrier of beauty, according to the dictionary, is “a vessel or vase with foot and usually with rounded body, which is especially used for storing ashes of the dead” (the new oxford illustrated dictionary). thus, the urn must be connected with death. as for death, keats even longs for being dead in his another ode: ode to a nightingale darkling i listen; and, for many a time i have been half in love with easeful death, call’d him soft names in many a mused rhyme, to take into the air my quiet breath; now more than ever seems it rich to die, to cease upon the midnight with no pain, while thou art pouring forth thy soul abroad in such an ecstasy! … keats believes that to die is to be close to the eternity of beauty, because death is the end of everything, and it surpasses the limit of time and space. having finished singing the praise of the immortal but free- flying nightingale, he, of course, pursued the perfect, immortal beauty, carried by the urn. then from the first stanza, two symbols are found out: the still unravished bride of quietness, sylvan historian. bride, a newly-married lady, is the most beautiful one on her day. she wears the exaggerated but classical, pleasant-looking white dress. she is sweet and charming with the especially well-decorated haircut. what’s more, she is “unravished”, perfect and pure. as the “foster-child of silence and slow time”, she is to be married to the quietness, who is calm, unchangeable, of course eternal at last. she inherits calmness and eternity and will pass on them to the next generation. actually she melts the beauty into the immortality. as regards the sylvan historian, sylvan means rustic and pastoral, representing a woodland scene. it is natural, harmonious beauty. historian can tell us stories of history, which symbolizes age-old and eternal. this sylvan historian “canst thus express a flowery tale” and “leaf-fringed legend”. don’t you think this is the eternity of beauty? in the second and third stanzas, keats described a “fair youth” piping and chasing his “fair” lover beneath the trees without shedding leaves. their “happy love” is the very symbol of the immorality of beauty. firstly, they are pretty and happy: keats used the word “fair” to characterize the two youths. it is fair (just), for being fair is being pretty. to be young is to be attractive. then what are they doing? they are piping sweet melodies, “unheard” but “sweeter”. they are dating with each other. though the “fair youth” can’t kiss the girl for being fixed on the urn, he should not be grieve, for she will be fair forever. the piping and the dating make them happy. ass.ccsenet.org asian social science vol. , no. their happiness makes them more beautiful. happiness is the forever thing people pursue, just like being depicted in the poem: o happiness! our being's end and aim! good, pleasure, ease, content! whate'er thy name: that something still which prompts the eternal sigh, for which we bear to live, or dare to die. (alexander pope, - ) beauty, caused by happiness here, will company the happiness into their enduring love. secondly, their “happy love” will be “for ever warm and still to be enjoyed, for ever panting, and for ever young”. in the two stanzas, in order to stress their undying love, keats used “for ever” and “happy”, both for six times. it is very obvious for us to understand love to be the symbol of immortal beauty in human’s life. nobody says that he doesn’t know the monumental love between romeo and juliet. everybody will remember the sorrowful but with the romantic ending love between liang shanbo and zhu yingtai in china. love, like forever green trees and forever happy melodist, is the very evidence of the eternity of beauty. in the last two stanzas, the scene for “the sacrifice”, the “green alter”, even the “cold pastoral” are all the symbols of immortal beauty. sacrifice has long history with its divine ceremony. it’s said that all people in the holy celebration must be clean and tidy. they should wear colorful dress and show their beauty to god. sometimes beautiful ladies even are cruelly offered as sacrifices to him. people believe in god just because they can be safe and happy under the aegis of him. they can survive generation after generation, becoming the immortal master of the universe. in the ode it is the heifer, “all her silken flanks with garlands drest”, that will be sacrificed to achieve the same goal: to be eternal! as to “green alter”, alter, the place where people put their sacrifices on, is in the relationship with holy eternity. to be green, on one side, is to be pretty and young; on the other side, is to be long and forever. cold pastoral, as the symbol of eternity of beauty, is easy to be understood. coldness is the state of being frozen. pastoral, just as having been talked on the above, symbolizes beauty. cold pastoral, being frozen beauty, expresses the exact meaning of eternal beauty. in fact, keats employed very exquisite and musical wordings to pay a tributes to the immortal nature. he is not abstract aesthete. when he described the “season of mists and mellow fruitness” in his to autumn, he used concrete words and symbols that readers can see and touch, so that people can sense the happiness and satisfaction from their harvest. in this ode, trees, leaves, boughs, river, sea shore, mountain, forest, grass, even the peaceful citadel (these symbols, as parts of nature) leave readers deep impressions on the eternity of beauty. greece, the ancient nation and still civilized one, permanently stands for beauty and long-history in the hearts of artists and readers. keats employed very exquisite and musical wordings to describe the silent but permanent beauty. this kind of beauty is dynamic and vibrant, full of lives in it. the heroes and heroines played the pipe, chased the lover, dated with each other, and sacrificed etc, as if they are living in our lives, romantic and happy. this kind of beauty is also static and eternal. although the young wanted to kiss his lover, he can’t in fact. he was frozen in time on the urn. although the group of villagers leading a heifer to be sacrificed walked along the street noisily, they can’t go to the destination. they left but were frozen in time on the urn. the beauty keats depicting the ancient urn associates readers with laozi's silent aesthetics. laozi, the ancient chinese philosopher, proposed this kind of beauty: seeing the substantial through the abstract; seeing the being through the not being; seeing the dynamic through the static; and also seeing the truth through the facts. laozi's silent aesthetics suggesting readers saying less(or not saying at all)but watching and imagining, expresses a kind of magnificent beauty, being active and energetic and also being silent and eternal. henry wadsworth longfellow once said: “nature is a revelation of god art a revelation of man.” keats, the poet and artist , using his perfect writing skills, sings high praise of the grecian urn, which becomes eternity itself and leads readers to the deep thought he is conveying: “beauty is truth, truth beauty”, that is what people know and should know in the world. acknowledgments this study is sponsored by annual planning project of philosophy and social sciences in henan ( byy ) and the planning project of the th five-year plan of national educational science (feb ) . references abrams, m. h. (ed.). ( ). the norton anthology of english literature ( th ed., vol. .). w. w. norton & ass.ccsenet.org asian social science vol. , no. company new york. dai, n. q. ( ). western classics in literary criticism (from plato to henry james) ( st ed.) shanghai: shanghai foreign language education press. david, w. ( ). english romantic verse. penguin group: england viking penguin inc. li, l. ( ). a probe into the sensory images of keats' ode. literary education, ( ), - . https://doi.org/ . /j.cnki.wxjyx. . . zhang, b. x. ( ). a companion to a course of english literature. wuhan: wuhan university press. zhang, d. x. ( ). truth and beauty in human being’s diachronic life process. foreign language education & research, ( ), - . https://doi.org/ . /j.cnki.cn - /g . . . copyrights copyright for this article is retained by the author(s), with first publication rights granted to the journal. this is an open-access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the creative commons attribution license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /). nyas_ - _lr ann. n.y. acad. sci. issn - a n n a l s o f t h e n e w y o r k a c a d e m y o f s c i e n c e s issue: the year in cognitive neuroscience functional imaging studies of emotion regulation: a synthetic review and evolving model of the cognitive control of emotion kevin n. ochsner, jennifer a. silvers, and jason t. buhle department of psychology, columbia university, new york, new york address for correspondence: kevin ochsner, department of psychology, columbia university, schermerhorn hall, amsterdam ave., new york, ny . ochsner@psych.columbia.edu this paper reviews and synthesizes functional imaging research that over the past decade has begun to offer new insights into the brain mechanisms underlying emotion regulation. toward that end, the first section of the paper outlines a model of the processes and neural systems involved in emotion generation and regulation. the second section surveys recent research supporting and elaborating the model, focusing primarily on studies of the most commonly investigated strategy, which is known as reappraisal. at its core, the model specifies how prefrontal and cingulate control systems modulate activity in perceptual, semantic, and affect systems as a function of one’s regulatory goals, tactics, and the nature of the stimuli and emotions being regulated. this section also shows how the model can be generalized to understand the brain mechanisms underlying other emotion regulation strategies as well as a range of other allied phenomena. the third and last section considers directions for future research, including how basic models of emotion regulation can be translated to understand changes in emotion across the life span and in clinical disorders. keywords: amygdala; cognitive control; emotion; emotion regulation; prefrontal cortex . . .thy fate is the common fate of all, into each life some rain must fall. . . henry wadsworth longfellow the rainy day ( ) . . .‘every cloud,’ says the proverb, ‘has a silver lining.’ p. t. barnum struggles and triumphs ( ) it might be said that emotions are the weather of our lives. some days, we experience the blue skies of happiness and the sunshine of joy. other days, we are drenched by the rain clouds of sadness or buffeted by the hot winds of anger. how we respond adap- tively to our emotional weather patterns—finding the silver lining in every dark cloud—has impor- tant consequences for our physical and mental well- being. – although we cannot control the weather outside, we are capable of using myriad emotion regulation strategies to take control of our internal climates. such strategies allow us to wholly or partially alter the nature, magnitude, and duration of our emo- tional responses, including initiating new ones. in recent years, great strides have been taken in using neuroscience techniques to understand the mecha- nisms underlying emotion regulation. in humans, this research has primarily used functional imaging to examine our ability to control affective responses using cognitive strategies. the overarching goals of this paper are to review the progress made by such research, synthesize from it conclusions that suggest expansion on and elaborations of a model of the cognitive control of emotion (mcce), and show how the model can make sense of a wide range of emotion regulatory abilities and allied phenomena. toward these ends, the remainder of the paper is divided into three parts. in the first, we outline a ba- sic mcce whose core elements have been described previously. , in the second section, we review cur- rent imaging research suggesting ways in which the model can evolve to integrate new findings on the doi: . /j. - . . .x ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. figure . a multilevel approach to building a model of emo- tion regulation. (a) in cognitive, affective, and social neuro- science research, we seek to describe phenomena in terms of relationships among three levels of analysis: experience and behavior, psychological processes, and neural systems. the bidirectional arrows between levels indicate that the relation- ships among them are bidirectional. (b) through measurement and/or experimental manipulation, neuroimaging research on emotion regulation can observe phenomena at the behavioral level and the neural level and use these observations to infer the nature of the intervening cognitive and/or affective processes. the direction of the arrows from the behavioral and neural levels toward the process level indicates the direction of causal inference (i.e., we can’t observe the operation of these processes directly, but infer their operation based on behavioral and neural observations). brain bases of emotion regulation as well as be ap- plied to account for other related phenomena, such as affective learning, affect-based decision making, and affective expectancies. throughout these first two sections we focus primarily on one strategy in particular—known as reappraisal—because it has received the bulk of empirical attention. in the third and last section, we summarize and consider direc- tions for future basic and translational research. a model of the cognitive control of emotion any model of emotion regulation (or any other phenomenon) is predicated on assumptions about how different levels of analysis fit together. our as- sumptions follow those now commonplace in cog- nitive, affective, and social neuroscience in which researchers seek to describe phenomena in terms of the relationships among three levels of analysis: behavior/experience, process, and neural systems (refs. – ; fig. a). neuroimaging research on emotion and its regulation can observe phenomena at the behavioral level (e.g., measures of emotional response and the specific regulatory strategies one might employ) and the neural level (e.g., fmri mea- sures of brain activity) and use these observations to infer the nature of the intervening cognitive and/or affective processes (fig. b). with this in mind, our review of current research will sometimes be organized in terms of phenomena described at the level of behavior, including regula- tory goals, tactics, and target stimuli. in other cases it will be organized in terms of issues concerning the neural-level pathways on which the field has begun to make progress. taken together, the data reviewed in each section constrains and influences our mcce (see fig. ). to understand how emotion regulation works, we must first have an idea of how emotions are gen- erated. as such, our model has two main parts— descriptions of the mechanisms supporting emo- tion generation on the one hand and the mecha- nisms supporting emotion regulation on the other. for the sake of simplicity, we present the psycho- logical and neural systems involved in the gener- ation and regulation of emotion as being distinct, yet it should be noted that there is evidence to sug- gest that the underlying psychological and neu- ral mechanisms , are at least partially overlap- ping. indeed, elsewhere we have noted that the distinction between emotion generation and reg- ulation is blurry at best (e.g., ref. ), and which term one uses may reflect their usefulness for ad- dressing a particular question more than hard and fast differences in their mechanisms. here, we treat them separately to make points about the ways in which putative control and affect-triggering systems interact. mechanisms of emotion generation our account of how emotions are generated is mul- tileveled in its description of both the processes and the neural systems that give rise to emotional responses. processes involved in generating emotion the black time line at the bottom of figure a shows a simple model of four steps involved in generating emotional responses. in the first step, a stimu- lus is perceived in its current situational context. the stimulus could be an internal thought, feel- ing, or sensation, or any number of external cues, ranging from a facial expression or gesture to an action or event. at the second stage, one attends to some of these stimuli or their attributes. what- ever is in the focus of attention is passed along to subsequent emotion generative stages, whereas ignored or unattended stimuli may be either e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation figure . a model of the cognitive control of emotion (mcce). (a) diagram of the processing steps involved in generating an emotion and the ways in which cognitive control processes (blue box) might be used to regulate them. as described in the text, the effects of different emotion regulation strategies (the red arrows descending from the cognitive control processes box) can be understood in terms of the stages of the emotion generation sequence that they influence. the pink box seen at the appraisal stage is meant to indicate that neural systems involved in generating emotion support this process. (b) neural systems involved in using cognitive strategies, such as reappraisal, to regulate emotion (left, blue boxes), systems involved in generating those responses (left, pink boxes), and systems with an undefined or intermediary role in reappraisal (left, yellow boxes). excluded from these stages or receive diminished subsequent processing. the third stage involves ap- praising the significance of stimuli in terms of their relevance to one’s current goals, wants, or needs. this is the stage focused on by appraisal theories of emotion, which describe the structure of dif- ferent appraisals that lead to positive versus neg- ative reactions in general and to specific types of emotional responses in particular. because the current neuroscience literature suggests that there may not be specific neural systems for different dis- crete emotions, , for present purposes, we simply distinguish between basic positive/appetitive ver- sus negative/aversive appraisals that have been re- liably associated with specific neural systems that are described below. finally, the fourth stage in- volves translating these appraisals into changes in experience, emotion-expressive behavior, and au- tonomic physiology. although these three indica- tors of emotional response do not always correlate with one another for reasons that are not perfectly understood, as noted below, emotion regulation strategies can affect changes in some or all of them, depending on the strategy. neural systems involved in generating emotion reviews and meta-analyses of functional imaging studies , indicate that a number of cortical and subcortical brain systems may play key roles in the appraisal and/or response stages of emotion gener- ation. for present purposes, we focus on the four that have been most frequently discussed in studies of reappraisal in particular, and emotion regulation strategies more generally (see fig. b; for examples of other emotion systems that may be modulated by emotion regulation, see refs. and ). the first is the amygdala, which is involved in the perception and encoding of stimuli relevant to cur- rent or chronic affective goals, , ranging from re- wards or punishments to facial expressions of emo- tion to aversive or pleasant images and films. – although the amygdala generally is sensitive to detecting and triggering responses to arousing ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. stimuli, it exhibits a bias toward detecting cues sig- naling potential threats, like expressions of fear. – the second is the ventral striatum, which is in- volved in learning which cues (ranging from so- cial signals, like smiling faces, to actions, to ab- stract objects) predict rewarding or reinforcing outcomes. – the third is the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (vmpfc), which integrates affective valuations of specific stimuli made by the amygdala and ventral striatum with inputs from other regions, including medial temporal lobe systems that provide histor- ical information about prior encounters with the stimuli as well as inputs from brainstem motiva- tional and prefrontal control centers that provide information about current behavioral goals. – as such, vmpfc tracks the positive or negative valu- ation of stimuli in a context and goal-dependent manner. , – examples of this include the finding that vmpfc activity to an image of a healthy but not tasty food depends on whether one has the goal to eat healthily, and the findings that vmpfc lesions lead to context-inappropriate affective responses in both humans and animals. , , the fourth brain system is the insula, which is thought to represent a viscerotopic map of ascend- ing viscerosensory inputs from the body and has been implicated in negative affective experience in general. , there appears to be posterior–anterior functional gradient in the insula with posterior re- gions associated with primary representations of sensations from the body and anterior regions asso- ciated with interoceptive awareness of the body and in motivational and affective states, like disgust, that have a strong visceral component. , – mechanisms of emotion regulation with an understanding of how emotions are gener- ated in the first place, we can turn to an account of the processes and neural systems involved in regu- lating them. processes involved in emotion regulation although many behaviors can change our emotions, often these effects are unintended or incidental (e.g., your mood improves because you happen to have lunch with a friend) and as such are not considered to be examples of emotion regulation, per se. in- stead, emotion regulation entails the modification of ongoing—or the initiation of new—emotional responses through the active engagement of regu- latory processes. that said, we can further distin- guish between cases where emotion regulation is guided by regulatory goals that are implicit or out- side awareness (e.g., ref. ) as compared with ex- plicit and accessible to awareness. although both are interesting and important, no neuroscience re- search has addressed the former case and a great deal has addressed the latter case. therefore, we fo- cus here on the deliberate deployment of an emotion regulation strategy in the service of explicit goals to change one’s emotions. to understand how such ex- plicit emotion regulation strategies work, it is useful to distinguish among five classes of strategies whose effects on emotion can be understood in terms of the stage of the emotion generation sequence on which they have an impact. it is important to note that the distinctions made below originally were based on behavioral analy- ses of the aspects of emotional responses targeted by different strategies. as such, this analysis was agnostic to the specific nature of the regulatory processes supporting each strategy, but tacitly as- sumed that all strategies drew upon some combi- nation of cognitive control processes (designated by the blue box in fig. a). in this regard, func- tional imaging has made a substantial contribution to our understanding of how emotion regulation works because it provides insight into the nature of the control processes supporting emotion regu- lation that is not obtainable from behavioral data alone. as illustrated by the top portion of figure a, the first two strategies involve changing the nature of the stimulus inputs to the emotion generation cycle. in situation selection, you keep yourself away from stimuli that elicit unwanted emotions and put yourself in the presence of stimuli that elicit desired emotions. an example is staying away from a party where an old flame will be present if you don’t want to feel pangs of sadness for having been dumped by her. situation modification is when you find yourself in the presence of a stimulus that elicits an unwanted emotion and change something about the situation to alter its impact on you. in the old flame example, you might leave a party at which she is unexpectedly present or leave the room in which she is having a conversation. although these two strategies are undoubtedly effective (e.g., ref. ), they can be difficult to study neurally and have received little e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation attention in imaging or using other neuroscience techniques (see below). the remaining three strategies are all amenable to, and have been studied, using imaging, albeit to vary- ing degrees. attentional deployment controls what stimuli are gated into, or out of, the emotion gen- eration process. the two most commonly studied exemplars are selective attention, which involves shifting the focus of attention toward or away from stimuli or their attributes, and distraction, which involves limiting attention to an external stimulus by focusing internally on information maintained in working memory. these types of strategies differ from situation selection in that they do not involve physically altering one’s proximity or relationship to an emotional stimulus, but rather they manip- ulate attention so as to alter one’s emotional re- sponse. cognitive change involves changing the way one appraises the meaning of a stimulus. it is one of the most cognitively complex strategies insofar as it draws on any of a number of different higher cognitive processes to support changes in stimulus meaning, including language and memory, as well processes that also support other strategies, such as attention and response selection. the most com- monly studied exemplar is reappraisal, which in- volves reinterpreting the meaning of a stimulus, in- cluding one’s personal connection to it, to change one’s emotional response. finally, response modu- lation strategies target the systems for emotion- expressive behavior. the most commonly studied exemplar is expressive suppression, which entails keeping one’s face still so that observers would not know the emotion you are experiencing. a great deal of behavioral and psychophysiolog- ical research has been devoted to comparing and contrasting the behavioral consequences of deploy- ing each of these strategies. for example, it’s known that attentional deployment and reappraisal can have downstream effects on various components of an emotional response because they target the early stages of the emotion generation sequence. – by contrast, expressive suppression has an impact on only the behaviors it targets at the final response stage of emotion generation; when keeping your face still, emotional experience may subtly diminish, , if at all, and your physiological arousal will increase from the effort. there is also evidence that strate- gies differ in their long-term effects. for example, reappraisal, but not distraction, has been shown to have long-lasting effects on one’s tendency to have an emotional response to a stimulus, presumably because only reappraisal involves an active change in how one represents the affective meaning of that stimulus. neural systems involved in emotion regulation as foreshadowed previously, the use of functional imaging has provided insight into the nature of the control systems that support regulatory strategies as well as the affect systems that these strategies modulate to change an emotional response. this section discusses core conclusions that can be drawn from reappraisal studies and a model of emotion regulation that can be derived from it. reappraisal as a paradigm case. reappraisal is an appropriate starting point for developing a mcce for three reasons. first, because reappraisal is among the most cognitively complex strategies, a model of emotion regulation derived from reappraisal work may be generally applicable to other strategies and phenomena that typically will be cognitively sim- pler. second, the majority of studies to date have focused on reappraisal because (i) it can be studied easily in an imaging environment and (ii) because it is the strategy referenced by countless aphorisms that advise us, “[to] look on the bright side. . .”, “[to] turn a sow’s ear into a silk purse. . .”, “when life gives you lemons, make lemonade,” and, “[that] every dark cloud has a silver lining.” third, in contrast to other areas of emotion regulation research (re- viewed below) reappraisal studies tend to be more methodologically and conceptually similar to one another and therefore provide a stronger base for mechanistic inferences. with these considerations in mind, we now describe five key insights into the brain mechanisms supporting emotion regulation that have been derived from studies of reappraisal. basic control system–affect system relationships. when the first fmri studies of reappraisal were pub- lished approximately years ago, there were no imaging studies of any form of emotion regulation. to develop hypotheses about how reappraisal might work, an analogy was drawn between the use of cog- nition to control emotion and the use of cognition to control memory, attention, and other thought processes. the simple idea was that prefrontal and cingulate systems would support control processes that modulate activity in posterior and subcortical ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. systems that generate emotional responses. a decade and over imaging studies later, this initial hypothesis has been strongly supported. figure b schematically illustrates the brain sys- tems shown by current research to be involved in the cognitive control of emotion via reappraisal. as such, figure b diagrams the core elements of the mcce. three types of neural systems are primarily involved in generating and applying reappraisals. first, dorsolateral and posterior prefrontal cor- tex, along with inferior parietal regions gener- ally implicated in selective attention and working memory, may be used to direct attention to reappraisal-relevant stimulus features and hold in mind reappraisal goals as well as the content of one’s reappraisal. – second, dorsal regions of the anterior cingulate cortex implicated in perfor- mance monitoring may help track the extent to which one’s current reappraisals are changing emo- tional responses in the intended way. third, re- gions of ventrolateral prefrontal cortex implicated in selecting goal-appropriate (and inhibiting goal- inappropriate) responses and information from se- mantic memory may be used to deliberately se- lect a new stimulus-appropriate reappraisal in favor of one’s initial prepotent appraisal of that stimu- lus. , finally, to the extent that one’s reappraisal involves focusing on and interpreting or reinter- preting one’s own emotional states—or those of others—dorsomedial prefrontal regions implicated in attributing mental states also may be active. , with respect to the emotion-related regions that are modulated by reappraisal, the four regions de- scribed earlier in the section on neural systems for emotion generation all have been implicated— albeit to differing extents. far and away, the most commonly modulated region is the amygdala, fol- lowed by the ventral striatum. the insula and the vmpfc are the least commonly modulated re- gions , (although see the section on pathways be- low for a potential role of vmpfc in reappraisal as a modulator). although we will discuss the significance of the differential modulation of these regions in more detail later (see later sections on valence speci- ficity and pathways), for now we can highlight the consistency with which they have been observed. figure plots peak activation foci for studies (see table ) of reappraisal in healthy individuals as a function of reappraisal goals (panel a), reappraisal tactics (panel b), and the valence of the emotion being regulated (panel c). ignoring these distinc- tions for a moment, one can see that the control system–affect system relationships shown in figure b and described previously have been observed re- liably across numerous studies. moving beyond the basic model with the consistency of the core control–affect sys- tem relationship as a foundation, we are now in a position to consider how this basic model—first proposed in and elaborated in —has evolved. below we discuss first new conclusions that can be drawn about the model from recent studies of reappraisal. in this section, we pay special attention to two emerging features of the model: (i) the po- tential intermediary role of semantic/perceptual sys- tems in reappraisal, and (ii) pathways linking con- trol and affect systems. next, we discuss the way in which the model can be applied to understanding regulatory strategies other than reappraisal as well as various allied phenomena involving control–affect system interactions. integrating new research on reappraisal recent research provides new insight into the distri- bution of emotion regulation–related activation foci as a function of reappraisal goals (i.e., the outcome one hopes to achieve by regulating, for example, increasing or decreasing an emotional experience), tactics (i.e., the specific subtype of reappraisal one implements), and the emotional valence of stim- uli (i.e., whether the stimulus evokes a positive or negative emotional response). here, we consider the implications of this work for the evolving mcce. goal specificity arguably, the most common goal when using reap- praisal is to decrease negative emotion, as when we attempt to make ourselves feel better about a dis- appointing paper rejection, an argument, and the like. it is not surprising then that this goal has been the focus of the majority of reappraisal studies (see table ). this is not the only goal that guides reap- praisal, however. in some cases, as when we worry, ruminate, or make ourselves more anxious or fearful by elaborating on the meaning of unpleasant events, we are using reappraisal in service of the goal to in- crease emotion. a small, but growing, number of studies have examined this reappraisal goal as well. e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation figure . plots of activation foci from the studies of reappraisal described in the text and table . (a) plots of foci as a function of the goals to decrease or increase emotion. (b) plots of foci as a function of the specific reappraisal tactics used—either reinterpreting the meaning of events depicted in stimuli or actively changing one’s psychological distance from them. (c) plots of foci as a function of the valence of the stimuli eliciting the emotions that participants attempted to regulate. blue boxes illustrate regions that are purported to support reappraisal (increase > look and decrease > look contrasts). pink boxes illustrate regions that are purported to be modulated by reappraisal (look > decrease and increase > look contrasts; for clarity, only foci falling within the boundaries of the amygdala and striatum are shown). figure a plots peak activation foci for reap- praisal studies of healthy individuals as a function of decrease versus increase goals. perusal of this fig- ure highlights three findings. first, whereas both increase and decrease goals recruit left prefrontal regions, decrease goals recruit right prefrontal re- gions to a much greater extent than do increase goals. there are two interpretations of this finding. first, it may be attributable to the fact that decreas- ing an emotional response is more difficult than in- creasing one, and therefore may require additional cognitive control resources. second, decreasing— but not increasing—an emotional response requires inhibiting or limiting the expression of a prepotent appraisal of a stimulus (e.g., as negative) in favor of selecting an alternative reappraisal (e.g., as neutral or even positive). research shows that right dorsal— and especially ventrolateral—prefrontal cortex is in- volved in the selection and/or inhibition of various kinds of responses. – second, there is some evidence that increase goals differentially involve anterior portions of dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (dmpfc). of the studies directly comparing increasing emotion with a control condition in which participants respond naturally, six show increases in anterior dmpfc. , , – of the six studies that did not, most showed activation in neighboring areas (such as anterior cingulate cortex). , – given the role of dmpfc in making judgments about mental states , , and that the majority of reappraisal studies use photographs of people as stimuli (see table ), it is likely that these regions support attention to and elaboration of emotional states, in- tentions, and outcomes of the individuals depicted in these photos. third, whereas increase and decrease goals both seem to modulate the striatum (including both the caudate and putamen), they may differ in the way they modulate the amygdala. on the one hand, ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. table . neuroimaging studies of reappraisal in healthy individualsa design stimulus timing of study participants goal valence tactic type reapp cue amygdala beauregard et al. hya dec pos dist videos early∗ no domes et al. hya both neg both photos late yes eippert et al. hya both neg both photos late yes erk et al. hc dec neg dist photos early yes goldin et al. hya dec neg reint videos early yes harenski et al. hya dec neg both photos early yes hayes et al. hya dec neg reint photos late yes herwig et al. hya dec both reint anticipate photos early yes hollmann et al. hya dec pos (food) reint photos early no ichikawa et al. hya both neg (errors) reint task errors early∗ no kanske et al. hya dec both both photos late yes kim et al. hya dec both reint photos early inc pos only kober et al. hya smokers and non- smokers dec pos (food/cigs) reint photos early yes koenigsburg et al. hya dec neg dist photos early yes krendl et al. hya dec neg unclear photos early yes kross et al. hya dec neg reint memories late no lang et al. hc both neg dist scripts early inc only levesque et al. hya dec neg dist videos early∗ no mak et al. hya dec both unclear photos early∗ no mcrae et al. hya dec neg reint photos early yes mcrae et al. hya dec neg reint photos early yes mcrae et al. healthy aged – dec neg reint photos early no mcrae et al. hya dec neg reint photos of faces early yes modinos et al. hya dec neg reint photos late yes new et al. hc both neg reint photos late yes ochsner et al. hya dec neg reint photos late yes ochsner et al. hya both neg both photos early yes ochnser et al. hya inc neg both photos early yes ohira et al. hya dec both unclear photos early∗ yes opitz et al. hya and hoa both neg reint photos late no phan et al. hya dec neg reint photos early∗ yes pitskel et al. healthy aged – both neg reint photos early yes continued e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation table . continued design stimulus timing of study participants goal valence tactic type reapp cue amygdala schardt et al. hya dec neg dist photos early yes schulze et al. hc both neg both photos late no staudinger et al. hya dec pos dist reward early∗ no staudinger et al. hya dec pos dist anticipate reward early∗ no urry et al. hoa both neg reint photos late inc only urry et al. hoa both neg reint photos late yes van reekum et al. hoa both neg reint photos late dec only vrticka et al. hya dec both reint photos early∗ yes wager et al. hya dec neg reint photos early yes walter et al. hya dec neg dist photos early yes winecoff et al. hya and hoa dec both dist photos late yes a studies are ordered first by year and second by alphabetical order. only studies that reported contrasts (i.e., not only functional connectivity or correlational analyses) for psychologically healthy individuals are included here. if a study included a patient sample but still reported results for its healthy adult controls separately, it was included. hya, healthy young adults, typically – yrs old; hoa, healthy older adult, typically aged years or older; hc, healthy adult control participants matched to patients; for design, goal, goal pursued by participants to increase or decrease emotional responses; valence, positive or negatively valenced emotional stimuli; tactic, type of reappraisal used, distancing or reinterpreting; stim type, stimulus type; timing of reapp cue, timing of instruction cue to reappraise relative to onset of stimulus, where early is just before simulus onset and late is a few seconds after stimulus onset; amygdala, whether modulation of amygdala was reported. note: all studies used event-related designs (different types of trials are presented in a randomized fashion so as to estimate responses on a trial-by-trial basis) except the nine studies designated by ∗ in the “timing of reapp cue” column, which indicates that they used a block design (trials are “blocked” by type, such that many of one type appear consecutively). also, for the stimulus-type column, photo stimuli were drawn from the international affective picture system unless otherwise specified. goal: dec, decrease; inc, increase; both, both increase and decrease conditions were used; valence: neg, negative; pos, positive; both, both positive and negative stimuli were used; strategy: both, both distancing and reinterpreting were used (this only applies to ref. ), or participants were given the choice of distancing or reappraising; dist, become more or less psychologically distant; reint, cognitively reinterpret; unclear, unclear as to what tactic was instructed. decrease goals reliably modulate the amygdala’s ventral (corresponding to the basal and lateral amygdala nuclei) and dorsal portions (correspond- ing to the central nucleus) as well as the sublentic- ular extended amygdala (slea , , ) that lies be- tween the amygdala and the striatum. on the other hand, increase goals may modulate only the dorsal amygdala/slea. one speculative interpretation of these data is that decrease goals influence percep- tual and semantic inputs to the amygdala, which come through the basolateral complex, whereas in- crease goals influence the outputs of the amygdala, which flow from the central nucleus. , this hy- pothesis would fit with anatomical data showing that the basolateral complex has reciprocal con- nections with ventrolateral pfc as well as tempo- ral and parietal regions implicated in visuospatial and semantic representation, whereas the central nucleus receives inputs from medial prefrontal re- gions and sends outputs to autonomic centers that implement various components of an emotional response. ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. the major caveat for all of these conclusions, however, is that very few studies have examined increase goals, and as a consequence, conclusions about the goal specificity of reappraisal-related acti- vations must be considered tentative. that being said, the first study to directly compare increase and decrease goals within subjects obtained ex- actly the results described previously —both in- creasing and decreasing negative affect recruited left vlpfc and dlpfc and modulated the dorsal amyg- dala/slea (increasing affect increased amygdala ac- tivity, whereas decreasing negative affect decreased activity), yet it was also revealed that increasing neg- ative affect recruited the dmpfc to a greater degree than did decreasing negative affect and decreasing negative affect recruited right vlpfc and modulated ventral amygdala to a greater extent than did increas- ing negative affect. at least two-thirds of subsequent studies comparing these goals have obtained results that are generally consistent with them , , , – (other findings also have been reported, includ- ing increase versus decrease differences only in the amygdala, striatal modulation, , , and greater right pfc activation for increasing than decreas- ing ). tactic specificity in the military, a distinction is commonly made be- tween strategy and tactics. strategy is the overall means by which a goal (e.g., win the war) is to be achieved (e.g., divide and conquer). tactics are the specific ways in which strategies are implemented in a given circumstance (e.g., a quick infantry advance, an airstrike, etc.). in the same way, one can distin- guish between reappraisal as a strategy that involves changing the meaning of a stimulus and the tactics used to implement that strategy. two different reappraisal tactics have been stud- ied with imaging. , the first can be called reinter- pretation, which involves changing one’s interpre- tation of the elements of the situation or stimulus that elicits emotion. for example, if one is presented with a photo of a sick man in the hospital that elic- its feelings of sadness, one might reinterpret this image in a way that decreases emotion by think- ing about the man’s hearty constitution and that he will be healthy and well in the future. to increase emotion, one might instead think about how the man is in a great deal of pain and may, in fact, get worse and even perish. the second can be called distancing , which involves changing one’s personal connection to, or psychological distance from, the stimulus that elicits emotion. in the example of the photo of the sick man, one might decrease emotion by viewing the image from the detached perspec- tive of an objective, third person observer and/or imagining that the pictured event took place a long time ago or in a faraway location. one might in- crease emotion by instead imagining that one is ex- periencing pictured events in the present moment, from a first-person perspective, which enables you to smell, hear, and directly observe what is taking place. as table shows, about twice as many studies have examined reinterpretation as have examined distancing, with a few allowing participants to en- gage in either tactic, and only a single study directly comparing them. figure b plots peak activation foci for reappraisal studies of healthy individuals as a function of reinterpretation versus distancing tactics. this figure illustrates three conclusions that can be drawn about reappraisal tactics. first, reinterpre- tation seems to differentially call upon ventral lateral prefrontal regions implicated in response selection and inhibition. , , presumably, this reflects the fact that reinterpretation requires that one must look up and select alternative meanings for stim- uli from semantic memory to a greater extent than does distancing. second, distancing seems to recruit parietal regions implicated in spatial attention and representation to a greater extent, including per- spective taking and the sense of agency. – this may reflect the fact that distancing involves chang- ing the conceptual and spatiotemporal perspective from which stimuli are experienced. third, in gen- eral, the regions involved in reinterpretation appear to be more strongly left lateralized in prefrontal and temporal cortices, whereas regions involved in dis- tancing appear to be more strongly right lateral- ized in prefrontal cortex. these patterns may reflect the differential dependence of reinterpretation and distancing on linguistic and semantic processes as opposed to spatial and attentional processes, which generally show a left versus right hemisphere pattern of relative specialization. , here again, however, because comparatively fewer studies have examined distancing, firm conclusions concerning the tactic specificity of reappraisal-related activations await further e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation research that directly test the conclusions drawn previously. valence specificity on average, the impact of negative emotional ex- periences seems to be greater than the impact of positive emotional experiences, both in the short and long term. indeed, problems with regulat- ing negative emotion are more often a hallmark of clinical disorders than are problems with regulating positive emotion. as such, it is not surprising that table shows that the number of reappraisal studies examining negative emotion outnumber those ex- amining positive emotion more than three to one. that said, two conclusions can be drawn from examining figure c, which plots peak activation foci for reappraisal studies of healthy individuals as a function of the negative versus positive va- lence of stimuli (and the emotions they presumably elicit). first, whereas reappraisal of both negative and positive stimuli depends upon left-hemisphere regions, reappraising negative stimuli depends on right hemisphere regions as well. these findings might reflect the fact that, to date, the majority of studies of negative emotion involve decrease goals. as noted earlier, decrease goals may require more cognitive resources than increase goals, including placing greater demands on selection/inhibitory functions associated with right vlpfc. – an alternative explanation is that positive and neg- ative emotions generally involve approach versus avoidance motivations, which have been associ- ated with the left versus right prefrontal cortex. this interpretation seems less likely, however, given that this motivation-related prefrontal asymmetry is commonly observed in eeg but not in fmri studies. second, it’s apparent that reappraising negative stimuli typically modulates activity in the amygdala and less commonly activity in the striatum. by con- trast, the handful of studies examining reappraisal of positive stimuli more commonly show modulation of the striatum, including the ventral portions asso- ciated with reward and reinforcement learning. , these conclusions are again tentative, however, because so few studies have examined reappraisal of positive stimuli and, in general, studies of reap- praisal have focused overwhelmingly on decrease rather than increase goals. as a consequence, it is not yet clear whether the patterns noted previously are attributable to the pursuit of decrease versus increase goals, the use of negative versus positive stimuli, or both. stimulus specificity to date, out of the reappraisal studies shown in table have used photographic stimuli pulled from the international affective picture system (iaps). these stimuli have been shown to reliably elicit ex- periential, physiological, and facial expressive com- ponents of an emotional response in a valence- specific manner. as such, they provide a straight- forward means of eliciting affective reactions in the scanner environment. that said, the emotions elicited by such stim- uli may or may not generalize to other contexts. for example, iaps photos are selected so as to be normatively positive or negative. although this is suitable for many experimental agendas, other stimuli may be appropriate if one wants to exam- ine the ability to reappraise specific emotions, the emotions elicited by idiosyncratically self-relevant autobiographical experiences, , and so on. with these considerations in mind, small num- bers of studies have examined the ability to reap- praise the specific emotions elicited by sad, sex- ual, or disgusting videos, scripts that elicit partic- ular emotions, the recollection of autobiographical memories, anticipation of reward or shock, or the commission of an error (see table ). because so few studies have used each of these stimuli, it is not use- ful at present to plot activation foci for them or to attempt to draw conclusions about how they might differ as a function of stimulus type. it remains for future research to directly address the question of how the nature of the stimulus per se, as opposed to the kind of emotion elicited, influences the neural systems involved in reappraisal. pathways linking control and affect systems studies of reappraisal—and more generally studies of any form of emotion regulation—implicitly or explicitly assume that prefrontal regions modulate emotional responses via their impact on affect sys- tems like the amygdala and ventral striatum. given the prevalence of this assumption, it is somewhat surprising that it has seldom been put to a direct test. to be sure, a number of studies have shown correlations between prefrontal and amygdala ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. figure . two kinds of mediation pathways involved in reappraisal. (a) and (b) show pathways identified in two studies of the downregulation of negative emotion whereby dorsomedial or ventrolateral prefrontal regions diminish amygdala responses via their impact on ventromedial prefrontal cortex. these studies did not report weights for the mediation paths between regions or test for full versus partial mediation. (c) and (d) show pathways identified in two studies of the downregulation of negative or positive emotion whereby ventrolateral or dorsolateral prefrontal regions diminish self-reports of negative affect or craving via their impact on the amygdala or ventral striatum, respectively. activity , , or correlations between some mea- sure of emotional response (typically self-report) and either prefrontal , , or amygdala activ- ity. , , only four studies, however, have directly tested the mediation model implied by the hypoth- esis that control systems influence emotional re- sponse by influencing activity in affect systems (see fig. ). the first two studies to use mediation exam- ined the use of reappraisal to diminish responses to negative photos. , although both studies used amygdala reactivity as their measure of emotional response, neither reported a main effect of reap- praisal on diminishing amygdala activity. motivated by known connections between the amygdala and vmpfc, both studies looked for and found that individual differences in amygdala response were correlated inversely with responses of vmpfc. me- diation analyses showed that vmpfc mediated a relationship between either left dmpfc or left vlpfc and the amygdala (fig. a and b) such that activity in these prefrontal regions was posi- tively related with vmpfc activity, which, in turn, was negatively related to amygdala responses. there are, however, at least two qualifiers in interpret- ing these results. first, the study identifying the left dmpfc region did so in an increase > attend (i.e., a no regulation baseline) > decrease contrast, meaning that it generally is less active when de- creasing negative emotion than when responding naturally in a baseline “attend” condition. this sug- gests that to the extent one shows less deactiva- tion when decreasing (relative to baseline), one will show greater activity in vmpfc, and, in turn, less amygdala response. it is not immediately clear how to interpret the reduced degree of dmpfc deacti- vation in this context. second, the study iden- tifying the vlpfc→vmpfc→amygdala pathway e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation collapsed across activity in both amygdalae that was extracted from structural rois. as such, it is not clear whether the prefrontal effects were stronger for one amygdala or the other. that said, when taken together, these two studies suggest that effec- tive reappraisal involves pfc→vmpfc→amygdala pathways. the second two studies used similar analytic ap- proaches to study either the use of reappraisal to diminish responses to negative photos or for smokers, the use of reappraisal to diminish crav- ing elicited by photographs of appetitive foods or cigarettes. the study of negative emotion showed that right vlpfc activity predicted drops in self-reported negative emotion, and that this relationship was independently mediated by sep- arate pathways through the amygdala and the ven- tral striatum (fig. c). these two pathways were taken to reflect the use of reappraisal to mini- mize negative appraisals and enhance positive reap- praisals, respectively (see also table s from that paper, which shows left vlpfc involvement as well). the study of craving showed that left dlpfc activity predicted drops in self-reported craving via modulation of activity in the ventral stria- tum (fig. d). together, these two studies suggest that effective reappraisal involves a pathway linking pfc→subcortex→emotion change, with the spe- cific elements of the pathway depending on the na- ture of the stimulus and emotion involved. why are there differences between the results of these pairs of studies? on one hand, because differ- ent dependent measures of emotional response were used (amygdala response vs. self-reported emotion), it’s possible that different reappraisal pathways will emerge depending on the type of response. on the other hand, it’s also possible that differences in methodology may lead participants to reappraise differently, and, in turn, recruit different pathways for effective emotion regulation. here, two differ- ences between the pairs of studies may be relevant. in the first pair of studies that identified the vmpfc-mediated pathway, both had participants that were up to years older than the average par- ticipants in studies of reappraisal in young adults— aged – in one case and – (average years) years in the other. participants in the sec- ond pair of studies were younger, as is the norm, av- eraging . and . years, respectively. given findings that older adults may be impaired in some kinds of reappraisal; the lateral pfc thins, whereas vmpfc thickens with age; and that even when not told to regulate, older adults can show greater connectivity between vmpfc and amygdala, it is possible that the vmpfc plays a larger role in reap- praisal for older compared with younger adults. second, the first pair of studies cued participants to reappraise approximately seconds into an ap- proximate -second presentation of an aversive photo (a late cue), whereas the second pair presented the cue to reappraise just before onset of aversive photos (an early cue). the early cue method is in- tended to provide participants with an opportunity to first have a naturalistic emotional response to an aversive photo before they begin to regulate and has been used in studies (see table ). the late cue method models real-world situations where the goal to reappraise comes online just as one encounters an emotionally evocative stimulus and has been used in studies (see table ). although the early cue method is analogous to real-world situations where the goal to regulate comes online only after one already is having an emotional response, there is a potential problem with trying to model this in the lab. during the ini- tial free viewing of an aversive photo, participants may try out a few reappraisals just in case they are asked to subsequently reappraise on that trial. if this were the case, then we might expect one or both of two kinds of results. one possibility is that the ability to detect an effect of reappraisal on amygdala responses would be diminished for late cue studies, either because the amygdala responded early and then habituated, or because once participants were asked to reap- praise, the amygdala’s response could have already decreased because the participants had begun gen- erating/practicing potential reappraisals before the explicit instruction cue appeared. although neither of the mediation studies in question showed whole- brain amygdala effects, and only one showed ef- fects using rois, weak effects of reappraisal on the amygdala are probably related to other factors (like age—see above) given that roughly the same ratio (roughly / to / ) of studies using the late and early cue methods show reappraisal-related amyg- dala modulation, especially for studies using photos (see table ). a second possibility is that the late versus early timing of reappraisal cues changes the nature of ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. one’s reappraisals, even if, on average, they have similar effects on amygdala responding. for exam- ple, in late cues studies, if participants have had a chance to view stimuli for a few seconds and to think about potential reappraisals before being explicitly told to reappraise, then vmpfc recruitment could reflect decision processes about which of a set of prepared reappraisals they prefer and can best use for the stimulus at hand (see also section on decision making below). to date, no imaging studies have com- pared late and early cues. but one behavioral/ psychophyiological study comparing these cues found that the effects of increase goals on some physiological measures are greater for late than early cues, but that the effects of decrease goals were similar for each cue type. future work could fruit- fully illuminate these issues. all this said, it is of course possible that both kinds of pathways are important and that a multistep vlpfc→vmpfc→amydala/striatum→emotion response pathway may be observed in future studies. to date, however, no published studies have expressly tested for the existence of this complex pathway underlying reappraisal success. the role of perceptual and semantic systems a related issue is whether and how reappraisal in- volves modulation not just of systems involved in affective appraisal and response, but of systems involved in representing the perceptual and se- mantic properties of stimuli as well. as shown in figure , activation of a number of these systems is often seen during reappraisal, including regions along the middle and superior temporal sulci in- volved in representing the visual properties of stim- uli, including nonverbal social cues to emotion like movements of lips and eyes; – temporal polar regions implicated in representing episodic and se- mantic emotion knowledge; and regions near the temporal–parietal junction involved in representa- tions of beliefs, including “false” beliefs of the sort one generates when considering alternative reap- praisals of stimuli. , these data raise at least three questions. first, there is the question of when activation of these regions will be seen. certainly, cognitive change strategies like reappraisal may involve these regions, given that it involves an active reworking of the meaning of a stimulus. other strategies that do not focus on meaning may not involve these regions, however. consistent with this, two studies directly comparing reappraisal and distraction found that reappraisal differentially recruited all three of the temporal regions listed above. , along these lines, it is also likely that these regions will be more involved in regulating responses to visual stimuli given the role of the temporal lobe in the “ventral visual stream” for representing information about object identity – (although this remains to be tested directly). as noted previously, there is not yet enough work using different kinds of stimuli to say whether reappraisal of stimuli in nonvisual modal- ities (e.g., somatosensory or auditory) may involve modulation of corresponding modality-specific re- gions (e.g., somatosensory of auditory cortices). second, if these regions are more active during reappraisal, there is the question as to why this is the case. does greater activity here reflect increased attention to perceptual and semantic aspects of stimuli? access to/retrieval of alternative “views” of reappraised stimuli? the process of actively restruc- turing one’s (visual) mental image of a stimulus? all three interpretations are possible and could be tested in future work. third, there is the question of whether these temporal regions play a part in the regulation pathways described earlier—playing an interme- diary role, for example—between prefrontal con- trol systems and affective appraisal systems. this possibility was raised in early reappraisal studies (e.g., ref. ) where it was suggested that even though dorsolateral pfc regions do not have direct connections to subcortical regions like the amyg- dala, they may nevertheless modulate them via their impact on perceptual/semantic systems. in line with this view, pfc could change one’s men- tal representation of a stimulus’s meaning from the top down, and that representation of the reap- praised stimulus would feed forward to the amyg- dala (and other structures that trigger affective re- sponses). because the amygdala now “sees” the reappraised stimulus, its response changes. al- though plausible, this hypothesis has yet to be directly tested. summary extant data from functional imaging studies of reappraisal strongly support the mcce depicted in e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation figure b. although many questions remain to be addressed about how specific control systems mod- ulate specific affect systems as a function of reap- praisal goals and tactics or various aspects of stimuli and the emotions they elicit, a core control–affect system dynamic is now well established. generalizability to other forms of regulation given the robustness of the mcce (fig. ) in accounting for reappraisal, the question naturally arises as to whether this model can be generalized to account for other types of emotion regulation strategies. as noted previously, the majority of functional imaging studies of emotion regulation have focused on reappraisal. that said, the other four main classes of emotion regulation strategies diagrammed in fig- ure a have been targeted by imaging studies to varying degrees. here, we consider each in turn. situation selection and modification the two situation-focused strategies, situation se- lection and situation modification, have received lit- tle attention thus far in human imaging research. as noted earlier, this is at least partially attributable to the difficulty of devising appropriate lab paradigms for studying them. the lone human imaging study of situation selection builds on the rodent literature on avoidance conditioning. in a typical task, a rat learns to perform an action that allows it to avoid presentation of an aversive stimulus (e.g., refs. and ). in a human analogue of this procedure, delgado et al. found that avoidance conditioning ac- tivates vlpfc and dlpfc control systems and mod- ulates the amygdala. these findings provide an initial suggestion that situation selection may call systems that maintain regulatory goals and select context-appropriate avoidance responses. attentional deployment by contrast, studies of attentional deployment have been relatively common, second in number only to studies of reappraisal. one set of these studies has examined the use of selective attention to shift visual spatial attention away from an affectively valenced stimulus or stimulus attribute and toward a neutral one. another set of these studies has examined the use of distraction to shift the focus of attention in- ward onto some internally maintained mental rep- resentation (e.g., a relevant working memory load, self generated stimulus-irrelevant thoughts, a pleas- ant mental image, and so on). as has been reviewed in detail elsewhere, , interpreting the findings of both of these kinds of studies is clouded by three issues. first, almost all of the studies of selective at- tention, and many studies of distraction, use stimuli that do not elicit strong emotional responses, such as facial expressions of emotion. as such, these studies are concerned with the regulation of evaluative judg- ment or perception rather than affective respond- ing, per se. second, when highly arousing and affect- inducing stimuli are employed, they most often are stimuli that cause physical pain. although responses to painful stimuli have a strong negatively valenced affective component, this component may itself have a distinct neural signature because of its recruitment of dedicated pain-specific neural pathways. , as such, it is an empirical question whether the regu- lation of pain is similar to or different from the regulation of negative affective responses more gen- erally. third, these studies are highly heterogenous, often employing very different stimuli and meth- ods of controlling the focus and level of attention, without a clear metric for assessing the extent to which attention has or has not been paid to a given affective stimulus. given these limitations, we refer the reader to other reviews of this literature, , although noting that they are generally consistent with the model depicted in figure b, insofar as activation of prefrontal systems and modulation of affect systems (like the amygdala) is often (but not always) reported. response modulation. finally, both behavioral and imaging studies of response modulation have fo- cused on expressive suppression, which is the ability to hide behavioral manifestations of emotion. the two imaging studies of expressive suppression asked participants to suppress facial expressions of disgust elicited by a film clip. , both found that expres- sive suppression not only activated dorsolateral and ventrolateral pfc regions associated with maintain- ing goals, response selection, and inhibition, , , but also it increased activation of the insula, which is involved in triggering affective responses. amyg- dala findings were more mixed, however, with one study reporting increases and one decreases in activity during suppression. increases in in- sula and amygdala fit with psychophysiological studies, demonstrating that expressive suppression ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. boosts the autonomic component of emotional responding. in total, the available literature on emotion reg- ulation strategies other than reappraisal is in some cases limited and in other cases somewhat confus- ing, but in general supports the idea that all emotion regulation strategies involve interactions between cognitive control and affect regions. future neuro- maging research must apply the same rigorous and thorough approach to these other strategies that has already been applied to reappraisal. generalizability to other related phenomena given the robustness of the mcce (fig. b) in ac- counting for multiple forms of regulation, a nat- ural next question is whether it can be generally applied to other allied phenomena, such as af- fective/emotional learning, decision making, and expectancies. these phenomena are typically considered in separate literatures, but seem to involve related cognitive–affective dynamics. although space limitations prohibit an in-depth dis- cussion, here, we briefly examine the broad applica- bility of the model in each of these three cases. affective/emotional learning. at the outset of this paper we made a distinction between goal-directed forms of emotion regulation, which are the focus of this review, and other behaviors that may have regulatory effects on emotion despite lacking a spe- cific goal to do so. there are a number of forms of affective or emotional learning that fit the lat- ter description. one of the most common exam- ples is extinction of a conditioned fear response. in the traditional fear conditioning paradigm, an animal learns that an ostensibly neutral stim- ulus, such as a light (known as the conditioned stimulus or cs), predicts the occurrence of an in- trinsically aversive stimulus, such as electric shock (known as the unconditioned stimulus or ucs). over time, the repeated pairing of the light and shock lead the animal to respond to the light itself with an anticipatory fear response. elegant animal studies have shown that fear conditioning depends on communication between input and output nu- clei of the amygdala. , fear extinction involves the repeated presentation of the cs in the absence of the ucs. over time, the organism learns that the cs no longer predicts shock, ceases to have its anticipatory fear response, and fear is said to be ex- tinguished. importantly, extinction is known to in- volve the laying down of a new context-dependent memory. in the current temporal context, the cs does not predict shock, whereas in the past temporal context it did. rodent lesion studies have shown that whereas the initial acquisition of extinction requires only the amygdala, the ability to retain and express memory for extinction depends on vmpfc. in keeping with this finding, studies in humans have shown that both the magnitude of vmpfc activation and vmpfc thickness predict the speed of extinc- tion. – in the present model, phenomena like extinction (or stimulus–reward reversal learning, which also depends upon vmpfc , ), are somewhat hybrid phenomena. on the one hand, they can be viewed as an example of emotion generation, insofar as one is learning to express a new emotional response to a given stimulus. on the other hand, they can be viewed as an implicit form of emotion regulation where one does not have an explicit goal to regulate, but the behaviors in which one engages directly, alter the nature of one’s emotional response. beyond this, there are a number of ways in which prefrontal control systems may have a regulatory impact on affective learning. for example, as noted earlier, in some cases reappraisal may involve in- teractions between pfc, vmpfc, and the amyg- dala, when reappraisal paradigms give participants a chance to respond emotionally and potentially plan reappraisals before deciding whether to implement them. interactions of this sort also have been ob- served in studies that use distraction to regulate a conditioned response. , in these studies, one is initially conditioned to expect either a painful shock or reward ucs following a visual cs (e.g., a yellow triangle). later, one regulates the conditioned re- sponse to the cs by thinking about a calm and neu- tral scene unrelated to either the cs or the ucs. in both cases, effective regulation involves activation of left dlpfc and modulation of both the amygdala and/or ventral striatum and the vmpfc. affective decision making. affective decision mak- ing involves choosing among several stimuli that one may purchase, consume, or own. in some cases, these choices are a simple matter of selecting the option that has the greatest value. imaging re- search suggests that activation in systems thought to e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation represent affect and value like the ventral striatum, insula, and vmpfc is sufficient to support and even predict such choices. , but in other cases, the choice options may be of similar value, or the rea- sons for valuing them may conflict with one another. in the model, such cases may draw on the control systems shown in figure b to modulate the values associated with choice options, essentially guiding a top–down revaluation of them to facilitate choice. perhaps the simplest example of this is where the act of choice itself arouses conflict as one decides which features of choice options they can’t live with- out and which features of choice options they must forgo. classically, this decision conflict is thought to arouse cognitive dissonance, which the act of choos- ing reduces by placing a higher value on chosen and a lesser value on unchosen stimuli. imaging studies show that these choice-induced changes in value involve control systems like the anterior cingu- late cortex, which may signal the presence of choice conflict and motivate value change, and systems like the ventral striatum, which may represent the reval- ued stimuli. – another type of choice that commonly requires the use of control occurs when an individual must decide between options that fit short-term versus long-term goals. this is the dilemma faced by a dieter who must decide whether to eat a cupcake or an apple. consuming the cupcake satisfies the short-term goal of hedonic pleasure, whereas eat- ing the apple satisfies the long-term goal of liv- ing a healthy lifestyle. a recent imaging study of this choice dilemma showed that food choices reflecting a greater valuation of long-term health over short-term tastiness involve the modulation of vmpfc by dlpfc. this is consistent with the idea that the cognitive control of choice involves interac- tions between systems for maintaining choice goals (e.g., dlpfc) and systems representing the value of choices with respect to those goals (e.g., vmpfc). this same logic applies to studies of intertem- poral choice and delay of gratification, where imaging , and transcranial magnetic stimula- tion (tms) studies suggest that lateral pfc con- trol systems can be used to effortfully represent the value of a larger delayed reward and guide selec- tion of it over a smaller but immediately available reward. more generally, the model can be applied to other choices where control is needed to modulate the af- fective valuations placed on choice options, ranging from risky decision making to interpersonal con- texts in which one must decide whether to be fair toward or punish others. , affective expectancies. in parallel to the growth and development of imaging research on emotion regulation, there has been a tremendous surge of interest in the brain mechanisms underlying the in- fluence of expectancies on behavior. in imaging, expectancies have been studied either by cueing par- ticipants that an upcoming stimulus will have par- ticular properties (e.g., that it will or will not be painful, will be a neutral or aversive image, and so on) or by inducing beliefs about the effects of a placebo drug on their experience (e.g., that an anal- gesic cream will reduce pain). in the model, these phenomena all involve the use of prefrontal control systems to set and maintain an expectation, which, in turn, influences the responses of affect generating systems. for example, imaging studies show that expectancies and placebo beliefs about pain activate lateral prefrontal/parietal con- trol systems and/or medial prefrontal systems – that may maintain expectations about upcoming events. in turn, these systems may influence the way one attends to and appraises the meaning of expected stimuli, thereby increasing or decreasing activity in affect systems to be consistent with the nature of one’s expectations. summary and future directions for basic and translational research the overarching goal of this paper has been to re- view and synthesize current functional imaging re- search on emotion regulation. toward that end, we outlined a basic model of the processes and neural systems involved in emotion generation and emo- tion regulation and surveyed various domains of research that support it. at its core, the mcce spec- ifies how prefrontal and cingulate control systems modulate activity in affect systems as a function of one’s regulatory goal, tactics, and the nature of the stimuli and emotions being regulated. although the model was built primarily from studies of one type of cognitive change strategy known as reappraisal, it is generally applicable to understanding the brain mechanisms underlying the other emotion regula- tion strategies depicted in figure a as well as a range of other allied phenomena. ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. e functional imaging studies of emotion regulation ochsner et al. that said, there is much work yet to be done. at various points during the review we’ve highlighted the limitations of current knowledge and the short- comings of current methodologies. future work is needed to clarify the mechanisms underlying all of the emotion regulation strategies discussed here as well as the roles the brain systems supporting emo- tion regulation (fig. b) play in affective learning, affective decision making, and affective expectan- cies. progress is essential to refine our understand- ing of the distinctions made here, but also to address new questions about how emotion regulation mech- anisms operate. for example, although it is certainly important that regulation strategies have immediate effects on emotional responses, it is also important that their effects be long lasting. indeed, whether regulatory effects last is critical both in everyday and clinical contexts in which one could repeatedly reen- counter an emotionally evocative stimulus (e.g., the risk of running into a girlfriend who dumped you because you work for the same company). to date, this issue has been addressed only twice—once in an fmri study reporting that the effects of reap- praisal on diminishing amygdala responses may en- dure for up to minutes in healthy adults, but not those with major depression, and once in an erp study showing that the effects of reappraisal on arousal-related responses endure for up to min- utes. clearly, more work is needed here. in so doing, it will be important for this work to increasingly make use of techniques other than functional imaging (e.g., erp, – tms, , and lesion methodologies ), as well as to in- tegrate insights gained from human studies with the large body of literature on affective and reg- ulatory phenomena in nonhuman primates and rodents. , , progress on all of these fronts is absolutely critical if we are to develop a model of interactions between control and affect systems that can make sense not just of emotion regulatory phe- nomena, but of all the other types of phenomena that recruit these systems as well. another important direction for future research is the translation of basic research of emotion regu- lation to understanding the full range of normal to abnormal differences in emotional responding and regulatory ability. this is critical both for under- standing the mechanisms underlying this variabil- ity and for testing the boundaries of basic models of emotion regulatory mechanisms. one domain in which this will prove important is understanding how and why our emotional lives evolve as we grow from childhood through adoles- cence into adulthood and old age. on one hand, there is growing evidence that childhood and ado- lescence are critical times for the development of the emotion regulatory abilities needed to adap- tively regulate affective impulses and the deleterious health behaviors (e.g., obesity, substance use) they can promote. a small but growing number of studies have begun to address this issue by asking how the neural mechanisms of reappraisal and emotional re- activity develop from adolescence into young adult- hood. some early results suggest that reappraisal ability increases linearly with age, whereas emo- tional reactivity remains relatively constant , (but see ref. ). on the other hand, although physical health and cognitive abilities tend to decline with age, – older adults report more emotional stability and a greater ratio of positive to negative experiences in their daily life, with the extent of pos- itive emotion predicting longevity. – although many have hypothesized that this “rosy glow” of old age is due in part to more effective emotion regula- tion, to date there is little evidence directly testing this idea. , , one conundrum to resolve here will be the apparent dependence of emotion regula- tion on the same kinds of prefrontal control systems that decline with age. this raises the question of how regulatory abilities improve as the underlying neural machinery declines. , early results suggest that it may depend on the strategies older adults deploy, with spared or greater regulatory ability shown for strategies and tactics that fit with long-term goals and have become habitual. , , , – a second important goal for translational re- search will be to understand how potential dysfunc- tion in the mechanisms of emotion generation and regulation may underlie various forms of psychi- atric and substance use disorders (for a more in depth discussion, please see ref. ). this trans- lational direction is being pursued in studies of reappraisal across various disorders, ranging from depression , , to borderline personality disor- der, , , social anxiety disorder, , phobia, posttraumatic stress disorder, , cocaine users, and smokers. these studies can be useful in two ways. first, they may show disorder-specific patterns of altered function in control and affect systems. for example, current data suggest that depressed e ann. n.y. acad. sci. ( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. ochsner et al. functional imaging studies of emotion regulation individuals may show impaired recruitment of vlpfc during reappraisal, suggestive of an im- pairment of top–down control, whereas border- line individuals may show heightened amygdala responses coupled with diminished cingulate re- sponses, suggestive of a failure to monitor para- doxical increases in affective responding when at- tempting to decrease emotion. second, imaging methods for studying emotion regulation may be used before and after treatment regimes as pre- dictors of and markers of improvement. although such studies are only beginning to emerge, they hold great promise for understanding why some individ- uals improve and whether different treatments (e.g., drugs versus cognitive behavioral therapy) have dif- ferent mechanisms of action. in the long run, the hope is that integrating ba- sic and translational perspectives will help specify which individuals are at greatest risk for maladap- tive health behaviors and emotional outcomes, at what ages this risk is greatest, and which regulatory mechanisms could be targeted in future interven- tions during particular points in the life course. al- though realization of this dream is still a long way away, current research provides a strong foundation for getting there. acknowledgments preparation of this paper was supported by nih grants ag , mh , and da awarded to kevin n. ochsner, as well as fellowship f mh awarded to jennifer a. silvers. conflicts of interest the authors declare no conflicts of interest. references . eisenberg, n. . emotion, regulation, and moral devel- opment. annu. rev. psychol. : – . . fernandez, e. & d.c. turk. . the utility of cogni- tive coping strategies for altering pain perception: a meta- analysis. pain : – . . diener, e. . subjective well-being. psychol. bull. : – . . wilson, b.j. & j.m. gottman. . stress, coping, and re- siliency in children and families. e.m. hetherington & e.a. blechman, eds.: – . lawrence erlbaum. hillsdale, nj. . ayduk, o. et al. . regulating the interpersonal self: strategic self-regulation for coping with rejection sensitiv- ity. j. pers. soc. psychol. : – . . gross, j.j. & r.f. munoz. . emotion regulation and mental health. clin. psychol.: sci. prac. : – . . mittal, d., r. torres, a. abashidze & n. jimerson. . worsening of post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms with cognitive decline: case series. j. geriatr. psychiatry neu- rol. : – . . gross, j.j. & r.a. thompson. . handbook of emotion regulation. guilford press. new york. . ochsner, k.n. & j.j. gross. . cognitive emotion reg- ulation: insights from social cognitive and affective neuro- science. curr. dir. psychol. sci. : – . . ochsner, k.n. & j.j. gross. . the cognitive control of emotion. trends cogn. sci. : – . . marr, d. . vision: a computational investigation into the human representation and processing of visual informa- tion. w.h. freeman. san francisco. . ochsner, k. . social psychology: a handbook of basic principles. a. kruglanksi & e.t. higgins, eds.: – . guilford press. new york. . ochsner, k.n. & s.m. kosslyn. . the oxford handbook of cognitive neuroscience. k.n. ochsner & s.m. kosslyn, eds. oxford university press. new york. . gross, j.j. & l.f. barrett. . emotion generation and emotion regulation: one or two depends on your point of view. emot. rev. : – . . mcrae, k., s. misra, a.k. prasad, et al. . bottom-up and top-down emotion generation: implications for emotion regulation. soc. cogn. affect neurosci. : – . . ochsner, k.n. et al. . bottom-up and top-down pro- cesses in emotion generation: common and distinct neural mechanisms. psychol. sci. : – . . barrett, l.f., b. mesquita, k.n. ochsner & j.j. gross. . the experience of emotion. annu. rev. psychol. : – . . scherer, k.r., a. schorr & t. johnstone, eds. . appraisal processes in emotion: theory, methods, research. oxford university press. new york. . wager, t.d. et al. . the handbook of emotion. m. lewis, j.m. haviland-jones & l.f. barrett, eds.: – . guilford. new york. . kober, h. et al. . functional grouping and cortical- subcortical interactions in emotion: a meta-analysis of neu- roimaging studies. neuroimage : – . . mauss, i.b., r.w. levenson, l. mccarter, et al. . the tie that binds? 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( ) e –e c© new york academy of sciences. boletin de filología, tomo lii nº , corrección.indd boletín de filología, tomo lii número ( ): - un periódico neoyorquino como vehículo ideológico de promoción del español. el caso de la prensa ( - ) rosa sánchez* swiss national science foundation resumen en el presente artículo se da a conocer material publicado en el periódico neoyorquino la prensa para promocionar el español y su enseñanza entre los años a . se trata de un corpus bastante heterogéneo constituido por material publicitario, material didáctico (cursos de lengua y rúbricas que proporcionaban textos sobre y para las aulas) y concursos, que tiene en común la promoción del español y su enseñanza como estrategia comercial para la ampliación de los lectores durante un periodo en el que en ee.uu. se vive lo que se ha denominado un spanish craze o hispanomanía. se presentan los factores históricos, geopolíticos e ideológicos que llevaron a que el español se convirtiera en la primera segunda lengua enseñada en el este artículo ha sido elaborado durante una estancia de investigación afiliada al programa doctoral hispanic and luso-brazilian literatures and languages del graduate center de la city university of new york en el marco del proyecto constructing communicative spaces. self-representation and linguistic diversity in new york’s spanish-language press during the first half of the th century (advanced postdoc.mobility-project: p p _ ) financiado por el fondo nacional suizo para la promoción de la investigación (snf; http:// www.snf.ch/). * para correspondencia, dirigirse a: rosa sánchez (rosa.sanchez@unibas.ch),the city university of new york, the graduate center, ph.d. program in hispanic and luso-brazilian literatures and languages, fifth avenue, new york, ny , usa. boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , sistema escolar estadounidense, para luego ilustrar las estrategias mediante las cuales el periódico se hizo eco en sus contenidos de las ideologías divulgadas por las instituciones culturales más importantes de la época (hispanic society, american association of teachers of spanish, instituto de las españas de la columbia university) y con las cuales llegó a colaborar en determinados formatos. palabras clave: ideologías lingüísticas, prensa hispana, enseñanza del español, la prensa, nueva york, josé camprubí. a new york newspaper as ideological vehicle for the promotion of spanish. the case of la prensa ( - ) abstract the current article presents and analyzes material promoting spanish and its teaching published between and in la prensa,one of new york’s leading spanish-language newspapers. the corpus consists of a series of heterogeneous texts such as advertisements, didactic material and competitions, having in common the promotion of spanish and its teaching as a commercial strategy in order to expand its readership during a time when the us was experiencing a spanish craze. furthermore, historical, geopolitical and ideological factors are presented that led spanish to be the first foreign language taught in the american school system. the article also shows how the newspaper reflected and adapted itself to the ideologies displayed by the main cultural institutions it collaborated with, such as the hispanic society, the american association of teachers of spanish, and the instituto de las españas at columbia university. keywords: language ideologies, hispanic press, spanish as a foreign language, la prensa, new york, josé camprubí. recibido: / / aceptado: / / durante el mes de febrero de , el periódico la prensa se promocionaba en la cabecera con el siguiente lema: “the best medium to practice spanish”. a primera vista esto puede sorprender o parecer contradictorio, pues tratándose de un periódico que ha sido definido como de y para inmigrantes (kanellos : y ss.) lo esperable sería que promocionase el aprendizaje del inglés como soporte para la integración de los inmigrantes en la sociedad de acogida; cosa que también hizo, pero en menor medida. un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez tras presentar brevemente el periódico y su director, veremos a continuación los motivos históricos y socioculturales que hicieron que este rotativo, uno de los más importantes (sino el más importante, al menos durante este periodo) dentro de la panorámica periodística hispanófona neoyorquina, pusiera un gran énfasis en la promoción de la enseñanza de la lengua española, sobre todo entre y . después de esto presentaremos un breve marco teórico en el que relacionaremos los dos ámbitos aquí tratados –el periodístico y el didáctico– con una serie de herramientas teóricas que nos serán útiles para el análisis del material recolectado. en la última parte describiremos y analizaremos estas, que identificamos como estrategias comerciales, puestas en marcha por el rotativo. . la prensa y josé camprubÍ el periódico la prensa fue fundado el de octubre por el español rafael viera y ayala y su propósito inicial fue “contrarrestar «las malas doctrinas publicadas por varios periódicos anarquistas que se publica[ba]n en español en la ciudad de nueva york»” . poco se sabe de esta primera etapa fundacional, ya que no se conservan, que sepamos, números de ella (cfr. de juan bolufer : y ss.). tras una serie de cambios internos y de propietarios, será durante el año , con la llegada de josé camprubí ( - ) , un ingeniero español-puertorriqueño , que este órgano, aún modesto y de difusión semanal, se convertirá finalmente en diario, el de junio . es aún incierto cuándo camprubí realizó exactamente la compra del periódico, tuvo que ser entre los años - (de juan para más información véase también la cronología que el diario / la prensa elaboró para su centenario en : . en . según la información que se encuentra en esta misma página web, viera era canario y llegó a nueva york en pasando por la habana, donde ya había fundado un periódico. en dirigió además otro semanario neoyorquino, la gaceta, también por poco tiempo. para más información acerca de la vida de josé aymar camprubí véanse de juan bolufer ( ), cortés ibáñez ( ) y fernández y cagiao ( ). recordemos que la isla de puerto rico había sido cedida por parte de españa a estados unidos en a raíz de la pérdida de la guerra hispano-estadounidense, según lo acordado en el tratado de parís. boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , bolufer : ; cortés ibáñez : ) . el caso es que no será hasta que abandonará sus otras ocupaciones laborales para dedicarse por completo a la dirección del diario. durante este periodo, la empresa “la prensa printing co.” (fundada en enero de ) se hará con una imprenta propia y tanto el servicio cablegráfico, como la plantilla laboral y las instalaciones técnicas serán ampliados, fruto de todo lo cual se aumentarán las tiradas de ejemplares en a en (de juan bolufer : , según indicaciones del propio periódico). a lo largo del año se empieza a publicar en el directorio una lista de países para los cuales el rotativo ofrece suscripción, la lista se va ampliando hasta llegar en a los siguientes países: “estados unidos y posesiones, argentina, bolivia, brasil, canadá, chile, colombia, costa rica, cuba, ecuador, el salvador, españa, guatemala, honduras, méjico, nicaragua, panamá, paraguay, perú, santo domingo y uruguay” (p. ej. . . , a). con la debida cautela ante los datos proporcionados por el periódico, esto nos puede dar una idea, ya no tanto del ámbito de difusión que pudo tener efectivamente, sino más bien del ámbito de difusión aspirado o deseado por parte del rotativo. camprubí, que había sido director de la unión benéfica española (ube) desde , usó el rotativo desde , “como plataforma de información de los derechos de los hispanos en los estados unidos” (de juan bolufer : ). la compra y las funciones informativas comunitarias del periódico se hicieron aún más urgentes cuando, desde la entrada de ee.uu. en la primera guerra mundial, muchos barones hispanos fueron acusados de desertores y la oficina de abogados defensores establecida por la ube no daba abasto con la atención. según el propio camprubí: tanta gente fué la que vino, que se hizo imposible atenderla, y había que darle un número de orden y decirles que se les llamaría. para esto era necesario un periódico y compré la prensa, y en los números de aquella época pueden verse los anuncios llamando a los reclutas (“autobiografía del director de «la prensa»”, . . , e) . según fernández y cagiao ( ) la compra se efectuó ya en . fundada en , la “unión benéfica española. sociedad de beneficencia, protección, instrucción y recreo. única reconocida y subvencionada por el gobierno de españa” fue durante mucho tiempo la asociación más importante para la ayuda e integración de inmigrantes españoles e hispanoamericanos en nyc (cfr. cortés ibáñez ). esta autobiografía se publicó a raíz del aniversario de la prensa, se volvería a reeditar a raíz de la defunción de camprubí en la edición del . . , d-f. manejamos ejemplares de la new york public library y del archivo del center for puerto rican studies de la city university of new york. en las referencias del periódico indicamos un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez este destacado miembro de la colonia hispano-neoyorquina fue asimismo miembro de las sociedades más importantes de la ciudad tales como la hispanic society , el instituto de las españas de la columbia university, la pan american society o la spanish chamber of commerce y la pan american business association (de juan bolufer : ). como ingeniero, empresario y periodista fueron múltiples las esferas en las que se movió: la intelectual, la social-cultural, la comercial; “era liberal y demócrata por convicción y republicano aún desde los tiempos de la monarquía” ( . . , c), de ideología moderada y ecléctica (fernández y cagiao ), siempre a caballo entre el proyecto hispanista y el panamericanista (cfr. cap. .). estuvo casado con agnes ethel leaycraft, prima de tercer grado de theodore roosevelt y fue hermano de la escritora zenobia camprubí, esposa de juan ramón jiménez. todo estos aspectos biográficos se reflejarán por supuesto también en los contenidos del periódico. el programa de la prensa fue desde un comienzo, por una parte, el “de servir a la colonia española e ibero americana en estados unidos” ( . . , d), informando y ofreciendo servicios para unificar esta comunidad por esos entonces ya bastante heterogénea . por otra parte, el periódico también se vio como embajador del mundo hispano, queriendo “servir a todos los norteamericanos que tienen interés en nuestro arte, cultura, comercio y civilización en general” ( . . , d); en un ejercicio constante de tender puentes entre ambas sociedades: la de origen y la de acogida y las comunidades resultantes del movimiento migratorio. como declaraba el mismo rotativo: “este diario es ibero-americano y especializado en españa, portugal, las repúblicas iberoamericanas, puerto rico, filipinas, los estados unidos y canadá” ( . . , a). el de marzo de fallece camprubí; años después, en , sus hijas venderán el diario al empresario fortune pope, cuya familia fecha de publicación, página y columna. en las citas reproducimos la (orto)grafía tal cual, corrigiendo simplemente las erratas tipográficas más evidentes. las cursivas son del periódico, de ser nuestras lo indicamos en nota a pie de página. de esta fue, de hecho, miembro correspondiente desde diciembre de y miembro de derecho desde noviembre de , hasta finalmente “ser elegido miembro de honor unos días antes de morir, el de marzo de ”, lo cual le concedió el “privilegio de estampar su firma en una de las columnas del museo” (de juan bolufer : ). para más información acerca de la composición demográfica de la comunidad hispano- neoyorquina de la época, véase haslip-viera ( : ). durante los años los grupos más representados eran oriundos de españa, cuba y puerto rico, en este orden, orden que se invertirá a lo largo de las décadas siguientes, cuando la población boricua se irá perfilando como la más numerosa, debido a los sucesos geopolíticos en la isla. boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , era propietaria desde del también diario neoyorquino il progresso italiano-americano ( . . , c). con todo, la era camprubí, que es la que aquí trataremos, se puede considerar como una etapa muy fructífera para el rotativo al expandir y profesionalizar sus servicios a pesar de las carencias económicas por las que también tuvo que pasar (cfr. cap. . .). se puede decir que el diario fue una publicación general de tipo informativo, de ideología moderada y ecléctica (fernández y cagiao ), al igual que su propietario, tratando de alcanzar un máximo de lectores (de un nivel más bien culto) dentro de la colonia hispano-neoyorquina y fuera de esta, tal como demuestra también el material que analizaremos a continuación. en , la prensa se fusionará con el diario de nueva york, diario que se había fundado en y que en pocos meses se había afianzado en el mercado periodístico neoyorquino. el propietario por esos entonces era el magnate o. roy chalk, que había adquirido a su vez el diario de nueva york en a su fundador, el dominicano porfirio díaz y la prensa en . el resultado de la fusión, el diario / la prensa (recientemente ya solo el diario), sigue existiendo aún hoy en día, pertenece a la multinacional impremedia desde a la cual también pertenecen periódicos tales como la opinión (los ángeles), la raza (chicago) o la prensa (florida), entre otros . . contexto histórico-ideológico serán una serie de factores de índole histórica, geopolítica, socioeconómica y cultural (cfr. tb. fitz-gerald : ; de onís : y s.) los que hagan que durante las primeras décadas del siglo xx se viva en ee.uu. lo que kagan ha denominado un spanish craze o hispanomanía: the term refers to a particular era in us history when seemingly everything spanish –art, music, language, literature, architecture, and more– was in vogue. this particular “craze” began in the s, and lasted, with few interruptions until the early s, when it was brought to an abrupt end by a combination of factors associated with the great depression, the victory of general francisco franco and his falange cfr. y yúdice ( : y s.). un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez party in spain’s bloody civil war ( - ), and changing tastes and fashions in the united states ( : ). este será en realidad un segundo boom de hispanofilia; el primero había tenido lugar ya durante el siglo xix y había sido fomentado por una serie de filólogos estadounidenses, estudiosos de lenguas modernas, entre ellas el español, tales como washington irving, henry wadsworth longfellow, william h. prescott o george ticknor entre otros (wilkins : ; ruiz- manjón : ; cfr. jaksic ). dos guerras desempeñarán un papel fundamental en este segundo auge. por una parte será, paradójicamente, de gran importancia la derrota de españa en la guerra hispano-estadounidense y la pérdida de sus últimas colonias para la revaloración de todo lo español en ee.uu: spain’s defeat in the spanish-american war eliminated the idea that spain might somehow be a threat to hemispheric security, and it was arguably the removal of this “threat factor” that helped clear the way for a new and intensified spanish craze in the us. [...]but it is almost as if once spain had been definitively expelled –as a political player– from the hemisphere, and once the us had begun to imagine itself as the seat of a new kind of benign and enlightened empire, certain spanish cultural forms –which before may have seemed backward or decadent– could now be safely reinscribed or re-appropriated as exotic or picturesque or even stately (fernández : ). por otra parte, desempeñará un papel fundamental la entrada de ee.uu. en la primera guerra mundial en en el “intensified interest in the spiritual and political ideals of the twenty other sovereign states in the western hemisphere, in eighteen of which spanish is the official language” (fitz-gerald : ). este interés por los países americanos hispanófonos no fue aleatorio; la gran guerra había dificultado el comercio con europa lo cual llevó a que ee.uu. tuviera que centrar sus intereses comerciales, ahora más que nunca, en el hemisferio sur, ruta que había sido facilitada gracias a la apertura del canal de panamá en . se puede vincular cada una de las guerras, de alguna manera, a uno de los movimientos ideológicos que surgen durante el siglo xix en el mundo hispano. si bien el movimiento del hispanismo (también llamado hispanoamericanismo) surge ya durante el segundo tercio del siglo xix, según sepúlveda muñoz, se trata de una idea transnacional y de un movimiento que a su vez se puede subdividir en tres corrientes: “la pan-hispanista, la progresista y la propiamente boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , las consecuencias de la derrota de la guerra hispano-estadounidense y la consecutiva pérdida de los últimos territorios de ultramar españoles, sentarán las bases para su posterior desarrollo (sepúlveda muñoz : y ss.). el hispanismo postulaba la pertenencia de españoles e hispanoamericanos a una misma raza, una raza formada por una cultura, una historia, tradiciones y una lengua compartidas, más que por sangre o factores étnicos (cfr. pike ; sepúlveda muñoz ). este movimiento ha sido interpretado como una reacción al imperialismo cultural, económico y político de ee.uu. (fernández : ; sepúlveda muñoz : yss.). sorprendentemente, es en este país donde tuvo uno de los mayores impactos y una interpretación muy propia, debido, por una parte, precisamente a la pérdida de la amenaza por parte de españa y, por otra, a la articulación ideológica con el movimiento panamericanista. este último surge a raíz de las guerras de independencia de los países hispanoamericanos y adquiere un carácter más o menos oficial en los ee.uu. a través de la doctrina monroe. el bloqueo comercial hacia europa causado por la primera guerra mundial fomentará aún más las relaciones verticales con las jóvenes naciones hispanoamericanas, reforzando el carácter económico que había adquirido el interés por el español en el marco del panamericanismo estadounidense. pero, según los intelectuales hispanófilos e hispanistas de la época, fueron precisamente el aliciente práctico-comercial del panamericanismo en latinoamérica , junto con la imagen de una españa sujeta a retraso y decadencia vinculada a la leyenda negra, los principales factores que hicieran que el español careciera inicialmente de estimación, al menos durante las dos primeras décadas. por lo cual hubo que lanzar toda una campaña para dotar a esta lengua de prestigio, como se había hecho previamente con otras lenguas como, por ejemplo, el alemán. en estos términos lo planteaba uno de los miembros de la american association of teachers of spanish (aats) , jacob warshaw, en hispania, la revista órgano de esta asociación: americana” ( : ). el episodio estadounidense parece inscribirse más bien en la corriente progresista (cfr. sepúlveda muñoz : y ss.). para las diferentes denominaciones de este movimiento véase sepúlveda muñoz ( : - ). lo cual no quita que también determinadas vertientes del hispanismo tuvieran un marcado interés en las relaciones comerciales con latinoamérica (cfr. sepúlveda muñoz : y ss.). agradecemos a inés vañó garcía, que en la actualidad está realizando una tesis sobre la aats, las informaciones que nos ha proporcionado acerca de esta asociación. warshaw ocupó diferentes cargos importantes dentro de la aats e hispania. un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez the extraordinary vogue of german was largely the result of efficient advertising for prestige. the popularity of french, too, has been due to prestige; but it has needed very little active propaganda in our days. french prestige is traditional, and, in general, a spontaneous and unconscious product. german prestige was made. spanish prestige must be made ( : ). y por supuesto, la prensa será uno de los vehículos más importantes para la promoción y difusión de esta campaña, como lo declaraba también warshaw: every spanish newspaper and periodical in the united states should educate us in this respect. it is only by some such means that we shall be able to rehabilitate spain and spanish in the eyes of the world and acquire a portion of that “prestige” which is the dominant educational measurement ( : ). el origen de dicho prestigio procederá del hispanismo y será precisamente la “madre patria”, españa: no sólo por razones de comercio, sino, ante todo, porque de esta manera podemos entendernos fraternalmente con las naciones que con nosotros ocupan el nuevo hemisferio. sirve el idioma español para promover la paz y tranquilidad interamericana y para corregir los mutuos conceptos falsos que tienden a separar los pueblos de habla española e inglesa. el interés por la américa española se encauza siempre a través de españa, pues mientras más estudiamos vuestra literatura y vuestra civilización y las de hispano-américa, vemos que éstas no son más que el trasunto de las de españa. por tanto, sabemos que el mejor modo de conocer lo hispanoamericano es a través de lo español (wilkins : ) . esto será lo que james fernández ha denominado la “ley de longfellow”, que predice que el interés estadounidense por españa siempre ha estado mediado por su interés en hispanoamérica ( : ) en la siguiente distribución: “interest in latin america was coded as being primilarily–or exclusively–driven by economics, whereas interest in spain was marked as being driven purely by culture” ( : ). las siguientes instituciones desempeñaron un papel fundamental en dicha campaña de prestigiamiento: la hispanic society of america ( ; se trata de un extracto de una conferencia que wilkins, cofundador de la aats (cfr. infra) dio el . . en el ateneo de madrid, de ahí que hallemos marcas de interpelación. boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , fundada por archer m. huntington) , la american association of teachers of spanish (a partir de se le añade “and portuguese”, ; fundada por aurelio m. espinosa y lawrence a. wilkins; cfr. leavitt ) y el instituto de las españas (que posteriormente pasará a llamarse instituto hispánico) de la columbia university ( ; dirigido por federico de onís; cfr. de onís : y s., : y ss.); que surgen en nueva york a comienzos del siglo del siglo xx como reflejo y reacción a este boom de hispanofilia y a la creciente demanda de aprendizaje de esta lengua (cfr. infra). estas eminentes instituciones neoyorquinas estuvieron en estrecho contacto con las instituciones más importantes españolas creadas por las reformas que había llevado a cabo la junta para ampliación de estudios e investigaciones científicas (jae, ), a saber, sobre todo el centro de estudios históricos (ceh, ), cuyo director era por esos entonces el ilustre filólogo, miembro y en diferentes ocasiones director de la real academia de la lengua española, ramón menéndez pidal: con la nueva institución, heredera de los principios de la institución libre de enseñanza, se pretendía terminar con el aislamiento español y enlazar con la ciencia y la cultura europeas, además de preparar al personal encargado de llevar a cabo las reformas necesarias en las esferas de la ciencia, la cultura y la educación. de este modo, el esfuerzo por reformar, por regenerar el país, pasaba a ser una empresa nacional, independiente de los vaivenes políticos, en la que se implicaba a intelectuales de diferente ideología. para llevar a cabo estos objetivos la jae puso en marcha una activa política de pensiones, esenciales para el desarrollo cultural y científico de españa, de la que se beneficiaron numerosos estudiantes, profesores e investigadores, que fueron becados para trabajar en el interior, en europa y en américa (en: ). esta voluntad de ruptura con el aislamiento y regeneración de las ciencias y educación se plasmó de diferentes maneras en el caso del hispanismo estadounidense. por una parte, mediante el estrecho intercambio, p. ej., en cursos de verano en madrid, de profesores de español de todos los niveles del sistema escolar estadounidense (fitz-gerald ). por otra parte, los catedráticos de filología hispánica en ee.uu. eran por esos entonces casi todos enviados por este órgano (cfr. wilkins : ). cfr. . un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez así nos relata el que fue durante años director de la enseñanza de lenguas modernas en las escuelas superiores de la ciudad de nueva york y cofundador de la aats, lawrence a. wilkins (cfr. tb. de onís : - ) los cambios que se produjeron en el ámbito de la enseñanza de lenguas: mientras tanto, había explotado la gran guerra, y en nuestro pequeño mundo lingüístico-pedagógico ocurrió, como en otros muchos mundos del planeta, un trastorno completo. desde hasta se manifestó un verdadero cataclismo en nuestra enseñanza de lenguas, que dejó por resultados los siguientes: .° decadencia del alemán, que había ocupado el primer lugar en el programa de casi todas las instituciones docentes del país, decadencia tan marcada que poco faltó para que desapareciese por completo la enseñanza de este idioma; .° ascensión del francés al puesto de lengua predilecta en la mayor parte de las universidades y escuelas secundarias; .° aumento casi increíble de la adhesión al castellano, llegando esta lengua a ocupar el primer puesto en muchas partes y en otras corría parejas con el francés y en todas partes excedía al alemán en el número de los que estudiaban. en mi opinión, no depende la boga del español en los estados unidos de la popularidad ni del decaimiento de ningún otro idioma. se ha logrado un lugar tan importante que no hay nada que pueda destituirlo en la presente generación ( : y s.). este auge del español se traducía en materia de números de la siguiente manera, por ejemplo, en el nivel de las “high schools de la ciudad de nueva york” (wilkins : ): francés alemán italiano latín español . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . es perceptible a partir de las cifras un claro descenso de inscripciones para el alemán, así como un ascenso para las lenguas románicas, sobre todo para el español. en el nivel universitario podemos mencionar las cifras de matrículas en español de la columbia university que nos proporciona federico de onís (adaptado de : ): boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , - - - - - - ( graduados, no graduados) . (no graduados) en lo que sigue veremos cómo nuestro rotativo se hizo eco de todo lo hasta aquí expuesto: las ideologías recurrentes, la campaña de prestigio, el aumento del profesorado y alumnado de español, etc. . marco teórico los dos ámbitos que abordaremos a continuación, el periodístico y el de la enseñanza de lenguas extranjeras (ele), comparten diferentes características y funciones en la sociedad y con respecto a la lengua y sus implicaciones económicas y políticas . se trata en ambos casos de esferas que promueven discursos y prácticas que tienen que ver con la estandarización de formas y normas lingüísticas, también desempeñan un papel fundamental en la producción y reproducción de ideologías lingüísticas y, por último, aportan de manera sustancial al proceso de mercantilización de las lenguas. si los discursos mediáticos representan ya de por sí espacios discursivos o actividades en las que determinados agentes sociales deciden sobre la legitimidad de la(s) lengua(s) y de los hablantes (cfr. tb. cameron : ): we can think of the media as one of these [discursive spaces], and ask questions about the kind of discursive space it is, who controls it, what kinds of interest they may have in defining linguistic competence the way they do, and what consequences this may have for ranges of speakers who control diverse arrays of linguistic resources (heller a: ), por todos estos motivos, el material recolectado se presta perfectamente para un análisis desde la perspectiva de la glotopolítica, que es una rama de la sociolingüística que se dedica a estudiar las articulaciones entre la lengua y las dimensiones políticas que ésta suele implicar (cfr. p. ej. del valle ; arnoux ; arnoux y del valle ; del valle y b). un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez lo mismo es válido para el ámbito de la enseñanza de lenguas en el que operan, como afirma pennycook ( ), diferentes relaciones de poder en un complejo nexo de relaciones de factores sociales, culturales, económicos y políticos. también aquí se legitiman determinadas variedades o lenguas con respecto a otras en un mercado lingüístico (bourdieu , ) debido al valor simbólico que determinados regímenes lingüísticos (kroskrity ) le adjudican. ambos ámbitos funcionan como importantes agentes o instituciones que contribuyen a la organización lingüística de la esfera pública y de los grupos sociales que la constituyen (cfr. habermas ; paffey : ; lippi- green : ), por lo tanto, participan en los procesos de planificación, regulación y estandarización de una lengua (joseph : ; paffey : ). primero la enseñanza (bourdieu ), luego los medios, desempeñan un importante papel en la normalización de este estándar. de esta forma contribuyen a la construcción y reglamentación del ciudadano y de la nación- estado en la que éste se inserta (cfr. tb. paffey : ): the media has played a key role in this joint process of constructing nation, state, empire, citizen and subject, and in producing the legitimating ideologies of the social order. we can understand ‘language ideologies and media discourse’ in precisely these terms, namely as a field in which the media serves as one institution for the construction of citizens, one dimension of which is their linguistic practice (heller a: ). son por ende asimismo importantes espacios discursivos en la producción y reproducción de ideologías lingüísticas (paffey : ) mediante prácticas lingüísticas, pero también a través de discursos metalingüísticos. entendemos por ideologías lingüísticas sistemas de ideas que articulan nociones del lenguaje, las lenguas, el habla y/o la comunicación con formaciones culturales, políticas y/o sociales específicas. aunque pertenecen al ámbito de las ideas y se pueden concebir como marcos cognitivos que ligan coherentemente el lenguaje con un orden extralingüístico, naturalizándolo y normalizándolo (van dijk ), también hay que señalar que se producen y reproducen en el ámbito material de las prácticas lingüísticas y metalingüísticas, [...] (del valle : y s.). la naturalización de ideologías se consigue muy a menudo precisamente mediante la reproducción y repetición de éstas en los medios y en la enseñanza, entre otros (cfr. paffey : y s.; del valle y meirinho- guede : ). otra herramienta importante para nuestro análisis será boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , el concepto de ideologema que puede ser considerado como herramienta básica o materialización discursiva de las ideologías lingüísticas. se trata más concretamente de lugares comunes, postulados o máximas que, pudiendo realizarse o no en superficie, funcionan como presupuestos del discurso. se pueden identificar los ideologemas dominantes en una época, en un campo discursivo o en una institución (arnoux y del valle : ). la suma de ideologemas conforma el sistema lingüístico-ideológico de una determinada comunidad de habla (del valle y meirinho-guede ). otra cosa que tienen en común la prensa y la enseñanza de segundas lenguas es que ambas actividades probablemente siempre han participado y participan cada vez más en la actividad de mercantilización (commodification) de la lengua como producto con valor económico (bourdieu ). según heller ( b: ), con la nueva economía globalizada la emergencia del trabajo lingüístico (language work) y del trabajador lingüístico (language worker) se han convertido en factores centrales dentro de la sociedad. en lo que sigue veremos, no obstante, cómo estas tendencias se fueron fraguando ya durante la época preglobalizada. . material y aspectos metodológicos a continuación presentaremos y analizaremos parte del material publicado en el periódico la prensa mediante el cual se promocionó activamente durante dicho periodo el español y el aprendizaje de esta lengua, inscribiéndose así en lo que se ha pasado a denominar a posteriori spanish craze. se trata de un corpus de tipos y géneros textuales bastante heterogéneos, que podríamos clasificar bajo las siguientes rúbricas: material publicitario, material didáctico y concursos. seguimos con ello el modelo de grosse y seibold ( ) (cfr. tb. grosse ) que abarca en su tipología de géneros periodísticos también los no propiamente periodísticos (strictu sensu) por formar parte integrante de la macroestructura periodística. en los tres casos se trata de estrategias son por ejemplo ideologemas ambos postulados recurrentes durante las primeras décadas del siglo xx acerca del valor práctico/económico y el valor cultural/prestigioso del español y que conjuntamente configuraron esta articulación/triangulación entre panamericanismo e hispanismo tan propia de los ámbitos intelectuales estadounidenses. un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez comerciales que pueden ser fuente de ingresos directos y/o mediante las cuales se trata de atraer o involucrar de manera más activa a los lectores. en el caso del material didáctico, que a su vez se subdivide en cursos de lengua y en la rúbrica “el eco de las aulas” se podría decir que los primeros van a caballo entre los servicios/consejos y la publicidad, mientras que el segundo constituye (al menos en su época inicial) un cajón de sastre que contiene de todo un poco (información, consejos, ficción, divertimiento y publicidad). disponemos de números de los años a , cuando el periódico se fusiona con el diario de nueva york. lamentablemente no se conservan, que sepamos, los números de los primeros años de andanza de la prensa, que empezó a publicarse, como ya hemos dicho, el de octubre de . los primeros números disponibles en la new york public library datan de enero de . para el presente artículo nos hemos limitado al periodo que comprende los años a (año en el que se cesa de publicar “el eco de las aulas”), que es el periodo en el que el periódico parece adherirse de manera más manifiesta al boom hispanófilo. . . material publicitario no ahondaremos demasiado en este apartado. baste con decir que en la prensa se publicitaron, como era y sigue siendo usual en este tipo de prensa, que se ha denominado de y para inmigrantes (kanellos : ), material y servicios para la integración del inmigrante, tales como intérpretes, servicios de corrección y redacción de textos, maestros y cursos de lengua o la venta de libros destinados a la enseñanza tanto del español como del inglés (e incluso de otras lenguas), tanto en la rúbrica de clasificados como distribuidos por las páginas del resto del periódico. sabido es de sobra que ésta era y sigue siendo una importante fuente de ingreso, junto a los trabajos de imprenta (cfr. p.ej. . . , d-e) para las empresas periodísticas, que aporta más ingresos que la venta de los periódicos mismos (grosse : ) y tratándose, al menos durante esta época y en este contexto específico, de empresas pequeñas, que casi siempre tenían que luchar por su subsistencia. este fue también el caso particular de la prensa que “siempre dio problemas económicos a camprubí” (cortés ibáñez : ), el cual tuvo que invertir más de una vez capital propio para mantener el periódico a flote. el propio camprubí afirmaba en un artículo autobiográfico a raíz del vigésimoquinto aniversario del periódico: “nunca hemos tenido subvención de ningún gobierno. vendemos anuncios y periódicos y nada más” ( . . , a) (cfr. tb. p.ej. . . , d-e “hoy el anuncio es el medio boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , mas importante” o . . , d-e “el centro del mercado hispanico” publicidad para anunciar en las columnas clasificadas). no nos extraña, pues, que el periódico recurriera además a estrategias publicitarias tales como la de promocionarse en la cabecera como “the best medium to practice spanish” durante el mes de febrero de . asimismo encontramos durante el año publicidades para el periódico mismo en las que se puede leer “read and practice spanish, the language of the future” (p. ej., el . . , f-g). ya nada más por el mero hecho de estar redactada en inglés, este tipo de llamada estaba claramente dirigida a un potencial consumidor anglófono, probablemente uno que estuviera interesado en aprender español por motivos comerciales (cfr. nota ) u otros motivos. también puede que estos reclamos estuvieran vinculados a la práctica de emplear el periódico en las aulas de aprendizaje de lenguas, como estudiaremos en el próximo apartado. la suscripción al periódico a veces era además premiada mediante el obsequio de un libro, como podemos observar durante el mes de enero de , en colaboración con la librería zabala y maurin (en west th): “regalamos un libro de amado nervo, azorín, blasco ibáñez o pio baroja, con una subscripción diaria de seis meses a la prensa o dos de los siguientes libros versiones castellanas” ( . . , g) o durante los años de y mediante el obsequio de un diccionario por cada suscripción anual (p. ej., . . , e-g). vemos, pues, cómo desde ya muy temprano este periódico se apropia de este tipo de estrategias publicitarias, tratando la lengua y el aprendizaje de ésta como un producto de mercancía, ya antes de que la globalización hiciera de este ámbito todo un gran mercado lucrativo (cfr. heller b). . . material didÁctico el artículo de alfred coester, otro destacado miembro de la aats (cfr. devenish walsh : ), publicado en en uno de los primeros números de hispania, titulado “periodicals in spanish available for the classroom”, da fe de que la práctica de emplear periódicos y revistas en el aula de aprendizaje de lenguas era ya usual durante esa época (cfr. tb. durante este año el periódico lamenta el retraso de la entrega de éstos debido a la “escasez del papel y la huelga de ferrocarriles” ( . . , c-e); al parecer estas obras eran impresas en la propia imprenta. un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez oakley : y s.). coester veía determinadas ventajas en usar los periódicos hispanófonos publicados en ee.uu. (vs. los publicados en países hispanófonos): a magazine printed in the united states will probably prove most satisfactory for classroom use. though it will not have a tone so thoroughly spanish as those printed abroad, it will be received with greater regularity; and in case a teacher wishes to use a large number of a single issue, they can be obtained more easily and economically ( : ). quedamos ante la duda de cómo interpretar el sintagma “it will not have a tone so thoroughly spanish as those printed abroad”, si se refiere a la autenticidad o a la calidad lingüística de los periódicos neoyorquinos; sea como fuere, las ventajas de éstos eran, desde luego, la regularidad y que eran más fáciles y económicos de conseguir. la prensa y el heraldo son dos que recomendaba por ser de los pocos periódicos generales informativos que se publicaban por esos entonces, como diarios a pesar de ser semanarios (coester : ). aparte de esta práctica general de usar el periódico precisamente como “medium to practice spanish”, la prensa se dedicó además a publicar una serie de materiales específicos para la enseñanza del español a lo largo de las primeras décadas de su existencia, pero con especial insistencia durante el periodo de a . dentro de este material que hemos denominado didáctico hallamos a su vez dos tipos de materiales, los cursos de lengua y “el eco de las aulas”, una rúbrica dedicada a proporcionar textos sobre y para las aulas de ele en ee.uu. ignoramos cuál pudo ser la repercusión de este tipo de material en las ventas del periódico. en el caso de los cursos de lengua suponemos que el periódico era remunerado por publicar este tipo de material, tratándose de una fuente de ingreso similar a la de la publicación de publicidades. difícil también de evaluar la utilidad de este tipo de métodos para el aprendizaje de una lengua, teniendo además en cuenta las restricciones que ofrece el medio escrito. como ya advertía wilkins, la “carencia de libros de texto adecuados a la nueva situación, sobre todo, en el campo del español” ( : ) fue uno de los problemas que se creó a raíz de este gran incremento de demanda del español. boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , en todo caso, este material iba dirigido a un público más bien norteamericano-anglófono , pues recordemos que durante este periodo el alumnado de español en ee.uu. consistía básicamente en locutores anglófonos monolingües (del valle a: ), lo cual no quita que también el lector hispanófono pudiera aprovechar este material, como veremos a continuación, pues muy a menudo se trata de textos/listas bilingües en inglés/ español e incluso en el caso de los textos monolingües en español, el rotativo supo como promocionárselos también y además en términos patrióticos, como veremos en capítulos posteriores (cfr. cap. . . .). . . . los cursos de lengua uno de los primeros cursos de los que disponemos en nuestro corpus es “el curso galeno de lengua española” que se publicó entre el . . y el . . , en poco más de lecciones. la publicación de este material didáctico en el rotativo se concibió como acompañamiento de las clases que este profesor estaba impartiendo en carnegie hall . después de dos artículos introductorios en los que se describen y publicitan las clases (el . y el . . ) , se empieza a publicar el curso en un lugar tan destacado como la segunda página, en la sección “noticias de todas partes”, ocupando las dos primeras columnas, precedido de una publicidad para las véase también el aviso en la nota que es encabezado con “to the american student of spanish” ( . . , a-b). interesantemente la versión española del anuncio reza “advertencia al lector”. hubiera sido interesante analizar en este tipo de paratextos bilingües las diferencias entre las versiones españolas e inglesas (cfr. tb. nota ), que demuestran que iban dirigidas a diferentes destinatarios. lamentablemente esto excede los límites de este trabajo. no hemos hallado hasta ahora en el amplio corpus de periódicos hispanófonos publicados en nueva york del que disponemos, un fenómeno similar. este parece ser un fenómeno específico de la prensa, el de publicar cursos de lengua de la lengua de procedencia del público lector y no la de la sociedad de acogida, como se estilaba en la prensa de minorías de la época. así se publicaron, por ejemplo, lecciones de yiddish e inglés durante los años y en el periódico judeoespañol la américa (cfr. scolnik : y s.). carnegie hall, aparte de ser sala de conciertos y espectáculos, fue también foro público para oradores, escritores, etc. “in the days before radio and television, carnegie hall gave a prominent public forum to anyone with a cause” (chnt pág. ). así nos podemos imaginar que también tendrían cabida cursos de lengua y otro tipo de actividades culturales/educativas en el marco de este foro. suponemos que ambos fueron escritos por la propia redacción del periódico, además en español y en inglés. por lo tanto, podemos decir que se trata probablemente de dos casos de publicidad redaccional (grosse y seibold : ). este tipo de artículos eran redactados a cambio de pago para divulgar o promocionar servicios. un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez clases y seguido del siguiente texto: “in these columns will appear weekly articles by professor oscar galeno written to assist the many pupils who are taking his course of instruction at carnegie hall” (p. ej., . . , a-b). deducimos, por lo tanto, que este servicio se basaba en un pacto comercial de beneficio mutuo: el profesor publicitaba sus clases en el periódico para atraer más estudiantes y el rotativo se beneficiaba a su vez de la venta de las lecciones para los estudiantes. ignoramos quién recibiría remuneración por parte de quién o si se trataba precisamente de un acuerdo mutuo en el que nadie tenía que pagar, por salir beneficiadas, a fin de cuentas, ambas partes. si bien en realidad es más probable que fuera la escuela de lenguas la que pagara, las dos publicidades redaccionales previas y los anuncios que acompañaban las clases apuntan más bien a ello. por la descripción que se nos da en el periódico, el método galeno (registrado en ), de un profesor oriundo de san francisco, consistía básicamente en repartir hojas sueltas a los alumnos con palabras e imágenes de objetos correspondientes para hacérselas repetir en voz alta, haciendo preguntas acerca de la temática . tuvo que tratarse de un método que combinaba el elemento gráfico con el oral mediante la repetición de vocablos, preguntas y respuestas, dictados, etc. por la siguiente aseveración: “viendo sus clases se cae en la cuenta de que en el aprendizaje de idiomas no es lo más importante la regla, sino el caudal lingüístico adquirido por un método objetivo tan natural como el que instintivamente sirve al niño en sus primeros balbuceos” ( . . , a), pensamos que tuvo que tratarse de un método más bien inductivo, muy probablemente de tipo directo (omaggio : y ss.). por ello suponemos que las lecciones impresas en el periódico se veían como complementarias, proporcionando al estudiante pequeñas dosis de gramática (pero no solo) en un método más bien deductivo acercándose más a los métodos de gramática y traducción, el otro tipo de métodos que se estilaba durante esa época (omaggio : y ss.). así abundan pues sobre todo las frases modelo con sus respectivas traducciones . esta técnica de visualización típica del método directo (omaggio : y ss.) era también recomendaba por wilkins: “convienen, sobre todo en las clases de principiantes, pegar a varios objetos del aula letreros hechos por los estudiantes, en que vayan indicados en español los nombres de cosas tales como: pupitre, ventana, mesa, asiento, silla, pizarra, caja, borrador, etc.” (wilkins : ). esto los hacía útiles también para los lectores hispanófonos, los cuales, como ya mencionado, probablemente pudieran aprovechar este tipo de lecciones a la inversa para ampliar su conocimiento del inglés. boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , las algo más de lecciones que publicó el por esos entonces aún semanario resultan algo heterogéneas e imaginamos que el curso disponía en realidad de más. resulta además llamativo que la que resulta ser la última clase, la del . . , sea desplazada a la séptima página y a las últimas columnas de ésta . el curso pone bastante énfasis en las conjugaciones de los principales paradigmas verbales, así por ejemplo, en la primera lección se aprende a conjugar el verbo andar en las formas del presente, pretérito perfecto simple, futuro e imperativo ( . . , a-b). también se explican los pronombres personales; de especial interés resulta la ilustración de las formas pronominales de tratamiento, pues se recurre a formas arcaizantes, como el thou inglés, para explicar el complejo sistema pronominal de formas de tratamiento del mundo hispanófono (vs. el del inglés que se reduce a you, al menos en el contemporáneo): tú (thou) is usted [sic] in spanish to indicate familiarity and affection, and is used among relations, intimate friends and when addressing children. you is rendered in spanish by vos, vosotros (mas.) vosotras (fem.) and also usted (ud. or v.) for the singular or both genders, and ustedes (uds. or vv.) for the plural. vos is used only in formal style, or when addressing the deity, saints, kings, etc. vosotros is used by orators and speakers. usted in the singular and ustedes in the plural is the only form of direct address that a stranger is likely to use. it is the universal conversational expression; as vosotros is rarely used, and tú marks a decided familiarity ( . . , b). recordemos en este lugar, que estos cursos iban dirigidos probablemente en su gran mayoría a hombres de comercio norteamericanos y eran si bien es sabido que en el ámbito periodístico las páginas impares tienen mayor valor que las pares dentro del periódico; este desplazamiento llama la atención y nos puede servir como indicio de que el curso fue interrumpido por motivos que ignoramos. agradecemos a luis bernardo quesada nieto este y otras valiosos comentarios e informaciones que nos ha hecho a lo largo de la elaboración de este artículo. como recalcaban en uno de los textos bilingües introductorios al curso e interesantemente solo en la parte inglesa: “everybody is more or less informed of the enormous business development in south american trade and of the future opportunities that these countries present to those people that learn their language, their habits, their means, that become acquainted with its resources, business conditions, etc. / the better the american business people know their language, the better is the opportunity to get the benefits, thereof. / in this section of “la prensa”, the student of spanish will find in the future details of those countries such as their produce business opportunities, description of cities, habits, of the people, the un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez concebidos para el aprendizaje de un español comercial para ser empleado en hispanoamérica y durante una época en la que el tú todavía no estaba aún tan difundido como hoy en día (cfr. brown / gilman ). no nos ha de extrañar pues que usted (como forma de respeto) / ustedes (como forma de respeto y la única empleada en hispanoamérica para el plural) sean las formas recomendadas. mientras que la descripción del uso de vos evoca reminiscencias de la mismísima gramática de bello: “pero ahora no se usa este vos sino cuando se habla a dios o a los santos, o en composiciones dramáticas, o en ciertas piezas oficiales donde lo pide la ley o la costumbre” (bello [ ]: ) . por lo demás, y siempre en la línea del interés comercial, se dedican algunas lecciones al vocabulario de la correspondencia ( . . , a-b), a las abreviaturas mercantiles más usadas ( . . , a-b) o a algunos sistemas de medidas ( . . , a-b; . . , a-b), a la fraseología ( . . , a-b) o a los proverbios ( . . , a-b). también se le dedican dos entregas a “the description of south american countries” con textos generales sobre chile ( . . , a-b; . . , a-b). tras el curso galeno, la prensa publicó el “morrell commercial course of spanish” “by henry b. morrell of the faculty of commercial highschool of brooklyn” entre el de abril de y el de agosto de , en lecciones. dado el éxito que supuso la publicación de este curso, el periódico lanzó una segunda edición a partir del . . . esta segunda edición prometía restringirse aún más a lo meramente comercial (factor que ya de por sí estaba presente en el título), esta vez como nos explica el periódico: “the new lesson will be made even more practical by the suppression of all topics that are not strictly of commercial adaptation, and every effort will be made to fill the very apparent lack of suitable introduction to the spanish of commerce” (p. ej., . . , f-g) . best way to travel, the cost of these trips and in fact everything that will serve to practice language and at the same time, give a true idea of the southern republics” ( . . , b). las cursivas son nuestras. lamentablemente no hemos podido consultar la gramática de la lengua castellana de la rae, que por esos entonces andaba entre la vigésimonovena y la trigésima edición (cfr. ). en general resulta difícil saber cuáles pudieron ser las fuentes gramaticales de este tipo de cursos. chile parece ser uno de los países con más interés económico, probablemente por la riqueza de recursos naturales, como desprendemos de los textos mismos. en la entrega del de febrero de se explica además el sistema monetario chileno. por motivos de espacio prescindimos de un análisis pormenorizado de este y demás cursos; nos reservamos este ejercicio para otra publicación. boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , durante los años / se publica de manera más esporádica e irregular el “intermediate course in commercial spanish”, que parece ser una continuación del “morrell commercial course of spanish”, también concebido por el profesor henry b. morrell de la commercial high school of brooklyn. durante estos años, el periódico se ve reducido a seis páginas hasta mayo del debido a la carestía de papel por la i guerra mundial, a cuyas noticias se dedicará el periódico de manera significativa al menos hasta finales del . durante la década de los , desaparecen los cursos de lengua casi por completo, si bien durante los primeros meses del año se publica aún “a practical course in conversational spanish”. nos atrevemos a conjeturar que la desaparición de los cursos de lengua durante esta década tiene que ver con el hecho de que éstos ponían demasiado énfasis en el argumento comercial, argumento que, como hemos visto, carecía de prestigio a los ojos de los hispanistas de la época. recordemos también que el llamamiento a la campaña de prestigio por parte de warshaw databa del año (cfr. cap. ). volverán a aparecer cursos para aprender español durante la década de los y se seguirán publicando hasta mediados del siglo xx. así se publicarán por ejemplo durante los años la “spanish lesson”, una rúbrica más o menos fija que abarcó diferentes tipos de cursos de lengua. suponemos que la publicación de este tipo de material, más allá del periodo del spanish craze, siguió debiéndose a motivos económicos y por seguir los formatos y contenidos de la era camprubí, que tan prolífica había resultado . . . . el eco de las aulas a raíz de una serie de reformas que el periódico comienza a hacer a partir del año , aparece, sin embargo, a partir del de enero de la rúbrica “el eco de las aulas”, que según el rotativo había de dedicarse “exclusivamente a recoger las palpitaciones de la vida escolar en las cátedras de castellano” ( . . , e) de ee.uu. de hecho, el periódico continuará teniendo los mismos contenidos y rúbricas (o muy similares) también después de la muerte de camprubí, como anunciaba en un editorial dos días tras su fallecimiento: “pero no hemos perdido al señor camprubí. no le veremos más, pero en todos los rincones del periódico seguirá viviendo espiritualmente; y por no poderlo olvidar, cuando nuestro ánimo flaquee, su recuerdo nos estimulará para continuar en la brega, haciendo que la prensa siga siendo lo que él quería” ( . . : a). un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez desde un comienzo los coordinadores de esta rúbrica vieron la necesidad de justificar su existencia sobre todo con respecto a revistas especializadas dedicadas a temas de didáctica: aunque tenemos muy en cuenta que en norteamérica existen revistas meritísimas que dedican a las cuestiones de enseñanza una atención preferente y hasta exclusiva (como ocurre con la insuperable publicación “hispania”, órgano de la association of teachers of spanish), no vacilamos en asegurar que emprendemos la creación de “el eco de las aulas”, con el propósito de llenar un enorme vacío, ya que, cuando un organismo adquiere la vitalidad que ha adquirido el que forman los miles y miles de personas dedicadas a enseñar o a aprender el castellano, hay aspectos profesionales que, por su índole especial, tienen en una revista técnica el lugar más indicado para su desarrollo, hay otros, en cambio, que caben lo mismo en la revista técnica que en la miscelánea; y no deja de haber muchos, que, por su urgencia, por su interés momentáneo, por su extensión y por otras varias razones, sólo pueden manifestarse en una publicación diaria. entiéndase, pues previamente, que nuestra afirmación de que pretendemos llenar un vacío no implica el menor alarde de superación ni de competencia. queremos simplemente trabajar en un ancho campo, en el que vemos grandes extensiones baldías; queremos trabajar poniendo en la tarea todo nuestro esfuerzo y buena voluntad y viendo en todo aquel que labore a nuestro lado en tareas análogas, un compañero fraternal, cuando no un maestro ( . . , e). no sorprende que se mencione hispania, la revista lanzada en por la aats, pues, camprubí y el periódico tuvieron que estar en contacto con la asociación. de hecho, a partir del año , la prensa lanzaría en colaboración con ésta un concurso de ensayos de estudiantes de español, cuyos textos premiados se publicaron en el periódico a lo largo de los años - (cfr. cap. . . .). alegando el argumento de la periodicidad y de la urgencia de informar acerca de las actividades del aula, entre otras cosas, se justificaba la aparición de esta rúbrica y se apelaba a la colaboración entre las instituciones. además, el campo de “los miles y miles de personas dedicadas a enseñar o a aprender el castellano” era lo suficientemente “ancho” y “baldío” como para que el periódico pudiera y debiera hacer sus propias incursiones. durante los primeros cuatro meses, la cabecera de la sección rezó lo siguiente: “página especialmente dedicada a los alumnos de lengua y literatura española, a cargo de juan cueto, de columbia university”; sin embargo, esta inscripción desaparece a partir del de abril de (cfr. nota ). en un principio la rúbrica lo quiso abarcar todo: boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , ◊ una “sección informativa” que informara acerca de las actividades que se dieran en “universidades, colegios, escuelas y sociedades hispanistas” ( . . , b), para las cuales se pidió desde un comienzo ayuda a “los profesores y alumnos de las clases de español” ( . . , a). la sección prometía dedicarle, además, artículos a “personalidades, con quienes la enseñanza del castellano ha contraído una mayor deuda de gratitud”, amén de describir “las organizaciones más eficientes en el aspecto cultural (american association of the teachers; instituto de las españas; hispanic society, etc.)” ( . . , c); ◊ “literatura miscelánea” en la cual se publicaran artículos literarios, “dándose preferencia a aquellas composiciones, que tengan un interés pedagógico directo y a la colaboración de escritores dedicados a la enseñanza o relacionados con ella” ( . . , c); ◊ “artículos didácticos” relacionados con aspectos concernientes al folletín (cfr. infra) y a la sección de consultas también publicados en esta página; ◊ una “sección de consultas” a la que pudieran acudir los lectores, con el objetivo de “establecer una plataforma, en que puedan recibir el aire y la luz de una discusión serena las cuestiones más oscuras y más discutibles de gramática, de lexicografía –y de las demás ramas de la ciencia del lenguaje” ( . . , c); ◊ una “sección bibliográfica” que recogiera reseñas de libros y revistas de interés; ◊ y, por último, en formato de folletín , “obras maestras de la literatura española e hispano americana, escogiéndolas entre aquellas, que sin mengua del mérito literario, ofrezcan amenidad para la generalidad de los lectores” ( . . , d), empezando por la obra del siglo xvi “historia del abencerraje y de la hermosa jarifa”, seguido de “idilios vascos” de pío baroja o “marianela” por benito pérez galdós, para mencionar los tres primeros. como vemos y como ya hemos comentando anteriormente, se trata de una serie de contenidos y formas muy heterogéneas que bien tenían por objetivo informar acerca de las actividades, bien poder ser empleados para esta sección no llegó a establecerse nunca, probablemente por falta de consultas por parte de los lectores, como desprendemos de uno de los dos únicos artículos que se llegaron a publicar el . . y el . . . en el primero, cueto deploraba el hecho de no haber anunciado la sección con antelación. otro “moyen de marketing que surge durante el siglo xix en la prensa francesa” (grosse y seibold : ). un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez las aulas de español. sin embargo, tanto quiso abarcar este cajón de sastre de aparición diaria y con tantos apartados que parecían solaparse, que la ambiciosa empresa, al cabo de cuatro meses, cuando el profesor cueto deja su dirección , tuvo que ser reestructurada. a partir de ahí la rúbrica que disponía en un comienzo de la superficie de toda una página (y a veces más), la , la que solía ser la de opinión o la de información cultural, se irá reduciendo a algunas columnas y ya no se publicará ni de manera regular ni diaria, al menos durante este año. a pesar de todos los cambios y reformas a las que se vio sometida durante su existencia, se mantuvo durante unos ocho años. al igual que había sucedido con los cursos de lengua, también esta rúbrica será publicitada por el diario para fines comerciales, incitando a los profesores a suscribirse a las series, vendiéndolas a centavos mensuales por pago adelantado. también les ofrecían enviar el periódico “en varios ejemplares juntos” ( . . , c). todo ello sirviéndose de un cupón impreso en la misma página. esto da una vez más fe del grado de comercialización que podemos hallar durante esta época preglobalizada en torno a la lengua y el aprendizaje de ésta: la enseñanza se va perfilando ya como todo un mercado y rica fuente de ingresos para el periódico. a lo largo del año , la rúbrica se acabará confundiendo con aquella que lleva por título “notas escolares”, que existía ya desde y que pasó a dar información acerca de las “actividades de los círculos de español, las escuelas, «colleges» y universidades” ( . . , f) proporcionada por los lectores, ya que “el eco de las aulas” había quedado reducido a proporcionar textos literarios que se pudieran emplear en clase. el componente literario, que ya existía anteriormente a la época del “eco de las aulas” tambiénse seguirá publicando, así p. ej., “el cuento de hoy”.en efecto, parte de los contenidos ya habían estado antes de la aparición de esta rúbrica y seguirán estando ahí. lo que se pierde de alguna manera es el factor publicitario/económico dirigido explícitamente al cuerpo de profesorado y estudiantil, que implícitamente ya había conllevado antes de la instauración de esta rúbrica . en cuanto a la selección literaria, lo que cambiará en el “eco de las aulas” será según el periódico lo siguiente: el periódico no da ningún tipo de explicación de por qué se termina esta colaboración, pero suponemos que se debió a la dificultad de compaginar la labor universitaria y la de coordinación de una rúbrica periodística diaria de tal envergadura. así encontramos, por ejemplo, el . . , a-b este anuncio: to the american student of spanish / beginning with this number we are giving selected pieces of translated literature from distinguished authors in good and correct spanish in order that our students may practice reading good literature and those more advanced, may translate them into english. / by means of these selected articles, the students will not only practice boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , este periódico venía dedicando una página entera a la amena literatura, escogiendo los temas entre aquellos [que] tuvieran un interés directo para la colonia de habla española. en la elección del folletín, por ejemplo, venía predominando el criterio de las traducciones de libros escritos en inglés, en los que los españoles o hispanoamericanos recién llegados podían encontrar un texto vivo, que les ayudase en la tarea de penetrar en el alma del pueblo en que había venido a vivir. aunque hay muchos puntos de vista, desde los cuales puede defenderse ese criterio, a nadie se le ocultará que con la transformación que vamos a intentar en esta hoja, al atender preferentemente los intereses de un grupo –el formado por el gigantesco cuerpo de maestros y alumnos– serviremos, mejor que antes, los intereses generales, puesto que el núcleo de españoles e hispano americanos, que viven aquí y que reciben, en cada paso que dan, una lección de americanismo, están más necesitados de textos castizos, en que se mantenga el fuego sagrado de su raza: de lecciones, que aminoren el detrimento, que siempre produce en la contextura del idioma propio el ejercicio cotidiano de un lenguaje distinto, de informaciones relativas a los libros /[ b] nuevos, a las conferencias, discursos, fiestas y reuniones, que se celebren aquí, a las que acaso pueda asistir, proporcionándose el regalo de vivir unas horas en el ambiente de su tierra. todo esto aparte de la honda satisfacción patriótica, que debe producir en todo individuo de habla española el hecho de ver reflejados a diario, en las columnas de un periódico, el movimiento y la vida de ese organismo tan formidable que constituyen, en su conjunto, los miles y miles de personas, que se dedican a la enseñanza y al estudio del español ( . . , a-b) . como vemos, el énfasis de servir a la integración del inmigrante mediante la publicación de traducciones del inglés para familiarizarlo con la sociedad de acogida es desplazado por el valor patriótico que consiste en proporcionarle “textos castizos” para mantener “el fuego sagrado de su raza” y aminorar el detrimento que “siempre produce en la contextura del idioma propio el ejercicio cotidiano de un lenguaje distinto”. este último punto resulta ser un ideologema recurrente en la prensa (cameron : ): nos encontramos aquí ante el usual miedo de contaminación lingüística que es tan frecuente en este tipo de contextos plurilingües y transnacionales (joseph : ; paffey : ). con la nueva rúbrica se matan así varios pájaros de un tiro al “atender preferentemente los intereses” del grupo “formado por the spanish language, but will also enable them to gather good and valuable observations of authors of all nationalities and races. las cursivas son nuestras. un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez el gigantesco cuerpo de maestros y alumnos”, un público receptor muy lucrativo, lo cual se vende como un ejercicio de mejora de este servicio que además resulta ser servicio patriótico . obsérvese además cómo se emplea el término emblemático de raza ligado al movimiento del hispanismo (cfr. sepúlveda muñoz : - ), junto con otros términos recurrentes como el de “colonia de habla española” o “núcleo de españoles e hispano americanos” para homogeneizar a este conglomerado ya por esos entonces bastante heterogéneo. está operando aquí muy tempranamente el proceso semiótico de elisión (gal / irvine ( : y ss; del valle : ), lo cual también puede ser visto como una estrategia para mantener el colectivo de lectores lo más amplio posible también en cuanto a la comunidad de inmigrantes. al igual que la práctica de emplear el periódico, era y sigue siendo también muy común la de emplear textos literarios para el aprendizaje de las lenguas. ya que la lengua literaria suele ser considerada como la base de la variedad estándar (crowley : ; paffey : ). el mismísimo menéndez pidal recomendaba a los profesores de español estadounidenses en uno de los artículos programáticos publicados en el primer número de hispania lo siguiente: por lo tanto la enseñanza de la lengua debe tender a dar un amplio conocimiento del español literario, considerado como un elevado conjunto; y de un modo accesorio debe explicar las ligeras variantes que se ofrecen en el habla culta española en españa y en hispano-américa, haciendo ver la unidad esencial de todas dentro del patrón literario (menéndez pidal : ). menéndez pidal proponía así una representación del español como un conjunto altamente unificado de variedades en el que el español literario había de ejercer como norma escrita y el habla de castilla como norma oral (del valle a: ). esta parece ser la pauta que sigue también el periódico, favoreciendo, todo en la línea del ilustre filólogo español, la el patriotismo/nacionalismo vinculado al ejercicio de aprender otra lengua y a los intereses económicos y políticos fue otro ideologema recurrente durante esta época, así afirmaba wilkins: “cuando una nación tiene un comercio inmenso y relaciones estrechas con otras naciones que hablan distintos idiomas, prevalece en ella forzosamente un punto de vista nacional respecto al aprendizaje de lenguas, que puede diferir mucho del que se tiene en alguna otra nación, que en su mayor parte se baste a sí mismo económica y políticamente” ( : ). véase sánchez ( ) para la evolución de este tipo de términos de autodefinición en la prensa hispanófona neoyorquina durante la primera mitad del siglo xx. boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , variedad ibérica, pues como ha estudiado amparo de juan bolufer, “abundan [en general, no solo en esta rúbrica] los escritores españoles del siglo xx, y firmas consagradas, pues este periódico es muy poco arriesgado en su selección” ( : ), lo cual era, al parecer,asimismo la práctica común en las publicaciones hispanófonas neoyorquinas de la época ( : ). podemos pues decir que a través de la selección y publicación de este tipo de textos en una rúbrica declarada abiertamente como escolar, el rotativo estaba reproduciendo y reafirmando una vez más determinados regímenes de normatividad profundamente anclados en la ideología del hispanismo estadounidense de la época (del valle a: ). aunque los propios profesores de español no siempre estaban de acuerdo con el uso de literatura, sobre todo en el caso de las clases de principiantes, como advertía lawrence a. wilkins: nos parece que las diferencias que existen entre el español literario y el familiar o de todos los días, son más imponentes que las que se perciben en francés, alemán o italiano. al lado de esta declaración hay que poner esa otra, que reza que de todos los idiomas de hoy que se enseñan en los estados unidos, el español posee la significación práctica más evidente. entonces se deduce fácilmente que la lectura de trozos en alto grado literarios durante los primeros años de estudio del idioma es, si se me permite la frase, una tontería; por lo menos un tour de force absolutamente injustificado. no se adquiere el vocabulario práctico y útil que hace falta, ni se logra una estimación debida de las obras maestras de la literatura. si fueran autores contemporáneos los que se leen, no sería tan disparatado el procedimiento como ya es de suyo, porque entonces se conocería el vocabulario literario del día de hoy [...] (wilkins : ). . . concursos otra estrategia publicitario-comercial que aplicó el rotativo durante estas décadas del spanish craze, implicando una vez más a este lucrativo público receptor-consumidor que suponía “el gigantesco cuerpo de maestros y alumnos” ( . . , a), entre otros, fue la de organizar certámenes de composición. se trata de otra manera más de atraer, tratar de comprometer e involucrar a lectores potenciales –práctica que era muy popular ya desde finales del siglo xix en el mundo periodístico (weill : )–, esta vez ofreciéndoles una manera más activa de implicarse, seduciéndoles además con algún tipo de recompensa. un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez fueron también múltiples los concursos que se convocaron desde las páginas de la prensa a lo largo del periodo estudiado y estos dan una vez más fe de la estrecha colaboración con los centros e instituciones de enseñanza. hacia finales de se organiza, por ejemplo, un “certamen de composición en inglés en colaboración con el departamento de inglés para extranjeros de la west side young men’s christian association” ( . . , d-e); el premio era “un curso completo de gramática, composición y conversación inglesa dado por el departamento de inglés para extranjeros de la west side y.m.c.a., west th street” ( . . , d-e); el tema de la composición fue “la parte que al nuevo mundo corresponde en la guerra”, con una extensión máxima de palabras ( . . , d-e). la composición ganadora fue publicada en el periódico, suponemos que durante las primeras semanas del año , de las cuales lamentablemente no disponemos de ningún número. este concurso se inscribe más bien en la línea de integración del inmigrante que el periódico, como hemos visto, también adoptó, sobre todo durante la etapa previa a la década de los . otra serie de concursos dignos de mención fueron los organizados durante los años escolares del - a nivel nacional, en colaboración con la aats en el marco de la rúbrica “el eco de las aulas”. se trató más concretamente de un concurso de ensayos de estudiantes de español, cuyos textos premiados se publicaron en el periódico a lo largo de estos años. como objetivo declaraban el “dar mayor impulso e incrementar el entusiasmo por el estudio del idioma español en los estados unidos” ( . . , c-e) y “estimular a los estudiantes norteamericanos en el estudio del español y con ello lograr que se interesen en la literatura y en las otras manifestaciones culturales de nuestra raza” ( . . , g-h). de nuevo hallamos el término clave del hispanismo, raza, en función del ideologema cultural de prestigio. “la prensa distribuyó $ . . en noventa premios entre los alumnos y maestros de español de los centros de enseñanza de este país” ( . . , c-e), cifra no desdeñable para esos entonces, en lo que el rotativo llegó a denominar una “altruista causa” ( . . , g-h). cinco fueron los grupos de participantes propuestos que cubrían los niveles superiores del sistema educativo estadounidense: a) “alumnos de las escuelas superiores (públicas y privadas)” b) “alumnos de los «colleges»” c) “alumnos de los colegios y universidades, aspirantes al título de a. m. en lenguas romances” d) “aspirantes al grado ph.d. en lenguas romances” e) “profesores de español en las escuelas superiores”; boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , seis las regiones en las que celebró: i) estados de maine, new hampshire, vermont, massachusetts, rhode island, connecticut, new york, new jersey, pennsilvania ii) delaware, district of columbia, maryland, virginia, west virginia, north carolina, south carolina, georgia, florida, alabama, mississippi, tennessee, kentucky, porto rico iii) ohio, indiana, illinois, michigan, wisconsin, iowa, minnesota, missouri, arkansas, louisiana iv) north dakota, south dakota, nebraska, kansas, colorado, wyoming, montanta, idaho, washington v) arizona, utah, nevada, california, oregon vi) los estados de texas, new mexico y oklahoma. los ensayos se publicarían, según el rotativo, tal como los alumnos los habían presentado al concurso “sin correcciones de los errores que pudieran contener, con el objeto de que los lectores puedan darse cuenta precisa del adelanto de los estudiantes de español en las escuelas americanas” ( . . , c-e). los temas estaban relacionados con el ámbito cultural del mundo hispanófono. el último ejemplo que traemos no es fruto de la colaboración con instituciones de enseñanza, pero sí tiene como objetivo promocionar el español en un marco bastante emblemático.en mayo de , la prensa organizaba por primera vez unos juegos florales en nueva york, la celebración tuvo lugar en carnegie hall el . . . tres fueron las categorías convocadas con sus respectivos premios (p. ej., . . , c-e): i. poesía lírica: tema libre: extensión máxima líneas. premio: la flor natural con el privilegio de elegir la reina de los juegos florales. recompensa adicional, $ . ii. prosa: “unidad espiritual y material de la américa hispana y anglosajona”. ¿por qué no se ha logrado? ¿cómo puede obtenerse efectiva y prontamente? extensión máxima, palabras. premio: un objeto de arte. recompensa adicional, $ . iii. cuento en prosa: tema libre; extensión máxima, palabras. premio: un objeto de arte. recompensa adicional, $ el jurado calificador fue integrado por federico de onís, josé castellot, el poeta tomás walsh, oreste ferrara y pedro henríquez ureña, aunque en el un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez artículo sobre la gala solo se mencionan los primeros tres ( . . , a). ganador del premio principal fue el poeta mexicano joaquín méndez rivas, que al parecer ya había ganado la flor natural de otros juegos florales (los de oaxaca y covadonga, entre otros) (cfr. . . , e), el cual “escogió como reina de la fiesta a la señorita luz requena legarreta” ( . . , a), de la cual el periódico no nos da ulterior información. así, un año después de la instauración y celebración en nueva york de una fiesta tan emblemática como el día de la raza (cfr. pike : y ss.; sepúlveda muñoz : - ), el rotativo se embarca en otra empresa de alta carga simbólica e histórica en el mundo iberoamericano, en la que la lengua española había de fungir una vez más como ente articulador: con el propósito de vigorizar y estrechar el afecto recíproco entre los habitantes de origen hispano y de origen anglo-sajón del continente americano, así como de contribuir a la expansión del conocimiento del idioma español en los estados unidos de américa y a dar a esa nuestra lengua mayor lustre y belleza. ( . . , c-d) . . conclusiones el material analizado en este artículo demuestra cómo la prensa no solo supo hacerse eco del auge y demanda de la enseñanza del español en ee.uu., sino que también supo cómo conectar con la red de instituciones que emergen a comienzos del siglo xx precisamente como reflejo, reacción y órganos ejecutores de este spanish craze que se estaba viviendo. se posicionaba así como un importante vehículo polifuncional capaz de suplir determinadas carencias causadas por el boom (p. ej., falta de textos escolares), difundir la campaña de prestigio del español y, por supuesto, también por motivos celebrada el de octubre y conocida también en determinados países hispanoamericanos ya desde el siglo xix bajo nombres como el “día de colón” y el “día de américa”, este evento conmemora el “descubrimiento” de américa. en nueva york ya se venía celebrando desde comienzos del siglo por la comunidad de inmigrantes italianos. en los próximos años la fiesta va tomando otras dimensiones y el aspecto literario es relegado cada vez más a segunda plana o anulado. así se celebra, por ejemplo, el . . el baile anual de las flores, organizado esta vez por el galicia sporting club, cuyo acto principal fue la elección de la reina de las flores y en cuyo jurado estuvo esta vez josé camprubí ( . . , e). boletÍn de filologÍa tomo lii, número , lucrativos para llegar a un público anglófono más amplio, que fuera más allá del de la colonia hispanófona. los años analizados corresponden a los primeros diez años de la era camprubí, durante la cual el periódico pasó por una serie de reformas, que implicaron la ampliación y profesionalización del equipo técnico y la plantilla laboral. en el marco de estas reformas se insertan asimismo las realizadas en cuanto a formatos y contenidos, que como hemos visto, parecen haberse moldeado según las demandas del mercado, creadas a su vez por acontecimientos geopolíticos y las pautas ideológicas propuestas por los principales agentes culturales. ágil hombre de negocios, intelectual y miembro de la colonia hispana, la polifacética figura de camprubí reunía todas las calidades para llevar a cabo la empresa de tender puentes entre ambos continentes, en un proyecto que james fernández y pilar cagiao han etiquetado como “ecléctico” ( ). el material analizado muestra claras correlaciones entre los cambios de contenidos del rotativo y factores externos que tienen que ver con el desarrollo ideológico del spanish craze. según nuestra lectura serían perceptibles en la transición de la década de los a la de los dos tendencias que parecen solaparse y complementarse. por una parte, tenemos el cambio de énfasis en miras de una ampliación del público receptor, que desplaza su atención por la integración del inmigrante, proyecto que no se abandona del todo, pero que se parece subordinar a uno de mayor envergadura, el de acoplarse a las necesidades del profesorado/alumnado de ele. por otra parte, la prensa parece también reaccionar a la campaña de prestigio, abandonando contenidos que recalcaban el ideologema utilitario/ económico (tales como los cursos de lengua), e implementando formatos que realzaran el cultural/prestigioso (“el eco de las aulas” o algunos de los concursos). el periódico seguía con ello las ideologías recurrentes en ámbitos intelectuales y las tendencias sugeridas por la aats en hispania, no en vano mencionan la revista y tratan de justificar la publicación de la nueva rúbrica, “el eco de las aulas”, con respecto a ésta en uno de los artículos programáticos. el cotejo con textos coetáneos publicados en dicha revista por importantes miembros de la asociación ha sido en ese sentido muy útil y ha servido para corroborar este solapamiento y posterior desplazamiento de ideologemas. hacia mediados del siglo xx (probablemente ya antes), el ideologema del prestigio cultural del español, vinculado al movimiento del hispanismo, ya está completamente consolidado en el discurso periodístico y ya no hay necesidad de mencionar el del valor comercial/utilitario (vinculado a su vez al movimiento hispanoamericanista). un periódico neoyorquino como vehÍculo ideológico… / rosa sánchez todo esto nos permite volver a las características que comparten el ámbito de la enseñanza de lenguas y el periodístico y que con nuestro material han quedado también patentes. con este tipo de estrategias comerciales el rotativo participaba, de alguna manera, en la legitimación de determinadas variedades por encima de otras en el mercado lingüístico, en la elaboración y difusión de un estándar y en última instancia en la construcción y reglamentación del ciudadano y de la nación-estado. esto resulta aún más importante en un contexto como el estudiado, que era y sigue siendo transnacional y que carecía, al menos por esa época, de instituciones que dictaran normas oficiales, como por ejemplo una academia de la lengua. las ideologías lingüísticas vinculadas a estos procesos desempeñaron, como hemos visto, un papel fundamental. por último, es observable cómo el español es tratado ya durante una etapa muy temprana en la que se convierte en primera segunda lengua enseñada en el sistema escolar, como un producto de mercado para un público consumidor que ya por esos entonces y, si bien bastante diferente al de hoy en día, resultase probablemente bastante lucrativo.tendencias todas estas en torno al español en ee.uu. que siguen estando, hoy más que nunca, en el ojo del huracán. referencias bibliográficas arnoux, elvira narvaja de. . la glotopolítica: transformaciones de un campo disciplinario. en elvira narvaja de arnoux. lenguajes: teorías y prácticas, pp. - . buenos aires: gobierno de la ciudad de buenos aires, secretaría de educación. ________ . los discursos sobre la nación y el lenguaje en la formación del estado (chile, - ): estudio glotopolítico. buenos aires: santiago arcos. arnoux, elvira narvaja de y josé del valle. . las representaciones ideológicas del lenguaje. discurso 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pp. - . aldershot: dartmouth. warshaw, jacob. . the spanish porgram. hispania . : - . weill, georges. . le journal. origines, évolution et role de la presse périodique. paris: la renaisance du livre. wilkins, lawrence a. . la enseñanza de lenguas modernas en los estados unidos. conferencias dadas en el “centro de estudios históricos” y en el “ateneo”, de madrid, en el “instituto de idiomas” de la universidad de valencia y en el “consell de pedagogía de la mancomunitat de catalunya” durante el otoño de . new york: instituto de las españas. yúdice, george. . culturas emergentes en el mundo hispano de estados unidos. observatorio: cultura y comunicación, - . disponible en http://www.falternativas. org/occ-fa/documentos/culturas-emergentes-en-el-mundo-hispano-de-estados-unidos [consulta / / ]. páginas web consultadas: http://centenario.eldiariony.com/cronologia/ http://www.rae.es/la-institucion/historia/siglo-xx http://www.hispanicsociety.org/hispanic/history.htm http://www.impremedia.com/#intro http://www.jae .csic.es/historia.php http://jbs.sagepub.com/ journal of black studies http://jbs.sagepub.com/content/ / / the online version of this article can be found at: doi: . / : journal of black studies bradley skelcher apartheid and the removal of black spots from lake bhangazi in kwazulu-natal, south africa published by: http://www.sagepublications.com can be found at:journal of black studiesadditional services and information for http://jbs.sagepub.com/cgi/alertsemail alerts: http://jbs.sagepub.com/subscriptionssubscriptions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsreprints.navreprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalspermissions.navpermissions: http://jbs.sagepub.com/content/ / / .refs.htmlcitations: what is this? - jul , version of record >> at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ http://jbs.sagepub.com/content/ / / http://www.sagepublications.com http://jbs.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts http://jbs.sagepub.com/subscriptions http://www.sagepub.com/journalsreprints.nav http://www.sagepub.com/journalspermissions.nav http://jbs.sagepub.com/content/ / / .refs.html http://jbs.sagepub.com/content/ / / .full.pdf http://online.sagepub.com/site/sphelp/vorhelp.xhtml http://jbs.sagepub.com/ . / articlejournal of black studies / july skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots apartheid and the removal of black spots from lake bhangazi in kwazulu-natal, south africa bradley skelcher delaware state university clearly, the forced removal of africans from white-designated areas dur- ing apartheid in south africa is not unique to world history. so, what can be learned from studying a group of rural africans living in a communal arrangement for , years or more? by investigating the case of the removal of african people from the lake bhangazi area within greater st. lucia wetland park in south africa from through , light can be shed on one aspect of forced migration. this may lead to an understand- ing of other forced movements of people throughout world history. it may also provide a better understanding of the rural phase of forced removals during apartheid. most south african studies have focused on urban removals. the following article is the story of the people from lake bhangazi in kwazulu-natal set within the broad context of south african apartheid and “black spot” removal. keywords: black spot removal; south africa; apartheid the ggs came : one morning without warning. they forced us onto the trucks. we gathered whatever we could. men from the [natal] parks board drove us to the other side and dumped us along the road. we had no place to go and had no food. it was terrible. —grace mbuyazi, personal interview, june to july author’s note: the research for this article was made possible by the alli- ance international research for minority scholars, which sponsored this research project in kwazulu-natal to assist in the development of a cultural heritage center at lake bhangazi during the summer of . journal of black studies, vol. no. , july - doi: . / © sage publications at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ almost everyone who could remember the forced removal of the people from lake bhangazi recalled similar memories as these of grace mbuyazi. now in her s, grace broke down into tears as she recalled this fateful day almost as if it were yesterday when it hap- pened. crying, grace said that her people now live in poverty and are sick from eating “white man’s” food. she remembered an idyl- lic life at lake bhangazi where there was plenty of food. “people were not sick” (g. mbuyazi, personal interview, june to july ). although they lived a subsistence-farming lifestyle, everyone, when asked, acknowledged that they were healthy. people ate tradi- tional food, not white food, which kept them healthy, according to g. mbuyazi. one old man longingly remembered, “[we] could plant anything and it would grow and we would eat.” domenic dunn ( ), a descendant of the white zulu chief john dunn, described the people from the lake st. lucia area as “men attracted by food.” many longed to return to their homeland where they recalled families living together in paradise along the indian ocean within the greater st. lucia wetland park (gslwp) in the prov- ince of kwazulu-natal (kzn). the idyllic life at lake bhangazi was a communal life of farm- ing, grazing cattle, hunting, and gathering. the men speared fish from the freshwater of lake bhangazi and harvested the indian ocean. men smoked tobacco or sniffed it as snuff. they also smoked hemp—insangu or dagga. men and women gathered fruits and nuts while young boys tended the cattle, which were a measure of wealth and power. men needed the cattle also for lobola or the bride price. using ox-drawn plows or iron-forged hoes, the women planted sweet potatoes, peanuts, maize, millet, pumpkins, cala- bashes, idumbe (potato-like food), and cabbage. women harvested materials such as incema to weave baskets and mats. without potter wheels, women made clay pots by hand. painstakingly, women har- vested just the right materials to construct musical instruments. the land provided for their every need (aitchison, ; f. mhlanga, personal interview, july ; silverston, n.d.; sparks, n.d.; stuart & malcolm, ). the people from lake bhangazi understood the need to con- serve natural resources and developed complex sustainable conser- journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ vation practices. generally, the inkhosi (chief) or induna (headman) was responsible for managing the natural resources within a ward or chiefdom. fakazi mhlanga, in an oral history interview, recalled hunting as a young man at lake bhangazi. he said that the induna decided when the members of his ward would go off to hunt. there were celebrations signaling this momentous time. they also could hunt only certain game animals. some game animals, like hippo- potamus, were taboo to their diets (f. mhlanga, personal interview, july ). lake bhangazi sustained physical and spiritual needs, which were often the same. inyangas (traditional healers) gathered their skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots figure : map of south africa source: cia world factbook, . at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ medicines from the forest and the sea, which contained a plentiful supply. sangomas (diviners) diagnosed people’s spiritual and physical ailments. with the introduction of christianity, faith heal- ers preached the gospel. all drank the cleansing salt water of the indian ocean for physical and spiritual health. the most promi- nent physical features are the sand dunes that border the indian ocean and serve to filter water into lake bhangazi, providing fresh drinking water: these dunes are the tallest in the world and rich in titanium. while at lake bhangazi, the people lived a truly self- sufficient life (lubombo spatial development initiative plan, ; mama g. mbuyazi, personal interview, june to july ). then one day in , without notice, government trucks or ggs (government garage), as people called them, from the natal con- servation service (ncs) came, ending this idyllic life. the people living around lake bhangazi had no time to collect their belong- ings. one person reported, “when we were removed from bhangazi at gunpoint, we ran away leaving most of our belongings behind. . . . we want back bhangazi!” (minutes of st. lucia/eastern shores land and claim meeting, , n.p.). few were allowed to transport their cattle or other livestock. because they lost many of their cattle, it became difficult for young men lacking lobola (bride’s price paid in cattle) to marry unless they found employ- ment to help them purchase the required number. in , a speaker in the kwazulu legislative assembly compared ggs to “the cattle trucks of nazi germany” (unterhalter, , p. ). dumping them alongside the road on the western shores of nearby lake st. lucia, the ncs forced people to wander about in search of family members separated during the removal. people remained separated for months. some, who were not at their home- steads when the trucks came, were left behind, forcing them to wander by foot in search of their families. the ncs dumped them on overcrowded reserves under the control of different inkosi forc- ing them to beg for land so they could build new homesteads or kraals. most lived lives as refugees longing for the day of their return to lake bhangazi (d. mbuyazi, personal interview, july ; mama g. mbuyazi, personal interview, june to july ; journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ f. mhlanga, personal interview, july ). an old man during a meeting in mtubatuba town hall near lake st. lucia said, awu! it was long ago. . . . the parks board (ncs) accused us of burning the veld and killing the government’s animals. then the abakwamahlathini (department of forestry) said we were burning their trees . . . finally we were kicked out. we hope that god will give the kwazulu government power to help us once again suck the breast of the land that nourished us. (as cited in moloi, / , pp. - ) most longed for the day when they could at least move their ancestral spirits to their new homesteads. this was the most devas- tating aspect of their removal from lake bhangazi. the abrupt removal of the people left them no time to conduct proper rituals for their ancestors’ spirits. this involved the family sending a delega- tion with a thorny branch from an acacia tree to fetch the spirit. the branch would absorb the spirit. when done, they could return to their home. a designated person would carry the branch and talk to the spirit along the way, providing directions to the new homestead. when there, they would place the branch in the cattle enclosure. cattle would then eat the branch, absorbing the soul. each home- stead has a hut, or an iqukwane, for the ancestors called indlu yangehla, or ancestors’ house, where they could find sustenance like zulu beer and food (m. zondi, personal interview, june to july ). this is the story of the forced removal of the people from lake bhangazi in present day kzn between and during the height of apartheid under the nationalist party regime in south africa. it is also about their struggle to return. the removal of the people from lake bhangazi, in many ways, reflected the removal of other “black spots” within white-designated areas throughout rural south africa. through oral history interviews, their story unfolded in their own words, providing insight as to the meaning of place. from the trauma, many now wonder whom they are, having lost their connection to their homeland and ancestral spirits for such a long time. skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ in , the new south african government passed legislation allowing dispossessed people to file land claims for the return of their homelands. the people from lake bhangazi responded by fil- ing a suit for the return of their land. before this, many had little information about the bhangazi people and their plight. many gov- ernment officials did not believe that the people from lake bhangazi had ever lived in the area. this forced the bhangazi people to devise elaborate methods of research to prove their case. through oral histories and archeological evidence, the people from lake bhangazi managed to prove their existence and won their case. this experience led many to ask questions about themselves and their heritage. the forced removal of people was not new to south africa. it seems as if the history of european colonization was one of removal, evoking the poetic words of henry wadsworth longfellow from evangeline, in which the main character searched for her lover, gabriel, after their separation following the british removal of acadians from nova scotia in (longfellow, / ). the united states has a bleak history of forced removals dating to the “trail of tears” and the forced removal of native americans from the southeast in . in the s and s, many described urban renewal in the united states as “negro removal.” more recently, serbs attempted forced removals of people in their ethnic cleansing program. clearly, apartheid and black spot removal was an unfortunate part of the continuum of forced removals that have occurred throughout world history. this attempt to understand the situation at lake bhangazi may shed light on others who suffered from the same apartheid policy of black spot removal in south africa. the people of lake bhangazi the natural resources from the land and sea first attracted people to the lake bhangazi area. about years ago, people began set- tling along the shores of the indian ocean around st. lucia and lake bhangazi. about years ago, a different linguistic group journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ appeared within the st. lucia area, extending to the lubombo mountains. the tekela nguni people were apparently the first africans to reach the area around st. lucia when they migrated south along the coast of east africa. the language group was isithembe-thonga in bantu, which is a subfamily of the niger- congo family language (g. anderson, personal interview, august ; lubombo spatial development initiative plan, ; ross, ; stuart & malcolm, ). the portuguese were the first europeans to reach the area around st. lucia. in , the san bento, a portuguese slave ship, wrecked off the coast of st. lucia on its way to the trading center at delagoa bay in mozambique. the thonga people came to their aid. this accidental contact led to a lucrative trade with the portuguese. they traded glass beads, brass, copper, and dungaree cloth for gold and ivory from sea cow and elephant (lubombo spatial development initiative plan, ; silverston, n.d.; stuart & malcolm, ). the plentiful wildlife around lake st. lucia attracted european hunters and adventurers also. they slaughtered many of the species of wildlife living in the st. lucia area. william charles baldwin ( ) left a written account of his travels in the st. lucia area in his book titled african hunting and adventure: from natal to the zambesi. he arrived in south africa in and traveled to st. lucia to shoot sea cows. baldwin and other hunters almost wiped out the animal life in the area, causing the government to begin reg- ulating the game hunts. hunters did succeed in exterminating the elephants. eventually, the natal parliament declared st. lucia a game reserve in , enlarging it to include the entire lake system in , and encircling it with a half-mile barrier in . in , south africa signed the ramsar international treaty designating lake st. lucia as a protected wetland. the united nations educa- tional, scientific, and cultural organization (unesco) declared it a world heritage site in the s (world heritage convention act , ). in the early s, mining companies discovered titanium in the towering sand dunes along the shores of the indian ocean, stretch- ing from richard’s bay to the border of mozambique. in the late th century, sigurd silverston described this vast mineral wealth skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ around lake st. lucia, writing that the minerals included gold, gelina, copper, tin, nickel molydenite, asbestos, mica, and coal (n.d.). this mineral-resource-rich area has attracted mining inter- ests’ attention, leading the south african government to declare the area a protected site and making it the gslwp in hopes of protect- ing it from mining. the rich agricultural lands, however, attracted most attention during the days of apartheid under the nationalist party regime. during the s, ncs introduced gum tree and pine tree planta- tions. the government also sold land to private sugar cane growers. agricultural demands motivated the natal government to remove by force the people living around lake st. lucia under the pretext of natural resources conservation (pretorius, ). removal of black spots is the history of zululand and south africa seemingly, the history of zululand is a history of removals result- ing from conquest or dynastic struggles. the losers fled in search of safe sanctuary, which they often found in the st. lucia area. from the time of shaka in the early th century through the s, the geographical area of zululand has experienced the forced removal of people. the result has been the creation of a diaspora of various families and tribes still in search of their historical roots. european penetration into zululand came after the conclusion of the anglo-zulu war in and the subsequent civil war between the zulus. these led to the destruction and subsequent reorientation of zulu traditional settlement patterns. british colonial interest in zululand initially focused on labor resources needed in the newly discovered gold and diamond regions during the s. to accom- plish this, british authorities devised schemes to disrupt the zulu people’s “relationship between the homestead and the natural envi- ronment” (mackinnon, , p. ). the zulu homestead required unencumbered access to natural resources. by denying them access to natural resources, the zulu no longer could sustain themselves thus forcing them into a growing pool of labor for mining and agri- journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ culture. the british accomplished this by imposing a hut tax and demanded labor from inkhosis (guy, ). at the beginning of the th century, the government in natal began the process of creating a pool of labor by removing zulu peo- ple from their homesteads to create and to expand game reserves. at the same time, the government granted whites access to forests and other resources. natal officials created a pretext for the removal of zulus. they pointed to zulu cattle herding as creating large-scale damage to the crown forests and restricted their access to timber for housing and fencing for their cattle (mackinnon, ). there- after, the colonial government passed forest and game regulations. the natal government restricted zulus to cutting only certain trees for the wood to use in their houses; the zulus had to pay for this privilege. the first of the game preserves was in the hlabisa district. one of the new preserves was st. lucia lake. during the anglo-boer war ( - ), forest rangers allowed zulus to move into for- ests. then they complained that the zulu trampled paths in search of wood for building materials. they also feared that they would denude the forests. rangers accused them of burning off too much land for their gardens and farm plots. following the war, regula- tions tightened on forest conservation (mackinnon, ). in , the colonial government of natal established the joint imperial-colonial zululand lands delimitation commission. it completed its work in , which called for the segregation of african and white lands. natal threw open coastal lands from st. lucia to richard’s bay for white occupation and sugar cane pro- duction. any africans living within these delimitated areas for white occupation were subject to removal. the commission iden- tified these areas as “black spots” or badly situated areas within white-designated areas. the technical difference between the two is that the latter areas were not african land freeholds, but frag- ments of communal lands under appointed chiefs located within white-owned land (unterhalter, ). the commission also established a series of reserves for the zulus for their relocation after removal from white land. the commission justified this by skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ claiming the need to conserve natural resources (bundy, ; mackinnon, ). the delimitation commission laid the foundation for the natives land act of , passed following the formation of the union of south africa in . this act laid the statutory basis of territorial segregation, dividing the whole of south africa into reserves where africans could own land and the rest where they could not. reserves made up % of the land with provisions to increase it to %. it also abolished cash tenants and sharecroppers, reducing them to labor tenants or wage laborers. the natives land act of led to the removal of millions of africans and their relocation to reserves. the law also prohibited whites and africans from “entering into any agreement for the hire or other acquisi- tion . . . of any such land [designated for white occupation]” (debates in the house of commons, ). reverend mtimkulu from zululand criticized the act by saying, many natives . . . have already been removed from the farms on account of this act. . . . there are others who have farms, but titles are refused them by the government. . . . this act therefore seems to us like a one-edged knife—it cuts a big piece off the native and is very gentle with the european. (bundy, , p. ) the natives land act opened the floodgate for more legislation that solidified the segregation of black and white south africans. in , the government passed the native trust and land act, (later called the development trust and land act). the act increased the percentage of land for africans to % as promised in the act. it also allowed the south african development trust to relocate africans to scheduled land in reserves. g. h. nicholls, member of the senate from zululand, spoke before the south afri- can parliament in on the pending bill: “this bill has become necessary . . . to create a contented and prosperous native peasantry in our reserves, who will become consumers. . . . our civilized labour policy . . . depends entirely upon this measure which goes to the very root of our national economy” (union of south africa, journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ , pp. - ). by the s, removed people caused over- crowding in the reserves where few could eke out a living on increasingly less land. the reserves, therefore, became reservoirs of migrant labor. when the nationalist party came to power in , the new gov- ernment continued the policy of segregation first established by the british colonial officials in natal in the name of apartheid, or sepa- rate development. in , the nationalist party passed the group areas act, which restricted black people from owning white land. the act also did not recognize tribal tenure as a substitute for a recorded deed with the office of registrar of deeds. this presented problems for people, such as the ones from lake bhangazi, who had not secured title to their land. even if they had, however, the government most likely would not have recognized ownership, because the government had designated much of the land for white occupation. this led to alienation of people from their land through stepped-up forced removals (group areas act , ; torres, ). the nationalist party government added more laws attempt- ing to establish independent black african states to control the movement of people in a better and more systematic fashion. the bantu authorities act of allowed for the administration of bantustans by placing them within bantu tribal, regional, and territorial authorities. in , t. l. tomlinson, chair of the tomlinson commission, provided the ideological framework for apartheid, or separate devel- opment, laying out the foundation for forced segregation and removals to follow. clearly, removals accelerated following the release of his report despite some resistance from local authorities (verkyul, ). passage of the native (prohibition of interdicts) act in prevented local authorities from seeking court action to prevent removals by eliminating judicial authority in such matters. the surplus people project reported the subsequent removal of . million people between and . this left million africans owning only . % of the land, in comparison with . million whites owning . % of the land (unterhalter, ). skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ removal from lake bhangazi unfortunately, the removal of people from lake bhangazi between and was not an aberration. unterhalter ( ) argued that during the s, increased mechanization of farms with the emergence of capitalist commercial agriculture in south africa led to the surplus of black labor and their subsequent removal. she added, “long-established peasant subsistence communities have been uprooted and forced to move to make way for highly subsi- dized commercial farmers with ready access to credit, marketing boards and mechanical inputs through [government] development plans” (p. ). undoubtedly, this prompted government action to accelerate the removal of black spots, or “surplus people,” to make way for commercial farming. social engineers within the south african government planned the evictions under the pretext of betterment schemes to improve farm production for subsistence african farmers that had actually already begun in the s (unterhalter, ). unterhalter ( ) pointed out that government agencies carried out the first removals in the s. gg transport moved the mass of people to dumping grounds on south african bantu trust land, later called south african development trust. reduced to one- quarter-acre plots, they could keep no livestock and could barely produce enough food to subsist. cosmos desmond visited a settle- ment at mpungamhlope in natal in the s and reported, “the whole place had a general air of shabbiness with a number of over- grown, empty plots . . . [and] very poor, dilapidated houses. ragged, hungry-looking children surrounded the few [water] taps that were installed in the ‘streets’ ” ( , pp. - ). the removal of black spots slowed during the late s because of fragmented reserves and scarcity of land on the reserves in kwazululand. this may have led to the decision not to remove peo- ple entirely from the lake st. lucia area during the s and s. still, the demand for natural resources increased. the natal parks board had plans to develop the st. lucia area for gum tree plantations. mining operations demanded large numbers of har- vested trees for shoring materials. before this could begin, the gov- journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ ernment needed to remove people living there. with overcrowded reserves, the government decided to move the people throughout lake st. lucia, concentrating them around lake bhangazi near the homestead of lokothwayo mbuyazi beginning in . jotham mfeka recalled, in when the forestry company wanted to remove us, njojela mbuyazi went to durban to try and negotiate about this. i accompa- nied him to see cowen cow. cowen . . . told us that the land did belong to the government then. however, . . . because there were people in that land they would not be moved. (minutes of st. lucia/ eastern shores land and claim meeting, , p. ) cowen convinced authorities to divide the land and let the people settle near lake bhangazi where there were no trees planted yet (minutes of st. lucia/eastern shores land and claim meeting, ). the removal of black spots was at its height in when m. c. botha was minister of bantu administration and development (bad) (platzky & walker, ). botha explained that no force was required, “we get their co-operation in all cases voluntarily. . . . sometimes it is necessary to do quite a lot of persuasion, but we do get them anyway” (unterhalter, , pp. - ). in reality, the government “got them” through intimidation and selective use of violence. in , g. f. van l. froneman, deputy chairman of the bantu affairs commission, said, “when all these ‘black spots’ and isolated scheduled and released areas are once removed, the chess board pattern of bantu areas and white areas in south africa will also to a great extent be eliminated” (as cited in desmond, , p. ). the bad reported that natal had the largest number of peo- ple removed. between and , natal government removed , africans. during the s, it forcibly removed about , africans and another , in the s (unterhalter, ). to control the african population more efficiently, the national- ist regime moved to establish independent bantustans. the idea was to remove africans from black spots and to relocate them on these bantustans. each african would then become a citizen of skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ these bantustans and would carry a passbook as identification while traveling through white areas of south africa. this process accelerated in the s. in , the south african government established the zululand territorial authority with chief mangosuthu gatsha buthelezi as chief executive officer. in , it became the kwazulu legislative assembly, with buthelezi serving as the chief minister of the assembly. in , the south african government declared kwazulu to be a self-governing bantustan. not coincidental, these changes came at a time when there was an upsurge in removals. the bantu laws amendment act of opened the way for a resur- gence of black spot removals with no prior consultation, even if there was opposition (unterhalter, ). in , buthelezi publicly complained about the increase in removals. he criticized the government by saying, “we have said before that we are not prepared to co-operate with the removal of people. we don’t want to be party to the misery of our people” (as cited in unterhalter, , p. ). his chief complaint was that there was not enough reserve land to accommodate the increasing number of people moving into them. he complained: “the first of these [promises], which i consider a priority, is for the government to give the zulu nation more territory, for without more territory our scheme will not make sense” (as cited in desmond, , p. ). some have said that the scheme was to cooperate secretly with authorities in the removals to increase buthelezi’s political power through an increased population and treasury for his government. the final removals from lake bhangazi occurred in . the last leader of resistance to removals was lokothwayo mbuyazi. some claimed that he was inkosi for the lake bhangazi area. oth- ers identified him as induna whose allegiance was to the inkosi in nearby mtubatuba (d. mbuyazi, personal interview, july ; f. mhlanga, personal interview, july ). how did he manage to resist removal for more than a decade? even though there were con- flicting memories about lokothwayo, he nonetheless has reached mythical proportions since his death. one said that lokothwayo managed to resist removal for so long because of his traditional healing powers. he recalled that lokothwayo slaughtered a white journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ cow and prayed to his ancestors. as a result, when the white people came to remove them, they all suddenly fell asleep while approach- ing his kraal. when they awoke, the people had disappeared (mama g. mbuyazi, personal interview, june to july ). clearly, lokothwayo was able to use the legal system to delay what now appears to have been the inevitable. daniel mbuyazi, his son, recalled that he had filed for an injunction against the removal plans in with the magistrate in nearby mtubatuba. the magis- trate delayed government action for a year despite the amend- ment to the bantu laws. lokothwayo died in , and removals followed shortly thereafter (j. mbuyazi, personal interview, july ). the circumstances surrounding his death remain clouded. fakazi mhlanga remembered him as the hero of the resistance. despite this, he reported that many enemies had cast evil spells and poisoned him, making him sick. he reportedly recovered using his traditional healing powers (f. mhlanga, personal interview, july ). still, others reported that he may have died from this poison- ing in . thus without a leader, the people were vulnerable to removal. still, the question remained, why did the government suddenly decide to focus attention on the people from lake bhangazi? the government had not designated area surrounding lokothwayo mbuyazi for commercial agriculture. jiakonia mhlanga, a former resident of lake bhangazi, offered a plausible explanation. he said that the government removed them because of a terrorist threat. the government feared that terrorists might land on the nearby shores of the indian ocean and use the lake bhangazi area as a base for their operations. they feared that guerillas would blend into the african villages along the indian ocean (j. mhlanga, personal interview, june to august ). mozambique gained independence in , following a success- ful leftist military coup in portugal in . following the coup, the new government withdrew from the colony. subsequently, a strug- gle followed between the front for the liberation of mozambique (frente de liberta vão de mozambique) (frelimo), the national liberation movement, and the south african and rhodesian-backed opposition named mozambican national resistance (resistëcia skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ nacional moçambicana) (renamo). umkhonto we sizwe, the military arm of the african national congress (anc), backed frelimo and used mozambique to launch guerrilla attacks into south africa. umkhonto we sizwe also supported zimbabwe peo- ple’s revolution army (zipra) and their efforts to liberate rhode- sia. to stem the spread of revolution in southern africa, military forces from south africa invaded namibia following the outbreak of fighting in angola. surrounded by revolution, the south african government’s fear of terrorist or guerrilla attacks intensified, lead- ing to heightened security along its vulnerable borders. in , premier balthazar johannes vorster believed that if african states support the liberation movements sweeping throughout the region, south africa would then face a “catastrophe too ghastly to contem- plate” (ross, ; unterhalter, ). to be sure, the government removed people throughout the lake st. lucia area in an effort to increase security. platzky and walker ( ) pointed out, “at lake st. lucia, more than africans were moved off reserve land occupied by them for hundreds of years . . . from to . . . barely recorded in the press” (p. ). the ggs also removed , people from an area demarcated for a missile testing range at fenias island on the western shores of lake st. lucia in sodwana state forest. the government conducted the removal and dumping of people as “full-scale army maneu- vers, complete with code names” (platzky & walker, , p. ). cheryl walker, kzn commissioner, commented, “the history of the removal is not very well documented. what we know is that it was handled as a military operation” (as cited in salgado, b, par. ). like others, they had to leave crops and livestock behind as they watched the government burn their homes. after the comple- tion of nhlozi military base, soldiers shelled their school to test artillery ordinance. following their removal, the people suffered from malnutrition and had to travel long distances to fetch water from “bilharzias-infected streams” (platzky & walker, , p. ). during the s, some estimates showed about , people removed from black spots in kwazulu with a planned removal of an additional million in the following decade. oscar dhlomo, journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ secretary-general of the inkatha freedom party, in said, “the population removals in natal involve persons displaced or removed from so-called ‘black spots’ . . . kwazulu government is . . . [not] . . . consulted . . . about such removals . . . and we have no option but to countenance the resettlement . . . on humanitarian grounds” (as cited in unterhalter, , p. ). he went on to say, “we could not turn people away who would otherwise be homeless” (as cited in unterhalter, , p. ). in , the threat of removal in kwangema and mogopa led the people to resist through the courts. they also used the international press to tell the story of their pending plight. their success may have stopped the removal of about million people living in black spots. increasingly, the international community stepped up pres- sure against south africa to end apartheid, culminating with the u.s. sanctions in . slowly, apartheid began to crumble. during the final days of apartheid, africans—who the govern- ment had removed from black spots—began to speak out demand- ing the return of their land. on february , , president f. w. deklerk responded to these claims trying to soften the outward appearance of apartheid. he admitted that the government had forc- ibly removed africans from their homesteads. without any recourse, they had to comply. representatives from six communi- ties in natal asked the government for their land back after hearing his speech. they asked for compensation in the form of land restitu- tion, loss of earnings, and other losses associated with the removals such as destroyed houses and loss of livestock. they also wanted their title deeds restored, complete with mineral rights and com- pensation for what had been mined (minnaar, ). by march , throughout south africa, dispossessed people demanded their land back. some even went as far as to reoccupy their dispossessed land. this characterized the situation in natal. in roosboom, people began negotiating for the return of their land. while awaiting the results of their negotiations, they reoccupied the land they had claimed. problems did arise over titles to the land. the government claimed the people had no title. thus, they had no ownership rights. anc party leaders responded to the nationalist’s position by demanding them to “listen to people’s history about skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ their claim for land” (torres, , p. ). they argued that the gov- ernment should not only look at title but also should look at the inheritance, forced relocations, historical claims, and ancestral gravesites. during their reoccupation campaign—which led to trespassing charges in machaviestad (matlaong)—people cried, “our forefathers’graves are our title deeds” (minnaar, , p. ). in , richard’s bay mineral company sought permission to begin mining operations on the sand dunes at lake st. lucia. this prompted a public hearing in nearby mtubatuba. many families from lake bhangazi had already begun to organize to reclaim their lost land. the proposed mining operations made it critical to accel- erate their efforts to reclaim their land and to protect their ancestors’ burial sites in the sand dunes (moloi, / ). this mining proposal set off a struggle between two rival groups. fineas mbuyazi, son of lokothwayo, led the group that opposed the mining operation. mbuyazi said, “i don’t want them to dig the earth and scatter the bones of our fathers around!” (moloi, / , p. ). alpheus mnguni from the national union of mine- workers agreed. he outlined the union opposition to the proposal from richard’s bay mineral company. he said that they had not kept promises to provide a living wage for the workers. therefore, the people should not believe them when they promise not to dis- rupt burial sites (moloi, / ). chief mineus mkhwanazi represented the faction in favor of mining. as king, mkhwanazi claimed the eastern shores of lake st. lucia as a part of his historic jurisdiction. mkhwanazi argued, it will be a mistake if i, as the king, say that i am against conserva- tion. but, the conservation of nature must not deny my people an opportunity for development. wealth creation will only affect a small part of st. lucia. (as cited in moloi, / , p. ) mbuyazi refused to meet with mkhwanazi. he accused mkhwanazi of not struggling for the land like the mbuyazi people. he said, “i dislike the mixing of people with different kings” (moloi, / , p. ). essentially, mbuyazi questioned the validity of his power over the area surrounding lake bhangazi and the right to negotiate with the mining company. he said, “he (mkhwanazi) journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ claims to be king because king shaka was inkosi ymakhosi (king of kings). king goodwill zwelithini [of the zulus] now occupies this position [not mkhwanazi] ” (as cited in moloi, / , p. ). this dispute spilled over to their official land claim that they filed the following year and continues to simmer through the present. under the new south african constitution of , the govern- ment passed the restitution of land rights act. this act allowed people to file claims for the recovery of lost land resulting from the removals of black spots going back to . on september , , phineas mbuyazi initiated a land restoration claim on behalf of the mbuyazi clan and the people from lake bhangazi. mineus mkhwanazi followed on october , with a similar claim on behalf of the mpukunyoni tribal authority (restitution claim, ). there were, however, questions as to the validity of their claims. many questioned whether they had actually lived on the land that they claimed. andrew spiegel, an anthropologist at university of cape town, led the way in proving that people actually lived at lake bhangazi. essentially, he re-created the community based on interviews. from the interviews, he began searching for material evidence. the most convincing evidence was the existence of a cat- tle dip tank built in the late s by the government in an effort to eradicate an infestation of ticks. mama grace mbuyazi recalled the white man who was in charge of the cattle dip. he had lived with her family while staying at lake bhangazi. she even remembered that he liked to eat. this, along with other evidence, convinced the land claims commission that people actually lived at lake bhangazi until ncs evicted them. still more challenges faced peo- ple in their quest for the return of their land (mama g. mbuyazi, personal interview, june to july ; j. mhlanga, personal inter- view, june to august ). in , the regional land claims commission along with t. swanepoel, department of land affairs (dla), met with mbuyazi and representatives of mkhwanazi in empangeni. the government officials outlined possible options for the people reclaiming their land at lake bhangazi. swanepoel said that they would have problems relocating to lake bhangazi because it lay skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ within the gslwp. instead, he said they could choose sites in nearby mtubatuba to build houses or could choose sites north of st. lucia town. the dla could also identify farms and assist claim- ants interested in buying these farms. the people could also harvest medicinal plants, natural resources, and vegetables in controlled access areas at lake bhangazi. the agreement additionally gave them access to ancestor gravesites. they could also share in the profits from culled animals within the park. in addition, the dla could financially assist those claimants who wanted to buy urban stands in durban, richard’s bay, and elsewhere. they could also receive cash compensation based on the valuation of the land. finally, they could share in the revenues generated from gslwp. both factions agreed (restitution claim, ) it took years to complete the land claim. in , the land claims commission determined that they would validate only one claim from the former residents of the lake st. lucia area. the mbuyazi family and the mpukunyoni tribal authority agreed to form one committee naming it the bhangazi land claims commit- tee (blcc). with this, dla finalized an agreement with the newly constituted body in december . the final settlement between ncs and blcc came in . the government agreed that the dis- possessed people from lake bhangazi could claim portions of the land around lake st. lucia, totaling , hectares of land. it veri- fied that they had lost these rights because of racially discrimina- tory laws and practices leading to their dispossession between to (salgado, a). the government, however, renegotiated the terms of the settle- ment refusing to allow their return to their former homeland at lake bhangazi citing that it had been recently designated a world heri- tage site by unesco. instead, they received a restitution award of r$ million, or about $ million. each of the beneficiary fam- ilies received r$ , , or about $ , . the total amount was placed in a trust account under the control of blcc attorney john wills. the trust was to manage the fund for the education and bene- fit of the community. through the agreement, they also received % of the revenue generated by the gslwp. they also received hectares of land at lake bhangazi for a heritage center. journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ on the surface, it appeared that the story of the people from lake bhangazi ended with their successful land claim. still seething, however, the two groups remained divided over the agreement. in , the direct descendants of lokothwayo sued for representa- tion on blcc. they argued that the deal negotiated with the gov- ernment was a corrupt one benefiting only a few committee mem- bers and their attorney, john wills. they filed suit with dla for title to their lost land and its return for settlement. fineas mbuyazi supported them, which resulted in his forced exile into swaziland because he was fearing for his life. he claimed that assassins attempted to murder him (j. mbuyazi, personal interview, june to august ). in , the lubombo spatial development initiative (sdi) was created to provide economic development in kzn, swaziland, and mozambique. the aim was to use ecotourism for economic devel- opment of the region. lake st. lucia fell within the sdi along with lake bhangazi. andrew zaloumis, sdi project manager, summed up the sdi stating, “without economic benefits [of ecotourism] to the people of the region, the whole area is at risk” (as cited in salgado, c, n.p.). zaloumis opposed reoccupation claiming that it would destroy the delicate environment. gordon forrest of the ncs agreed. he even said that it would be better to allow min- ing of the sand dunes, because at least they could rehabilitate the land. because of this, the government has denied them access to lake bhangazi without first securing permits. this was just one of many failed promises (moloi, / ). seemingly, government authorities have resorted to age-old arguments used against the zulu people claiming that they cannot conserve the environment. in reality, many argued that this policy is a continuation of apartheid, preserving the environment for the benefit of white tourists at the cost of the people who had inhabited lake bhangazi for centuries. ian porter, warden of st. lucia, found the government’s position absurd. he said, it would be stupid not to accept people as part of the ecology. people in this area have been harvesting incema, tapping ilala palms and using the other natural resources for thousands of years. their pres- skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ ence has shaped the ecological balance.” (as cited in munnik, / , p. ) the people from lake bhangazi continue to struggle for the return of their land. this struggle continues under the new african regime that in some respects resembles the old regime. in july , ncs released elephants at gslwp, which served as a sym- bolic reclaiming of the land by the zulu people. the irony of this event was revealed in the numerous speeches delivered. in his speech at the ceremonies, king zwelethini told the zulu people that they could not return to their homelands, because the site is a world heritage site. many saw the irony. makondo kadhlovu summed up the people’s concerns when he said almost a century ago, “let that land which is government land appear and let us black people build and dwell thereon and enjoy some rest” (as cited in mackinnon, , p. ). references aitchison, s. g. g. ( ). native social life: a short sketch of the home life, religion, arts, and crafts, manners, customs, superstitions, and folk lore of some of the native tribes of south africa. durban, south africa: josiah jones ltd. baldwin, w. c. ( ). african hunting and adventure: from natal to the zambesi. london: richard bentley & son. bantu authorities act no. ( ). bantu laws amendment act ( ). bundy, c. ( , winter). land, law and power in rural south africa. new ground, , - . debates in the house of commons. ( ). parliament, south africa. desmond, c. ( ). the discarded people. baltimore: penguin. dunn, domenic. ( ). john dunn. unpublished manuscript, john dunn papers. file . killie campbell africana library. university of natal at durban, south africa. group areas act no. ( ). guy, j. ( ). the destruction of the zulu kingdom. braamfontein, south africa: ravan press. longfellow, h. w. ( ). evangeline. new york: pelican publishing. (original work pub- lished ) lubombo spatial development initiative plan. ( ). kwazulu-natal, south africa. mackinnon, a. s. ( ). the impact of european land delimitations and expropriations on zululand, - . master’s thesis, university of natal at durban, south africa. minnaar, a. ( ). the dynamics of land in rural areas: and onwards. in a. minnaar (ed.), access to and affordability of land in south africa: the challenge of land reform in the s (pp. - ). pretoria, south africa: human sciences research council. journal of black studies / july at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ minutes of st. lucia/eastern shores land and claim meeting held at natal park board audi- torium. ( , march ). st. lucia, south africa. moloi, dudley. ( / , summer). let’s get political. new ground, , - . munnik, v. ( - , summer). incema is money: transforming tradition. new ground, , - . native prohibition of interdicts act no. ( ). native trust and land act no. ( ). natives land act no. ( ). platzky, l., & walker, c. ( ). the surplus people: forced removals in south africa. johannesburg, south africa: ravan press. pretorius, s. ( ). conserve it or use it? the dukuduku forest. in a. minnaar (ed.), access to and affordability of land in south africa: the challenge of land reform in the s (pp. - ). pretoria, south africa: human sciences research council. the restitution claim of eastern shores/bhangazi in hlasbisa district, kwazulu-natal. ( ). south africa. restitution of land rights act no. ( ). ross, r. ( ). a concise history of south africa. cambridge, uk: cambridge university press. salgado, i. ( a, september ). win-win deal for st. lucia. sunday times. retrieved june , from www.sundaytimes.co.za/ / / /insight/in .htm salgado, i. ( b, november ). land of treasures and sorrow. sunday times. retrieved june , , from www.sundaytimes.co.za/ / / /insight/in .htm salgado, i. ( c, december ). hitting the heritage trail. sunday times. retrieved june , , from www.sundaytimes.co.za/ / / /travel/travel .htm silverston, s. (n. d.) a chat about zululand and the zulus. unpublished manuscript. contem- porary account of john dunn. john dunn papers. file . killie campbell africana library. university of natal at durban, south africa. sparks, colonel. reminiscences of john dunn. unpublished manuscript. john dunn papers. file . killie campbell africana library. university of natal at durban, south africa. stuart, j., & malcolm, d. mck. (eds.). ( ). the diary of henry francis fynn. pieter- maritzburg, south africa: shuter & shooter. torres, s. ( ). land: a question of historical inheritance or legal right. in a. minnaar (ed.), access to and affordability of land in south africa: the challenge of land reform in the s (pp. - ). pretoria, south africa: human sciences research council. unesco world heritage convention act ( , december). union of south africa. ( , may - ). house of assembly debates. vol. . th session th parliament. unterhalter, e. ( ). forced removal: the division, segregation and control of the people of south africa. london: canon collins house. verkyul, j. ( ). break down the walls. grand rapids, mi: erdmans publishing. bradley skelcher is a professor of history and director of the graduate degree pro- gram in historic preservation at delaware state university. he teaches courses in african american history from the colonial era through the end of the civil war and african american heritage preservation. his current interests are heritage preserva- tion and the underground railroad. he has also published books on african ameri- can education, demonstrating its importance in heritage preservation. skelcher / apartheid and the removal of black spots at delaware state univ library on april , jbs.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://jbs.sagepub.com/ _asq .. http://asq.sagepub.com/ quarterly administrative science http://asq.sagepub.com/content/ / / the online version of this article can be found at: doi: . / : administrative science quarterly heather a. haveman, jacob habinek and leo a. goodman −how entrepreneurship evolves : the founders of new magazines in america, published by: http://www.sagepublications.com on behalf of: samuel curtis johnson graduate school of management at cornell university can be found at:administrative science quarterlyadditional services and information for http://asq.sagepub.com/cgi/alertsemail alerts: http://asq.sagepub.com/subscriptionssubscriptions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsreprints.navreprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalspermissions.navpermissions: what is this? - nov , version of record >> at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ http://asq.sagepub.com/content/ / / http://www.sagepublications.com http://www .johnson.cornell.edu/publications/asq/ http://asq.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts http://asq.sagepub.com/subscriptions http://www.sagepub.com/journalsreprints.nav http://www.sagepub.com/journalspermissions.nav http://asq.sagepub.com/content/ / / .full.pdf http://online.sagepub.com/site/sphelp/vorhelp.xhtml http://asq.sagepub.com/ administrative science quarterly ( ) – � the author(s) reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/ journalspermissions.nav doi: . / asq.sagepub.com how entrepreneurship evolves: the founders of new magazines in america, – heather a. haveman, jacob habinek, and leo a. goodman abstract we craft a historically sensitive model of entrepreneurship linking individual actors to the evolving social structures they must navigate to acquire resources and launch new ventures. theories of entrepreneurship and industry evolution suggest two opposing hypotheses: as an industry develops, launching a new venture may become more difficult for all but industry insiders and the socially prominent because of competition from large incumbents, or it may become easier for all people because the legitimacy accorded to the industry simplifies the entrepreneurial task. to test these two conflicting claims, we study the american magazine industry from to . we find that magazine pub- lishing was originally restricted to publishing-industry insiders, professionals, and the highly educated, but most later founders came from outside publishing and more were of middling stature. gains by entrepreneurs from the social per- iphery, however, were uneven: most were doctors and clergy without college degrees in small urban areas; magazines founded by industry insiders remained predominant in the industry centers. our analysis demonstrates the importance of grounding studies of entrepreneurship in historical context. it also shows that entrepreneurship scholars must attend to temporal shifts within the focal industry and in society at large. keywords: entrepreneurship, organizational founding, industry evolution, status in a pioneering analysis, stinchcombe ( ) proposed that entrepreneurial dynamics are influenced by historical conditions. large-scale changes such as urbanization, the creation of new policy regimes, and technological break- throughs may change the resources available to entrepreneurs, altering organi- zational founding rates by transforming the entrepreneurial task itself. yet much research on entrepreneurship remains ahistorical. it assumes that the factors that make people more or less likely to create new organizations do not university of california, berkeley at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ vary over time or across space. perhaps more important, it assumes that the direction and magnitude of these factors’ effects on entrepreneurial activity do not vary (see isaac and griffin, , on ahistoricism in organizational analysis). in most studies of entrepreneurship, temporal and spatial variation in the eco- nomic, cultural, and political landscape is either ignored entirely or controlled by design, by focusing on a narrow slice of time and space. research that takes a longer perspective has shown that the effects of changing social context are often surprisingly complex. changes in one set of factors (e.g., government regulation, economic conditions, or technology) can prompt changes in another set of factors (e.g., competition or cultural mores) that, in turn, alter entrepreneurial dynamics in unexpected ways. for instance, founding rates of massachusetts railroads varied greatly across regulatory regimes, which determined both the availability of resources entrepreneurs needed to get their railroads running and the nature of competition among incumbent railroads (dobbin and dowd, ). in the same vein, declines in federal grants to universities weakened scientists’ concerns about communal- ism and disinterestedness and increased their acceptance of property-rights claims on scientific discoveries (etzkowitz, ); this normative shift made scientists more likely to participate in new biotechnology ventures (stuart and ding, ). to give a final example, capitalist development can either increase or decrease rates of entrepreneurship, depending on whether it occurs through endogenous development or is imposed by external fiat (ruef and reinecke, ). as these examples show, attention to history can solve puzzles about entrepreneurial dynamics by revealing how interactions among multiple factors open and close different paths to entrepreneurship. our goal is to add to this stream of research by building a model of entrepre- neurship that is sensitive to historical context, one that ties individual actors directly to the evolving social structures they must navigate to acquire the resources they need to found organizations. in doing so, we seek to reconnect agency and structure (sewell, ) by showing how entrepreneurs’ access to resources varies at any point in time between people in different social posi- tions and over time for people in any single social position. social position refers to any characteristic or combination of characteristics (such as age, race, gender, income, education, occupation, or location) that stratifies people’s access to the resources they need to launch new ventures. as stinchcombe ( ) explained, secular trends in society at large can improve or degrade the resources available to people in any particular social position. but over time, entrepreneurs’ own actions also alter access to resources for subsequent entrepreneurs by shaping the path of industry development. as a result, the benefit of being in any social position, even one that offers superior access to resources, will vary over time. building on theories of industry evolution, we propose two opposing hypoth- eses. first, if as an industry develops it becomes increasingly easy to acquire resources and launch new ventures, then the earliest entrepreneurs will be socially prominent and come from occupations related to the focal industry or those with high prestige, while later entrepreneurs will be less distinguished and industry outsiders. second, if as an industry develops it becomes increas- ingly difficult to acquire resources and launch new ventures, then the earliest entrepreneurs will come from the social periphery and a wide array of occupa- tions, while later entrepreneurs will include more members of the social elite administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ and more industry insiders. we focus on three aspects of social position— occupation, education, and geographic location—that have been shown to stra- tify entrepreneurs’ access to resources (e.g., sorenson and audia, ; burton, sørensen, and beckman, ; shane and khurana, ; backes- gellner and werner, ). analyzing the effects of occupation, education, and location on entrepreneur- ship in a way that is sensitive to both trends in the focal industry and in society at large presents both empirical and methodological challenges. empirically, it requires data covering long time periods—however long it takes for a new industry to become legitimated, demand to grow, and some incumbents to grow large—and data that span multiple locations. in this paper, we analyze geographically comprehensive data on one industry, american magazines, over a -year period. our analysis begins in , when the first american maga- zines were published, and ends on the eve of the civil war in , by which time the industry had become well established. methodologically, it requires us to account for how historical trajectories of occupational status, educational stratification, and locational attractiveness jointly alter entrepreneurs’ access to resources and how altered access is conditioned on industry development. we accomplish this by using statistical techniques that can reveal temporal shifts in associations among multiple aspects of entrepreneurs’ social positions. to ground our study in historical context, we begin by tracing the expansion of the american magazine industry, focusing on how shifting resource levels, increas- ing legitimacy, growing customer demand, and intensifying competition altered the challenges facing entrepreneurs in this industry. entrepreneurship in the magazine industry in america the first american magazines appeared within three days of each other in february , produced by rival printers andrew bradford and benjamin franklin. their founders expected these publications would have long lives, but both were short-lived: bradford’s lasted only three monthly issues and franklin’s six. in the wake of these pioneering ventures, the american maga- zine industry struggled. only magazines were founded in the years before the revolution began. not until peace was restored did magazine publishing gain a firm foothold on american soil. between and , the founding rate rose from two to per year. foundings began to outstrip failures and the number of magazines in print rose from in to in . industry growth continued to acceler- ate, and by , almost , magazines were in print. as magazines grew in numbers, they became increasingly robust. the fraction that stayed in print for years or more tripled, from . percent of magazines founded in the eight- eenth century to percent of those founded in the s and s. some magazines also began to reach mass audiences. data on circulation are available for only a few magazines at scattered points in time, but of the magazines published between and for which data are available had circulations over , ; boasted circulations over , , including frank leslie’s illustrated magazine ( – , circulation , in ) and harper’s weekly ( – , circulation over , in ). to put this in perspective, by far the best-selling antebellum book, uncle tom’s cabin, sold , copies; the next-best-selling book sold fewer than , copies haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ (zboray, : ). mass-market publishing was centered in new york city, boston, and philadelphia. in the s and s, over percent of the maga- zines published that we know had circulations greater than , were pub- lished in these three cities, and new york city, the largest in the nation, was home to over one-quarter of all magazines in print. mass-market publishers like harper & brothers, the largest publishing house in the world at that time (schlesinger, ), benefitted from economies of scale, and the vast resources they commanded made them fierce competitors: they could pay popular authors like james fenimore cooper and nathaniel hawthorne hand- somely for original poetry and prose. at the same time as magazine publishing became concentrated in new york city, magazines spread westward across the continent. the blau index of geo- graphic heterogeneity (blau, ), scaled to reflect both the number of loca- tions with printing presses and the number in which magazines were published, rose from . in , when magazines were published in six of the states and territories that had printing presses, to . in , when magazines were published in of the states and territories that had print- ing presses. in the nineteenth century, this index rose slowly and in the s and s, it averaged . . a number of factors contributed to american magazines becoming so numerous and robust, with some of them cultivating mass audiences. technological, economic, and legal changes made the basic resources involved in magazine production, distribution, and contents more readily available every- where. in addition, magazines gained legitimacy in the eyes of the reading pub- lic and found a wide array of audiences. magazine production and resource acquisition to launch new magazines, entrepreneurs needed three main kinds of resources: for basic production, they needed printing presses and paper; to fill pages, they needed written and pictorial material; and to reach subscribers, they needed distribution channels. below, we discuss how each of these resources developed from to and how these developments trans- formed the entrepreneurial task. production. early on, the scarcity of printers and printing presses greatly hampered the magazine industry. printing presses were slow, cumbersome, manually powered mechanisms that required skilled craftsmen to operate (berry and poole, ; moran, ), which made all publishing efforts, includ- ing magazines, costly and dubious ventures. printing spread slowly to the back- woods (wroth and silver, ) as journeyman printers moved to find clients (silver, ). then in the first decades of the nineteenth century, a series of technological advances greatly improved the speed and quality of printing and so dramatically reduced printing costs (berry and poole, ; moran, ). by the s, steam-powered presses that could be run by less-skilled workers appeared in every state and territory. these new presses were also far more efficient: while manual presses in could produce perhaps sheets per hour, in , a steam-driven press could print as many as , sheets per hour. these technological innovations transformed printing from an art to an administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ industry by greatly increasing printing speed and reducing reliance on skilled workers, thus reducing costs (lehmann-haupt, ). paper making in the eighteenth century was also slow and required skilled labor: cotton or linen rags were soaked in water and macerated to reduce them to pulp; mesh screens were then dipped into the wet mixture, pressed, and set to dry; dried sheets of paper were pulled off the screens, pressed again, and trimmed to size (weeks, ; berry and poole, ; smith, ). this cumbersome process also made paper very expensive. technological advances improved paper making after the turn of the century. the introduction of new devices, such as the fourdinier machine, made it possible for paper to be pro- duced on an industrial scale; this and subsequent technological innovations substantially decreased paper prices (moran, ; smith, ). in constant dollars, the cost of a ream of paper declined over percent between and (hunter, ; starr, ). contents. the earliest magazines were beset by problems of supply: few people were willing to contribute engaging original prose or poetry. in the eight- eenth century, the typical american man of letters was a gentleman-scholar whose output was an avocation. these patricians wrote to further personal political, artistic, religious, or scientific objectives, not to make money (charvat, ; dauber, ). only men with independent means or sinecures that were remunerative but not strenuous could indulge in writing at this time; those who sought to earn their living by writing were doomed to fail. perhaps the most prominent example of this is charles brockden brown, who is often recognized as america’s first professional novelist. unable to earn a living from the seven novels he published between and , he was forced to work in his brothers’ export firm for several years, until he found an outlet for his lit- erary ambitions by publishing magazines (dauber, ). the situation was exacerbated by the fact that copyright was virtually non- existent before and not applied to magazines until the s (bugbee, ; charvat, ). as a result, magazines were free to reprint material from other sources. for instance, new york magazine ( – ) reprinted arti- cles from the vaunted edinburgh magazine, including travel stories, articles about new inventions, essays on morality and science, character sketches and short stories, and biographies (pitcher, : – ). the volume of rep- rinted material in american magazines was substantial; for example, almost half of the articles printed in the first three volumes of the balance & columbian repository ( – ) came from other periodicals or books, both american and european (pitcher, : – ). although magazines could glean free content from other publications, they had no legal protection for any original material developed by their own contributors, which hindered their abil- ity to differentiate themselves from rival periodicals. understandings of what it meant to be an author changed slowly between and , as america became a more market-oriented society and as lit- erature evolved to connote commodities created by professionals that were traded for profit. but even in , few authors could earn enough from writing books to support themselves (charvat, ; dauber, ). a slow cultural shift from author as gentleman-scholar to author as professional was propelled by and reflected in an economic innovation by magazine publishers: in , haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ the christian spectator ( – ) pioneered the practice of paying contribu- tors, offering $ per page. this innovation diffused widely and had enormous economic and cultural impact. the first large-circulation magazine to pay contri- butors was atlantic magazine ( – ); many others followed suit over the next decade, notably godey’s lady’s book ( – ) and knickerbocker ( – ). as a result, writers like edgar allan poe and henry wadsworth longfellow could supplement what little they earned from publishing books by selling short stories and poems to magazines (charvat, ). in , the edi- tor of one prominent literary review commented on this nascent market for literature: literature begins to assume the aspect and undergo the mutations of trade. the author’s profession is becoming as mechanical as that of the printer and the booksel- ler, being created by the same causes and subject to the same laws. . . . the pub- lisher in the name of his customers calls for a particular kind of authorship just as he would bespeak a dinner at a restaurant. (north american review, : ) even literary reviews, whose contributors were most likely to view themselves as gentlemen-scholars, adopted this market-oriented practice; for example, the north american review ( – ) did so in the mid s. thus the norm of magazine publishers paying for content made it possible for professional writers to literally scratch out decent livings with their pens. distribution. eighteenth-century magazines’ circulations were local: they were sold primarily at their printers’ shops or at tobacconists and general stores in nearby towns. of the eighteenth-century magazines whose pages gave any indication of their geographic reach, two-thirds were sold in a single city or town. to reach subscribers farther away, magazine founders had to build distri- bution networks from scratch. for instance, the american magazine & historical chronicle ( – ), published in boston, assembled a team of printers and booksellers in philadelphia, new york, new haven, and newport who were responsible for distribution outside its city of publication. similarly, the royal american magazine ( – ), also published in boston, developed a net- work of sales agents throughout new england and south to the carolinas. the development of the postal system created an extensive, reliable, and fast distribution channel for magazines. in , when the first magazines were launched, there were only post offices connected by a mere , miles of post roads (rich, ; kielbowicz, ; john, ). by the eve of the revolution, the number of post offices had almost doubled, to , although the network of post roads had increased only slightly, to , miles. in the early republic, political elites viewed the postal system as a tool for creating a national community that would transcend state boundaries (rich, ; kielbowicz, ; john, ; starr, ). accordingly, congress established the u.s. post office as a permanent arm of the state in and mandated the system’s expansion. after that, the postal system grew exponentially; by , it included over , post offices and covered , miles of post roads (kielbowicz, ; john, ). although the postal system was virtually complete by the late s (john, ), the federal government continued to invest heavily to expand it to cover the nation’s growing landmass. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ improvements in transportation kept pace with the growth of the postal sys- tem, as mail transport shifted from horseback over unpaved pathways or ‘‘cor- duroy’’ log roads to horse-drawn carriages over paved roads, and as the post relied increasingly on steamboats, canals, and railroads (kielbowicz, ; john, ). as a result, between and , travel speeds increased greatly. for example, travel time from new york city dropped percent for trips to boston, percent to charleston, percent to new orleans, and percent to chicago (carter and sutsch, ). as the postal system developed, magazines evolved from serving mostly local audiences in a handful of eastern cities to reaching national audiences (mott, , ; kielbowicz, ). for example, the american journal of science & arts ( - ) was originally sold from boston south to georgia and west to ohio. in november , at the close of its second volume, the editor claimed that his was ‘‘not a local but a national undertaking’’ that was ‘‘sustained by original communications . . . from the east and the west, the north and the south, and even occasionally from other countries’’ [‘‘preface,’’ american journal of science & arts, ( ): ]. this was no idle boast: by the mid s this magazine had built a subscription base that reached across the continent, even across the atlantic to london, paris, and hamburg. audience demand and magazines’ legitimacy perhaps the most fundamental fact standing in the way of the earliest american magazines was the lack of an audience, as the number of potential readers in the colonies was small: in , the thirteen colonies had a popula- tion just over , (u.s. census bureau, ), most of whom were subsis- tence farmers who had little cash to spend on magazines. and because they were novel cultural products, the earliest magazines required considerable explanation and exhortation to attract readers. andrew bradford’s american magazine ( ) began with eight pages detailing what it would and would not contain. in a crass attempt to demonstrate legitimacy, mathew carey’s american museum ( – ) devoted twelve pages up front to a list of sub- scribers, highlighting support from luminaries like george washington and benjamin franklin. carey’s unsubtle plea for legitimacy worked: his venture was one of the most successful magazines of the eighteenth century (charvat, ; mott, ), eventually enrolling , subscribers and producing twelve complete semiannual volumes. early american magazines also stood in the shadow of british ones. they resembled british magazines in terms of physical format and contents, they used similar conventions for their layouts, and they reprinted many essays and poems by celebrated british authors from british periodicals. the founders of the literary gazette ( ) commented on this widespread practice: ‘‘the numerous scien- tific and literary journals of great britain are still found to be attractive to the american public, and the most popular of our journals are in a great measure filled with selections from them’’ (‘‘prospectus,’’ : ). such a strong and lasting connection to the british press should not be surprising, for these americans were originally british subjects and most were descended from british subjects. they took pride in their heritage and admired their mother country’s culture. notwithstanding american magazines’ tendency to resemble british ones, some magazine founders argued that british periodicals did not provide haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ adequate coverage of american affairs. the preface to william smith’s american magazine & monthly chronicle ( – ) put this most plainly: it has long been a matter of just complaint among some of the best friends of our national commerce and safety that the important concerns of these colonies were but little studied and less understood in the mother country. . . it is complained that the difficulty of acquiring any tolerable notion of american affairs has been discoura- ging to many . . . it was proposed by some booksellers and others . . . to undertake a monthly magazine for the colonies, offering at the same time to procure considerable encouragement for it. . . . entrepreneurs like smith sought to provide locally relevant alternatives to british magazines by publishing local government proceedings, accounts of american religious revivals, essays on local politics, letters from travelers to the frontier, and information about atlantic and caribbean trade. other american magazine founders, even in the colonial era, viewed their ventures as keystones of politi- cal freedom. this sentiment intensified during the revolution, when magazines such as hugh henry brackenridge’s aptly named united states magazine ( ) argued the importance of instilling civic virtues in all citizens. over time, the situation facing american magazine entrepreneurs improved greatly. first and most basically, the number of potential readers grew enor- mously. the population rose to . million by and then to . million by (u.s. census bureau, ). at the same time, the market economy grew while subsistence agriculture and barter declined (north, ; mccusker and menard, ; howe, ). as a result, the standard of living rose above the level in most european countries (mccusker and menard, ). the growth of the money economy outstripped population growth: in constant dol- lars, gdp per capita increased percent from (the first year data are available) to (u.s. census bureau, ), and industrial output per capita increased percent (davis, ). together, these trends expanded the potential audience for magazines: there were many more people with much more cash to spend on magazines. perhaps more importantly, magazines’ legitimacy improved markedly. those who were involved in launching and running magazines were well aware of this; for instance, just two years after starting hopkinsian magazine ( – ), the editor noted that ‘‘the peculiar difficulties attending the commence- ment of such a work, if not entirely removed, are greatly diminished. the importance of a cheap, periodical publication . . . is more and more felt. . .’’ [‘‘preface,’’ ( ): iii]. in addition, the development of the norm of paying authors for their contributions meant that magazines became a primary channel for original essays, stories, and poetry (charvat, ). the proliferation of origi- nal material made magazines more desirable to readers and in , the indus- try entered its first ‘‘golden age’’ (mott , ; tebbel and zuckerman, ). magazines became the preeminent means of disseminating literature, both original pieces and works reprinted from british sources. demand increased as the range of material magazines published expanded. in the earliest years, magazines focused on ‘‘serious’’ literature (meaning pon- derous essays about philosophy, religion, politics, and natural philosophy) and were livened only a little by poetry. by the s, magazines also published short stories and serialized novels, plus articles about less-weighty topics, administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ including sports, fashion, home life, education, travel, puzzles, and professional interests. large publishing houses launched multiple magazines, each targeting a different, specialized audience. for instance, frank leslie launched six maga- zines, including a german-language general-interest journal, a humor magazine, and a ladies’ fashion magazine, while harper & brothers published a religious journal and two mass-market literary magazines. demand for magazines also increased because new audiences developed, first among the members of the many different religious communities that flourished in this era. magazine entrepreneurs created specialized periodicals for virtually all faiths, not just large ones like the congregationalists, baptists, and presbyterians, but also small ones like the mormons, swedenborgians, plymouth brethren, moravians, and christadelphians. by the middle of the nineteenth century, religious periodicals had become ‘‘the grand engine of a burgeoning religious culture, the primary means of promotion for, and bond of union within, competing religious groups’’ (hatch, : – ). religious magazines rose from percent of magazines founded in the eighteenth cen- tury to percent of those founded in the s and s. in these two decades, religious magazines outnumbered general-interest periodicals to , and some, like the american messenger ( – ), gained nationwide audiences. religious fervor also spawned magazines in the s and s that were devoted to reform efforts, including the abolition of slavery, temperance, protection for widows and orphans, and strict observance of the sabbath (king and haveman, ). magazines helped the members of the emerging professions and other spe- cialized occupations develop common standards of practice and distinct identi- ties. although in the eighteenth century, only two magazines were published for specialized occupations, both medical magazines, in the s and s, some occupation-specific magazines were launched, not just for physi- cians, but also for lawyers, businessmen, engineers, and journeymen. these occupational communities were often cleaved by debates, many of which were carried in the pages of magazines. for example, among members of the evol- ving medical field, homeopaths, thomsonians, eclectics, mesmerists, magne- tists, hydropaths, grahamites, phrenologists, and osteopaths vied for legitimacy with allopaths (starr, ). all of these camps launched magazines to promote their view of medical practice. the growing concern for ‘‘scientific’’ solutions to social problems promoted the founding of specialty agricultural, educational, and scientific magazines. the diffusion of crop rotation, the development of mechanical equipment like rakes and reapers, and the careful breeding of plants and animals boosted production and kept previously cleared farmland in use (mcclelland, ). this agricultural revolution was supported by the publication of some agricultural maga- zines in the s and s. several of these had nationwide circulation; for instance, country gentleman ( – ) had over , subscribers between and , while american agriculturist ( – ) had , in . others, like the american silk grower’s magazine ( ) and the pomologist magazine ( – ), targeted narrow audiences. like agricul- ture, education became more formalized and ‘‘scientific’’ in the nineteenth cen- tury, as it slowly shifted from home to school (douglas, ; kaestle, ; zboray, ). the proponents of different pedagogical systems competed for the attention of the new education profession (kaestle, ), and many used haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ magazines to spread their pedagogical theories and practices. some edu- cation periodicals were published in the s and s, including henry barnard’s connecticut common school journal ( – ) and horace mann’s boston-based common school journal ( – ), the most famous educational periodicals of the era (mott, : – ). finally, the increasing valorization of science led to and was reinforced by the publication of scien- tific and engineering magazines in the s and s, including scientific american ( –the present). the evolving challenges of entrepreneurship between the appearance of the first american magazines in and the out- break of the civil war years later, the resources needed to publish maga- zines became more readily and universally available, the industry became more legitimate, and demand grew, especially for specialist magazines that targeted members of particular religious communities, reform movements, and occupa- tions. but these developments were offset by the increasing cost of content as authorship became a paid occupation and by fierce competition from large pub- lishers. the question remains as to what effect these changes had on the kinds of people who launched magazines. competition and exclusion from resource acquisition. a long tradition in sociological research suggests that the entrepreneurial task becomes more for- midable as industries develop. in new industries, most organizations are young and small, and so little-known and resource-poor. therefore barriers to entry for other new ventures are low. but as industries develop, they often come to be dominated by a few very large and old organizations that have forged strong ties to suppliers and distributors. because the large, established firms that dominate older industries are both widely recognized and resource-rich, they are powerful competitors, and their presence may make it hard for others to launch new enterprises (hannan and freeman, ). this idea harkens back to adam smith ( ) and karl marx ( ), who argued that small businesses find it hard to compete against large incumbents, which benefit from economies of scale and so can pursue technological innovations and aggressive pricing strate- gies that small enterprises cannot afford. another consideration is that ties to suppliers and distributors strengthen as industries develop (dimaggio and powell, ). it is more difficult for outsiders to penetrate the settled social relations that characterize long-established industries than the fluid situations that prevail in new industries (fligstein, ). this line of argument suggests that as industries develop, entrepreneurs will have more difficulty acquiring and deploying the resources they need to launch new businesses. successful entre- preneurs will increasingly be either industry insiders or outsiders with consider- able wealth or other resources, as only insiders and elites will have the resources needed to scale rising barriers to entry. outsiders without wealth, connections, or reputations will be increasingly excluded. legitimacy and easier access to resources. other organizational research suggests instead that launching new ventures may be harder in newer indus- tries than in older ones. in new industries, customers and suppliers are administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ uncertain, even skeptical (aldrich and fiol, ), so entrepreneurs must strug- gle to define opportunities, identify resources, and pry resources away from existing organizations (rao, ). given this difficulty, entrepreneurs in new industries must depend on their personal reputations and connections to promi- nent others, which substitute for direct measurement of worth by customers and suppliers (dimaggio, ; granovetter and mcguire, ). such relationships create halos that instill entrepreneurs’ activities with normative and pragmatic legitimacy (crane, ; merton, ; david, sine, and haveman, ). but as industries develop and expand, they become increasingly legitimate (hannan and freeman, ), which makes it easier for entrepreneurs to recruit employees, acquire funding and equipment, and solicit sales (aldrich and fiol, ). in addi- tion, as industries expand, deep pools of industry-specific resources build up (hannan and freeman, ), smoothing the path to entrepreneurship. moreover, as industries develop, entrepreneurs learn what to do—and what not to do—from observing their predecessors (aldrich and fiol, ). this line of argument suggests that acquiring and deploying the resources needed to launch new ventures becomes easier as industries develop. if so, entrepreneurs in older industries will have less need for great wealth, high personal standing, or promi- nent friends than their counterparts in younger industries. the evolving value of social position: occupation, education, and location as stinchcombe ( : ) argued, the likelihood of people becoming entre- preneurs depends on social structure and people’s position within that struc- ture, which jointly determine their access to the resources needed to start their ventures. at any point in time, people in occupations related to the focal indus- try, in high-status occupations, with prestigious educational credentials, and in central locations will have easier resource access than people in unrelated occupations, in low-status occupations, with less-prestigious educational cre- dentials, and in peripheral locations. moreover, entrepreneurs’ resource access will change as occupational status, educational stratification, and locational attractiveness evolve over time. therefore, to test the arguments derived above, we must delve into the particularities of our research site and, guided by historical research, explain how the resources provided by magazine entre- preneurs’ social positions changed over time. occupation. occupation is an indicator of a variety of economic, social, and cultural resources. prior experience in a related occupation gives entrepreneurs knowledge and skills that will help their ventures thrive; it also signals the legiti- macy of the new venture to resource providers (spence, ; freeman, ; burton, sørensen, and beckman, ). through their prior work experience, entrepreneurs also forge ties to resource providers (freeman, ; shane and khurana, ). in addition, people in occupations, like the professions, that can claim specialized expertise and that are sanctioned by state authorities may have better access to economic and cultural resources than people in other occupations (weeden, ). for all these reasons, people in the professions or in occupations related to the focal industry are more likely than people in other occupations to be able to acquire the resources they need to launch new ventures. haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ in the samples we analyzed, four out of five magazine founders belonged to three occupational groups: the publishing trades (printers, publishers, editors, booksellers, bookbinders, and engravers), writers, and the traditional profes- sions (physicians, ministers, and lawyers). other magazine founders we stud- ied were music composers and/or publishers, merchants, manufacturers, engineers, state officials, and teachers. in the eighteenth century, printing presses were rare and difficult to operate, and thus printers were highly skilled craftspeople. although few received much formal education, many had ties to political elites: they printed official docu- ments for government officials, and many were appointed as postmasters. moreover, in eighteenth-century america, especially after the revolution, the wealth, income, and lifestyle of skilled artisans like printers were similar to those of merchants and others in non-manual occupations (botein, ). because print shops served as post offices, publishing houses, and bookstores, they were focal points for the exchange of news and intellectual engagement, serving the same civic function as english coffee houses, french salons, and german tischgesellschaften (wroth, ; habermas, ; everton, ). as the landlords of the eighteenth-century american public sphere, printers were well positioned to acquire content and oversee production, gain access to distribution channels, and attract audiences. a final consideration is that many printers had experience as newspaper publishers, which they could leverage when they launched magazines. during the nineteenth century, however, the social, cultural, and economic resources associated with printing declined. printing became industrialized (lehmann-haupt, ), and printers were deskilled as printing presses became easier to use (stott, ). technological improvements, driven in part by demand from the growing magazine and newspaper industries, reduced printers from being proprietors of small businesses to being mere employees of publishing houses. thus printers, like other skilled manual workers, saw their incomes, social status, and work autonomy decline (commons et al., ; stott, ). the impact of these technological and economic changes on mag- azine entrepreneurship is clear: by the mid-nineteenth century, magazine foun- ders could easily hire printers; they did not have to be printers themselves. these changes also lessened writers’ and editors’ dependence on printers, which made it more difficult for printers to acquire content. in contrast, other publishing-industry occupations (publishers, editors, and booksellers) continued to provide access to many resources needed to launch magazines. their focus on the written word always demanded deep knowledge and possession of considerable cultural resources. moreover, as publishing- industry insiders, they had ready access to persistently valuable social resources, such as ties to writers and to publishing houses. therefore mem- bers of other publishing trades remained well placed to acquire original content for their new magazines and to hire printing presses to produce them. as explained above, eighteenth-century writers were almost all patricians: gentlemen-scholars who wrote for their own amusement and for the edifica- tion of others (charvat, ; dauber, ). they had the funds to support lives of leisure and the cultivation to write with style and thus had immediate access to both financial support and content. by contrast, mid-nineteenth- century writers were more heterogeneous: although some were members of the social and economic elite, an increasing number earned their living by administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ writing. mid-nineteenth-century writers included not only belletrists, but also hack journalists, technical writers, and bohemians; thus their economic, social, and cultural resources varied considerably. this means that writers became generally less likely to have independent wealth or useful social connections, and more likely to be restricted in their cultural resources to narrower areas of practical expertise. like writers, professionals’ status underwent a dramatic shift. in the eight- eenth century, most were members of the educated elite. lawyers occupied the apex of colonial society; they were highly educated and well remunerated, and many were directly involved in colonial politics (ferguson, ; haber, ; de tocqueville, ). many of the eighteenth century’s most accom- plished gentleman-authors were lawyers (ferguson, ). ministers, too, were well educated and, in nine of thirteen colonies, they were supported by official, state-sanctioned churches (ahlstrom, ; haber, ). although physicians were not quite so distinguished as lawyers or ministers, in part because they competed with low-status barbers, midwives, and lay practi- tioners, medicine was still an acceptable occupation for younger sons of well- to-do families (starr, ; haber, ). as the nineteenth century progressed, however, all three professions became contested. as the legal profession expanded, self-directed study or apprentice- ship became a common alternative to college training, and lawyers became more diverse in class, training, and credentials (larson, ; haber, ). ministers were challenged as disestablishment isolated them from political elites and made them economically dependent on their local congregations (douglas, ; haber, ). moreover, interdenominational disputes about theology and church organization undermined ministers’ claims to authority (ahlstrom, ; hatch, ). traditional physicians faced increasing challenges from homeopaths, mes- merists, phrenologists, thomsonians, and eclectics (larson, ; starr, ). their incomes fell, and many had to supplement their medical practices with farming, ministerial work, or trade (haber, ). by the mid-nineteenth century, membership in the legal, medical, and ministerial professions implied little of the wealth, power, or prestige that had distinguished these occupations during the eighteenth century, and so professionals had very limited access to the economic or cultural resources needed to launch magazines. education. education both affects and reflects entrepreneurs’ access to eco- nomic, social, and cultural resources. most prosaically, education provides entre- preneurs with valuable knowledge and with ties to fellow students. education also signals entrepreneurs’ social ties and knowledge to customers and resource providers alike; such signals are especially important in the context of entrepre- neurship because of the great uncertainty surrounding new ventures (spence, ; lazear, ; backes-gellner and werner, ). signals of cultural compe- tence, based on education, may be more important in an industry like magazine publishing that produces cultural goods whose use value is at least partly sym- bolic than in industries that produce more prosaic goods. for magazines, cultural competence entails knowledge of what others might want to read, which is based on the erudition developed through education. overall then, people with more-prestigious educational credentials may find it easier to acquire resources to launch new ventures, especially in cultural industries. haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ throughout our study period, education marked a stable pathway into the american social elite. college graduates were from wealthy families and, because of the erudition they acquired in college and the relationships forged there, they also had substantial cultural and social resources. although the number of college students increased greatly, they were still rare: in there were a mere . college students per , americans; in , there were still only . per , (burke, : , table . ). collegiate life in the eighteenth and nineteenth century, which emphasized the classics, fostered the composition of the essays and belles lettres that formed the basis of many magazines’ contents. students at several colleges even launched their own magazines, such as the university of north carolina magazine ( – ) and the kenyon collegian ( –the present). location. finally, location stratifies access to a variety of resources. many of the resources needed to start any organization—employees, materials, equipment, and information networks—are rooted in place because people do not readily relocate for jobs (dahl and sorenson, ), and information networks concentrate in space (sorenson and audia, ). economies of scale, transportation costs, and spillovers of industry-specific tacit knowledge through flows of personnel all tend to concentrate organizations in specific locations (krugman, ; saxenian, ). organizational legitimacy may also depend on the existence of proximate organizations: the more organiza- tions in a location that are similar to a focal organization, the more local cus- tomers, resource providers, and regulatory authorities will view the focal organization as a reasonable way to achieve valued goals (hannan and freeman, ; sorenson and audia, ). location in areas where industry incumbents and resources cluster thickly together provides entrepreneurs with better access to the resources they need to start new businesses than locations where customers and incumbent organizations are spread thinly. but superior access to resources is tempered by stronger competition (hannan and freeman, ). at the time the first american magazines were launched in , printing presses were crude devices requiring great skill to operate (berry and poole, ; moran, ), and they were found in only eight colonies (wroth and silver, : – ). printing presses gradually spread across the nation, and in the early nineteenth century, a series of technological improvements made printing presses increasingly efficient and easy to operate. countering these trends is the fact that during the nineteenth century, large publishing houses that produced mass-market magazines arose in philadelphia, boston, and new york, and they remained concentrated in those cities. because these cities were the centers of the magazine industry, entrepreneurs located there had access to deeper pools of human and financial resources and to superior information about their industry than did entrepreneurs located elsewhere (friedland and palmer, ; kono et al., ). thus peo- ple in philadelphia, boston, and new york continued to have advantages over people in other locations. but entrepreneurs in these cities also had to over- come stiff competition from the large publishing houses that clustered in there. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ predictions because the status of many social positions changed greatly between the mid- eighteenth and mid-nineteenth century, the economic, cultural, and social resources available to people in many social positions also changed. printers’ status and access to resources declined, while those of other publishing occu- pations remained strong. writers became less patrician and more heteroge- neous, so their access to resources generally declined, although their access to resources specific to publishing remained valuable. professionals were initially members of a cultivated elite, but during the nineteenth century, their knowl- edge and credentials became contested, and new practitioners without the education, social ties, or wealth of their predecessors came to predominate— although lawyers’ consistently high incomes may have buffered them from this trend. college education always indicated high status and was a consistently valuable source of cultural and social resources. finally, although access to printing presses became widespread, location in philadelphia, boston, and new york still indicated high status and so retained considerable economic and cultural value. table summarizes these trends. table also shows the predictions generated by combining the two models of industry evolution (competitive exclusion from access to resources vs. legiti- mation and increased access to deeper pools of resources) with historical knowledge about how resource access changed over time for people in differ- ent occupations, with different education, and in different locations. on the one hand, if the rise of large publishing firms and the increasing cost of original content raised barriers to entry and made it more difficult for entrepreneurs to acquire the resources needed to launch new magazines, we would expect that magazine entrepreneurship would become increasingly confined to people in social positions that gave them superior access to these resources. concretely, this competitive-exclusion model suggests that members of publishing trades (other than printers) should become more common among magazine founders table . change in the status of social positions from the th to the mid- th century and predictions about the prevalence of founders from those positions* predictions about the prevalence of magazine founders social position change in status competitive exclusion model industry legitimation model occupation printer declined # – other publishing trades remained high " # writer declined # " professional became contested # " college education remained high " # location in philadelphia, boston, or new york city remained high " # * an " indicates that magazine founders were more likely to be in this social position in the mid-nineteenth century than in the eighteenth century; # indicates that magazine founders were less likely to be in this social position. as explained in the text, we make no legitimacy-based prediction about the change in the likelihood of printers being magazine founders. haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ because people in those occupations could tap into ever-more-valuable industry networks. by the same token, industry outsiders, printers, writers, and profes- sionals should become less common among magazine founders because peo- ple in those occupations had declining access to economic, cultural, and social resources. in addition, college education should become more common among magazine founders because in this era college was always reserved for the economic elite and provided access to great cultural and social resources. finally, more new magazines should be published in philadelphia, boston, and new york, as entrepreneurs in those cities always had access to superior eco- nomic and cultural resources. on the other hand, if the legitimation of magazines and the consequent increase in demand and industry-specific suppliers made it easier to gain access to the resources needed to found magazines, we would expect the opposite: over time, magazine entrepreneurship should be more open to people in all social positions, even those that afforded little access to cultural, economic, or social resources. concretely, this industry-legitimation model suggests that peo- ple in the increasingly contested professions and other industry outsiders should become more common among magazine founders, as should writers, while members of publishing trades (other than printers) should become less com- mon as industry connections became less critical. in addition, college graduates should become less common among magazine founders because the eco- nomic, cultural, and social resources associated with college education became less important. finally, fewer new magazines should be published in philadelphia, boston, and new york because access to the superior economic and cultural resources concentrated in those large cities became less important. nearly all of our predictions fall into two neatly opposing patterns. the sole exception is printers. the two models do not yield clearly diverging predictions about the fraction of printers among magazine entrepreneurs. on the one hand, if technological change transformed printers from proprietors of the public sphere to mere employees of publishing houses, rendering them marginal to the task of acquiring content and handling production, printers would not accrue the same benefits as other industry insiders from competitive exclusion, and their representation among magazine founders would decline. on the other hand, if insider resources mattered less over time because of industry legitima- tion and increased demand, the direction of change in the fraction of printers would depend on which fell faster, the resource demands of founding maga- zines or the resource advantages of printers. method research design we tested these predictions by analyzing original data on american magazines published between , the year the first american magazines were founded, and , the year before the outbreak of the civil war. the dataset, gathered from nine primary and secondary sources, encompasses virtually every magazine published during this time period, according to mott ( , ), whose history of the industry remains a standard reference. to save space, we do not cite these sources. a complete list is available from the first author. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ following historians of magazines, we defined a magazine as a publication containing a variety of written and pictorial material, with more than transient interest, published at regular intervals (mott , ; tebbel and zuckerman, ). accordingly, our dataset explicitly excludes newspapers, pamphlets, and occasional tracts. magazines’ contents were more varied than those of pamphlets and newspapers, and they were of longer-lasting interest than those of newspapers. to exclude newspapers, pamphlets, and occasional tracts, the first author determined the nature of all publications using informa- tion in histories of publishing (e.g., albaugh, ), descriptions in bibliogra- phies of the newspaper industry (e.g., brigham, ), and inspection of archived copies of periodicals. we focus in this paper on american magazines founded in two time periods: from to , during which time they were few in number, poorly under- stood, and small, and from to , when they were common, generally accepted means of communication, and many reached mass audiences. we ended our analysis in because the civil war brought with it a sudden decline in magazine publishing. we limited our analysis to these two time periods to maximize the temporal contrast between the early years of this industry’s history and the period in which it was well established. we did not study the intervening years because many of the causal factors we described above changed at different rates, so we cannot make clear predictions for these years. we sought social-position data on the founders of all magazines launched between and , and on the founders of a random sample of magazines from the , founded between and . the first period is long because so few magazines were founded before , and we needed a reasonable number of observations on magazines and their founders to conduct statistical analyses. because we could not observe everyone who tried to start magazines, but only those who succeeded, our analysis, like many other analyses of entrepreneurship, is biased toward success (aldrich and wiedenmayer, ). we mitigated this bias by sampling from all magazines, including those that failed after publishing a single issue. to gather data on founders’ social positions, we searched the american national biography ( ), the oxford dictionary of national biography ( ), who was who in america, – ( , rev. ed.), and appleton’s cyclopedia of american biography ( – ). we also pored over histories of publishing (thomas, ; wroth, ; mcmurtry, ; oswald, ; lehmann-haupt, , ; silver, ) and accounts of intellectual and lit- erary life (bender, ; bercovitch, ). we supplemented these sources with data gleaned from the many sources we tapped to build the magazine dataset. finally, we searched online for various combinations of founder name(s), magazine title, magazine founding date, and location (city and/or state). for the magazines published in the eighteenth century, we identified the founders of magazines, which were launched by four organizations and individuals (all men). we uncovered data on all but three of these men. for the sample of magazines from the mid-nineteenth century, we were able to identify founders of magazines, which were launched by organizations although appleton’s has many biased entries, basic data about education and occupation are usu- ally reliable (dobson, ). haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ and individuals ( men and five women). we were able to gather data on of these individuals. the details of our samples are shown in table . measures founders’ social positions. many magazine founders had multiple occupa- tions; e.g., lawyer and writer or printer, publisher, and postmaster. we first coded all occupations held by each individual—printer, other publishing trade, writer, minister, lawyer, doctor, other—as a series of dummy variables. we then coded each individual’s primary occupation as a series of dichotomous variables (printer, other publishing trade, writer, minister, lawyer, doctor, other), based on biographies and histories. for the vast majority of cases, this task was straightforward; for instance, we coded any professional who was also a college professor as a professional, because the former occupation was a pre- requisite for the latter. for the few ambiguous cases, we coded the earliest occupation as the primary one. there were seven such cases: five profession- als who later embarked on careers as writers, one lawyer who became a pro- minent landowner, and one writer who became a social reformer and lecturer. the american occupational structure changed greatly between the eight- eenth and mid-nineteenth century. it may be that any observed change in the fraction of magazine founders from a particular occupation was due to a change in the size of that occupation, rather than to industry dynamics or changes in occupational status. for example, if over time more magazine founders were ministers and more americans were ministers, the first increase could be due entirely to the second. to account for shifts in occupational structure, we would want to scale the fraction of magazine founders in each occupation and time period by the fraction of americans in the focal occupation and time period. unfortunately, there are no occupational data in censuses conducted before and no historical demographic analyses of most occupations. but we were able to piece together data on the members of the three traditional professions—ministers, lawyers, and doctors—at the midpoints of the two time periods, for the first and for the second. for , we obtained data from the census (u.s. census bureau, ). for , we combined data from several sources. for clergy, the count for is based on our analysis of prosopographies of colonial clergy (weis, , , , ). for lawyers, the estimate for is based on massachusetts table . descriptive statistics on the two magazine samples* th century (n = ) th century (n = ) no. of magazines with known founders ( . %) ( . %) no. of magazines with unknown founders ( . %) ( . %) no. of magazines founded by individuals ( . %) ( . %) no. of magazines founded by organizations ( . %) ( . %) no. of known individual founders (information available) ( . %) ( . %) no. of known individual founders (no information available) ( . %) ( . %) * the first four rows in this table compare the number of magazines over time; the last two rows compare the number of founders over time. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ counts in , , and from a history of the legal profession in that state (gawalt, : , table ), combined with national and massachusetts counts in from the census. for doctors, the estimate for comes from a history of the medical profession (starr, : ). we then calculated the fraction of professionals among magazine founders in each time period relative to the fraction of professionals in the general population at the midpoint of each time period. doing so allowed us to determine whether or not any observed change in the fraction of magazine founders who were professionals was due to a change in the fraction of americans who were professionals. because education was generally not formalized during our study period (cremin, a, b; douglas, ; kaestle, ), the only education data we could obtain were about attending college. accordingly, we coded education as a dummy variable indicating whether or not the founder had attended college. to account the fact that there were more college-educated people in the mid- nineteenth century than in the eighteenth century, we would have liked to gather data on the number of americans with college educations, but such data are sim- ply unavailable. the closest measure available is the number of college students per capita. we gathered college enrollment data in (the first year such data are available) and (the midpoint of the second period) from a history of col- leges in the u.s. (burke, : , table . ). we used these counts to calculate the fraction of college-educated magazine founders in each time period relative to the fraction of americans who were college students in each time period. magazine location. we created a trichotomous ordinal variable indicating whether a magazine was published in one of the three biggest cities (philadelphia, boston, or new york), another urban area, or a rural community. we distinguished between urban and rural areas using historical data on the populations of municipalities (moffat, , ; purvis, ; u.s. census bureau, ). to make sure we had complete data on smaller urban places, we also conducted a series of internet searches. following the census bureau’s standards for this era, we used a threshold of , inhabitants to dis- tinguish urban areas from rural ones. to take into account the increasing urbani- zation of america, we measured the populations of the three biggest cities and of all other urban areas in and , the midpoints of the two time peri- ods. to compare the locations where magazine founders launched their new ventures with the locations where the typical american lived, we first scaled the fraction of magazines founded in the three biggest cities in each time period by the fraction of the population in those cities at the midpoint of each time period. we also scaled the fraction of magazines founded in other urban areas in each time period by the fraction of the population in other urban areas. methods of analysis bivariate analysis. to assess whether there were statistically significant changes over time in the frequencies of founders’ occupations and college edu- cation, we analyzed × contingency tables and conducted χ tests. the when cell counts are lower than five, the χ test is not accurate; for tables with low cell counts, we used the fisher’s exact test instead. haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ unit of analysis here was the individual founder. for each occupation, we con- ducted a separate analysis, comparing frequencies of magazine founders in the focal occupation with frequencies of founders in any other occupation. this allowed us to assess the statistical significance of time trends for each occupa- tion separately, which is necessary because historical trends in access to resources varied across occupations. for location, we assessed the statistical significance of time trends by ana- lyzing a × contingency table (three locations by two time periods), again using the χ test. the unit of analysis here was the magazine because all foun- ders of a single magazine were in a single location. as explained above, the distributions of occupations, educational statuses, and locations from which founders were drawn changed greatly over our obser- vation period. we took these changes into consideration as much as possible, given limitations on the data available. we scaled the fraction of magazine foun- ders who were professional and college-educated by the fraction of profession- als and college students in the general population, respectively. this allowed us to compare the likelihood of a magazine founder being a professional or having a college education, relative to the typical american, in each time period. we also scaled the fraction of magazines launched in the three biggest cities and in other urban areas by the fraction of the population living in those locations. this allowed us to compare the likelihood of a magazine’s founder(s) being in urban areas, relative to the typical american, in each time period. we augmented this quantitative analysis with a qualitative analysis of maga- zine founders’ backgrounds; specifically, their education, their ties to other magazine founders and to prominent americans, their careers, and the honors they garnered. these qualitative data, which we gathered from the archival sources described above, add rich historical detail to the statistical results. multivariate analysis. next, we analyzed temporal variation in the fre- quency of magazines with different combinations of founder occupations, edu- cation, and location. because none of the resources associated with the social- position variables were stable over time, we must concern ourselves with not only with changes in the prevalence of founders from each social position, but also with changes in relationships among social positions. for example, if the proportions of both physician-founders and college-educated founders increased over time, the increase in founders who were college-educated and physicians might or might not account for the increase in physician-founders. because all the variables in our analysis are categorical, and many conditional relationships may exist in the data, we used log-linear techniques (goodman, ; bishop, fienberg, and holland, ), which extend the analysis of two- variable contingency tables to multi-variable tables and so allow us to analyze conditional relationships among many categorical variables. in recent years, there has been a great deal of interest in modeling these kinds of relationships among categorical variables. in particular, qualitative comparative analysis (qca), a technique developed by charles ragin ( , ), is now common in organizational research (e.g., fiss, ). but log-linear analysis offers signifi- cant advantages over qca. whereas qca uses techniques drawn from boolean algebra to identify minimum combinations of variables sufficient to produce a given outcome, log-linear analysis builds on existing statistical theory administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ and therefore is compatible with using tools of statistical inference to select between models and assess model fit. because many organizational scholars are not familiar with them, we explain the basics of log-linear techniques and compare them with the more familiar multiple regression techniques (see also knoke and burke, : – ). like multiple regression, log-linear analysis assesses relationships—main effects and interactions—among a set of variables. but log-linear analysis is a more general technique than multiple regression because it does not require that one specify a dependent variable to fit a model. nevertheless, the log-linear models we describe below can be interpreted within a logistic regression framework as equivalent to regressions of the log-odds of a magazine appearing in the sec- ond time period rather than the first on a set of independent variables (main effects and interactions). the key difference between log-linear analysis and regression is the proce- dure for model selection. log-linear analysis starts with a fully specified (‘‘satu- rated’’) model, one that contains all possible combinations of main effects and interactions, and subtracts parameters (interactions between two or more vari- ables) step by step, while logistic regression starts with a model containing main effects only and adds interaction parameters. the goal in log-linear analy- sis is to determine the simplest model, the one containing the simplest set of parameters, that fits the data well. log-linear analysis therefore involves com- paring a hierarchically nested set of models with the saturated model. the models are hierarchically nested because those containing complex interac- tions among a set of variables must necessarily contain all simpler interactions among those variables; for instance, a model containing a three-way interaction must contain all of the two-way interactions among the three variables, plus the main effects of all variables and the grand mean. for our log-linear analysis, the unit of analysis was the magazine. we cross- classified magazines according to five dichotomous variables: the presence or absence of a founder in the professions, the presence or absence of a founder in the publishing trades (including printing), the presence or absence of a foun- der with a college education, whether or not the magazine was published in one of the three biggest cities, and whether or not the magazine was published in the eighteenth or mid-nineteenth century. we simplified the occupation and location variables to generate a cross-classification table with reasonably large cell counts; including more fine-grained occupational categories or a more com- plex coding for location would have resulted in a prohibitively large numbers of cells with low observed counts because very few writers founded magazines in the eighteenth century and very few printers did so in the mid-nineteenth- century sample. as is customary in log-linear analysis, we coded all variables − when the focal attribute was absent and + when the focal attribute was present. doing so yields effect estimates that are relative to category means (rather than to baseline categories, as in regression), which simplifies interpre- tation in models with large numbers of interactions. because of the large number of parameters in even a simple model, the notation used in log-linear analysis differs from that used in regression analysis. letters denote the variables in the cross-tabulation, and a set of letters enclosed in parentheses denotes each model. for instance, c might stand for college education, l for location in a large city, and t for time period. then {clt} would denote a model containing the grand mean for the table, three haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ main effects (c, l, t), three two-way interactions (c × l, c × t, and l × t), and one three-way interaction (c × l × t). a simpler model, nested within the first and denoted as {ct}{lt}, would contain the grand mean, three main effects (c, l, and t), and two two-way interactions (c × t and l × t). most log-linear analyses make no distinction between independent and dependent variables. but we want to explain temporal variation in the fre- quency of magazines using founders’ occupations, education level, and loca- tion. therefore we used goodman’s ( ) modification of multiple regression for the analysis of categorical data, which treats one categorical variable as the outcome to be predicted, similar to logistic regression. specifically, we mod- eled the difference between the second period and the first in the log-odds of newly founded magazines having founders in a given combination of social positions. thus we treated time period (t) as the variable to be predicted, and the four social positions—professional occupation (p), publishing trades occupa- tion (b), college education (c), and location in one of the three biggest cities (l)—as the predictor variables. to control for time-invariant relationships between predictor variables, all models included the four-way interaction p × b × c × l and all the effects it hierarchically implies. our discussion of the results focuses on interactions with time period. we used a stepwise procedure (goodman, ) to select the model with the fewest parameters that that did not differ significantly from the observed pattern. we compared the observed frequencies in a five-way data table, cre- ated by cross-classifying the four dichotomous predictor variables and the dichotomous outcome variable, with the estimated expected frequencies under the selected model. to assess model fit to the data, we used three statistics, the likelihood-ratio χ , the pearson’s χ , and the akaike information criterion (aic). we also used the estimated parameters obtained from the saturated model as a guide to selecting which parameters should be included in the selected unsaturated model (goodman, ). results bivariate analysis tables a, b, and c present our analysis of trends in occupation, education, and location. we used contingency tables to assess whether there are signifi- cant differences between the eighteenth and mid-nineteenth century. table a analyzes occupation (it shows a separate contingency table for each occupa- tion), table b education, and table b location. for occupation and education, the unit of analysis is the individual founder; for location, it is the magazine. for each contingency table, we report the χ statistic and the statistical signifi- cance level for the difference between the two time periods. we begin by describing eighteenth-century magazine founders and then compare them with their mid-nineteenth-century successors. the eighteenth century. most of the earliest american magazines were produced by members of the learned elite or people with experience in related industries. as shown in table , we identified men who launched magazines between and ; we were able to ascertain primary occupa- tions for of them. table a shows that over two-thirds of eighteenth- administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ table a. changes over time in magazine founders’ occupations* occupation th century (n = ) th century (n = ) w publishing trades ( . %) ( . %) . ••• not publishing trades ( . %) ( . %) printer ( . %) ( . %) . ••• not printer (includes other publishing trades) ( . %) ( . %) other publishing trades ( . %) ( . %) . other occupation (includes printer) ( . %) ( . %) writer ( . %) ( . %) . •• not writer ( . %) ( . %) professional ( . %) ( . %) . ••• not professional ( . %) ( . %) minister ( . %) ( . %) . •• not minister (includes lawyer and doctor) ( . %) ( . %) lawyer ( . %) ( . %) . not lawyer (includes minister and doctor) ( . %) ( . %) doctor ( . %) ( . %) . ••• not doctor (includes minister and lawyer) ( . %) ( . %) other ( . %) ( . %) . • not other (printing trade, writer, or professional) ( . %) ( . %) • p < . ; •• p < . ; •• p < . ; d.f. = . * for tables that contain cells with fewer than five observations, p-values are based on the fisher’s exact test instead of the χ test. this table analyzes magazine founders in the eighteenth century and in the nineteenth century. the nineteenth-century sample omits one magazine founder, william august munsell, who was eight years old when he started his magazine. each founder’s occupation is assessed before he or she founded his or her first magazine. we analyzed each occupation independently by comparing the number of founders in the focal occupation with the number of founders in all other occupations. table b. change over time in magazine founders’ education* education th century th century w college education ( . %) ( . %) . no college education ( . %) ( . %) * this table analyzes founders in the eighteenth century and in the nineteenth century. for the χ test, d.f. = . table c. change over time in magazine locations* location th century th century w philadelphia, boston, or new york ( . %) ( . %) other urban area ( . %) ( . %) . ••• rural area ( . %) ( . %) ••• p < . ; d.f. = . * this table analyzes all magazines for which location is known: magazines in the eighteenth century and in the mid-nineteenth century. haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ century magazine founders whose primary occupations we could determine were in publishing: were printers, and were members of other publishing trades. in addition to benjamin franklin and andrew bradford, these included isaiah thomas, one of the most respected businessmen of his time (wroth, ). outside of the publishing trades, most other eighteenth-century magazine founders were writers ( ) and professionals ( ). among the writers were jefferson’s protégé john b. colvin and the patricians samuel harrison smith, john lathrop, jr., and philip freneau. the clergy included the prominent boston minister, linguist, and historian thomas prince, and the first bishops of the methodist church in america, thomas coke and francis asbury. of the lawyers, two were also clergymen, two were also poets, one was also a printer, and one was also a novelist. the prevalence of lawyers is not surpris- ing, given the many contributions they made to american letters (ferguson, ). finally, among the four physician-founders, three were of very high sta- tus: two were professors at columbia’s medical school and one was a protégé of yale president timothy dwight. when we take into consideration the num- ber of professionals in the population at large (estimated at . percent of americans in ), we find that magazine founders in the eighteenth century were times more likely to be professionals than the typical american. this result was due largely to lawyers, who were times more likely to found magazines than the typical american. table b shows that many eighteenth-century magazine founders were highly educated. five graduated from harvard and six from yale; others graduated from princeton, university of pennsylvania, oxford, edinburgh, halle, middle temple, and an unidentified scottish college. in total, percent had attended college. in contrast, only . percent of americans attended college in (the first year for which data are available). this means magazine founders were over times more likely to have attended college than the fraction of americans attending col- lege in . in addition, several eighteenth-century magazine founders taught at colleges: two taught at harvard, one at yale, two at columbia, and one at vermont. several others were renowned for their erudition. for example, the reverend samuel williams, who launched an eclectic literary magazine, was commonly called ‘‘the most learned man in vermont,’’ while john m’culloch, who founded a religious monthly, compiled the first american history textbooks. table c shows that eighteenth-century magazine publishing was confined almost exclusively to the northeast. the three biggest cities of this era— philadelphia, boston, and new york—were home to over half of all magazines, even though they contained only . percent of the population in . magazine founders were times more likely to be in those cities than the typical american. notwithstanding this geographic concentration, the rural northeast was also home to almost one-quarter of eighteenth-century magazines. in con- trast, only nine magazines were founded in the south; of these, four were launched in charleston and two in richmond, both major urban centers. together, tables a– c show that eighteenth-century magazine founders were drawn from related industries and the privileged few. two segments of the elite were predominant: printers and allied tradesmen (the landlords of the public sphere) and educated elites (patrician professionals and scholars). moreover, most of these men lived in the three biggest cities. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ not surprisingly, given the small population of eighteenth-century america, many eighteenth-century magazine founders were closely connected to other members of the cultural, political, and economic elite. among them were a nephew of andrew bradford (william bradford, a printer, newspaper publisher, and founder of a prominent american coffee house) and a host of men who had close relationships with benjamin franklin: his friend james parker, a pro- minent colonial-era printer; a nephew, benjamin mecom; his business partner anthony ambruster; his protégé mathew carey; and his former apprentice enoch story. the illustrious printer-cum-publisher, isaiah thomas, was followed into magazine publishing by a former partner (elisha waldo), a close friend (john fellows), and six former apprentices. david austin, a protégé of the great theologian jonathan edwards, launched two religious magazines, as did william weyman, son of the prominent episcopal minister robert weyman; samuel harrison smith, the son of revolutionary-era politician jonathan bayard smith, founded a highly regarded literary review. the mid-nineteenth century. the contrast between mid-nineteenth- century magazine entrepreneurs and their eighteenth-century predecessors was in some ways quite stark. as table shows, these people were so ordi- nary that we were unable to find any background information on of the we could identify by name. the fraction of founders we could identify by name for whom we could find no biographical data increased eight-fold between the two time periods, which was a statistically significant difference (χ = . , d.f. = , p < . according to fisher’s exact test). although even the most thor- ough searches for data on founders’ backgrounds are doomed to be incom- plete, given the scattered records available, the contrast between the general notoriety and full archival coverage of eighteenth-century magazine founders and the greater obscurity and sparser archival coverage of their mid-nineteenth- century successors is striking. as table a shows, magazine entrepreneurs’ occupations became more het- erogeneous from the eighteenth century to the mid-nineteenth century. among those whose primary occupation we could pinpoint, the fraction of prin- ters declined significantly, from percent to percent. this decline may stem from printers’ shift from proprietors to employees; it also suggests the declin- ing importance of controlling the means of production as those means became simpler to operate. in contrast, the fraction of magazine founders in other pub- lishing trades remained constant at percent, which demonstrates that the resources possessed by other industry insiders remained valuable. in addition, the fraction of magazine founders who produced content increased signifi- cantly, from percent to percent, which reflects the professionalization of authorship in america (charvat, ). by the mid-nineteenth century, much lit- erature was produced by people who earned a living from their writing, selling to book and magazine publishers, who in turn sought to earn profits by selling to mass audiences. some of these professional writers attempted to remove the middlemen by launching their own magazines. the fraction of magazine founders who were doctors and ministers, the two professions that were the most contested in the mid-nineteenth century, increased significantly, from and percent to and percent, respectively. the fraction of lawyers among magazine founders declined from percent to percent, although that difference was not statistically significant. even after haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ taking into account the increasing prevalence of professionals in the american population ( . percent of the population in , . percent in ), the representation of professionals among magazine founders rose. mid-nine- teenth-century magazine founders were times more likely to be profes- sionals than the typical american, compared with times for eighteenth- century founders. these trends indicate that members of the increasingly con- tested medical and ministerial professions used magazines to support them- selves financially, to defend their scientific or theological positions, and to build communities of like-minded associates and followers. this conclusion is bolstered by the striking variety among doctors and minis- ters in the mid-nineteenth-century sample. among doctors, there were college- educated allopaths as well as thomsonians, eclectics, homeopaths, hydropaths, mesmerists, phrenologists, magnetists, grahamites, vegetarians, and physical- culture advocates. a full percent of these mid-nineteenth-century doctor- founders were affiliated with less-prestigious specialties or highly contested med- ical schools. among minister-founders, there were presbyterians, congregationalists, baptists, german reformed, methodists, universalists, moravians, disciples of christ, seventh-day adventists, lutherans, jews, and spiritualists. almost three-quarters of these were members of new upstart reli- gious groups. in addition, a quarter of magazines founded by ministers were pub- lished in languages other than english, which indicates that they served low- status immigrant communities. this is more than double the fraction of all maga- zines founded in the s and s that were published in languages other than english ( percent), which suggests that minister-founders were more than twice as likely as other magazine founders to cater to immigrant communities. evidence that magazine founders came from an increasingly broad array of social positions is partly reinforced by the analysis of education, as shown in table b. college enrollments almost quadrupled between and , but the fraction of college-educated founders remained almost constant. therefore, although mid-nineteenth-century magazine founders were still highly educated—they were times more likely than the typical american to have attended college—that was a big drop from times more likely in the eight- eenth century. this suggests that as the magazine industry developed, high socioeconomic status, cultural refinement, and social connections, although still quite valuable, became somewhat less important for launching magazines. table c shows that the fraction of magazines founded in the three largest cities declined substantially, from percent in the eighteenth century to percent in the mid-nineteenth century, even though these cities grew from hav- ing . percent of americans in to . percent in . although maga- zine founders in the mid-nineteenth century were over eight times more likely to be in the three biggest cities than the typical american, this is a big drop from times more likely in the eighteenth century. due to rapid urbanization, smaller urban areas like fort wayne, indiana, and galveston, texas, saw the greatest increase in magazine publishing, from to percent, while rural areas saw a slight decrease, from to percent. in the mid-nineteenth cen- tury, magazine founders were over five times more likely to be in small urban areas than the typical american. taken together, the results on location indicate that even as large publishing firms appeared in philadelphia, boston, and new york, people in smaller urban areas that were often located far from these com- mercial centers were increasingly likely to found magazines. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ together, tables a– c suggest that magazine entrepreneurship spread beyond powerful elites and industry insiders. this conclusion is bolstered by the fact that many mid-nineteenth-century magazine founders came from mod- est backgrounds and made their reputations and fortunes through their periodi- cals. for instance, thomas hamilton, an african-american whose father was a carpenter and who received little formal education, founded the anglo-african magazine ( – ), which made him a leading voice among anti-slavery advocates. similarly, timothy shay arthur, a miller’s son who worked as a clerk for a wholesaler and an insurance company before he began to write fiction, published arthur’s home gazette ( – ) and several other eponymous periodicals that showcased his work, which made him ‘‘the most published american fiction writer in the century’’ and ‘‘one of the most popular american authors of his time’’ (american national biography, ). it had become so easy to acquire the resources needed to launch a magazine that a child man- aged to do so: our mid-nineteenth-century sample included an eight-year-old boy, william august munsell, who founded the bee ( – ) in albany, new york; he continued to publish it until he came down with whooping cough. the fact that, like this child, many mid-nineteenth-century magazine founders had little access to social, cultural, or economic resources is a turn- around from the situation in the eighteenth century, when pioneering magazine editors and publishers relied on their economic, social, and cultural resources as printers or professionals, or their wealth and reputations as learned men. yet, as the analysis of education shows, there were still many members of the elite among mid-nineteenth-century magazine founders. theodore dwight, jr., son of theodore dwight sr., nephew of both aaron burr and yale president timothy dwight, yale graduate, author of many popular books and a prominent journalist, launched his eponymous dwight’s american magazine & penny paper ( – ) as a vehicle for his own writing. ormsby macknight mitchel, west point graduate, astronomer, professor at cincinnati college, and member of the american academy of arts and sciences and the literary semicolon society, published the sidereal messenger ( – ), the first scientific astronomy journal. alexander lyman holley, metallurgical engineer and son of the governor of connecticut, partnered with zerah colburn, a mechanical prodigy who published a standard textbook on steam locomotive design at the age of , to launch american engineer ( ). two trends are evident in comparing founders from the two time periods. first, between the eighteenth and mid-nineteenth centuries, magazine foun- ders were drawn from increasingly broad swaths of american society: fewer people from inside publishing, more from the increasingly contested medical and ministerial professions, fewer with college educations, and more from out- side the three biggest cities. yet among mid-nineteenth-century magazine founders, the number of professionals and college-educated people were still far larger than their representation in the population at large, and far more mag- azine founders were in the three largest cities than the typical american. moreover, the qualitative evidence indicates that many nineteenth-century magazine founders had strong ties to industry insiders and social elites. thus although the preponderance of evidence suggests the development of the magazine industry from the eighteenth to the mid-nineteenth century widened rather than narrowed the range of social positions from which entrepreneurs were drawn, the evidence is somewhat ambiguous. haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ this ambiguity is reinforced by analyzing trends in magazines launched by organizations. seventeen of the mid-nineteenth-century magazines we studied were affiliated with formal organizations: the new jersey historical society, the cherokee georgia baptist convention, the association of working women and men, the faculty of the reform medical college of macon georgia, the sons of temperance, two teachers’ associations, two literary soci- eties, and eight groups of college students. this was a statistically significant increase from the eighteenth century, when four out of magazines were launched by organizations (χ = . , d.f. = , p < . ). this surge in the number of organizations founding magazines can be attributed to the growth of a modern ‘‘society of organizations’’ (perrow, ). nearly all of these organi- zations were populated by social elites, specifically, by the highly educated. only three organizations that sponsored magazines—the labor union, the bota- nical medical college, and the frontier baptist group—indicate access by non- elites to the resources needed to launch magazines. multivariate analysis multivariate analysis of relationships between founders’ social positions and time clarifies the ambiguity arising from the bivariate analysis. the unsaturated model that fits the data best includes the following sets of effects: {pbcl}{pbt}{pct}{plt}{bct}. thus this model includes four three-way interac- tions between the predictor variables and time (p × b × t, p × c × t, p × l × t, and b × c × t), plus the two-way interactions between the four pre- dictor variables and time. table demonstrates why we selected this model. it table . log-linear models of the effects of professional and publishing trades occupations, college education, and location on time period* model marginals fitted equivalent logistic regression interactions degrees of freedom likelihood- ratio w pearson’s w aic {pbt}{pct}{plt} p × b, p × c, and p × l only . . . {pbt}{pct}{bct} p × b, p × c, and b × c only . . . {pct}{plt}{bct}{blt} all except p × b and c × l . . • . {pbt}{plt}{bct}{blt} all except p × c and c × l . •• . •• . {pbt}{pct}{bct}{blt} all except p × l and c × l . . . {pbt}{pct}{plt}{blt} all except b × c and c × l . . . {pbt}{pct}{plt}{bct} all except b × l and c × l . . . {pct}{plt}{bct}{blt}{clt} all except p × b . • . • . {pbt}{plt}{bct}{blt}{clt} all except p × c . •• . •• . {pbt}{pct}{bct}{blt}{clt} all except p × l . . . {pbt }{pct}{plt}{blt}{clt} all except b × c . . . {pbt}{pct}{plt}{bct}{clt} all except b × l . . . {pbt}{pct}{plt}{bct}{blt} all except c × l . . . {pbt}{pct}{plt} {bct}{blt}{clt} all . . . • p < . ; • p < . . * p indicates the presence or absence of a professional on a founding team, b the presence or absence of a member of the publishing trades on a founding team, c the presence or absence of someone with a college education on a founding team, l whether or not a magazine was founded in one of the three biggest cities, and t the whether a magazine was founded between and or between and . each log-linear model also fits {pbcl}. model is the best-fitting unsaturated model. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ presents a series of log-linear models of increasing complexity. for each model, we list the parameters fitted, note the degrees of freedom, and assess model fit. model is the selected model. it fits the data very well: likelihood-ratio χ = . (d.f. = , p = . compared with the saturated model), pearson’s χ = . (d.f. = , p = . compared with the saturated model). this means that the saturated model does not fit the data any better than the selected model, even though the selected model is more parsimonious (it contains fewer para- meters). we checked to see whether any more parsimonious model fit the data as well as model , but none did. for example, models and both exclude one of the interactions estimated in model (b × c × t and p × l × t, respectively), but they do not fit the data as well as model . χ tests comparing models and with model confirm that the parameters omitted in models and make statistically significant contributions to model fit. we then checked to see whether any equally parsimonious model (any model con- taining the same number of parameters) fit the data better than model . models to are equal in complexity to model , but none fit the data as well as model . finally, we checked to see whether more complex models (models that contain more parameters) fit the data better than model . models through are all more complex than model , but none offer a significant improvement in fit over model . and among models with d.f. = , model has the lowest aic, which further supports its selection. next, we used the estimated parameters obtained from the saturated model as a guide to which parameters should be included in the selected unsaturated model (goodman, ). model in table presents effect estimates from the table . estimates of main effects and interactions: the saturated model and the best-fitting unsaturated model* parameter equivalent logistic regression parameter ( ) saturated model ( ) best-fitting unsaturated model t constant . . pt professional − . − . bt publishing − . − . ct college education . . lt location (in philadelphia/boston/new york city) . − . pbt professional × publishing . . pct professional × college − . − . bct publishing × college − . − . plt professional × location − . − . blt publishing × location − . clt college × location . pbct professional × publishing × college . pblt professional × publishing × location . pclt professional × college × location − . bclt publishing × college × location − . pbclt professional × publishing × college × location . * p indicates the presence or absence of a professional on a founding team, b the presence or absence of a member of the publishing trades on a founding team, c the presence or absence of someone with a college education on a founding team, l whether or not a magazine was founded in one of the three biggest cities, and t the whether a magazine was founded between and or between and . haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ saturated model. it confirms our analysis of table . in the saturated model, blt and clt are the three-way interactions that are closest to zero, so a model that drops them, as does model in table , is likely to fit the data well. model in table presents the estimated effects of all parameters pertain- ing to the odds of appearing in the second time period rather than the first time period in the selected model. coefficients were estimated using means con- straints: each effect was calculated at the sample means for all other variables. thus, for example, the coefficient pt is the effect on the odds of a magazine’s being published in the second period rather than the first due to having a printer founder vs. not having one. both the professional and publishing-trades occupa- tions (pt and bt) have negative effects on the odds of a magazine appearing in the mid-nineteenth century rather than the eighteenth century, but the effect for publishing trades is less than half the effect for professional occupations. location in one of the three biggest cities (lt) has a small negative effect on these odds. the effect of founders’ education (ct) is close to zero, indicating that magazines in the second period were no more likely to have college- educated founders than those in the first. this pattern of results differs from the bivariate analysis in two respects: that analysis showed that the likelihood of having a professional founder increased and the likelihood of having a college-educated founder declined. differences between the bivariate and multivariate results are due to interac- tions between the professional and publishing trades occupations, between both occupations and college education, and between the professional occupa- tion and location. having professional founders and founders in the publishing trades (pbt) increased the odds of a magazine appearing in the mid-nineteenth century rather than the eighteenth century. while the members of each occu- pation on their own became less likely to found magazines (the effects for pt and bt are negative), members of the two occupations became more likely to found magazines together (pbt is positive). this suggests that the resources attached to these two occupations became increasingly complementary. next, having college-educated founders and professionals (pct) decreased the odds of a magazine appearing in the mid-nineteenth century rather than the eight- eenth century, as did having college-educated founders and founders in pub- lishing (bct). this indicates that although the prevalence of magazine founders with a college education did not change overall (based on the near-zero effect for ct), magazine founders in the professions and publishing trades became significantly less likely to have attended college over time. finally, location interacted with occupation: having a professional founder and being located in one of the three biggest cities (plt) decreased the odds of a magazine being published in the mid-nineteenth century rather than the eighteenth century. in other words, having a professional founder and being located outside a major urban center increased the odds. note that neither the publishing-trades occupation nor college education interacted with location, as blt and clt were not required for the selected model to fit the data well. taken together, these results suggest that only those magazines with profes- sionals among their founders became more geographically dispersed, while magazines with members of the publishing trades and college-educated men remained just as concentrated in the major urban centers in the mid-nineteenth century as they were in the eighteenth century. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ discussion and conclusion our analysis shows that as the magazine industry evolved, people from increasingly broad swaths of american society were able to launch new maga- zines. this happened because magazines became legitimate cultural products, and industry-specific resources became widespread (hannan and freeman, ). this occurred even in the face of intense competition from mass-market magazines published in philadelphia, boston, and new york. in the eighteenth century, when magazines were novel cultural products, finding skilled printers, obtaining original content, securing distribution, and attracting readers demanded heavy investments of economic, cultural, and social capital. thus most early magazine founders were printers or other mem- bers of the publishing trades, men who had the experience and connections necessary to secure scarce and hard-to-manage production resources. as the landlords of the eighteenth-century american public sphere, these men were also cultural arbiters, so they were well positioned to acquire content, gain access to distribution channels, and attract audiences. other elites were com- mon among magazine entrepreneurs: patrician professionals and men of let- ters, who possessed the knowledge and cultivation necessary to provide content and attract a similarly elite audience and the economic resources needed to underwrite such risky ventures. skeptics could be persuaded of the merits of these unusual new products by judging not the legitimacy of the prod- ucts themselves but, rather, the stature of the men who created them (dimaggio, ; granovetter and mcguire, ). by the mid-nineteenth century, the greater legitimacy accorded to maga- zines and the increased availability of industry-specific resources made it easier to launch and run magazines (hannan and freeman, ). distribution through the mail was guaranteed by law, and postage rates for magazines were almost as low as for newspapers. printing presses had become widespread, and print- ing had been transformed from a skilled craft done by business owners into routine factory work done by paid laborers. professional writers were eager to contribute original material for pay, and copyright law was used by publishers to safeguard their investment in literary property. moreover, accumulated expe- rience with magazines had reduced challenges for founders (aldrich and fiol, ): subscribers, writers and illustrators, financial backers, and government officials all accepted magazines as valued cultural products. because acquiring key resources was easier, barriers to entry were lower in the mid-nineteenth century. but it was not easy for magazine entrepreneurs everywhere to acquire the resources their new ventures needed. by the mid-nineteenth century, the rise of large and powerful publishing houses in the three biggest cities— philadelphia, boston, and new york—meant that industry insiders (writers and members of the publishing trades) were more likely than doctors, clergy, or the members of other occupations to launch magazines in those locations. magazine founders in these cities were also more likely to be college-educated than those located elsewhere. the rise of large publishing houses in these cit- ies excluded some people from launching new magazines there, but such com- petitive exclusion seems to have been limited in its geographic reach: in the mid-nineteenth century, more magazines were founded outside these centers than by publishing-industry insiders within them. professionals, especially haveman, habinek, and goodman at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ small-town doctors and ministers without college educations, were most likely to take advantage of these opportunities, as magazines with professionals among their founders became more likely to be located outside the major urban centers. this was especially true for magazines founded by clergy: in the mid- nineteenth century, magazines founded by clergy constituted percent of the sample we analyzed, but only percent of those were located in the major urban centers. the publishing activities of these two groups underwent ‘‘antag- onistic expansion’’ (starr, : ) as rival religious denominations and medical factions launched competing publications to criticize each other and tie their communities closer together (hatch, ; haller, ; goldstein and haveman, ). because magazines became increasingly legitimate cultural goods, they became increasingly valuable platforms for these professional struggles. all of this suggests that the greater legitimacy afforded to magazine publishing by the mid-nineteenth century allowed founders with few social, cul- tural, or economic resources to launch magazines more easily than they could have in the eighteenth century—as long as they avoided the industry centers. entrepreneurship in the post-bellum magazine industry our analysis ends in , the year before the outbreak of the civil war. while the american magazine industry was by then well established, it con- tinued to evolve. but did the ease (or difficulty) of acquiring resources to launch new periodicals change after ? the short answer is no. despite a merger wave after world war ii, which produced large concerns like time inc. that publish many magazines, market concentration in the industry remained low (tebbel and zuckerman, ). today, there are about , print magazines in circulation; between and , the market share (in terms of advertising revenues) of the four largest titles averaged percent, while the market share of the eight largest averaged percent, and the herfindahl index of concentration averaged (noam, : ). to put this in perspective, an index of over , is the usual threshold for a concen- trated market. these data on the contemporary magazine industry suggest that the trends we observed in the first years of the industry’s history continued over the next years. even as mergers and the rise of new media continue to transform the social and spatial contexts of magazine pub- lishing, large new-york-based publishing concerns still dominate the national scene, while at the same time thousands of smaller publishing ventures thrive elsewhere. directions for future research more work remains to be done to reconfirm and probe the claims we make here. for magazines in particular, we would like to know whether mid-nine- teenth-century entrepreneurs founded their magazines for the same reasons basing market share on circulation yields similar figures: percent for the top four magazines, percent for the top eight magazines, and for the herfindahl index (noam, : ). analyzing magazine-publishing firms instead of individual magazines reveals somewhat higher, but still quite modest, levels of market concentration: from to , the market share of the four largest firms averaged percent, that of the eight largest averaged percent, and the herfindahl index averaged (noam, : ). administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ and to serve the same kind of audiences as their eighteenth-century predeces- sors. an analysis of magazine genres or prospectuses could shed light on how founders’ motivations for their publishing ventures evolved as the industry became legitimate and deep pools of industry-specific resources developed. such an analysis might reveal, for example, the social stratification of legiti- macy claims made by magazine founders, if elites founded different types of magazines than non-elites or justified their ventures with different language. or it might reveal regional divergences in legitimacy claims, with founders in rural areas publishing different genres of magazines than those in urban areas. for other industries, especially in more modern settings, research on entrepreneurship could explicitly take into consideration how opportunities and constraints on entrepreneurship co-evolve with industry structure and with trends in society at large. over the last three decades, organizational theorists have seen a dramatic shift in basic research questions, from explaining cross-sectional variation in organizational structure and perfor- mance to emphasizing time and change. such explanations must explicitly recognize the complex interactions among various factors that may occur over time. yet despite the increasing appeal of historically sensitive analysis, only a handful of studies of new-venture creation reflect this shift (e.g., dobbin and dowd, ; stuart and ding, ; johnson, ; ruef and reinecke, ). our study reveals one such complexity: two hypotheses derived from socio- logical theory—competitive exclusion from resource acquisition and increasing legitimacy and easier access to resources—were both partly confirmed and partly disconfirmed. the magazine industry became stratified into a core (in philadelphia, boston, and new york), where large incumbents could keep inde- pendent entrepreneurs at bay, and a periphery (in the burgeoning number of other urban areas), where incumbents were smaller and people in many differ- ent walks of life could acquire the resources to start magazines. as industries develop, they can become stratified along at least one dimension, if not sev- eral. these axes of differentiation and power may vary across industries— location for magazines and financial-service firms, product technology for personal-computer and mobile-phone manufacturers, or customer profile and price point for automobile manufacturers and wineries—but they are common enough to merit scrutiny by entrepreneurship scholars. research on entrepre- neurship must recognize that such differences may alter the entrepreneurial task in important ways and so set important scope conditions on any theory of entrepreneurship. acknowledgments this research was funded by national science foundation grants #ses- and #ses- , and by a grant from the u.c. berkeley institute for research on labor and employment. we thank associate editor martin ruef and three anonymous asq reviewers for helpful comments. we also thank adam goldstein, victoria johnson, jen schradie, toby stuart, and steve vaisey, as well as seminar participants at boston university and emory university. please send all correspondence to the first author. 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california, berkeley, department of sociology, barrows hall, berkeley, ca - (e-mail: haveman@berkeley.edu). she studies how organizations, industries, and employees’ careers evolve and is currently working on several papers tracing the evolu- tion of the american magazine industry. she received a ph.d. in organizational behavior and industrial relations from the university of california, berkeley and an m.b.a. from the university of toronto. jacob habinek is a ph.d. candidate in the department of sociology at the university of california, berkeley, barrows hall, berkeley, ca (e-mail: habinek@ berkeley.edu). in addition to entrepreneurship and industry evolution, his current research centers on the development of quantitative models for complex social pro- cesses, the dynamics of social networks, and the causes and consequences of stability and change across organizational fields. he is finishing a dissertation that examines the relationship between institutional change and organizational innovation in the life sciences. he holds an m.a in sociology from the university of wisconsin, madison. he expects to complete his ph.d. in . leo a. goodman is the class of professor of sociology at the university of california, berkeley, barrows hall, berkeley, ca (e-mail: lgoodman@ berkeley.edu). he is an elected member of the national academy of sciences, the american academy of arts and sciences, and the american philosophical society. he has studied a wide variety of statistical problems and developed many statistical meth- ods that bring the same kind of rigor to the analysis of qualitative/categorical data that has been available in the analysis of quantitative data. he received an m.a. and ph.d. in mathematics from princeton university. administrative science quarterly ( ) at univ california berkeley lib on december , asq.sagepub.comdownloaded from http://asq.sagepub.com/ gabrielle rowen-clarke gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the joyce of food: a negotiation of history, politics, and society by gabrielle rowen-clarke b.a (hons) griffith university, dip. arts (literature) university of southern queensland the school of humanities, arts, education, law group griffith university the thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of doctor of philosophy. submission date: december, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e abstract: joyce’s art establishes a liminal space in which he interrogates hegemonic positions on colonialism, politics, religion, and gender, and this cultural work makes a significant contribution to reimagining the irish social contract. joyce’s use of ‘parallax’ in ulysses complicates understandings of each of these issues as he reveals a complex intermingling of structural impediments that paralyse dubliners through inter- generational memory, and thwart social agency. joyce challenges platonic dualistic thought and the traditional hierarchy of the senses by paying particular attention to food, a fraught topic in post-famine ireland. my examination of joyce’s treatment of this central human concern reconsiders irish politics, history, religion, culture, society and makes a specific case for the role that literature can play in refiguring memory and addressing the effects of the past on the social contract. this work has not previously been submitted for a degree or diploma in any university. to the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the thesis itself. signature: gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e for my mother, margaret (maggie) rowen, in memoriam. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e contents acknowledgements................................................................................................................................................... note on the literary texts ....................................................................................................................................... abbreviations............................................................................................................................................................. intro duction ............................................................................................................................................................. joyce’s parallax...................................................................................................................................................... modernist scholarship and pragmatism: a parallactic approach .................................................................. joyce’s negotiation of history ............................................................................................................................. the scholarship of everyday life: daily experience and structure .................................................................. traditional philosophical dualisms and the new scholarship of gastro-criticism ...................................... joyce’s interrogation of the feminine / masculine dualism ............................................................................. thesis outline ......................................................................................................................................................... chapter - joyce, the fa mine and colonial viol ence .......................................................................... yeats, joyce and nationalism................................................................................................................................ the famine, history and collective memory ...................................................................................................... joyce and the great famine................................................................................................................................... the potato: famine memory and political violence ......................................................................................... conclusion.............................................................................................................................................................. chapter – sp ectres of fa min e: ‘fa mished ghosts’ .............................................................................. clachan and english political economy.............................................................................................................. collective trauma and hauntings ..................................................................................................................... ‘see the animals f eed’ .......................................................................................................................................... ‘strandentwining cable of all flesh’: corpsechewers .................................................................................... conclusion............................................................................................................................................................ chapter – parn ell, failed ho spitality and decline of the domestic real m ......................... the uncrowned king ........................................................................................................................................... the joyce of christmas dinner ............................................................................................................................ the coffin of ‘home’: the homosocial circle and anti-treating ................................................................... joyce and sentimentality: ‘wandering rocks’ .................................................................................................. conclusion............................................................................................................................................................ chapter – you are wha t you ea t.............................................................................................................. joyce, disease and m edicine................................................................................................................................. joyce’s poor s tomach and the matter of innards ........................................................................................... ‘you are what you eat’ ...................................................................................................................................... white bread and sugary tea............................................................................................................................... conclusion............................................................................................................................................................ chapter – the n ew ep ic f east...................................................................................................................... the continuation of the epic .............................................................................................................................. heroes and other waste matter ....................................................................................................................... ‘greeker than the greeks’: the cleverness of leopold bloom ....................................................................... ‘womanly wise’: g erty’s ‘brekky’ and molly’s meat and seeds .................................................................... conclusion............................................................................................................................................................ conclusions .......................................................................................................................................................... appendix .................................................................................................................................................................. list of wo rks cited ............................................................................................................................................. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e acknowledgements i would not have been able to complete this thesis without the support, encouragement and assistance of a number of people. first and foremost i want to thank my principal supervisor, professor chris lee. i could not have asked for a more incisive and supportive mentor. chris’s enthusiasm for what literature does, and why it is so important, is a constant source of inspiration. i thank him for thinking the topic was a good idea in the first instance, and for encouraging me to ‘keep on writing’. he has taught me so much and has demonstrated such generosity. i hope to emulate his example of mentorship throughout my career. i would also like to extend special thanks to my associate supervisor associate professor jock mcleod. jock’s advice in the final stages of the thesis has been invaluable and i am very appreciative of the time he has given me and the interest he has shown in the project. my candidature was unusual as it was undertaken at two institutions, firstly the university of southern queensland and then griffith university. the move was a result of my supervisor’s new role at griffith, and i need to thank griffith for their support and granting me a scholarship to continue my project under chris lee’s guidance. it would be remiss to not also acknowledge usq who awarded me an apa scholarship, and who also provided some funding towards my conference and research trip in . without these funds i would not have had the opportunity to undertake archival research at the national library of ireland, attend the oxford symposium on food and cookery, or the xxth congress of the international comparative literature association at the sorbonne. this trip enabled me to gather some fascinating primary research, meet food enthusiasts such as dr. mairtin mac con iomaire from the dublin institute of technology, and present my work at an international conference. as i had been a griffith student during my undergrad and honours degrees, the move ‘back’ was relatively smooth, but i am indebted to the griffith higher degree research office and dr. amanda howell who helped me navigate my way through to the administrative process. i also would like to thank the griffith school of humanities for providing me with the opportunity to present my work in a friendly and supportive environment at the emerging scholars day. there are many academics who have provided advice or support along the way. in particular, i would like to extend my gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e heartfelt thanks to assoc. professor laurie johnson, dr. jessica gildersleeve, dr. Éidín o'shea, dr. robert mason, dr. celmara pocock, richard gehrmann, dr. dan timbrell, and dr. david akenson. the librarians at both usq and griffith have been fantastic attending to my endless requests for books and articles, and i am very grateful for their assistance. i am thankful for the generous and supportive ‘irish lit’ attendees at the irish studies association of australia and new zealand conference, who both inspired me and provided invaluable advice. i am also appreciative for the opportunity to present papers at a number of postgraduate symposiums (at usq, the university of queensland, and griffith university) and would like to thank fellow postgrads for their ongoing encouragement. in particular i would like to acknowledge a group of fellow postgrads, many now doctors, whose friendship and support will always be remembered with great fondness: dr. eddie thangavelu, dr. james stenzel, sarah peters, elizabeth cuskelly, dr. wendy richards, dr. alexandra lawson, dr. mark emmerson, tarn mclean, and karen austin. thanks for the many chats in the postgrad room. i save the final thanks for my family. a thesis is a long road that a spouse also takes by default, so i am forever grateful for my husband toby’s forbearance and encouragement. i also want to thank my son charlie and daughter honor who have demonstrated great patience for little people, especially in the months leading to completion. to my dad and family, a special thank you for your support. it has been a long and at times difficult journey and it was wonderful to have you cheering me on. i have dedicated this thesis to my mother who sadly passed away in the first year of my candidature. she would have been proud i think. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e note on the literary texts ulysses is the focus of the study, for both its richness of food references and the multifarious ways in which the food can be ‘read’. where necessary some chapters will refer to dubliners. a portrait of the artist as a young man is of key importance to chapter three as it follows the dedalus family’s demise. a number of decisions were made about what editions of joyce’s work to utilise. the authoritative norton critical editions of dubliners and portrait are used, and the hans walter gabler ‘corrected text’ (random house ), what is now considered to be the ‘standard edition’ of ulysses (sheehan ), is the one referred to throughout the essay. sean sheehan has noted that as many british and american publications of this text have the same page and line numbering it has become the most used edition for joyce scholars. as such i follow the predominant convention and use the episode and line number format for the in-text citations. while the gabler edition has chapter numbers and no chapter titles, i follow the joycean practice of naming the familiar odyssean episode titles, as outlined in the gilbert and linati schema. chapter five focuses on joyce’s continuation of the odyssean epic, and what his version of heroics says about power and gender, and so homer’s odyssey is of central concern. this chapter analyses portions of this homeric epic, and while i draw on the introductions of the robert fagles and e. v. rieu (revised by d. c. h. rieu) translations, the textual references are drawn from the samuel butler translation. although it is noted that joyce first came into contact with odysseus in charles lamb’s accessible translation (see for example kenner dublin’s joyce), and frank budgen recalls joyce using the butcher and lang translation (budgen james joyce and the making of ulysses ), the samuel butler translation was published in , and as hugh kenner states, ‘hence the most up-to-date version available when ulysses was being thought out’ ( - ). kenner notes that the butcher and lang translation ‘comes from later years, when joyce was studying victorian-homeric diction in order to parody it in “cyclops”’ ( - ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e abbreviations the following abbreviations for joyce’s texts will be used in subsequent in-text citations. dubliners and finnegans wake are not abbreviated. ulysses — u a portrait of the artist as a young man — portrait stephen hero — sh the critical writings — cw occasional, critical and political writings — ocpw gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e introduction a man might eat kidneys in one chapter, suffer from kidney disease in another, and one of his friends could be kicked in the kidney in another. (james joyce letters ii ). recent developments in modernist studies have identified modernism as a ‘liminal space’. rather than a ‘break’ from the past, it is conceived more in terms reflective of william james’s and john dewey’s pragmatism. for these pragmatists new art, new habits and new ideas develop as conventional artistic forms, established norms and traditional ‘truths’ are rearranged and reworked as the past is renegotiated in light of present concerns. this ‘space’ is politically charged. joyce’s treatment of food and food insecurity — that central human concern — demonstrates his complex politics as he considers his version of nationalism and problematises ‘history’, ‘memory’, betrayal, and the power of discursive binaries. he suggests how ireland might imagine its independence, progress and future outside the established paradigms of ‘power’, ‘strength’, ‘heroics’ and ‘victory’ which are enacted through violence. for joyce ‘strength’ is exhibited by ruminating on historical complications, and a ‘strong spirit’ is derived from persevering despite incertitude (gibson the strong spirit ). as andrew gibson maintains, joyce marries strength to ‘fragility’, ‘brokenness’ and ‘doubt’ ( ). it is in these ‘spaces’ where the repressed can perceive inconsistencies and contradictions and begin to organise effective resistance and negotiate an alternate path (sinfield faultlines ; schwarze joyce and the victorians ). most importantly for joyce, the conflict against the status quo ‘must be fought out behind the forehead’ not with violence (s. joyce my brother’s keeper ; gibson ). for joyce being modern was being a historicist; recognising the historicity of ‘people, cultures, [and] worlds’ (gibson strong spirit ). indeed, andrew gibson contends that gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the complexity of joyce’s work is due to his wrestling with ‘freedom’ and ‘justice’, and a concern for ‘justice’ necessitates engaging with history. to this extent joyce was extraordinarily sensitive to ‘the fleeting precisions of historicity’ and his work demands ‘historical micrology’ ( ). his work has been described as a labyrinth (gibson suggests like studying irish political history), where ‘the victim loses themselves in a seemingly endless wilderness of fissures, splits, rifts, [and] divisions’ ( ). the labyrinth is not just an allegory for reading ulysses, but points to the ‘political implications of the novel’s aesthetic strategies’ ( ). but rather than considering victims ‘losing themselves’, this thesis explores joyce’s parallax, that ability to present things from multiple perspectives and thus proffering the opportunity for the fullest insight. this stylistic ploy illuminates innumerable colonial pathologies and explores contradictions. joyce probes the state of the irish through food, and his multidimensional ruminations on the past and its impact on the present — through explorations of famine, hunger, violence, parental neglect, poverty, unemployment, alcoholism, health, nutrition discourses, abundance, memory, vegetarianism, patriarchy, sex, death and life (amongst other things) — demonstrate his working through the hegemonic positions on colonialism, politics, religion and gender. food is a fraught topic for post-famine ireland. the devastation of the great famine and the ongoing food insecurity and malnutrition of turn of the century ireland is suggestive of an abortive social contract between ireland and england. throughout history, individuals have sacrificed their freedom — the ‘original state’ — for the benefits of self-preservation and security which can only be gained through association (rousseau the social contract i: vi). the ‘social pact’ of james joyce’s ireland, however, is problematised by its long history of oppression and turn of the century irish politics. from the irish perspective there is no ‘proper bond of rational obligation’ (wraight ) between the imperial power and ireland. if a people decide via ‘prior covenant’ to act together in such a way that surrenders their freedom to a ruler, the agreement which forms the political group and social order has necessarily been established before a ruler enters the political order. the covenant — or ‘transfer of each associate, with his rights, to the whole community’ — is the essential precondition for a well ordered society (rousseau i: v, vi; wraight ). this is not the relationship i use the terms ‘england’ and ‘english’ rather than ‘britain’ and ‘british’ as ireland was still part of britain at the time ulysses was set, and in general this thesis is examining imperial power as the antithesis to irish agency and development. by referring to ‘england’ and ‘english’ throughout this thesis i am referring to the imperial centre (the imperialism of the empire). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e between the colonial power and a subjugated people. the english suppression of irish interests has a long history, and famine and the concomitant decimation of rural society elicit questions about the legitimacy of power. in addition to incremental violations of irish freedom, england used a natural/agricultural disaster and food insecurity as a means to secure a more complete subjugation. instead of the ‘minority’ submitting to the will and needs of the ‘majority’ (rousseau i: v; wraight ), any semblance of a social contract was rendered void with england’s prioritising of agricultural ‘reform’ — the rationalisation of the small family holdings and the communal system of subdivision, or clachan. the desperation of the starving irish is further evidence of their status as colonial subjects. joyce’s texts, particularly ulysses, explore this historical event and its resonance for post-famine generations. however, his multi-dimensional perspectives on the state of the irish presents more complex deliberations. joyce interrogates not only ‘history’ but also irish ‘memories’ of the famine, the betrayal of the irish by their own people, and the complicity of the irish in their own subjugation (at the behest of the imperial power, the catholic church, and the internalised state of patriarchy). betrayal became central to joyce’s perception of the irish (ellmann james joyce ; joyce ocpw - ). alongside the famine, the betrayal of charles stewart parnell (by the irish, by the irish parliamentary party, by the catholic church, and by the british government) typifies the seeming inevitability of duplicity, and the consequent failure of anyone dedicated to political freedom for ireland (smyth ‘trust not appearances’ - ). importantly, central to the political demise of parnell is another betrayal: adultery. parnell undermined the institution of marriage in his affair with katherine o’shea and in so doing destroyed his reputation amongst his staunch, catholic constituency. in what was a fragile political climate, the supporters parnell relied upon felt that he had betrayed them. pointedly, joyce enacts his own treachery through his adulterated form. counter to other brands of irish nationalism and the efforts of the revivalist movement to imagine and create an authentic cultural-nationalism and the irish epic, joyce’s ‘anti- representational tendency’ and his hybridisation of popular forms challenged patriarchal nationalist discourse and its desire to restore ‘the lineage of the fathers in order to repossess the motherland’ (lloyd anomalous states: irish writing in the post-colonial gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e moment , ). as david lloyd points out, the anxiety of betrayal circulates thematically and stylistically throughout ulysses reflecting ‘the condition of colonial ireland at virtually every level’ ( ). through an analysis of food and eating in joyce’s work, i contend that his parallactic form reveals the oppressive terms of the colonial / subject social contract, but he also subjects the irish, the church, and patriarchy to close scrutiny. this multifarious view of the state of things is complex. although blame is scathing at times, it is not neatly laid in any one corner. joyce’s parallactic art and the complex examination of history, politics and society, and what these structures mean for food security, necessitates the consideration of an eclectic field of scholarship. these include pragmatic modernism (which explores the importance of the past for modernists); joyce and history (which by extension explores joyce’s politics); everyday life (specifically, the structural impediments and agency surrounding everyday life); the field of gastro-criticism (covering vast literary periods but providing a number of interesting perspectives, such as ‘taste’, ‘the body’, and psychoanalysis); and gender studies (especially in modernism, its gendered hierarchies, and the subversive tactics against patriarchy). food is essential for our existence and our identity, and as claude fischler reminds us, it too is ‘multidimensional’. if joyce’s form demands heterogeneous research and analysis, so too does food. food ‘runs from the biological to the cultural, from the nutritional function to the symbolic function’ and ‘links the individual to the collective, the psychological to the social’ (fischler ‘food, self, identity’ ). for fischler, a non-multidimensional approach, one lacking the ability to see food from various perspectives, fails to address some key questions, such as ‘how do organisms and representations, biological individuals and their culture, interact with each other and with their environment?’; ‘how do socially constructed norms and representations become internalised – inscribed, so to speak, in taste-buds and metabolisms?’; do these norms and representations also have a biological side?’; ‘how do they tie into ecosystems in which subjects and societies experience them?’ ( ). the burgeoning interdisciplinary field of food studies endeavours to attend to food from multiple perspectives: the biological, nutritional, environmental, social, cultural, political and the historical. a multi-dimensional study of food in joyce’s work reveals all of these perspectives in the context of turn of the century ireland. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e joyce’s use of ‘parallax’, broadly conceived of as his operationalising of different lenses through which to try to understand the past and the various ways it impacts upon the present, opens various aspects of irish history and turn of the century life up to scrutiny and critical review. these multiple perspectives highlight the interconnectedness of the legacies of the great famine, colonialism and religion, and the continued subjugation of the irish. it explores the irish people’s comparative poverty, political apathy, the prevalence of alcoholism and malnutrition, and the oppressiveness (for men and women) of patriarchy. leopold bloom — a character at odds with the pretence of ‘masculine’ modernism — gives joyce great scope for multi-dimensional perspectives. however, joyce’s parallax is achieved through innovations in form: characterisation more broadly, structure and juxtaposition, intertextual cues, allusions, and modernist techniques such as interior monologue and stream of consciousness. importantly, the abundance of food in ulysses, particularly, locates the continuation of odyssean epic in the ‘everyday’ and the ‘domestic’. joyce’s historical, political, cultural and social considerations of food defy the philosophical and gendered dualisms which underpin turn of the century gender politics and their dispossession of women. joyce’s parallax ‘parallax’, the ability to see things from different perspectives in order to gauge a situation more fully, is a key word in ulysses. bloom signals its significance by contemplating its etymology as he works to understand the meaning: ‘parallax. i never exactly understood. there’s a priest. could ask him. par it’s greek: parallel, parallax’ (u : - ). it is ‘bloom’s problem word’ (kiczek ). the word comes via the french (from new latin) parallaxis, from the greek parallassein to change (para and allassein meaning ‘to alter’ or ‘alternate’, to ‘exchange’, or ‘to vary’, akin to allos, ‘other’), and in the late sixteenth century was used in the general sense of ‘seeing wrongly’ (collins dictionary, random house kernerman webster's college dictionary, oxford dictionary). the oxford english dictionary online defines the term as the ‘difference or change in the apparent position or direction of an object as seen from two different points’. bloom has sir robert ball’s book, the story of the heavens ( ), which frequently uses the term, and he ponders the concept throughout the day. as justin kiczek astutely notes, even in his subconscious bloom claims to have chatted to his ‘old pals, sir robert and lady ball’ (u : - ; kiczek ). it is ball’s use gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e of the word in relation to perspective that is most relevant in ulysses. ball explains that ‘it is by parallax that the distance of the sun or, indeed, the distance of any other celestial body, must be determined’ ( ). he explains the concept thus: stand near a window whence you can look at buildings, or the trees, the clouds, or any distant objects. place on the glass a thin strip of paper vertically in the middle of one of the panes. close the right eye, and note with the left eye the position of the strip of paper relatively to the objects in the background. then, while still remaining in the same position, close the left eye and again observe the position of the strip of paper with the right eye. you will find that the position of the paper on the background has changed. as i sit in my study and look out of the window i see a strip of paper, with my right eye, in front of a certain bough on a tree a couple of hundred yards away; with my left eye the paper is no longer in front of that bough, it has moved to a position near the outline of the tree. this apparent displacement of the strip of paper, relatively to the distant background, is what is called parallax. ( - ) bloom tries the experiment and ‘faced about and, standing between the awnings, held out his right hand at arm’s length towards the sun’. ‘wanted to try that often’, he thinks, and he successfully illustrates the concept: ‘yes: completely. the tip of his little finger blotted out the sun’s disk. must be the focus where the rays cross’ (u : - ). apart from a scientific interest in all manner of things, after this experiment bloom’s thoughts of outer space are countered with a perceived pointlessness to existence given the vastness of the universe, and his astronomical interest is drawn down to realities of domestic life: ‘never know anything about it. waste of time. gasballs spinning about, crossing each other, passing. same old dingdong always. gas: then solid: then world: then cold: then dead shell drifting around, frozen rock, like that pineapple rock’ ( : - ). when his mind shifts to something more positive — ‘[t]he moon. must be a new moon out, she said’ — his stream of consciousness soon flows to molly and her impending meeting with boylan: ‘she was humming. the young may moon she’s beaming, love. he other side of her. elbow, arm. he. glowworm’s la-amp is gleaming, love. touch. fingers. asking. answer. yes’ ( : - ). though bloom engages with ball’s astronomical meaning of parallax, here we can also perceive parallax metaphorically via bloom’s stream of consciousness and his alternation of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e thoughts of awe and irrelevance, interest and indifference. here parallax is more than an experiment with objects ‘out there’. the ability for parallax enables a fluid shift of perspectives and foci. parallax can be uncomfortable, confronting or joyous, rather than interesting for its own sake. as david chinitz observes in the ‘ithaca’ episode, bloom’s poetic reflection of the stars — ‘the heaventree of the stars hung with humid nightblue fruit’ ( : ) — soon shifts to dry, scientific discourse and a comparison of the greatness of the ‘evermoving’ wandering stars from ‘immeasurable remote eons’ to the ‘threescore and ten, of allotted human life’ which forms a ‘parenthesis of infinitesimal brevity’ ( : - ). if optimism in the future, ‘progress’ ( : ), relies on looking forever ‘inward’ — for example all the ‘myriad entomological organic existences concealed in cavities of the earth, beneath removable stones, in hives and mounds, of microbes, germs, bacteria, bacilli, spermatozoa’ ( : - ) — then for the resolutely inward and outward looking bloom, ‘nought nowhere’ will never be reached ( : - ). if there was life on other planets bloom supposes that the redemption of other races would necessitate a benevolent redeemer, for like inward focussed humans they too would probably ‘remain inalterably and inalienably attached to vanities, to vanities of vanities and to all that is vanity’ ( : - , - ; chinitz - ). parallax thus shifts from ball’s specific application to joyce’s artistic one, used to amplify the shortcomings of the preoccupied and narrow minded and the gift of open, parallactic thought. over three decades ago, barbara stevens heusel observed that critics’ interpretations of the relationship between bloom and stephen were idiosyncratic and revealed their ‘blindspots’ (‘parallax as a metaphor for the structure of ulysses’ , ). only ‘active’ and ‘experienced’ readers will recognise the ‘depth’ of their meeting, as they attend to joyce’s use of parallactic images and encourage the reader to view life with ‘two eyes’ at once, not one eye at a time; that is ‘(stephen’s, the artist’s) and then the other (bloom’s, the common man)’ ( , ). as heusel charts the seven occurrences of the term ‘parallax’ in ulysses she highlights how the metaphor provides an outer ‘structure’ which reveals ‘the difficulty of perception and, therefore, the complexity of viewing life’ ( ). joyce’s method encourages the reader ‘to synthesize the shifting perspectives’ of the two main points of view (stephen’s and bloom’s) so that when the two ‘join’ in the urination scene in the ‘ithaca’ episode, what is represented is a ‘fuller vision of life’ ( ). hugh kenner comments on the effect of joyce’s repositioning of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e events and bodies so that ‘each speck in this book has somewhere its complementary speck, in a cosmos we can trust’ (ulysses ). though heusel’s liberal-humanist approach is not specifically interested in the ‘social’, it is an important formalist grounding for the approach taken in this project. heusel’s argument emphasises joyce’s ‘complex artistry’ and the scholar’s role in deciphering the ‘cues’ within, but beyond the liberal-humanist discourse, the notion of a ‘three-dimensional’ world, and the theme of the complexity of life remain persuasive. so, while patrick mccarthy also comments on how ‘the juxtaposition of various perspectives [bloom’s, stephen’s, molly’s] hints at the larger, fully human, viewpoint toward which ulysses reaches’ (‘ulysses’: portals of discovery ; also see kiczek ‘joyce in transit: the “double star” effect of ulysses’ ), this thesis is predominately concerned with more materialist lenses, and thus how structure precludes, qualifies or enables ‘fully human’ experience. parallax is a way of approaching any complex societal concern. while heusel sees parallax in relation to the complexity of life (exhibited via the bringing together of bloom’s and stephen’s different views), i wish to demonstrate joyce’s wider operationalising of the idea of parallax. if we follow the food and not the more narrow and specific ‘cues’ of the term, we see that within ulysses (and across other joyce texts) joyce weaves a complex web of perspectives and contexts. throughout the chapters numerous perspectives on food are explored — for example, history, power, status, memory, hunger, starvation, health, gender sustainability — and these perspectives are not limited to individual characters. some perspectives are held by more than one character or the narrator, and multiple perspectives can be held by one character. bloom and stephen, for example, do not hold just two of these possible perspectives, but often represent considerations of multiple perspectives. ways of seeing important social issues are also revealed via fleeting thoughts, inaction or juxtaposition, and that supposed un-modernist notion of ‘sentiment’. these are but some of the elements of joyce’s form that contribute to the whole story of food. kenner and andré topia remind us there is nothing interior about joyce’s interior monologue. bloom’s random thoughts, for example, are often from the public realm, for instance originating from books, common understandings and new knowledges (kenner joyce’s voices ; topia ‘the matrix and the echo: intertextuality in ulysses’ - ). tony thwaites argues that interior monologue reflects ‘content’ that ‘arrives gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e from elsewhere’ and a character as being influenced from ‘elsewhere’ (‘mr. bloom, inside and out’ ). drawing on slavoj Žižek’s the parallax view, thwaites argues that the significance of joyce’s operationalising of parallax is his inversion of the conventional understanding of the term. instead of the apparent displacement of an object being caused by provision of a new line of sight (demonstrated through bloom’s ‘thumb’ experiment), joycean parallax begins ‘with objects out there in the real world, and with the ways in which they triangulate, place, and make demands on the subject’ (thwaites ‘molly and bloom in the lists of “ithaca”’ ). for thwaites, parallax ‘is not that what i see in the world changes according to my position in it’ but rather ‘that what i am is already inscribed in the world’s materiality, as that point from which the world gazes back at me, and from which i am under its gaze’ ( ). in addition to objects ‘out there’ demanding ‘notice and response’, there will always be a ‘blind spot’ which signals the observer’s inclusion in the world (Žižek in thwaites ). as thwaites explains, in this view of parallax an observer can never glean a complete picture as there is always something still left to be noticed or accounted for, or ‘something in this clamor of meanings that does not yet make sense’ ( ). the incompleteness of the world is not a failing of the observer but a result of the observer being ‘already there as a fold in the world . . . making sense of it’ (thwaites ). indeed at times bloom and stephen seem oblivious or defensive about their own lack of action and the consequences of inaction. i will reveal throughout the thesis, however, that some observers’ views are more incomplete than others. characters like bloom, though flawed with ‘blind spots’, strive to obtain more perspective, while others entrench themselves more deeply in their ‘folds’. as kiczek comments, ‘we learn something more about bloom from each parallactic angle’, even when he is seemingly trumped by the one eyed cyclops and blazes (‘joyce in transit’ ). i think we need to make an addition here though; we also learn more about the dubliners around bloom, the city in which he lives, and the history, politics and public memory of the nation. stephen, in contrast, is consumed by his ‘shadow’, and in ‘proteus’ we see how he desires to rid himself of the hindrance: ‘i throw this ended shadow from me, manshape ineluctable, call it back. endless, would it be mine, form of my form? who watches me here?’ (u : - ). while the sun may elucidate things for stephen, his shadow is formed, as kiczek notes, by an eclipse of his body and the sun ( ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e in my conceptualising of parallax as joyce’s über form i move away from kiczek, chinitz and heusel and their focus on bloom and stephen’s relationship as wandering bodies that are eventually brought together. bloom seems nihilistic about the vastness and uncontrollability of the universe and the ‘waste of time’ thinking about it, and equally pessimistic about the alternate focus on ‘involution’, but he spends much of his time thinking ‘big’ and also occupied with thoughts of the ‘inner’ (both his body and his thoughts and memories). bloom stands in contrast to stephen as he notices more around him and attempts to ameliorate what he sees. at the end of the ‘ithaca’ episode a weary bloom rests, for ‘he has travelled’ (u : ; emphasis added); travelled more than any other dubliner that day in terms of his effort to see his world from all perspectives. i therefore draw on thwaites’s analysis in my consideration of how characters give account of themselves in relation to external influences. though narration and other literary devices throw light where bloom cannot, bloom’s ‘otherness’ translates to a heightened awareness of both entrenched institutions and where agency is deficient. the methodology for this project is necessarily eclectic in order to penetrate the parallactic nature and purpose of joyce’s art, and the way he ruminates on central concerns of modernist aesthetics, ireland and his era. in particular i am interested in the complex meaning of food that emerges through the lens of ‘pragmatism’ (for example, william james [ - ] and john dewey [ - ]), where the present is inextricably woven with the past, but where the present is open to new formations of meaning. all chapters have a new historicist approach but as andrew gibson has stated, such an approach needs to be ‘in a manner appropriate to joyce, determined by joyce himself’ (strong spirit ). the method used to scrutinise joyce’s problems with ideological narrative can best be described as ‘thick description’ (geertz the interpretation of cultures) as i undertake historical investigations that engage with the joycean historical turn and irish historiography, and respond to joyce’s demand for ‘historical micrology’ (gibson ). the thesis also draws on cultural studies of the period to help reconstruct the particularities of the irish ‘voices’ within joyce’s texts, and historiographic studies to contextualise and explore areas such as turn of the century socio-economic indicators. the divergent primary research — such as joyce’s letters and essays, famine ‘recipes’, irish newspaper advertisements and journal articles — augments the contextualising secondary scholarship on the famine, colonial politics, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e irish nationalism and the decline and death of parnell. as the background is brought to the foreground, alongside the parallax of joyce’s literary texts, we can better interrogate joyce’s problematising of history and what this says about his perceptions of art, the ‘present’ and the future. joyce teaches us ‘an appreciation of difference’ (attridge joyce effects ) and this methodological approach facilitates what the post-colonialism scholar marjorie howes identifies as the investigation of internal differentiations — such as gender, religion, socio-economic status — and what this means for ‘a given situation, population, or individual’ (howes ‘joyce, colonialism, and nationalism’ ). modernist scholarship and pragmatism: a parallactic approach emerging research suggests that the dominant narrative of literary modernism still privileges the ideology of the avant-garde and emphasises modernism’s break with the past. too often this narrow story neglects modernism’s thoughtful contextualisation and constructive and purposeful renegotiation with history (ellis virginia woolf and the victorians ; schoenbach pragmatic modernism ; cuda the passions of modernism ). the stylistic innovation and mind-set of modernism has become synonymous with: ‘break-up’, ‘dissolution’, ‘catastrophe’, ‘shock’, ‘crisis’, ‘disaster’, ‘collapse’ and ‘chasm’ (bradbury and mcfarlane ‘the name and nature of modernism’ ). ‘new criticism’, which developed as a critical approach in the s to teach the ‘art of reading’ ‘difficult’ and ‘serious’ literature, effectively wrote the narrative of modernism as a rejection of victorian forms of literature; a story that was largely unchallenged for several decades. malcolm bradbury and james mcfarlane ( ) cited key literary and art critic herbert read’s appraisal of modernism. for read the concern was not the ‘logical development of the art of painting in europe, not even with a development for which there is any historical parallel’ but instead with ‘an abrupt break with all tradition . . . the aim of five centuries of european effort is openly abandoned’ (in bradbury and mcfarlane modernism – ). two decades later modernism is still, for c. s. lewis ( ), ‘shattering’: gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e i do not think that any previous age produced work which was, in its own time, as shattering and bewilderingly new as that of the cubists, the dadaists, the surrealists, and picasso has been in ours. and i am quite sure this is true . . . of poetry . . . i do not see how anyone can doubt that modern poetry is not only a greater novelty than any other ‘new poetry’ but new in a new way, almost in a new dimension. (in bradbury and mcfarlane ) this framing of the story of modernism, however, is evident in much more recent texts such as peter nicholls’s modernisms: a literary guide ( ), that notes the break with a victorian literary tradition by asserting modernism’s privileging of ‘intellect over emotion’ and the aggressive enforcing of ‘strong and authoritative versions of self’ (nicholls , ; cuda ). philip weinstein (unknowing: the work of modernist fiction ) also emphasises the surprise and arrest of the modernist texts, arguing that the work of franz kafka, marcel proust and william faulkner aims to subvert the familiarity and narrative progression that is intrinsic to realist fiction, undermining, in the process, the enlightenment project of ‘knowing’. ariela freedman observes that while the ‘cliché of the autonomous aesthetic modernist object’ has been displaced, many critics seem compelled to read the modernist aesthetic as ‘a relic of privilege, wilfully detached from social history and significant only insofar as details of the world can be read through the work’ (cultural studies), or as ‘accountable only to itself and its own aesthetic tradition’ (formalists/liberal humanists) (freedman ‘did it flow: bridging aesthetic and history in joyce’s ulysses’ ). the cultural studies field that emerged in the s politicised aesthetics (hunter ‘aesthetics and cultural studies’ ) and american literary criticism identified aesthetics with new criticism’s apolitical, formalist judgments (gilmore ‘romantic electricity, or materiality of aesthetics’ ; freedman ). in addition to the questioning of modernism as a ‘break’ with the past, recent scholarship suggests that modernism is not a rejection of victorian ideals and emotive forms, but rather a space for thinking and making sense of the changing world: a liminal space (ellis; schoenbach; cuda; schwarze joyce and the victorians ; scholes paradoxy of modernism ; feldman victorian modernism: pragmatism and the varieties of aesthetic experience ; uhlmann thinking in literature: joyce, woolf, nabokov ). this is not to suggest that there were no previous challenges to the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e framing of discussions of modernism in terms of ‘revolutionary’ ideologies of the avant-garde, where ‘success in life’ and ‘ecstasy’ stands in contrast to the ‘habits’ and a ‘stereotyped world’ (pater ‘conclusion’ to the renaissance [ ] in modernism ; also see shklovsky [ ] ‘art as technique’ in modernism ). for instance, in his recent work robert scholes recalls when clive hart contacted him in about ‘a problem he was having with a little essay . . . he had written’, as the joyce scholarship ‘did not want to hear about joyce’s sentimentality’ (scholes ). by sentimentality, hart referred to ‘a demand for emotion not justified by the subject matter and a certain indulgence in emotion for its own sake’ (hart ‘james joyce and sentimentality’ - ). while hart noted in his essay that ‘modern critics’ considered sentimentality ‘inherently immature and debilitating’, he reminded the joycean critics that it is a feature of the best literature in the world (hart ). the durability of some of the key works of modernism, such as joyce’s ulysses, is due to the familiarity of certain literary conventions. long narrative, scholes argues, requires an emotional investment in the characters. of comedy, sentiment and suspense, he suggested, long narrative needs as least two out of three, and ‘many of the best have all three in abundance’ (scholes ). as hart argued more than fifty years ago, new criticism’s almost pathological ‘fear of sentimentality’ has thus been ‘inhibiting and limiting’ for joyce scholarship ( ; scholes , ). wyndham lewis, exemplary advocate of hard, new, masculine modernism, in fact ‘has remained largely unreadable, despite serious critical effort on his behalf, mainly because his fiction is totally lacking in sentiment’ ( ). ‘if joyce’, sholes argues, ‘had been as unsentimental as lewis, bloomsday would not be an international event’ ( ); instead, ‘the scaffolding would have collapsed long ago’ ( ). while hart thought that joyce’s propensity to deal with sentimental subjects distinguished him from ‘his more hard- boiled contemporaries, such as eliot and pound’ (in scholes ), critics such as james longenbach (‘randall jarrell’s legacy’ ) have noted that t. s. eliot’s and ezra pound’s best work comes from the same ‘sentimental propensity’. for example, longenbach notes that eliot includes a number of ironic asides in ‘love song of j. alfred prufrock’, not to distance himself from the emotion in the poem, but ‘to allow those emotions into the poem’ ( ; scholes ). anthony cuda likewise resuscitates the classical meaning of ‘passion’ (‘to suffer’ or ‘to be moved’) and highlights the ‘passion’ in high modernist literature. the oft noted characteristics of modernism — gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e its experimental forms, ‘defensive ironies’, its ‘ubiquitous trope of mastery’, and privileging ‘intellect over emotion’ (nicholls modernisms) — are far from a rejection of emotion, cuda argues, but reflect the modernists’ need to be moved. as cuda states, there was ‘an urgent desire among modern writers to meaningfully encounter powerlessness, to both know and feel what it means to be moved instead of the mover’ (cuda ). in this light virginia woolf can be conceived of as ‘post-victorian’, not to emphasise her dissent with a victorian past, but to represent the dialogical nature of her work. ellis argues that the ‘clichés’ of woolfian criticism, such as the reference to woolf’s statement that ‘on or about december human character changed’ (woolf ‘mr bennett and mrs brown’ selected essays; ellis ), has uprooted important ‘moments’ or ‘landmarks’ in woolf’s work and used those to perpetuate the master modernism narrative of rupture. ellis argues though that this uprooting misses the ‘pervasive preoccupation’ in woolf’s work with ‘the relationship between victorian and modern culture and its sense of loss and gain, of desire and rejection’ ( ). woolf attempts to ‘communicate with, retrieve and proclaim’ a link with the past that acts ‘as a resource for the present day in the problems it faces’ ( ). it may come as a surprise, ellis ventures, how often woolf’s ‘exhilaration’ for the contemporary, and the resultant ‘sense of emancipation’ is accompanied by ‘anxiety, insecurity . . . and regret’, thus feeding the nostalgia that informs her ‘victorian retrospect’ ( ). pragmatism, particularly the philosophies of william james ( - ) and john dewey ( - ), is useful for scholars as they challenge periodisations and consider the importance of ‘the past’ in literature (feldman victorian modernism: pragmatism and the varieties of aesthetic experience ; schoenbach). pragmatism tends to be suspicious of dualisms, ‘eschews monisms’, and is ‘anti-dogmatic, anti-metaphysical, anti-foundational, anti-positivist, and anti-systematic’ (feldman ). james’s pragmatism views the world as ‘innumerable little hangings-together’ within the larger ‘hangings-together’ (james pragmatism: a new name for some old ways of thinking ). there are ‘little worlds’ within the ‘wider universe’ where the same part might figure in many different systems’ ( ). the world isn’t a monistic system — ‘each in all and all in each’ — but a collection of ‘parts’. these ‘disjoined’ fragments, nevertheless, may ‘hang together by intermediaries with which they are severally gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e connected’, and where ‘some path of conjunctive transition by which to pass from one of its parts to another may always be discernible’. james calls this ‘hanging-together’ ‘concatenated union’, in contrast to the ‘through-and-through’ type of union which characterises metaphysical conceptualising of the world (james essays in radical empiricism in feldman ). in such a complex and multidimensional world the idea of ‘truth’ is up for interrogation. james’s conceptualisation of truth is inherently active and connected to its temporality, and is thus ‘evolutionary’ (evans william faulkner, william james, and american pragmatic tradition , ; feldman ). ‘truth lives’, states james, ‘for the most part on a credit system’, where thoughts and beliefs are maintained only if they remain unchallenged (pragmatism ). in contrast, philosophy generally insists that ‘reality’ is ‘ready-made’, with an ‘agreement of ideas’, and foretold ‘virtue’ ( ). for james the diversities of reality are as important as their connections, as foregoing everything else for the cause of ‘mystical’, ‘abstract unity’ means ‘com[ing] to a full stop intellectually’ ( - ). working within the multidimensional world of pragmatism, feldman abjures both the notion of ‘the victorian novel’ and ‘the crisis of modernity’ ( ). she instead examines the concatenated union of discernible features of literature written in the ‘victorian period’ which defies the periodization of the grand narrative of both ‘victorian’ and ‘modernist’ literature. feldman’s emphasis is not ‘imagination’ — that unifying whole that ‘dissolves’ and ‘diffuses’ in order to ‘recreate’ — but ‘fancy’, which must make art from materials ready made from the law of association. ‘fancy’ is concerned with ‘dead objects’, ‘rearranging’, ‘decorating’ and ‘ornamentation’, and is equated with ‘woman’s work’ ( ), but if a detailed ornamentation successfully obscures ‘readymade material’ and even gives the concatenated union a ‘life of its own’, then ‘to decorate or ornament is intrinsically to challenge the notion of unified, mastering form’ ( ). works of modern art have thus been interpreted as expressions of ‘strife, rupture, loss, and gap’ and have not been sufficiently explored for ‘fancy’; ‘for peaceful dwelling, plenitude, and continuities that reach across gaps’ ( ). key modernist figures, such as gertrude stein and marcel proust, were interested in central questions of pragmatism; questions about the relationship between tradition and innovation’ and ‘habit and shock’ (schoenbach ). in contrast to the narrative of the avant-garde, pragmatic modernism initiates its engagement with modernity on a deep gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e awareness of the power of ‘habit’. as schoenbach reiterates, for john dewey (human nature and conduct ), there is ‘no alternative to habit, no space outside habit’, but new habits do develop (schoenbach ). habit can be both ‘stultifying and enabling’, but pragmatism is distinguished by its active, ‘dialectical understanding of habit’ and its ability to ‘maintain a critical stance toward mindless repetitions’ whilst refusing to romanticise shock or conflict ( ). like william james, john dewey saw ‘habit’ — james’s ‘fancy’ and ‘dead objects’ — as an essential medium in which all human thought and action takes place ( ). as dewey suggests, ‘a mystic intuition of an ongoing splurge’ might be a ‘poor substitute for the detailed work of an intelligence embodied in custom and institution’, which creates ‘by means of flexible continuous contrivances of reorganization’ (dewey ). as habits come into conflict with each other a conscious search transpires — thought happens (dewey ) — and with this a reorganisation of custom and institutions (schoenbach ). while habits are continually in tension, pragmatism does not emphasise the ‘shattering of custom’ and the ‘destruction of institutions’ ( - ), but a ‘reintegration’, ‘recontextualisation’, and steady ‘reorganisation’ as new habits feed back into the social fabric ( ). it is obtuse to set up habit and thought as oppositions, as ‘[t]hought which does not exist within ordinary habits of action lacks means of execution’, and in ‘lacking application, it also lacks test’ (dewey ). anthony uhlmann’s analysis of joyce, woolf and nabokov speaks to this new shift in criticism where modernism might be conceived of as a ‘machine for thinking’. though underpinned by a different philosophical framework (gilles deleuze, g. w. leibniz and spinoza), uhlmann explores how new meaning develops from the creative integration of old habits. nabokov’s work, for example, is ‘full of patterns of connections’, and these connections weave together to not only form a new texture but also to create a new being that has meaning, that is situated as an agent in the real world (thinking in literature: joyce, woolf, nabokov ). while the new agent may draw meaning out of connections that ‘seem hidden and unexpected’, the new meaning is able to be ‘verified’ through a close reading of the details within ( ). importantly, experimental modernist techniques are highly amenable to this exploration of connectivity. indeed, uhlmann points out that the term ‘stream of consciousness’, adapted from william james, has largely become reductive and limited to the interest in interior monologue, rather than the fuller account of ‘thought and thinking’ of internal and external modes of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e thought and the interactions between ( - ). as liesl olson affirms, the negotiation of habits reveals the agency of individuals. following james’s concept of ‘habit’ olson argues that people create habits by choosing from the ‘stream of consciousness’ of everyday life, and as they select habits they organise the ‘chaotic flow’ (modernism and the ordinary ). in contrast to walter pater, who sees habit as a lack of receptiveness, james’s ‘habits’ give scope to personal will ( ). while modernism is ‘saturated with style’ there is a dialectical nature to it as it oscillates between a literature of ‘pure style’ and a literature that rejects ‘purely style’ (barthes ‘style and its image’ ; hutchinson modernism and style , , ). with reference to the ‘weight of classical culture which can be felt constantly pressing on [modernism’s] textual surfaces’, hutchinson suggests that modernism’s rejection of pure style is evident in the double working of myth: to conserve and commemorate, and to attack and destroy ( - ). indeed, this double bind is evident in joyce’s see-saw assertion and rejection of the importance of the odyssean myth for ulysses (see chapter ). we might also consider the modernist disruption of the familiar and enduring bildungsroman, where the ordered charting of the protagonist from childhood to maturity is reworked to represent a stalled and suspended experience of adolescence (etsy unseasonable youth: modernism, colonialism, and the fiction of development ). here ‘habit’ and ‘fancy’ are reorganised and reconsidered in light of changing experiences of ‘truth’. the new form comes via the concatenated union, a hanging together, of a recognisable form, informed by the rejection of anthropological-structural thinking. for all the talk of the ability of personal will to renegotiate ‘tradition’ and ‘habit’ joyce’s texts also reveal the insidious nature of tradition — ideology and dominant structures — and in the confused negotiation of these exposes grounds and opportunities for future resistance to the status quo. tracey teets schwarze doesn’t specifically relate pragmatism to joyce, but she relates joyce’s form, such as dissimilar discourses and contradictions, to joyce’s ‘difficulties in existing and creating’ outside the sphere of the dominant ideological forces of ‘gender constructs, colonial politics, and religiosity’ (joyce and the victorians - , ). like uhlmann, for schwarze the form creates a liminal space for negotiating the late-victorian and edwardian ‘authorities’ of ‘nation, church, manliness, morality, and womanliness’ ( ). the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e inconsistencies in joyce’s political essays, and the contradictory remarks about the church and women’s inequality, reveal both joyce’s desire to ‘stand against the subordinating force of social discourse’ but also ‘its insidious ability to infuse his own thoughts’ ( ). joyce’s characters, like himself, are ‘simultaneously bound by, as well as critical of, the ideologies of his life’ ( ). rather than althusser’s and fredric jameson’s assertions that subjectivity is constituted in ideology (jameson the political unconscious ; schwarze ), schwarze draws upon alan sinfield’s consideration of the possibilities for resistance: ‘if we come to consciousness within a language that is continuous with the power structures that sustain social order’, sinfield asks, ‘how can we conceive, let alone organize, resistance?’ (sinfield faultlines ; schwarze ). for sinfield ‘dissidence’ doesn’t originate with the independent thoughts of the individuals, but in the ‘faultlines’ or ‘contradictions’ that are ‘contained within and among dominant structures themselves’ (sinfield ; schwarze ). the faultlines ‘create spaces’ where ‘the self may dissociate from the ascendant social order’ (schwarze ). this seems to resemble iser’s remarks about novels; though they deal with ‘norms’ they don’t necessarily reproduce societal values as readers respond to the ‘divergence from the familiar’ (the implied reader xii). molly bloom, for example, performs several subversive roles, ‘doing and undoing ideological gender acts’ (devlin ‘pretending in “penelope”: masquerade, mimicry, and molly bloom’ ). she makes and remakes herself, and in so doing neutralises and exposes ‘the contradictions and double standards’ of the power structures, ‘whose control is rooted in their very imperceptibility’ (schwarze - ). characters may not be able to enact change for themselves, but the ruminations highlight the faultlines where transformations or dissidence might take place ( ; sinfield ). joyce’s negotiation of history for the marxist critic jameson, the ‘narrative object’ of history is the ‘ground and untranscendable horizon’, constrained by ‘hegemonic strategies of containment’. the stories, supposedly told by individual subjects, are the stories of human collectivities within the false consciousness of individualisation (the political unconscious - , , ; hofheinz ‘joyce and the invention of irish history’ ). jameson reads joyce through his categories of human collectivity where the ‘universal fragmentation’ of capitalism reveals a ‘sociopathology’ of nostalgia for more authentic forms of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e community (jameson ‘ulysses in history’ - ). history may well be the ‘horizon’ in which actions and narratives about actions occur, but as derek attridge observes, joyce’s texts seem to suggest that ‘all versions of history are made in language’ and are thus ‘ideological constructs’. reflecting pragmatism’s reorganisation of ‘habit’, attridge notes how histories weave and reweave ‘old stories, fusions of stock character types, blendings of different national languages, dialects, and registers’ (joyce effects - ). ideologies are narratives in the ‘most general sense’ as human imagination works with and upon ‘the materials of language’ in order ‘to present to itself a version of experience with which it can live’ ( ). finnegans wake is the ‘fullest statement’ of this view of history as joyce exploits linguistic signifiers ‘to mix and conjoin narratives from a multiplicity of cultures, periods, disciplines, and discourses’, but this is also very evident in ulysses ( ; hofheinz ). the nightmare from which stephen is trying awake is not just the ‘untranscendable horizon’, but also the production of history (by the church, the british government, and the irish themselves). as attridge observes, narratives of ‘exploitation, exclusion, and domination, of racial, national, gender, and class hegemony’, are ‘tricked out’ by both ‘oppressors and victims’ ( ). joyce’s multiplicity of narratives do not make claims about the non-existence or existence of a ‘real’ history ( ). joyce, instead, spawns ‘actions, characters, speeches, memories, fantasies, speculations, and hallucinations’ which dismantle preconceptions about how ‘existents and occurrences are constituted entirely by the language in which they are presented’ ( ). joyce demonstrates the ‘immense power’ of language as he ostensibly presents a ‘real’ history while at the same time ‘drawing attention to the linguistic and literary processes through which this effect is achieved’, and thus intimates the degree to which other kinds of ideological narrative ‘depend on the same power’ ( - ). if joyce exposes the production of ideological narratives, he also exposes the violence which is metered out to ensure the predominance of particular imperialist or nationalist narratives. in few other places is colonial violence, and the nationalist revolutionary violence this gives rise to, ‘so sustained and long-drawn-out as in ireland’ (s. brown ‘the great criminal, the exception, and bare life in james joyce’s ulysses’ ). stephanie j. brown draws on the work of two of joyce’s contemporaries, carl schmitt’s political theology: four essays on the concept of sovereignty ( ) and walter benjamin’s ‘critique of violence’ (selected writings i ), to explore the ethics of the exercising of sovereign power, and particularly the ‘monopoly to decide’ when laws gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e can be suspended, as it is the ‘exception’ that is attached to the violent origin of the state (schmitt , ; brown , ). while i argue in subsequent chapters that the problem with ideological narratives is their misrepresentation of the past in order to bolster a version with which it can live, brown argues that an additional problem is how sovereign and nationalist narratives continue to use ‘coercive behaviours’ to protect their hegemonic thinking ( ). both jacques derrida and walter benjamin argue that when violence is used to found a state the only means of preventing revolutionary violence is through a consolidation of power and the continued threat of violence (derrida ‘force of law’ ; benjamin - ; brown ). future order is the imperial and nationalist justification for violence ( - ). thus, an envisaged lawful and peaceful place at some future point — either the successful colonial subjugation of ireland and its compliance with economic rationalisation, or the nationalists’ successful overthrowing of the imperial power and the establishment of an independent state — means that violence can be retrospectively legitimated if the goals are accomplished ( ). paralysis is a central theme for joyce studies, but the stagnation of political inaction, and hints of past and future failed political action, are amplified by the presence of bloom who may be able to show the irish a way out of stasis by ‘generating new frameworks of understanding political agency’ (brown ). if we apply sinfield’s terminology to brown, bloom amplifies the ‘faultlines’ and ‘contradictions’ of dominant structures, creating a space for the dissociation from the ‘ascendant social order’ (sinfield ; schwarze ). as brown proposes, bloom’s imagining of the impossible, and also his persistent attempts to orientate himself towards a possible future, ‘genuinely threatens the status quo’ ( ). that is, through bloom ulysses proposes a new social contract, ‘a new mode of citizenship’, which ‘critiques a sovereignty inaugurated through violence’ and the irish nationalists’ replication of imperial ends/means legitimisation of violence; violence justified via assertions of prior or ‘origin stories’ ( ). the instructiveness of bloom’s appeal to ‘love’, not ‘force, hatred, history, all that’ (u : ) is palpable because bloom’s audience at barney kiernan’s pub respond so poorly to it (brown ). bloom’s view of a future, written with the benefit of hindsight after the first world war and the easter rising, seems impossible from the ‘historical moment in which he finds himself’ ( ). bloom’s instructive role notwithstanding, he appears flawed in the context of turn of the century gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ireland. bloom has not undergone revivalist-style redactions where raw material is sublimated or excluded which does not serve ‘nationalist ends’. his apparent inconsistencies, however, are necessary for joyce. ulysses implies, brown proposes, that ‘no narrative can adequately account for history’, and so incongruities suggest a narrative that hasn’t been tampered with ( ; original emphasis). i contend, therefore, that it is not just through bloom that we see the ‘faultlines’ and the possibility of dissension, as joyce presents other characters as responding to competing demands. for example, this thesis will consider simon dedalus’s mourning for ireland’s lost ‘king’, the solace he finds in the homosocial circle, and how he struggles to perform his responsibilities to his children after the death of his wife. while bloom’s actions may be ‘ground clearing’, helping ‘found a future-oriented citizenship’ (brown ), joyce’s ruminations on the irish social contract are most fully appreciated by mapping his more parallactic considerations. for most of the twentieth century joycean criticism was based on the perception that he was a ‘rootless and elite intellectual’, ‘apolitical and cosmopolitan’ (orr joyce, imperialism and postcolonialism ‘introduction’ ). joycean scholarship reflected modernism’s central concern with ‘the theme of human freedom’ and ‘subjective life at its most intense’, ‘personal and private, [and] wholly individual’ (platt james joyce: texts and contexts ; see ellmann and feidelson eds. the modern tradition ). the structuralist and poststructuralist focus of the s and s continued depoliticising joyce. historicising joyce’s texts may now be at the centre of joyce studies but it was not until the s, with some qualified exceptions, that colonial ireland, irish life and culture progressed from mere superficial considerations, to having a fundamental place in critical readings (platt - ). colin maccabe’s james joyce and the revolution of the word ( ) was one of the first works that attempted to fill the silence about joyce’s political concerns and respond to the assertions of marxist critics that joyce was disengaged from reality. for maccabe, joyce’s aesthetics were political and subversive, where, like derek attridge and daniel ferrer’s post-structuralist joyce ( ), the ‘political’ was more metaphysical than historical. maccabe states, in relation to ulysses and finnegans wake, that joyce’s texts aren’t concerned ‘with representing experience through language’ but rather ‘experiencing language through a destruction of representation’ ( ). as vicki mahaffey suggests, the links between text and history are analogous rather than more immediate (reauthorizing joyce ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e dominic manganiello’s joyce’s politics ( ) might signal an early shift towards new historicism, though the approach is biographical and limited to a survey of the key figures and movements of joyce’s time, rather than a contextualising or politicising of joyce’s texts. the s paradigm shift to new historicism, cultural studies and post-colonial studies (and, as leonard orr adds, ‘along with other interdisciplinary or transdisciplinary and transcultural approaches such as trauma studies and diaspora studies’) made it impossible to ignore the previously denied or disregarded aspects in joyce’s work: ‘empire, colonialism, postcolonialism, nationalism, and constructions of race and gender’ ( ). broadly ‘emphasising continuity and the aftermath of the “colonial”’ (attridge and howes semicolonial joyce - ), post-colonial scholars ‘seek to uncover the subjugated knowledges and buried histories’, global forces — such as migration, the flow of money, and political ideas — and ‘internal division’ — such as religion, economic status, gender and regionalism — and what this means for a ‘given situation, population, or individual’ (howes ‘joyce, colonialism, and nationalism’ ). gregory castle (‘ousted possibilities: critical histories in james joyce’s ulysses’ ), james fairhall (james joyce and the question of history ), and robert spoo (james joyce and the language of history ) focus on the idea that joyce’s texts create a liberating space free from absolute ideologies and master narratives. castle argues that critics have assumed stephen’s repudiations of history in portrait and ulysses are also joyce’s repudiations. like spoo, who draws on nietzsche’s belief that the ‘malady of history’ was destroying the intellectual rigour and moral health of the nineteenth century ( ), castle argues that joyce ‘struggles against the historical imperative . . . in order to make room for his own alternatives to it’ ( ). joyce creates the type of ‘tribunal’ nietzsche calls for that would ‘scrupulously examine’ a multiplicity of histories, and finally condemn parts of the past that are ‘worthy to be condemned’ (nietzsche untimely meditations - ; castle ). there are three principle judges on the tribunal —stephen, bloom and molly — with bloom questioning the narrative of christian salvation (and we should add ‘nation’ and masculinity), while molly, through the historical trope of ‘memory’, deploys a ‘fundamentally anti-historical narrative’ as her remembering is free from all coercive authority (castle , ). instead of the ‘entrapment’ of the poststructuralist gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘prisonhouse of language’, ‘we might see freedom’ fairhall suggests, ‘at least a freedom from absolutist concepts and ideologies’ ( ). in a similar vein to castle’s argument, spoo argues that stephen’s concerns with history are the ‘persistent historiographic concerns of ulysses’ and the text takes up these battles ( ). in terms which i suggest reflect oswald de andrade’s manifesto antropófago ( ), which uses the ‘cannibal’ as a symbol of resistance against colonising portuguese culture, spoo sees joyce as the ‘historical devourer’ and historical orthodoxies are formally challenged ‘by means of its textual praxis, as well as thematically, on the levels of plot and characterization’ ( ). joyce’s ‘ironic counterdiscourses’ in ulysses, such as the ‘winking assaults’ at the citizens’ ultranationalist reductionism, are marshalled to challenge those representations (spoo - ). on the topic of ‘doubleness’ derek attridge and marjorie howes suggest that for joyce, ‘to identify points of difference . . . is to articulate a kind of connection’. irish ‘separatism or unionism’, ‘nationalism or antinationalism’ are ‘not entirely separable’ but ‘conflated’, so that identifying with one side ‘is as stultifying as it is irresponsible to make no distinction at all’ (howes and attridge semicolonial joyce ). noting the significance of the time period in which joyce wrote the novel ( - ), enda duffy (the subaltern ulysses ) asks the challenging question: ‘might an ira bomb and ulysses have anything in common’? ( ) he developed a republican reading of the text, where the novel acts as a ‘guerrilla text’ ( ), written with the forces of anticolonial revolution in view’ ( ). for duffy, spoo’s ‘winking assaults’ are described in terms of ‘the bitter pleasures of personal ressentiment and resentful nationalism’ and their subsequent abandonment ( ). the superficial ‘kitsch’ — ‘stereotyped versions of communal subjectivity (nationalism) and individual subjectivity (romantic alienation)’ — such as the hackneyed tropes of ‘saxon greed’, are ‘peeled away’ ( ). the familiar narratives are ‘supplanted by the suggestion of a simultaneously occurring national life that is at the least a blueprint for the condition of a heterogeneous national community whose members coexist peacefully together’ ( - ). for andrew gibson (joyce’s revenge ) joyce’s ‘revenge’ is more subtle. gibson suggests that the pacifist joyce translates ‘a ferocious political struggle into the literary arena’, thus ‘releasing it from its most debilitating features, notably passionate violence’ ( ). the revenge — those ‘wicked practices upon the colonizer’s culture’ ( ) such as ‘causing the language of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e milton and wordsworth to utter all but unimaginable filth and treason’ (eglinton [ ] in gibson ) — is ‘liberating’ rather than ‘disabling’; it ‘repeatedly function[s] as delicate, ironical negotiations between a range of political positions that joyce found unacceptable as wholes’ ( ). more recently richard begam (‘joyce’s trojan horse: ulysses and the aesthetics of decolonisation’ ) develops this line of argument, by suggesting we think of joyce’s work as odyssean rather than achillean, as joyce employs modernist techniques ‘undercover’ as a kind of ‘trojan horse’ instead of a more duffy imagined ‘bomb’ ( ). echoing castle, fairhall and spoo, begam also argues that joyce’s stream-of-consciousness and mythical method ‘undermine ahistorical or transcultural aspirations’ ( ; original emphasis). vincent cheng (joyce, race and empire ), in line with duffy, reads joyce as a dissident colonial subject revolting against a dominant power, and he interrogates constructions of race and racism. when applied to the irish of the nineteenth century, the word ‘race’ sits in opposition to the superior english race, linked to the discourse of empire, and ‘fostered by the nature of nineteenth-century scientific racism’ ( ). emer nolan (james joyce and nationalism ), controversially, interrogated one of the widely accepted politicised readings of ulysses — one that argues that in the ‘cyclops’ episode bloom is ‘reasonable universalism’ pitted against the violence and bigotry of the citizen. ‘joyceans’, nolan states, ‘read their sacred texts in a spirit of benign multiculturalism, which they imagine to be identical to joyce’s own’ ( ). irish nationalism, thus read, is ‘a symptom of local idiocy’ ( ) and the citizen’s ‘verbal skill in parody and . . . invective’ demonstrate the ‘cynicism of xenophobia of his brand of irish nationalism’ ( ). pointing to the similarities between joyce’s essay ‘ireland, isle of saints and sages’, and the citizen’s irish nationalist charges that the english handling of the famine was akin to genocide, nolan argues that this must inevitably take on ‘other implications and suggestions’ beyond the reading of the citizen that is based on ‘repudiation and mockery’ ( ). nolan acknowledges that ulysses doesn’t vindicate violence, but through bloom, she argues, we are given ‘an important insight into the pacifism of the oppressed’ ( ). as bloom recounts his success over the citizen to stephen, he, like the citizen, ‘creatively misinterprets his history, in order to better play the role of paternal advisor to stephen’ ( - ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e this thesis is indebted to many of these scholars, and their work is cited repeatedly throughout the following chapters as i consider the significance of food for the post- famine generation of joyce’s dublin. food, as fischler argues, is multidimensional ( ) and an analysis of food in irish post-famine literature cannot do justice to the ‘cultural’, ‘social’ or ‘biological’ lenses without investigating one of the central, traumatic and determinative events in irish history. considerations of food in joyce’s work must entail a parallactic approach that starts with an interrogation of joyce’s politics; specifically his multifaceted ruminations on contradictory narratives of history and their resonance. relevant revisionist irish historiography will be explored in chapters one and two, however, it is appropriate to stress here that the long cycle of colonisation and violence resulted in the decimation of the rural populations during the great famine. the desperation of the famine years resonates in turn of the century ireland with protracted poverty and the continuation of irish emigration. furthermore, the political–economic policies of the british government — their complicity in the starvation, mass mobilisation and eviction of great portions of the rural population justified by the ends of ‘agricultural reform’ — confirmed the sub-human status of the irish as they were reduced to desperate acts for survival, whilst irish farmland was made more manageable and economically viable for the anglo-irish. as brown proffers, the other indelible mark of colonisation was that the irish were wary of whom they could trust, as informants and members of metropolitan police surveyed their fellow dubliners ‘in service of the british government’. as a result building relationships, let alone a sense of political community, amongst ‘friends, strangers, neighbours, families, catholics, protestants, jews, immigrants and emigrants’ was fraught (s. brown ‘bare life in james joyce’s ulysses’ ). irish historiography and joycean scholarship on the famine reveal the complexity of irish suffering and duplicity in the post-famine era. i also contend, however, that the domestic realm, where ostensibly irish people might feel secure and be nourished, is correspondingly undermined by the church and the british government and through irish-catholic internal divisions over the fall and death of parnell. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the scholarship of everyday life: daily experience and structure theoretical considerations of the ‘everyday’ have been a popular resource for cultural studies, and this study on a central, everyday resource and human activity — food and eating — reflects a number of the key concerns of some of the originating scholars. informed by marxist thought, four french figures at the heart of the theory of ‘the everyday’ — henri lefebvre, roland barthes, michel de certeau, and georges perec — argue that the neglect of the everyday in philosophy, social theory, art and literature undermines our ability to live fully (sheringham everyday life: theories and practices from surrealism to the present ). the last decade has seen numerous studies across disciplines that have operationalized the work of these theorists (sheringham ; highmore ), published in the period roughly between and . along with ben highmore’s edited volume (the everyday life reader ), michael gardiner has published critiques of everyday life ( ), and two journals have dedicated issues to the area of inquiry (new literary history ; cultural critique fall ). everyday life, andrew epstein observes, ‘has indeed emerged as an important organising principle and theoretical problem in literary and cultural studies, sociology, and across the humanities in general’ (‘critiquing “la vie quotidienne”’ ). as michael sheringham argues though, various strains of anglo-american cultural studies have misappropriated aspects of the theory of ‘everyday’, particularly michel de certeau’s the practice of everyday life ( ). these theorists ‘advocate radical critique that would force us to be more conscious of the connections between lived, daily experience in the twentieth century and the oppressive economic and political structures of modern, capitalist society’ (epstein ). as sheringham argues, de certeau’s influential account of the consumer as a creative ‘poacher’ of the dominant culture ‘is not about popular culture, nor is it a study of consumer behaviour’ (sheringham ). de certeau’s customers were wilier, dissident agents who relied on a number of ‘tactics’ to evade power structures (sheringham ). henri lefebvre and the ‘situationist international’ movement argue that the idea of the ‘everyday’ begins with the notion that the everyday has been colonised by dehumanising capitalism and the only way to awake from the trance is an active, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e radical, ‘revolution’ in everyday life (in epstein ). he is concerned with the twentieth century and the changes of the modern world, which meant a shift from the ‘old obsessions about shortages’ and when things were made and built ‘one by one’ and ‘existed in relation to accepted moral and social references’ to the ‘abundance’ of the first world and the destructive colonisation of the developing world and the environment (‘the everyday and everydayness’ ). as will be explored, particularly in chapter four, the functional element of the everyday was ‘disengaged’ and ‘rationalized’ with the advancement of technologies. through persuading and constraining advertising, and also economic and political lobbies, more industrialised products (including food) became universalised ( ). the study of the everyday illuminates history ( ). it has always been repetitive, but with increased modernisation the repetitive gestures of work and consumption overpower the repetition of cycles — such as ‘nights and days, seasons and harvests, activity and rest, hunger and satisfaction, desire and its fulfilment, life and death’ ( ). one might suggest that lefebvre sits between de certeau’s more positive exploration of agency and barthes more negative mythologies (for example, see sheringham ). lefebvre recognises the ‘organised passivity’ of modernisation and argues that the passivity of universalised consumption and ‘gestures’ weigh ‘more heavily on women, who are sentenced to everyday life, on the working class, on employees who are not technocrats, on youth—in short on the majority of people’ though it never happens in the same way to everyone at once ( ). joyce, it will be suggested, represents the implicit and continuous negotiation of organised passivity. the concept of ‘everyday life’ as an object of study and aesthetic endeavour is inherently ambiguous, and as argued by lefebvre and maurice blanchot, it rests upon a central paradox (lefebvre ‘the everyday and everydayness’; blanchot ‘everyday speech’). this point is explored by sheringham, as he states that the ‘everyday’ is ‘neither objective fact’ nor ‘subjective fantasy’. it is lived experience that we cannot ‘arise and go’ to (in yeats phraseology), as we are already in it. for this reason it is often only noticed when it ‘weighs heavily on us’ and we react by depreciating it, or ‘glorify it into something that it usually is not’ (sheringham ). the key question for sheringham then is: how do we pay attention to and represent the everyday without killing it? everyday life is everyday life because it is vital, elusive, inconspicuous, and has a ‘resistance to form’ ( ). this thesis highlights, however, how joyce preserves gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the vitality and meaningfulness of the everyday with his modernist techniques and parallactic approach. as highmore and sheringham argue, conventional realism, established genres and aesthetic forms often fail to do justice to the complexity of everyday life (sheringham ; epstein ). artistic practices that have been successful in representing the ‘everyday’ without losing the vitality are hallmarks of joyce’s work: indirection, ‘friction and fusion of genres’, experimentation of form, and ‘other subversive practices that cut across generic divisions’ (sheringham , ). as sheringham notes, the goal is to bring about a transformation that will make it visible (‘attending to the everyday’ ). recent research examining the everyday in relation to literary modernism — for example briony randall’s modernism, daily time and everyday life ( ), liesl olson’s modernism and the ordinary ( ), and lorraine sim’s virginia woolf: the patterns of ordinary experience ( ) — are themselves ‘successful’ for their appreciation of the ‘central paradox’ and their illumination of how key modernists were concerned with commonplace activities. in these studies, even in the context of war and other political crises, modernist representation of quotidian detail was a counter-force to the aesthetic of heightened effect that modernism is often associated with. randall and olson work with the key theorists of the ‘everyday’, but they take issue with the privileging of space at the expense of daily time. while de certeau states that above all he is concerned with the use of space (the practice of everyday life xxii), randall, for example, is also interested in the new ways modernists imagined and represented the present in ongoing daily time ( ). according to randall the ‘temporality of dailiness’ is critically neglected, but the transformations (making the invisible visible), to which sheringham refers, are for randall also literary techniques writers develop and make use of to convey the everyday and its temporality ( ). for this reason, like olson, randall utilises the theories of both william james and henri bergson; james’s being concerned with the importance of ‘sameness’ for the unity of self (psychology: briefer course ), and bergson’s contemplation of breaking down the illusion of homogenous time (time and free will ). exemplifying the critical neglect of time in studies of everyday life, randall points to the limited ways in which the structure of joyce’s ulysses is interpreted. taking t. s. eliot’s ‘ulysses, order and myth’ as the primary example, eliot sees the dailiness of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ulysses (with the whole novel taking place on june, ) as the ‘surface matter’ under which lays the ‘real substance’ of the text, particularly its division into the ‘episodes’ analogous to homer’s odyssey (randall - ). according to eliot, by organising the novel around the structure on homer, joyce ‘give[s] a shape and a significance to the immense panorama of futility and anarchy which is contemporary history’ (selected prose ). other critics, such as robert humphrey, focus on the stream of consciousness in joyce’s work, and argue that ‘the formless nature of the psychic life of the characters forced joyce to impose exterior patterns on the narrative’, one pattern being the eighteen hours of one day (humphreys in randall ). reflecting joyce’s use of parallax, randall suggests that rather than seeing the mythic and psychological depth overlaid with a ‘daily surface’, we should consider joyce trying to make sense of daily depth by overlaying it with a variety of structures ( ). joyce’s allusion to the odyssey, for example, is thus more than an external pattern but also acts as a signal for his challenges to traditional ‘dualisms’ and gendered hierarchies; a point explored in chapter five. for olson, joyce gives everyday life ‘texture’ and ‘believability’ by simultaneously ‘pinning it down’ and ‘letting it go’ ( ). by logging the experiences of a single day in dublin , olson suggests, ulysses represents both ‘the reality of a particular moment’ and ‘gestures towards what cannot be included in a literary text’; he acknowledges ‘a difference between an ordinary event and a representation that often changes the event into something extraordinary’ ( ). joyce and other modernists like woolf, stein and mansfield, were not the first authors motivated to make art from quotidian things; wordsworth, is a notable precursor. as olson points out though, joyce’s art is unique for its cultural and political commentary. in the context of a burgeoning irish revivalist literature which was mythologising ireland’s past, joyce’s sustained consideration of common life ‘steps away from an irish nationalism characterised . . . by a propensity to overlook facts about modern life’ ( ; emphasis added). olson contrasts joyce’s earlier use of epiphany, which she argues ‘extracts the individual from a context of community and civic commitment’, with ulysses, which demonstrates how ‘the everyday does not evade historical conditions’ ( ). in olson’s consideration of the lists in ulysses, she proposes that instead of indicating a ‘closed’ system (see kenner the stoic comedians), where ‘language marks what lies within and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e what lies outside the boundaries of knowledge’, joyce’s lists indicate the openness of everyday life ( ). traditional philosophical dualisms and the new scholarship of gastro-criticism this thesis is also inspired by the interdisciplinary scholarship on food in literature, or ‘gastro-criticism’. this emerging research covers a great expanse of literature, from the ancients (gowers the loaded table: representations of food in roman literature ) to the contemporary (sceats food, consumption, and the body in contemporary women's fiction ), though the vast portion of the field tends towards examining food in renaissance, romantic, and victorian literatures. joan fitzpatrick’s edited volume renaissance food from rabelais to shakespeare ( ) and robert appelbaum’s aguecheek's beef, belch's hiccup, and other gastronomic interjections: literature, culture, and food among the early moderns ( ) both undertake an interdisciplinary approach, bringing together historical, cultural and literary perspectives in their examination of food in literature. central to studies of food in romanticism is aesthetic ‘taste’, for to be ‘in good taste’ in this period was to exclude references to literal taste, and yet romanticism is resplendent in its culinary allusions. joselyne kolb’s the ambiguity of taste: freedom and food in european romanticism ( ), timothy morton’s edited volume cultures of taste: theories of appetite eating romanticism ( ), and denise gigante’s taste: a literary history ( ), all point to the challenge to literary decorum wielded through food. as gigante notes, the enormous cultural changes of the romantic period were the result, not only of the industrial revolution, but a consumer revolution also, where the ‘man of taste’ had ‘to navigate an increasing tide of consumables’, and sought distinction through ‘the exercise of discrimination’ ( ). in contrast to ‘appetite’, aesthetic taste was ‘guided by certain fixed rules that taste philosophers set out to identify’ ( ). taste was situated, gigante reiterates, at the intersection of appetite and manners, and was predominately a middle-class affair to produce ‘tasteful subjects’ ( ). kant, for example, (anthropology from a pragmatic point of view ) thought that the dinner party transcended physical gratification and ‘aesthetically united’ companions in pleasure (kant ; gigante ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e as gigante explores the romantic poets for their negotiation of food she reveals the conflict between the lake poets (wordsworth, shelley, and coleridge), who transcended the grosser experiential realms, and the more sensuous poets. there is quite a difference, gigante argues (reiterating fred v. randel), between wordsworth’s ethereal ‘drinking of visionary power and feeding upon infinity’, or coleridge’s ‘imbibing the milk of paradise’ by eating honey-dew melon, and charles lamb’s more grounded ‘taste for roast pig’s crackling or bread and cheese with an onion’ (randel in gigante ). whilst being ‘a carnivore in romantic-era vegetarian discourse’, gigante attests, ‘was merely one step away from being a cannibal’ ( ), lamb’s ‘dissertation upon roast pig’ fictionally critiques ‘taste’ in the romantic era, and its ‘masochistic fascination with the arts of carving, cookery, and culinary animal tortures’ suggest epicurean cruelty as a precondition of what lamb labels ‘low-urban taste’ ( ). in contrast to the vegetarian lake poets, lamb represents meat eating as an advance in civilisation ( ). like lamb, byron’s food metaphors were not of the ilk of the lakers. as carol shiner wilson notes (‘stuffing the verdant goose: culinary esthetics in don juan ), byron thought the lake poets wrote only ‘funeral baked meats’, coldly set on the breakfast table for all of great britain (byron in wilson ), while his poetry was more richly varied. his poem don juan, for example, captures the complexities and ambiguities of life. the poem is a ‘conundrum of a dish’ (xv. . ), and the culinary images contribute to the plurality of experience (wilson - ). penny bradshaw argues in her essay ‘the politics of the platter’ (in morton cultures of taste/theories of appetite ) that the political implication of food was central to romanticism. the era was characterised by a clash between the image of the prince of wales (‘great george weighs twenty stone’ don juan viii. . ), and the malnutrition of the poor (bradshaw ). for example, coleridge writes to a patron in that he has a ‘true heart-gnawing melancholy’ when he contemplates ‘the state of [his] poor oppressed country’: ‘it is as much as i can do to put meat and bread on my own table; & hourly some poor starving wretch comes to my door, to put in his claim for part of it’ (in gigante taste ). norbert lennartz argues that the romantics’ inclination to vegetarianism can thus be understood as a protest against a system where ‘power and egotism were defined by over-indulgence in food’ (‘introduction’ the pleasures and horrors of eating ). as chapter five of this thesis explores, this romantic framing of vegetarianism is made more complex when scientific, imperial gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e and gendered discourses surrounding meat are considered. interestingly, sarah moss (spilling the beans: eating, cooking, reading and writing in british women's fiction ) examines works of women novelists of the romantic era, that ‘ran parallel’ to ‘romanticism’. women novelists such as frances burney, mary wollstonecraft, marie edgeworth and susan ferrier have a different position to ‘corporality, domesticity and economic’ to the canonised male poets. for example, she argues that burney’s work reveals the feeding of the female body is inseparable from feeding the mind. for wollstonecraft ‘good mothering, which includes good writing, depends on good eating, which means constant surveillance of potentially disordered appetites’ ( ). as will be noted in chapter four, this romantic understanding of nutrition continues in victorian and turn of the century nutritional discourses. of all periods being examined for their utilisation of food, it is perhaps the victorian period that has been explored most thoroughly, though as sarah moss notes the scholarship more or less ignores the daily purchase, cultivation, preparation, ingestion and digestion of food (spilling the beans ). to be fair, women in victorian literature are rarely seen eating (silver ). anna krugovoy silver (victorian literature and the anorexic body ) and laurence talairach-vielmas (moulding the female body in victorian fairy tales and sensation novels ) both examine the body in victorian literature; how the appetite was regulated, moulded and monitored in service to femininity (silver ). silver, for example, in her fascinating study of the shared characteristics of anorexia nervosa and central aspects of victorian gender ideologies, argues that anorexia — a disease that stems from the victorian era, diagnosed simultaneously in britain, france and america in the mid-nineteenth century — is deeply rooted in victorian values. normative qualities and feminine ideals of victorian womanhood — spiritual, non-sexual and self-disciplined (silver ) — share what leslie heywood describes as ‘anorexic logic’ (dedication to hunger: the anorexic aesthetic in modern culture ). the central premise of silver is ‘that control over the body, a fundamental component of victorian female gender ideology and anorexia nervosa, theoretically links the model of the passionless or self-regulated victorian woman with the anorexic woman’ ( ). as feminist critics have argued, victorian women were not solely idealised as angelic beings, for they were simultaneously viewed as potential demons, ‘aggressive, angry, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e and sexually voracious – ruled by their physiology, particularly their menstrual cycles’ (silver ). self-control, therefore, was integral as the victorian woman was expected to control her behaviour, speech and appetite ( ), and as such slenderness signified contained desire, controlled impulse and restrained hunger (bordo unbearable weight: feminism, western culture, and the body ). while silver acknowledges that there is no clear, direct correlation between a particular narrative and ‘a real woman’s slim body’, narrative is important, not only as discourses directly and indirectly influence behaviour, but because ‘the ideologies of the slender body help us understand what the victorians thought about the relationships of eating to femininity and to class’ (silver ). william a. cohen (embodied victorian literature and the senses ) suggests that writing about the body gave victorian authors a way of ‘giving form to intangible thoughts and feeling’. one of the achievements of victorian realism, cohen argues, is ‘characterological psychology, consciousness, and inner depth’ that seem to ‘exceed the representation’. for cohen, victorian writers such as charles dickens and charlotte brontë achieved this impression by ‘physical embodiment in characterisation’, in addition to other rhetorical features such as setting and dialogue ( ). silver’s approach is thus twofold; she analyses how hunger and appetite work within a particular text and what they signify within those texts, but also she relates those texts to culture at large, as part of an ‘ongoing cultural dialogue’ ( ). though silver does not concentrate squarely on food, this dialectical role of food in literature will be a prominent focus in this thesis. drawing on hélène cixous, tamar heller and patricia moran argue that the writer can, by ‘writing the body’ (cixous ‘laugh of the medusa’ ), break down dualisms of flesh and spirit that traditionally silence women (‘introduction’ scenes of the apple: food and the female body in nineteenth- and twentieth-century women's writing ). for hellar and moran, the cultural constructions of woman, for example, as desiring and therefore necessarily self-denying, are more complicated than they initially appear ( ). the self-effacing anorexic of victorian literature, they argue, is problematised when considered in relation to the ‘hefty queen victoria’ ( ; munich ‘good and plenty’). as the mouth has a dual association of eating and speaking, food thus symbolises bodily and sexual experience, and also language and voice ( ). the genesis narrative of the ‘fall’ of adam and eve, cixous claims, is the guiding myth of western culture: ‘a fable about the subjection of female “oral pleasure” to the regulation gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e of patriarchal law’ (‘extreme fidelity’). but, it is also a genesis of the ‘artistic being’ in which the writer (for cixous, the transgressive woman) not only encounters the cultural prohibitions of the body but also encounters the ‘realm of language which encodes them’ (hellar and moran ). as helena michie argues, orality is ‘deeply linked with the question of authority and . . . authorship’ (the flesh made word ). michie, malcolm bedell and elaine showalter have illustrated this tension in their studies of louisa may alcott. showalter, for example, noted that alcott repeatedly re-enacted in her fiction the tension between ‘patriarchal authority’ and ‘female self-assertion’ (see hellar and moran - ; showalter little women x). michie notes that as jo march ‘stuff[s] apples into her mouth as she writes in her garret’, she transgresses the ‘hunger to write and to know . . . translating trespass into the source of power’ ( ). as alcott’s biographer bedell notes, the author reacts to her father’s attempts to tame her unruly appetite by shutting her in a room with an apple she was forbidden to eat (the alcotts - ). the predominant theoretical framework for examining food in victorian and modernist literature is psychoanalysis, though susanne skubal (word of mouth: food and fiction after freud ) has reasserted the importance of actual food (not just what food might mean). as skubal observes, for freud the oldest instinctual domain – the oral – is at the core of self-affirming judgments humans make about themselves and the world: ‘this will be part of me; this other won’t’ ( ). curiously, skubal notes, freud and other psychoanalysts such as karl abraham don’t focus on an appetite for life, but rather mourning and melancholia which is marked by ‘guilt-driven rejection of food’ and ‘lack of appetite’ ( ). while skubal privileges the psychoanalytic lens, she criticises freud who looks for the significance of eating ‘elsewhere’: the sexual body, the reproductive body, the used body, the euphemistic body, the laughable body. skubal asserts in her study that ‘eating it ultimately its own metaphor’, and the mouth is a site for both nourishment and desire ( ). like skubal, for michel delville (food, poetry, and the aesthetics of consumption: eating the avant-garde ) the tongue, the organ of taste and self-expression, becomes the site of aesthetic and philosophical negotiations for modernists such as gertrude stein, f. t. marinetti and wyndham lewis, as ‘bodily processes and self-consciousness run in parallel and interact with each other’ ( ). delville explicitly mentions how ‘gastro-critics’ in recent years have rejected the supremacy of ‘vision’ over ‘taste’, and also challenge a metaphysics, stretching from gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e plato to kant, that endorses the classic hierarchy of the senses, and its postulation that ‘the bodily senses are irrelevant to the apprehension of works of art’ (hegel in delville ). hegel’s hierarchy of the senses, for example, is described in the following way: [t]he sensuous aspect of art is related only to the two theoretical senses of sight and hearing, while smell, taste, and touch remain excluded from the enjoyment of art. for smell, taste, and touch have to do with matter as such and its immediately sensible qualities . . . for this reason these senses cannot have to do with artistic objects, which are meant to maintain themselves in their real independence and allow of no purely sensuous relationship. what is agreeable for these senses is not the beauty of art. (in delville - ). though the body was a modernist consideration, until recent decades literary criticism and philosophy have tended to steer clear of bodily functions. for philosophers food has been seen, until relatively recently, as ordinary, embodied and temporal whereas western philosophy is concerned with loftier, abstract, eternal, mental, disembodied and atemporal matters (flammang the taste for civilization: food, politics, and civil society ; heldke ‘the unexamined meal is not worth eating’ ; curtin and heldke ‘introduction’ cooking, eating, thinking: transformative philosophies of food xiv). plato, however, at least pondered food, and while he was condemnatory of taking pleasure in food (through the voice of socrates in gorgias and in the republic) lisa heldke suggests that is still an important precedent for seeing food as an interesting and worthy subject (‘unexamined meal’ ; see flammang for plato’s food references - ). plato might be a precedent but in the early s philosopher deane curtin argued that philosophy must reject dualistic thought — ‘mind/body, self/other, culture/nature, good/evil, reason/emotion’ — that stemmed from plato (‘food/body/person’ cooking, eating, thinking ). for curtin these dualisms are ‘distinctions of ontological kind and value that have been inimical to serious philosophical interest in food’ ( ). as food is incorporated into the permeable self we are obliged to reconsider food as part of the ‘self’ rather than the ‘other’ (see fischler ‘food, self, identity’ ; martin ‘food, literature, art, and the demise of dualistic thought’ ). rather than a discrete, disembodied ego, the self is connected with and dependent on the rest of the world (curtin ‘introduction’ xiv). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e flammang argues that a ‘major barrier to understanding the centrality of food and culture, and of women and food, is the pervasiveness of the philosophical approach to knowledge that separates the mind and the body’ (flammang ). constrained by the mind/body dualism women are the ‘body’ and involved in foodwork — that ‘knack gained by experience’ that is ‘aimed at gratification and pleasure’ (plato in flammang ) — while men are the ‘mind’ and doing ‘higher-order activities’ that transcend bodily needs and desires (flammang ). flammang argues that philosophers not attending to food, and the trivialisation of foodwork generally, has been ‘detrimental to women, to self-understanding, and to knowledge about human culture, society, economics, and politics’ ( ). until work like the path-breaking book the madwomen in the attic and its consideration of the body (gilbert and gubar ), literary scholars still ‘read’ through the hegelian hierarchy of the senses. allie glenny observes, for example, that although food is abundant in the work of virginia woolf, it appears invisible to many critics (ravenous identity: eating and eating distress in the life and work of virginia woolf ). joyce’s interrogation of the feminine / masculine dualism the close analysis of food in modernist literature necessitates considering how the ‘feminine’ was suppressed. while joyce was allowing for ‘doing and undoing’ in his fiction, the destruction of world war i caused other modernists to embark on the task of distinguishing their style and content from the ‘feminine’. while war may not have been an overt subject for all modernists, it was considered in a ‘concatenated union’ with their other political concerns, as they renegotiated a less certain era and questions about humanity, progress, and the ‘woman question’. william courtenay’s the feminist note in fiction ( ) criticised the ‘new woman’ novel for its ‘sex problems’ and ‘failing to realise the neutrality of the artistic mind’ (in mullin ‘modernism and feminisms’ ). ‘virile’, manly modernism of the ‘men of ’ was contrasted with the flaccidity of women’s nineteenth-century writing (mullin ). declarations, manifestos and periodical by-lines, such as the egoist’s ‘for virile readers only’, gendered modernism and defined the guidelines for legitimate participants. filippo tommaso marinetti’s desire to fight ‘every opportunist cowardice’ such as gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘moralism and feminism’; wyndham lewis’s journal’s bidding to ‘blast years – / blast . . . rhetric of eunuch and stylist / sentimental hygienics’; and pound’s declaration that ‘[n]o woman should be allowed to write for the little review’, claiming that ‘most of the ills of the american little magazines are . . . due to women’, are just a few of the better known examples of the overt hostility that prevented women’s accepted artistic participation in modernism (in mullin - ). michael north points out that the conflation of the ‘artistic mind’ and masculinity found pseudo-scientific endorsement from linguist otto jesperson (language: its nature, development and origin), who argued that the influence women have on language is insignificant (north reading : a return to the scene of the modern ). as jesperson states: ‘the highest linguistic genius and the lowest degree of linguistic imbecility are very rarely found among women’ however ‘[t]he greatest orators, the most famous literary artists, have been men’ (in north ). while the examples of this repression abound — t. s. eliot’s criticism is particularly replete with examples of patriarchal criticism — eliot’s framing of katherine mansfield’s work and north’s revisiting of willa cather’s suppression prove good examples. though eliot ‘recognises’ mansfield’s skill, the material is ‘minimum’ and therefore ‘feminine’ (eliot after strange gods - ; mullin ‘modernisms and feminisms’ ). north explores the critical reception of one of ours, winner of the pulitzer prize, and how cather was criticised for her conventionality and dullness ( - ). north, however, points out that though male modernism was simultaneously ‘realist and imaginative’, cather’s work was criticised for its homeliness and artificiality ( ). even though representing a similar balance of technique (mimesis / poesis), ‘homely’ and ‘artificial’ are strategically, hierarchically inferior to ‘realist’ and ‘imaginative’. in short, the distinction between modernism and feminine writing was insistent because the resemblance was too close for comfort (north ): ‘the emotional charge built up at this time may come from the guilty secret harboured . . . that male modernism itself was not so much a defiance of convention as an exacerbation of the contradiction within it’ ( ). suzanne clark (sentimental modernism: women writers and the revolution of the word ) argues that women’s writing was denigrated by modernists and modernist critics as flaccid, emotional and prosaic. this disallowing of the ‘emotional’ was particularly vehement in wyndham lewis’s attack on ‘sentimental gallic gush’, criticising it for its ‘sentimental hygienics’, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e stating instead that in ‘[o]ur vortex . . . everything absent, remote, requiring projection in the veiled weakness of the mind, is sentimental’ (clark - ). by the early s a number of anthologies framed modernism in a new way, reconstituting modernism as not ‘exclusively defined by the valorisation of formal as well as thematic characteristics . . . associated with masculinity’ (dekoven ‘modernism and gender’ ). bonnie kime scott’s edited volume the gender of modernism: a critical anthology ( ) was ground breaking in its insistence on gender being a primary concern for modernism and modernity. in addition to giving a voice to the less vaunted female makers of modernism, scott and her contributing editors redirected attention to gender in the canonical modernist texts, thus exposing the gender politics in the critical framing of modernism. this was also the central concern in lisa rado’s edited volume rereading modernism: new directions in feminist criticism ( ), where instead of identifying the misogyny in male modernist texts, the emphasis is examining how modernism’s assumption about gender informs modernist texts. rita felski’s the gender of modernity ( ) affects a paradigmatic change to understanding modernity by exploring women’s varied experiences of modernity, and gives ‘feminine phenomena’ — such as selling, shopping, travel, social and political activism, radical discourses of feminine sexuality, and experiments with literary form — a central rather than marginalised place in the analysis of the culture of modernity. elizabeth jane harrison and shirley peterson ‘unman’ modernism by interrogating the traditional, masculine modernist aesthetic by examining how women writers created their own modernism through the melding of the sentimental, the domestic and the maternal with experiments with plot, voice and point of view (unmanning modernism: gendered re-readings ). marianne dekoven’s rich and strange: gender, history, modernism ( ; and ‘modernism and gender’) explores the density, dislocations, and gender-inflected ambiguity of modernism. for dekoven, modernism evolved as a means of representing the threat of cultural and political change. while modernists wanted change in gender politics, for example, male modernists feared the loss of power that accompanied the empowered feminine, and female modernists feared punishment for desiring change. dekoven’s exploration of the irreconcilable ambivalence toward what perry anderson calls the ‘revolutionary horizon’ thus informs the form of modernism ( ; anderson ‘modernism and revolution’ - ). interestingly, ann ardis doesn’t exclude joyce from her account of the male high gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e moderns (pound, joyce and eliot) and their use of radical, formalist poetics to conceal their conservative cultural and sexual politics (modernism and cultural conflict, - ). north argues that as the ‘conventionality’ of the gendered delineation of feminine writing became unhinged, the contradictions within masculine writing could no longer be differentiated by an aesthetic and emotional division of labour ( ). instead, contradictions began to appear within the modernist male aesthetic; ‘a doubling or changing’ of the self, due to the ‘conflicting demands of male creativity’ ( ). using james joyce’s ulysses to illustrate the point, north refers to descriptions of leopold bloom – ‘a bit of an artist’, ‘a mixed middling’ – and reminds us that bloom was ‘an anomalous man at least part woman’ even before his fantastic transformation in the ‘circe’ episode ( ). in the last twenty years critics such as cynthia lewiecki-wilson (writing against the family: gender in lawrence and joyce ), christine froula (modernism's body: sex, culture, and joyce ), beryl schlossman (objects of desire: the madonnas of modernism ), tamar katz (impressionist subjects: gender, interiority, and modernist fiction in england ), hugh stevens and caroline howlett (eds. modernist sexualities ), and geraldine meaney (gender, ireland, and cultural change: race, sex, and nation ) have explored this interconnectivity between male and female modernists and the disruption of a gendered aesthetic. lewiecki-wilson argue that joyce’s portrait of the artist as a young man begins to deconstruct gendered theories of meaning; a deconstruction that continues in ulysses. in contrast to t. s. eliot’s argument that the modernists’ incorporation of ancient myth was a way of ‘controlling, of ordering, of giving a shape and a significance to the immense panorama of futility and anarchy which is contemporary life’ (selected prose - ), meaney suggests that joyce’s use of myth represents interconnections between gender and irish nationalism, and gender and modernism. drawing on stephen jay gould (time’s arrow, time’s cycle: myth and metaphor in the discovery of geological time ), meaney reiterates that after the enlightenment ‘time’s cycle’, as opposed to the scientific and empirical ‘time’s arrow’, becomes the ‘space of myth and mythic thought’ ( ). in contrast to the ‘arrow’s’ realm of progress, the ‘cycle’ became identified with conservativeness, ‘presenting aspects of human experience as gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e unchanging and hence unchangeable’ ( ), reflective of the feminine delineation of the aesthetic. meaney implicitly speaks to the scholarship of pragmatic modernism and schwarze’s consideration of the function of joyce’s ‘faultlines’ and contradictions. she suggests that far from myth providing order, myth in ulysses becomes a place for those who have been aliened by history — immigrants and women for example — to change the unchangeable direction of ‘the arrow’ and redefine history. by drawing on homi bhabha, meaney argues that joyce’s utilisation of the odyssey provides a context for reading ulysses as an engagement of issues of gender and national identity ( ). for froula this adulteration of the masculine modernist aesthetic is used by joyce to mount a critique of his culture. rather than viewing joyce as misogynist, froula associates joyce’s rhetorical devices with an effort to bring the irish culture’s unconscious knowledge into consciousness. a crucial key to ulysses, froula argues, is grasping the parody of the once mentioned subtitle of ulysses: ‘his whore of a mother’. stephen’s shakespeare theory puts the figure of the mother/wife/whore at centre stage, arguing that masculine creativity issues from a dialectic of sexual difference in which strong women act as the originating term of the male creator’s nightmare, wish, or dream (froula ). repressed by gender conventions, stephen regains his ‘maternally identified self’ ironically through rediscovering the figure of the woman/mother/whore upon which masculine culture establishes itself (froula ). feminist philosophers — such as julia kristeva, luce irigaray, hélène cixous and judith butler — have been helpful for understanding how joyce was able to use his highly self-conscious form to ‘ruminate’ upon the constructs of ideological forces. in broad terms they suggest that women writers, in particular, use avant-garde linguistic forms to escape the confines of patriarchal language (mullin ). as elizabeth grosz points out though, each philosopher works within a specific theoretical paradigm and has different interpretations of ‘sexual difference’ (grosz sexual subversions - ). kristeva accepts the oedipal structure and essentially works with the tools of psychoanalysis. for kristeva (desire in language ; the revolution in poetic language ) avant-garde texts ‘reject all discourse that is either stagnant or eclectically academic’ and ‘stimulate and [reveal] deep ideological changes that are currently searching for their own accurate political framework’ (desire - ). the kristevian aim is to ‘uncover the women’s (repressed) masculinity and men’s gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e (disavowed) femininity through the acknowledgement of a repressed semiotic, sexual energy or drive facilitation on which both male and female “identities” are based and to which they are vulnerable’ (grosz - ). here, ‘sexual difference’ entails dissolution of all sexual identities ‘into a dispersed process of sexual differentiation, relevant to both sexes’ (grosz ). irigaray, in comparison, is derisive of the oedipal structure and freud’s asymmetrical, masculine, regulative principle of sexual organisation (grosz ) wherein the ‘desire for the auto . . . the homo . . . the male, dominates representational economy’ (irigaray speculum of the other woman ). irigaray’s conceptualisation of ‘sexual difference’ refers to women’s sexual autonomy and specificity (grosz ). her argument is that western discourse presents ‘sex’ as ‘masculine sex’. male sex or ‘sex’ is ‘the privilege of unity, form of self, of the visible, of the specularisable, of the erection’ (irigaray ‘women’s exile’ ). ‘no sex’ has been assigned to the woman as ‘her sex is not visible nor identifiable or representable in a definite form’ ( ). while kristeva’s work is insightful for the examination of the interconnections between male and female modernism, such as the womanly man and the manly woman, irigaray has provided underpinning, implicitly in the case of michael north, for work on the repression of women modernist writers (dekoven ‘modernism and gender’; felski the gender of modernity ; michael north reading ; smith ‘gender in women’s modernism’ ). irigaray links the repression of the feminine voice to the vigilant repression of the feminine ‘origin’ of life and the ‘mystery’ of the man’s role in reproduction (dekoven ). her power for giving life is repressed and reassigned and all ownership of reproduction and naming rights fall under what lacan calls ‘the name of the father’ (irigaray speculum - ). importantly, this results in the hierarchy of dualisms prevalent in western culture, for example, masculine / feminine, culture / nature, and higher / lower (dekoven ). however, as claimed by dekoven, it is in freud and modernism in general that the ‘power of the maternal feminine comes closest to erupting into representation, and therefore is met by an even more cruelly powerful act of repression’ ( ). the theories of both judith butler and michèle le doeuff, i suggest, prove particularly useful for exploring the ways in which joyce uses food as a focal point for his ruminations on gender, and for their implicit links to pragmatism. while sarah moss gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e reminds us that ‘we perform with food’, the performance is more than the physiological performance and the political power to maintain social inequality that moss is primarily concerned with in her research ( ). this project investigates the ways that characters perform in relation to food, and how gender constructs are challenged. judith butler (bodies that matter ; the psychic life of power ; undoing gender ) uses michel foucault’s concept of ‘subjectification’, by which he means ‘the subject is constituted through practices of subjection’ and renders this idea as both ‘the process of becoming subordinated by power as well as the process of becoming a subject’ (the psychic life of power ). as moya lloyd notes, for butler it is at the moment that the individual is subjected to gender norms that ‘he or she becomes a gendered subject who can resist those norms’ (judith butler - ). while gender, as performative, requires the mandatory reproduction of normalised gender practices, gender can be performed against the grain (butler bodies that matter ). as a result of this disruption, the gendered norm may be subversively denaturalised, or the transgressive performance is punished for its unnatural behaviour (lloyd ; butler undoing gender). michèle le doeuff provided an early, valuable theoretical frame through which to negotiate joyce’s high modernism, his challenges to narrow conceptions of modernist aesthetics, and his challenge to ideological constructs. le doeuff’s ‘mid-way’ approach seems to resonate with pragmatism, but also sinfield’s conceptualisation of modernism as a space where ruminations can occur. in a essay, ‘operative philosophy’, le doeuff rereads jean-paul sartre’s most misogynist text being and nothingness ( ). in this book sartre relies on patriarchal designations of masculine and feminine and uses this binary imagery in his understanding of knowledge. for example, he proclaims that ‘to see is to deflower’, that ‘knowledge is at once a penetration and a superficial caress’, and he expresses the fear of the ‘slimy’ ‘in-itself’ that threatens to engulf the sovereign ‘for-itself’. the ‘viscosity’ of the slime is ‘comparable to the flattening out of the overripe breasts of a woman lying on her back (sartre in ‘operative philosophy’ - ; grosz ). the default to the feminine to represent the feared castration of masculine philosophy is familiar. sartrean existentialism is incapable of explaining oppression because of its heavy stress on responsibility and free choice, and modernism — defined and protected by its masculine classifications but espousing innovation, imagination and experimentation — rings in the same tone. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e yet in her analysis of simone de beauvoir’s the second sex ( ), le doeuff claims that de beauvoir works within a male philosophy to use it to produce feminist insights, rather than radically breaking with male dominated history of philosophy as irigaray and kristeva do (grosz ). while readers of de beauvoir often wish to separate her adherence to sartre’s existentialism from her feminism, le doeuff claims that beauvoir uses sartre’s philosophy as an ‘operative viewpoint’ for exposing the character of the oppression of women (‘operative philosophy’ ; grosz ): luce irigaray’s books insist on the idea that, since it is philosophical discourse that lays down the law for all discourses, the discourse of philosophy is the one that has first of all to be overthrown and disrupted. at one stroke, the main enemy comes to be idealist logic and the metaphysical logos. simone de beauvoir’s book leaves me with the contrary impression, since, within a problematic as metaphysical as any, she is still able to reach conclusions about which the least one can say is that they have dynamised women’s movements in europe and america for over thirty years. (le doeuff ‘operative philosophy’ ) this thesis does not incorporate a dense philosophical exploration of feminist theory, but these theories have informed the approach to joyce’s experimental aesthetics. they help navigate the food in joyce’s work and assist in the analysis of his stylistics for their ruminations on ideology and history. joyce’s work provides an ‘operative viewpoint’ that enables not only an interrogation of gender constructs and the oppression of women, but also ruminations on irish politics, history, religion, culture and society. it makes a specific statement about the role that literature can play in refiguring memory and addressing the effects of the past on the state of the irish and their relationship with an imperial power. thesis outline underpinning the historical turn, this thesis is indebted to the key joycean scholars who have challenged the long held assumption of joyce’s ‘apolitical’ stance and disavowal of history. i draw upon the work of emer nolan, enda duffy, andrew gibson, vincent cheng, james fairhall and robert spoo (amongst others) over the course of the thesis as gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e i exhibit joyce’s awareness of ideological ‘nets’ as he ruminates upon the impact of history. recent articles on food in joyce, notably by miriam o’kane mara (‘james joyce and the politics of food’ ), marguerite regan (‘“weggebobbles and fruit”: bloom’s vegetarian impulses’ ), lauren rich (‘a table for one: hunger and unhomeliness in joyce’s public eateries’ ), bonnie roos (chapter in hungry words, ‘feast, famine and the humble potato in ulysses’ ), julieann ulin (‘famished ghosts: famine memory in james joyce’s ulysses’ ), kevin whelan (‘the memories of “the dead”’ ), and james wurtz (‘scarce more a corpse: famine memory and representations of the gothic in ulysses’ ), have been invaluable starting points for my investigations, particularly in their considerations of food in relation to the famine, irish history and politics, gender, and post-famine culture. i draw on numerous theoretical frameworks over the course of the thesis, such as collective memory and inter-generational trauma, both used to help explore the significance of famine for identity construction in the post-famine era. this thesis develops through a series of topic based chapters. rather than include a review of all the relevant scholarship throughout the thesis in the introductory chapter, the individual chapters highlight the key scholarship relevant for each ‘topic’. the chapters focus on: the collective memory of the great famine (chapter ); the embodied trauma of the famine and fractured community (chapter ); the impact of the betrayal and decline of charles stewart parnell and the disintegration of the domestic realm (chapter ); the interrogation of imperial appropriations of new knowledges, particularly nutritional science (chapter ); and joyce’s subversive tactics against patriarchy and his rumination on the need for a new kind of heroism (chapter ). chapter one explores how joyce was a consummate historicist, interested in the impact of the past on the present, and allowing the possibility for considering new possibilities of irishness and an alternate social contract. this chapter situates joyce in the context of irish nationalism. in contrast to anglo-irish revivalists like yeats, joyce is critical of the conjuring of the ancient irish mythical past and its presentation as a collective irish identity to inspire heroic, nationalist action. for joyce, this falsifies and romanticises the past and perpetuates the violence of colonial subjugation. while ulysses reflects joyce’s scathing indictment on the english mismanagement of the famine, joyce also problematizes the notion of one collective memory of the famine as he alludes to the ways in which the irish are complicit in their own oppression. joyce’s essays highlight gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the parallel between joyce’s politics and some more nationalistic rhetoric in ulysses, particularly in the ‘cyclops’ episode. this chapter engages with the key scholarship which explores joyce’s interrogations of history and politics, for example emer nolan and andrew gibson, and is also indebted to the work of julieann ulin and bonnie roos. both ulin and roos specifically consider the significance of food in the ‘circe’ episode; my analysis of the episode draws on them but is also informed by work in irish historiography (for example david nally), sociological theorising of collective remembering, and a theoretical consideration of colonial violence. chapter two points out that joyce’s dubliners are generally second generation famine survivors who did not experience the famine themselves, but they still seem to be paralysed as they wander around dublin like the famine’s dispossessed did sixty years prior. joyce reworks the modernist flâneur and a number of gothic tropes to indicate that ‘times past are not times past’, and i draw on theories of collective trauma (for example, the work of pierre nora and marianne hirsch) to help frame the ‘ghostliness’ of joyce’s dubliners. while current scholarship notes a ‘collective memory’ of the famine in broad terms, i draw on the work of irish historians and consider how the reorganisation of the irish coterie system fractured the link between geography, community and identity. this produces an ‘intergenerational trauma’ (hirsch) which prevents the irish from developing an effectual ‘prior covenant’ and the means to negotiate the terms of their social contract. lauren rich and james wurtz both consider the resonance of the famine for joyce’s dublin. i explore this idea further, however, by examining the connections between the eating of soup in ulysses and the soup relief scheme of the famine. chapter three considers the ‘betrayal’ and death of charles stewart parnell ( - ) as a key event of irish history prevalent in joyce’s work, and its contribution to the destruction of irish community, the passivity of irish politics, and the decline of the domestic realm. joyce’s representation of this irish hero’s political downfall through his essays, portrait and ulysses highlights the tensions encapsulated by stephen dedalus’s two key phrases: ‘history . . . is a nightmare from which i am trying to awake’, and ‘in here it is that i must kill the priest and the king’ (ulysses : ; : - ). the christmas dinner scene in portrait exhibits how the ensuing post- parnellite paralysis impacts on dubliner families, and i contend that the proto-feminist gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e joyce explores paternal neglect in relation to homosocial drinking culture. while they are seemingly neglected in contemporary scholarship, hans walter gabler’s and michael toolan’s essays on the christmas dinner scene in portrait have been invaluable. although there are implicit judgments made against dubliner men in dubliners, portrait and ulysses, joyce’s ruminations on drink are more considered. joyce’s use of juxtaposition and sentimentality, particularly in the ‘wandering rocks’ episode, highlights the complexity of patriarchy, irish subjugation, and political independence. this chapter employs sociological considerations of ‘hospitality’, and more anthropological approaches to homosocial drinking culture to investigate joyce’s parallactic considerations of these themes. chapter four addresses joyce’s personal experiences of hunger and his interest in medicine, which is given full scope in ulysses with leopold bloom. this fascinating area of joycean scholarship is explored by j. b. lyons and more recently vike martina plock. joyce’s explorations of food, nutrition and health in ulysses are tempered by a scepticism for the medical profession. joyce interrogates the various rhetorical devices and discourses that the english use to marginalise the irish, such as the nationalistic appropriations of new scientific knowledges. the so-called ‘choices’ the irish make are also problematised, and the ‘faultlines’ of ulysses point to the double bind of the irish as the british government and the catholic church simultaneously undertake the project of pacification. i explore sugar, that complex commodity symbolic of imperialism, slavery, luxury, energy and productivity, and malnutrition. while i follow the potato in chapter one, here i also consider bloom’s ‘offal’ and explore his ‘vegetarian moment’. the size and title of joyce’s self-conscious epic insists that we see homer’s odyssey as an intertext for ulysses. chapter five explores how in joyce’s hands a new type of hero springs to life. the experience of the first world war and the sham of ‘heroics’ meant joyce couldn’t start with the heroic achilles; he needed to pick up from the odyssey where the epic had started with the ‘home bound’ hero and a story that gave due attention to the domestic realm. here i explore the gendered relationship between meat and power in the odyssey, and how joyce uses food and eating to highlight how his epic reframes heroism through its negotiations of patriarchy and challenges to ‘irishness’. if bloom isn’t considered irish, catholic, a jew, a ‘man’, then he surpasses these gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e identifications with ‘greekness’ and his embracing of spinoza. chapters two and three indicate that the danger of living in the past is the risk of stagnation and emotional paralysis, but here i consider how molly and leopold blooom’s positive, personal histories eventually prevail and show the way towards the subordination of patriarchy and creating the space for a new narrative for ireland. joyce’s attempts to finish ulysses were frustrated by ocular troubles and he proofread ulysses ‘with blurred and impaired vision, armed with a magnifying glass’ (plock ). physical impediments notwithstanding, joyce’s skill in using parallax proffer lenses to examine colonialism, politics, religion, and gender and that cultural work makes a significant contribution to a reimagining of the irish social contract. my contribution to the field of scholarship is my consideration of that central human need for food from numerous perspectives; not just via ‘famine memory’, but through nuanced assessments of colonial violence, collective memory and inter-generational trauma, the impact of a fractured domestic realm, discourses of health and nutrition, and the reconsideration of the notion of what constitutes a hero. in so doing i reveal joyce’s shunning of dualisms, reflective of pragmatism, and ‘hear him more historically’ (gibson strong spirit ) as he both questions the origin of irish society and identity, and interrogates the legitimacy of continued english occupation, dispossession, eviction and the marginalisation of the irish. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e chapter - joyce, the famine and colonial violence the satiated never understand the emaciated (hugh dorian [ ] in kissane ) the great famine, though often ambiguous, is pervasive in ulysses, and this is in contradistinction to the nationalist project of joyce’s revivalist peers. in contrast to the nationalism of w. b. yeats, for example, who seeks to inspire through ‘ancient’ history and ‘heroic’ memory, joyce’s nationalism problematises irish ‘collective memory’ and pursues an interrogation of the narratives of history (including the famine) to reveal the pathologies of colonisation. for joyce, post-famine colonial pathologies, such as silence and passivity, mythologising the past, ultranationalism, complicity and hypocrisy, and the anglicisation of language, complicate the revivalists’ imagining of nationhood. joyce’s pragmatic modernism considers how the past resonates in the present, but joyce enacts a type of treachery (against the english and against irish nationalism). he probes the ‘collective memory’ of the famine and the universal status of ‘victims’, and also highlights the illegitimacy of the ireland / england social contract. rather than ireland having any ‘social pact’, joyce emphasises how acts of violence are inextricably linked to the origin of a state (schmitt political theology , ; s. brown , ), far removed from enlightenment notions of ‘association’, ‘social pact’ and ‘rational obligation’ (rousseau the social contract). it is only through suppression and violence (in its many guises) that england can ensure its ruler status. joyce does exhibit irish subversion (for example, in the ‘wandering rocks’ episode), but the ‘circe’ episode demonstrates, i contend, how irish agency is ultimately self-regulated via the memory of violence. ‘circe’ has been examined as a scathing indictment of colonisation (for example, andrew gibson and vincent cheng), but if we follow the potato joyce’s ruminations on the persistence of colonial rule become more complex. it is here, at the ‘faultlines’ of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e this highly stylised episode, where we can perceive joyce revealing the contradictions of history, and the fraught nature of a political association bound by the insecurity of colonial subjects and the dominance of the imperial power. recent scholarship closely examines a number of episodes in ulysses for its representations and ruminations of the famine (roos ‘the joyce of eating: feast, famine and the humble potato in ulysses’; ulin ‘“famished ghosts”: famine memory in james joyce’s ulysses’). bonnie roos has very interestingly followed this blackened and shrivelled root as a symbol of famine memory, through the lenses of feminism and psychoanalysis. in her analysis of the ‘circe’ episode she explores the gender issues that link the potato, symbol of the famine, with prostitution and the exploitation and suppression of women. julieann ulin’s consideration of the same episode considers joyce’s representation of both the unreliability and persistence of historical memory. in answer to eagleton’s ‘where is the famine in . . . joyce?’ ( ), ulin responds that its presence is in the ‘textual iconography’ such as the exposed corpses, the dogs that devour bodies, and the impoverished or homeless dubliners scattered throughout the ulysses. while this chapter draws on multiple joycean sources, it is particularly indebted to the work of roos and ulin for their innovative and subtle considerations of the famine. following their work i also explore the ‘circe’ episode, but my examinations draw together some recent historical research, for example david nally, on the violence of the famine and colonial suppression. though ‘memory’ is noted by most scholars writing about joyce and the famine, specific research into the field of social remembering raises some important issues about the significance of written texts, for example, and the distinction between ‘public’ or ‘presentist’ memory, and ‘collective memory’ as explored by maurice halbwachs ( - ). i argue that the potato, rather than a catchall symbol of famine and famine memory, is more precisely a symbol of the memory and experience of imperial violence. bloom’s actions and manner in the ‘circe’ episode, as they relate to the possession, dispossession, and repossession of the potato, reveal the extent of the dehumanization and subjugation of the irish. the famine is, as bonnie roos suggests, the ‘allimportant’ key to ulysses. it makes a significant statement about the persistence of the cultural legacy of the famine, joyce’s politics, and his view of history. joyce’s parallactic style belies any simple statements about each of these, as he represents a complex interrogation of english, anglo-irish, and irish nationalist perspectives of the famine. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e although history is now a central consideration for joycean studies, it should be noted that it wasn’t until the late s that literary critics really broke the general ‘silence’ about the centrality of the famine in irish history and literature, and its persistent cultural legacy. mary lowe-evans (crimes against fecundity: joyce and population control ), terry eagleton (heathcliff and the great hunger ), christopher morash (writing the irish famine ) and margaret kelleher (the feminization of the famine ), and more recently george cusack and sarah goss (eds. hungry words: images of famine in the irish canon ) examine irish literature for how it echoes or challenges more dominant political narratives of the great famine. it is no surprise that this relatively recent burgeoning of interest in the famine in literature coincided with a significant shift in irish historiography. apart from cecil woodham- smith’s the great hunger: ireland - ( ), which is an anomaly for breaking the silence about the famine and locating it in the colonial/imperial framework, both irish historiography and irish memory ‘have been notoriously reluctant to confront the catastrophe of the famine’ (lloyd ‘the indigent sublime’ ). cormac Ó gráda (ireland: a new economic history ), christine kinealy (a death-dealing famine: the great hunger in ireland ), and kevin whelan (‘the revisionist debate in ireland’ ) all explore the absence or at least relegation of the famine’s significance and impact in irish historical research. patrick sullivan (ed. the meaning of the famine ) and cormac Ó gráda (ireland: a new economic history ; ireland before and after the famine ) comment that the sidelining was more prolonged, arguing that the great irish famine was largely neglected until the s when more popular and academic interest developed surrounding the commemoration of the sesquicentennial of the disaster. it initially appears somehow incongruent to analyse the famine in joyce’s very urban work. the more direct, catastrophic impact of the famine, after all, was in rural ireland, particularly the west. historians emphasise, however, that dubliners were witness to the famine as north and south dublin union workhouses filled with people from a devastated rural ireland (guinnane and Ó gráda ‘mortality in the north dublin union’ ). dublin was the destination for thousands from rural areas searching for relief, and as the main port for ships to liverpool its citizens saw the procession of starving en route to elsewhere. interestingly, timothy guinnane and Ó gráda note that the north dublin union was also the destination for the infirm and disabled paupers gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘dispatched’ from england and scotland ( ). modelled on the english poor law of , the irish poor law of divided the country into ‘unions’ with each administering its own workhouse. by these workhouses were operational with relief available to those who needed it. as guinnane and Ó gráda state, the willingness to accept the spartan workhouse regime . . . was deemed sufficient evidence of need’ ( ). by the workhouses were full to overflowing. the north dublin union, for example, with its original capacity of , had by late doubled its capacity to with the conversion of the dining hall into a dormitory ( , ). while some specifically entered the workhouses expressly to die and others arrived in a chronic condition, ‘[m]any more died of infectious diseases such as dysentery and typhoid fever contracted in workhouses’ ( ). for example, the north dublin union workhouse death rate before the famine was seven per day, though in during a cholera outbreak this rose to deaths a day ( ). gail baylis and sarah edge remind us that in addition to seeing the immediate effects of famine, the irish also experienced it as a mass media event. ‘amply recorded in print’ the conditions were ‘reported in considerable detail in newspapers’ in britain, north america, europe and australia (baylis and edge ‘the great famine: absence, memory, photography’ ; kissane the irish famine: a documentary history ). furthermore, as the famine coincided with the development of print technology, enabling the mass distribution of woodcut illustrations, it also became something that was imagined in visual terms and became ‘memorable’ (baylis and edge ). the photographs of the s and s irish evictions were also interpreted as representations of the great famine. though a visual representation of different circumstances, for those who did not experience the famine these eviction photos added visual evidence and helped the generation after the famine to imagine the mid -century event in a new visual context ( ). yeats, joyce and nationalism irish literature works with and through ireland’s long history of ‘famine, failed rebellion, emigration and colonial persecution’ and considers its representations of ‘loss, suffering and guilt’ (mcdonald tragedy in irish literature ). however, as rónán mcdonald observes, identifying commonalities in irish texts, and coercing irish gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e writing into an uneasy alignment, is a fraught enterprise ( ). such is the case when attempting to line up w. b. yeats and joyce. yeats has long been positioned as joyce’s political and artistic anathema, but as alistair cormack notes, over recent decades there has been a shift from pitting the two against each other in the ways fostered by new criticism and the american liberal school: the traditional ‘celtic’ nationalist yeats vs the cosmopolitan internationalist joyce (yeats and joyce ; nolan xiii; mcdonald ‘the irish revival and modernism’ - , - ). early in his career joyce had indeed encouraged such an opposition. joyce’s early essay ‘the day of the rabblement’ ( ) reveals his understanding of the individualism of art, and thus positions himself apart from the irish literary theatre that ‘courts the favour of the multitude’ and entangles itself with ‘the contagion of its fetichism [sic] and deliberate self-deception’ (cw ). early in his career joyce thought art should ‘be autonomous, above the realm of politics’ (nolan ). there is a ‘complex historical geography of modernism’, however, and many modernists struggled ‘to settle their accounts with parochialism and nationalism’ (harvey in nolan ). illustrative of such a struggle, by november joyce qualifies his ‘apolitical’ stance, writing to his brother stanislaus that ‘[i]f the irish programme did not insist on the irish language i could call myself a nationalist’ (selected letters ). thus between and joyce’s view of ‘freedom’ would develop from a determination ‘to keep the spirit within him alive in the midst of all- pervasive squalor and disintegration’ to a ‘powerful desire for the settling of a historical debt’ (gibson strong spirit , ; s. joyce my brother’s keeper ). kevin barry maintains that joyce ‘disguises’ his nationalist dialogue, and his ‘international and cult status’ conceals how his work ‘is part of an articulated and broad debate within the irish literary revival’ (ocpw xxix; cormack ). thus, joyce’s art cannot be explored within a cosmopolitan and aesthetic vacuum, devoid of politics. instead his gesture to internationalism and his self-imposed exile must be understood ‘as a response to the nationalism he was offered rather than simply a rejection of the very ideas of the national consciousness and liberation’ (cormack ; original emphasis; nolan ). whilst irish critics such as declan kiberd, emer nolan and seamus deane historicised irish modernism and corrected the purely aesthetic critical construction of yeats and joyce, to the point that ‘if there is a monolithic academic position’ in joyce studies today it is ‘postcolonial historicism’ (cormack ), joyce’s nationalism remains a different type of nationalism to yeats’s ( ). this political gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e disparity is evident in richard ellmann’s description of yeats’s and joyce’s first meeting: the defected protestant confronted the defected catholic, the landless landlord met the shiftless tenant. yeats, fresh from london, made one in a cluster of writers whom joyce would never know, while joyce knew the limbs and bowels of a city of which yeats knew well only the head. the world of the petty bourgeois, which is the world of ulysses and the world in which joyce grew up, was for yeats something to be abjured. joyce had the same contempt for the ignorant peasantry and the snobbish aristocracy that yeats idealised. the two were divided by upbringing and predilection. (ellmann james joyce ) yeats advocated a common cultural mission for irish artists that would counter the ugliness of the modern world; a world that was sterile and lacked a sense of community (mcdonald ‘the irish revival’ ; nolan ). disillusioned with contemporary ireland, a place where ‘immediate utility’ had trumped idealism and the ‘traditions of the countryman’ were eclipsed by middle-class concerns and values, yeats followed the great writers of ancient ballads and epics and in his early career fused irish folklore and heroic legend into his art (yeats essays and introductions ; pethica ; allison ). he imagined an invigorated irish nation via these ancient genres, revived from the once glorious celtic civilisation, whose recreation could prove as ‘exotic and exciting an art as any devised by a fin-de-siècle london coterie’ (nolan ). for yeats, folklore countered the ‘scientific’ and the ‘materialist’ modern world where the ‘sick’ and hurried existence produced ‘grey’ and inhuman forms of truth (yeats variorum plays - ; pethica ). heroic action, yeats believed, was the only way to fully express selfhood ( ), but as ellmann suggests, the great yeatsean paradox was that he ‘disintegrate[d] verisimilitude’ to create a more ‘ultimate realism’ (in balinisteanu ). yeats, along with fellow revivalists, wanted to purge the perception of ireland as the home of ‘buffoonery or easy sentiment’ and instead present ireland as the home of ‘ancient idealism’ (yeats, gregory and martyn [ ] in nolan ). in his essay ‘ireland and the arts’ ( ) yeats states: art and scholarship like these i have described would give ireland more than they received from her, for they would make love of the unseen more gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e unshakable, more ready to plunge deep into the abyss, and they would make love of country more fruitful in the mind, more a part of daily life. one would know an irishman into whose life they had come – and in a few generations they would come into the life of all, rich and poor – by something that set him apart among men. he himself would understand that more was expected of him than of others because he had greater possessions. the irish race would have become a chosen race, one of the pillars of the world. (essays and introductions ) in the context of ireland’s early twentieth century social upheaval, yeats supposed that the irish self may be uncertain and inactive, but will know how to take control of social action through art (balinisteanu ). as richard kearney suggests, yeats takes part in a broader irish tradition of inspiring political action via myth. for example, the celtic myth of the rose — ‘emblem of ireland’s eternally self-renewing spirit’ (kearney in balinisteanu ) — gave impetus to social change by joining with the political action of easter in a ‘synchronic aesthetic experience’ (balinisteanu ). such synchronicity is exemplified as one of the leaders, joseph plunkett, wrote a poem entitled ‘the black rose shall be red at least’, in which he reworked an earlier lyric that had itself been inspired by wandering poets, who envisaged ireland ‘as a goddess manifested in a rose symbol’ (kearney in balinisteanu - ). after , yeats would perpetuate the symbolism in his poem ‘the rose tree’, where it is suggested that ‘maybe a breath of politic words / has withered our rose tree’, but in the end there is the realisation of necessary action: ‘there’s nothing but our own red blood / can make a right rose tree’ (collected poems ). in the end it is blood sacrifice that will give life force to ireland as the ‘repertoire of nationalist symbols’ enables the ‘joining of narrative subject and subject of action’ so the ‘social subject may carry out the action of myth as social action’ (balinisteanu ). yeats would lament in ‘poetry and tradition’ ( ) the passing of ‘ireland’s great moment’, as conviction had been surpassed by ‘[i]mmediate victory’ and ‘immediate utility’ (essays and intro. ). in his latter works though, he would propose that his ‘boyish plan’ (variorum plays ) of inspiring heroism through the legends of cuchulain, and his part in popularising these, had succeeded after all (pethica ). in ‘the statues’, for example, the easter uprising leader pearse summons cuchulain to his side, which spurred the nationalist fighters into ‘historical agency’ ( ). this gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e retrospective judgment of inspiring political action needs some clarification. peter kuch reminds us that yeats was ‘silent’ for four years after the easter rising, and although there were a number of contributing factors for this, such as a tumultuous time in his private life, there were political and aesthetic complexities he needed to work through (‘we writers are not politicians’ - ; see also ‘for poetry makes nothing happen’ ). in these years yeats reconstituted himself politically and also allowed time for the easter rising ‘to acquire its own myths’ (‘we writers’ , ). his politics shifted from a form of cultural nationalism to a more ‘confrontational politico-cultural nationalism’, and this subsequent brand of nationalism ‘found room for the violence’ ( ). ‘between the executions of the revolutionaries and october ’, kuch notes, violent acts seems to provoke yet more violence, but for yeats ireland was enacting an ‘old historical nationalism’ and thus he was able to subsume the violence into the supernatural ( ). as kuch argues, in short yeats expunged from the violence ‘its temporal specificity, its historical occasion’ and instead it became ‘part of a dialogue of self and soul, of the socio-cultural with the daemonic’ ( ). as edward said suggests, in the aftermath of the dramatic actions of the easter uprising, yeats saw ‘the breaking of a cycle of endless, perhaps meaningless recurrence, as symbolised by the apparently limitless travails of cuchulain, and an affirmation of the poet’s ability to conjure ‘a sense of the eternal and of death into consciousness’ as the true rebellion ( - ). if yeats sought to inspire, then joyce’s version of nationalism focuses on representing the multiple realities of irish history and politics. ‘the problem of my race’, joyce wrote, ‘is so complicated that one needs to make use of all means of an elastic art to delineate it’ (in duffy ). importantly for joyce, the ‘problem’ includes the uglier side of that reality: the irish people’s complicity, hypocrisy and ‘selective’ memory, along with the physical violence metered on the irish and, i suggest, the embodied collective memory of this violence. following the development of joycean scholarship since the s (for example, maccabe, castle, fairhall, spoo, howes and attridge, gibson, duffy, cheng, nolan) research has repeatedly demonstrated that joyce’s writing is shaped by politics, critiques political ideologies, and argues ideology. as vincent cheng argues, to regard joyce as just ‘another icon in the great tradition of english literature’, and disregard the specific ‘historical contexts and ideological contents’, is to act as if there were no difference between ‘an irish-catholic writer from dublin . . . and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e say, lord tennyson or matthew arnold’ ( ). the irony is joyce spent much of his life debunking ‘history’ and institutional authorities ( - ). importantly, and reflecting the pragmatist theoretical framework established in the introductory chapter, joyce also represents how ideologies perform, thus exhibiting the interconnectedness of culture and society with the past. his representations, however, are subversive. as seamus deane emphasises: ‘subversion is part of the joycean enterprise . . . there is nothing of political or social significance which joyce does not undermine and restructure’ (‘joyce the irishman’ ). ireland is the only western european country that has had ‘both an early and a late colonial experience’, and as such, deane argues, in the first three decades of the twentieth century its literature attempts to ‘overcome and replace the colonial experience’ with something ‘native’. this ultimately ended in failure as it deployed the very terms it needed to abolish (deane ‘introduction’ - ). cheng sees joyce’s work as a historical representation of the various social discourses of both hegemony and resistance ( ). he also suggests that joyce’s works form both an analysis and critique of the ideological discourses and the ‘resultant colonial pathologies’ ( ). rather than ‘homogenis[ing] difference’, by erasing rather than living through oppositions (deane ‘introduction’ ), joyce demonstrates how both ireland and its colonisers expunge any complications to their respective narratives. he is not just concerned with power in terms of a ‘cause’ external to the irish but also interrogates the ability of the irish to exhibit agency (marsden in balinisteanu ). the famine, history and collective memory the most influential early political critique of the famine was the work of journalist john mitchel (jail journal ; last conquest of ireland ; history of ireland from the treaty of limerick to the present time ). mitchel argues that the great famine was ‘starvation in the midst of plenty’ and a deliberate policy of genocide that would solve the british government’s problem of irish ‘population surplus’ as identified in the devon commission (davis ‘the historiography of the irish famine’ ). whilst this is not generally a thesis followed in more recent irish historiography, it generally is agreed that the catastrophic nature of the famine was due to the lack of political will from the british government (davis - ; nolan ). with gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e cecil woodham-smith’s the great hunger ( ) as the anomaly, henceforth there was a long silence about the famine and its location in the colonial / imperial framework. since the s the great famine, or an gorta mór (the great hunger), has been interpreted as evidence of the evils of british colonisation: the doctrine of laissez faire capitalism; the acceptance of malthus’s population thesis; and the judgment of providentialism (for example see also davis; gray famine, land and politics: british governmental irish relief, - ; nally human encumbrances: political violence and the great famine ). david nally explores the contradictions between the ideology of progress and improvement and the realities of devastating loss caused by the famine. rather than the genocide cited by mitchel, for nally there was ‘famineogenic behaviour’ — ‘behaviour that aids and abets famine’ (nally ) — that generated ‘mass vulnerability’ ( ). the british government was intent on protecting the propertied classes, and social, economic and agrarian reform was the long-term goal (davis - ). colonisation therefore is not only ‘the seizure, occupation and reconstitution of native domestic space’, but ‘the repertoire of cultural images that depict indigenous life as degenerate’, which justifies the ‘remedial interventions’ in the name of ‘improvement’ (nally ). as peter gray points out, the doctrine of christian providentialism meant that the irish famine was also seen as the opportunity for the irish to develop a taste for ‘higher kinds of foods’ and ‘better food habits’ (in davis ; gray ‘charles trevelyan’ ). the reality of the great famine though was that it caused the deaths of one million, with two and a half million emigrating within ten years of the famine, the elimination of approximately , family farms and the near disappearance of cottiers (plots of less than an acre), and the economic demise and impoverishment of innumerable towns (crowley, smyth and murphy xiv). it was ‘ireland’s defining national tragedy’; in this debilitated state it was unable to resist empire (roos - ; lowe-evans ). in the post-famine decades, however, the conservative foundations of irish bourgeois nationalism enabled the imperial re-imaging of colonisation, as it focused on selecting a more amenable, canonised past for its political and social project of building a modern irish state (lloyd ‘indigent sublime’ ). this bourgeois nationalism, after all, was mobilised by ‘urban petty capitalists’ and ‘strong farmers’, whose emergent social and economic status was in large part due to enforced economic rationalising and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e consolidation of landholdings. the memory of the famine (starvation, eviction, emigration) was not to be ‘summoned up’ as nationalists needed to subdue these more ‘subaltern formations’ ( , ). while the famine ‘fossilized’ the peasantry, the revivalists’ nationalism relied on an idealisation of the peasantry and required an unbroken indigenous history that could replace the one imposed by colonisation (cusack ‘nationalism and the playboy of the western world’ - ; also deane ‘introduction’ nationalism, colonialism and literature ). w. b. yeats made the point that ‘passive suffering is not a theme for tragedy’ (in sullivan ). what does invite empathy and support though ‘is anything that permits one to see the other as an agent’ (john fraser in sullivan ), and thus Ó gráda notes that popular accounts of the famine move away from passive suffering to instead seek those who acted (in sullivan ; Ó gráda ireland: a new economic history ). whilst mitchel’s irish history made ‘official’ the popular belief that the famine was a deliberate act of genocide, this same history could not be canonised in its entirety as mitchel unflinchingly represents an oppressed and defeated people on the verge of animality. as mitchell states: there is no need to recount how the assistant barristers and sheriffs, aided by the police, tore down the roof-tress and ploughed up the hearths of village after village – how the quarter-acre clause laid waste the parishes, how the farmers and their wives and little ones in wild dismay, trooped along the highways – how in some hamlets by the seaside, most of the inhabitants being already dead, an adventurous traveller would come upon some family eating a famished ass – how maniac mothers stowed away their dead children to be devoured at midnight – how mr. darcy of clifden, describes a humane gentleman going to the door of a house; ‘and when he threw the crackers to the children (for he was afraid to enter), the mother attempted to take them from them’ – how husband and wife fought like wolves for the last morsel of food in the house; how families, when all was eaten and no hope left, took their last look at the sun, built up their cottage doors, that none might see them die nor hear their groans, and were found weeks afterwards, skeletons on their own hearths. (in morash ‘making memories’ ) morash makes the point that mitchel’s irish history is frozen, disconnected, from the full narrative of the irish famine (‘making memories’ ). mitchel’s history of ireland gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e stops at the point at which he leaves as a prisoner and impressions of the past become more vivid while he is a ‘solitary captive’ in a ‘lonely cell’: ‘there is more irish history, too, this month’ he reflects in his journal, ‘if i could but get at it’ (mitchel in morash ). the effect of this narrative suspension though is that while it has the sense of authenticity validated by mitchel’s personal experience, thus challenging the definitiveness of british ‘history’, there is no ‘pastness’ of the famine in his texts. instead, for mitchel the famine is an ongoing experience inscribing it in the present of its readers (mitchel in morash ). more than this, however, the popularity of mitchel’s work meant that this experience became an imagined collective experience shared by subsequent generations. joyce’s work is ‘pervasively disturbed by the presence of the famine’. it is often an unnamed horror in ulysses, and whelan suggests that its exclusion often makes its absence felt (whelan ‘memories of “the dead”’ ). joyce is critical about the silence surrounding ‘reality’ and real history, and equally critical when collective memories are conjured that falsify, prune or romanticise the past. ‘collective memory’ is a type of ‘social remembering’. it is distinct from ‘public memory’, or what barbara misztal terms ‘presentist’ approaches to memory, that focus on the institutionalization of ‘remembrance’ within national, public ritual and educational systems (see for example hobsbawn and ranger invention of tradition; misztal - ). as operationalised here, collective memory is more dynamic as the focus is on ‘the active production and mediation of temporal meanings of the past’ (misztal ). it is characterised by negotiation, and ‘questions the assertion that the maintenance of hegemonic control by dominant social groups is the sole factor responsible for memory content’ ( ). while the chapter’s focus is on colonial power, joyce’s various evocations of memory seems to locate memory in what susannah radstone identifies as ‘the space between an imposed ideology and the possibility of an alternative way of understanding experience’: a liminal space (‘working with memory’ ; also see olick and levy ‘collective memory and cultural constraint’ ; schudson ‘lives, laws and language’ ; and kammen ‘some patterns and meanings of memory’ ). it is important to acknowledge that joyce’s fiction, in tandem with his essays, is a pronounced divergence from the folk memories, myths and legends which traditionally relied on oral performance. oral traditions and folk memories rely on a familiar ‘rhythm’ if they have ‘any chance of their being repeated by successive generations’. in gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e contrast to the revivalists’ continuation of the familiar, i suggest joyce’s succession of essays and fiction generates what paul connerton calls ‘cultural innovation’ which allows for the detection of incoherence, inconsistency and contradictions (how societies remember ). interestingly, this notion of ‘cultural innovation’ seems to reflect sinfield’s idea of the ‘faultlines’ as a space where dissidence is given the opportunity to emerge in light of the exposition of contradiction (sinfield - ). any exploration of collective memory inevitably begins with maurice halbwachs. ulin mentions him in an endnote, to add a brief theoretical context to the implementation to the irish folklore association ( ), but the rationale here is to understand more fully how group memory is ‘generated, maintained and reproduced’ (misztal ) through joyce’s work, and the significance and negotiation of images, experiences and emotions that ensue. halbwachs transitioned from being a student of henri bergson to the protégé of emile durkheim in the early s, and thus represents a shift in how memory was being considered in those interwar years. halbwachs initiates the conceptualisation of collective memory as he moved from the predominant early twentieth century preoccupation with memory explored in the fields of philosophy and psychology — notably freud, bergson and proust — and considered memory via the disciplines of sociology and anthropology (misztal ; rossington - ). exploring how present conditions and issues determine what aspects of the past societies remember, and continuing durkheim’s belief that societies need to have a sense of continuity with the past, halbwachs asserted that social groups develop particular memories to highlight their unique identity. reflecting durkheim’s (and marcel mauss’s) emphasis of time as a ‘social construct’ and not ‘intuitive’ (douglas in rossington ), halbwachs argues that while the individual brings recollections to mind, this is achieved ‘by relying on the frameworks of social memory’ (on collective memory ). importantly, halbwachs also asserts the durkheimian argument that a collective imagined past is necessary for the unity of a society and the reconstruction of social solidarity. ‘[s]ociety can live only if there is sufficient unity of outlooks among the individuals and groups comprising it’, halbwachs contends, and as such societies tend to erase those memories ‘that might separate individuals’ or ‘distance groups from each other’ (on collective memory - ). not surprisingly halbwachs’s work drew lively debate from within the discipline he left. french psychologist and psychiatrist charles blondel ( ), for example, identified his neglect of the ‘glimmer of sensory gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e intuition’, and argued that an individual’s construction of the past is based on ‘more than commonly shared materials’ (in olick et al. eds. the collective memory reader ; also see coser ‘introduction’ , ). this is not to suggest that halbwachs thought there was ‘one’ collective memory for any given society, as he allows for a diversity of experiences and thus a multiplicity of collective memories: while the collective memory endures and draws strength from its base in a coherent body of people, it is individuals as group members who remember. while these remembrances are mutually supportive of each other and common to all, individual members still vary in the intensity with which they experience them. i would readily acknowledge that each memory is a viewpoint on the collective memory, that this viewpoint changes as my position changes, that this position itself changes as my relationships to other milieus change. therefore, it is not surprising that everyone does not draw on the same part of this common instrument. in accounting for that diversity, however, it is always necessary to revert to a combination of influences that are social in nature. (halbwachs the collective memory ) collective memory is ‘fostered and shared by family, religion, class, the media and other sources of the creation of group identities’, and although the individual is inseparable from the ‘collective’ (rossington ), there are a multiplicity of unique recollections. while chapter five of this thesis will consider henri bergson’s more psychological considerations of memory, it will remain an important part of my argument that individual memories in joyce’s work, in particular molly and leopold bloom’s, become real mainly due to these characters’ continual interrogation and negotiation of ‘ideological nets’ (marsden in balinisteanu ). contrary to more psychoanalytical joycean scholarship, the diversity and different intensities of individual memories in ulysses will largely be explored via the individual’s unique combination of collective experiences and the ability for parallax. halbwachs also makes an interesting distinction between history and memory that is valuable for differentiating official english accounts of the past (‘history’), and irish folklore (‘memory’). general history commences for halbwachs only when social memory (or collective memory) fades: ‘so long as a remembrance continues to exist, it gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e is useless to set it down in writing or otherwise fix it in memory’ (the collective memory ). one might suggest then, that the social memory of the famine in joyce’s time was fading as few who had experienced the famine firsthand were alive. the pervasive presence of the famine in joyce’s works interrogates the replacement, definitive history of the crisis, and the pervasive universal memory. encompassing ideas reflective of pragmatism’s rejection of periodization, halbwachs rejects history’s arrogance that ‘the interplay of interest, general orientations, modes of studying men and events, traditions, and perspectives on the future’ transform from one period to the next (the collective memory ). like the pragmatists writing at this time (dewey human nature and conduct ; williams pragmatism ), halbwachs saw historical periods and ‘generations’ as threads of a fabric. rather than two generations being like ‘two tree stumps that touch at their extremities but do not form one plant because they are not otherwise connected’, society is rather like ‘a thread that is made from a series of animal or vegetable fibres intertwined at regular intervals’ or ‘the cloth made from weaving these threads together’, the sections of which ‘correspond to the end of a motif or a design’ (the collective memory ). as allan megill argues, ‘[i]t is not a question of a simple opposition: history vs memory’ ( ). instead ‘it is a matter of both writing and living in a situation in which some certainty can be achieved, but . . . finally, a background of uncertainty persists’ ( ). while megill comments on ‘our time’ his argument reflects joyce’s messy grappling with both history and memory. when haines states in the first episode of ulysses that ‘history is to blame’ (u : ), and stephen struggles throughout the novel with his ‘nightmare of history’ ( : ), joyce refers to history in its numerous, messy manifestations: english versions of colonisation (the ‘civilising mission’ and economic rationalisation); irish romanticised ‘history’; irish complicity; but also the burden of trauma and collective memory. drawing on megill we might suggest that joyce was concerned with the ‘arrogance of both history and memory’. that is, on the one hand he rejected the ‘the arrogance of definitiveness’ and on the other, ‘the arrogance of authenticity’ (megill - ). in so doing, i suggest, he permeates the facade of ‘rational obligation’ between imperial power and colonial subjects. he also gestures to the inadequacy and inability of invocations to ancient mythology and imagined collective experience to enact real political change; real change, that is, outside the paradigm of violence and patriarchal possession. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e joyce and the great famine in heathcliff and the great hunger ( ), terry eagleton argues that this silence surrounding the famine also extended to literature. he asks ‘where is the famine in the literature of the revival? where is it in joyce?’ eagleton claims that when it comes to the work of the revival there is a ‘politics of form’, but ‘much of that writing is programmatically non-representational, and thus no fit medium for historical realism’ ( ). if the famine stirred some minor literature to ‘angry rhetoric’, eagleton proposes, it seems to have traumatised the canonical literature into ‘muteness’ ( ). eagleton’s argument has now been countered by many scholars (for example nolan, morash, ulin, whelan, roos, melissa fegan, miriam o’kane mara) and this has opened up the ancillary commentaries surrounding the type of representation ‘the canon’ gave the famine. i would like to highlight though that eagleton was never as hard on joyce as he was on other aesthetes and the revivalists. though he objects to joyce’s seeming recuperation of realism, which he argues becomes merely the redemption of nature for art’s sake and thus becomes ‘obtrusively artificial’, he yields that joyce is not in ‘full flight from nature’ like wilde, moore and yeats ( ). eagleton makes a number of points throughout his influential work that make his initial criticisms of apolitical art reflective of this thesis’s framing of joyce’s modernism as a liminal space. joyce represents the very ambiguity that was present in turn of the century ireland, and eagleton contends that like the travesty of auschwitz, ‘there would seem something trivialising or dangerously familiarizing about the very act of representation itself’ ( ). we should hence attend to joyce’s form, such as juxtaposition, allusions, symbolism, iconography, and characterisation, and not just the utterances of ‘famine’, such as the citizen’s memory of the black ’ . while joyce’s anti-political aesthetics ‘is a politics all in itself’, eagleton importantly adds that this modernist non-political politics appears ‘sharper’ in a society which lacks a mainstream liberal tradition’ (heathcliff and the great hunger ). while ‘european modernism is apolitical’, irish writers might seem less political due to the ‘boisterous presence of [irish] politics’ ( ). in contrast to the presbyterian ulster, catholic ireland, ‘with the sea-change from enlightenment republicanism to romantic nationalism’, did not have the ‘language of individual liberty’ but instead embraced the discourse of ‘collective emancipation’ ( ). the romantic nationalism of ireland gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e replaced the universalism of human rights with particularism, but when the revolution arrives, eagleton asserts, its ontology is constrained by ‘god and nation’ ( ). taking eagleton’s argument further, we can suggest that rather than joyce representing turn of the century irish nationalist politics, he represents what happens ‘after the revolution’. as w. j. mccormack points out, ulysses is an historical novel, and so the irish readership would have been aware of the interim years between , when the novel was set, and the ireland of , when it was published (in innes the cambridge introduction to postcolonial literature in english ). the ‘cyclops’ episode in particular, c. l. innes notes, highlights the differences between ‘then and now’, and the ‘romantic and racially based nationalism espoused by the citizen is brought into question’ ( ): the cultural and political world represented in by ‘citizen’ michael cusack, the gaelic league, and the gaelic athletic association had now been overlaid by the fearful bloodshed of world war i, the easter rising and subsequent executions, the elections that brought sinn fein to power in ireland, the declaration of irish independence, and the fierce fighting between irish republicans and the british black and tans. (innes ) joyce thus arouses reflection: what happens to the universal freedoms and a people when the church and its sanitised and canonised versions of the past provide the scaffold around which the new irish state is to be built? joyce represents england’s laissez-faire and providentialist famine response, but also denotes other confronting realities such as the irish people’s complicity in perpetuating their oppression and the paralysing effects of folk memory. in many ways joyce is as radical as mitchel because he leaves in the ugliness of what people are reduced to. this type of past (known but not regaled) will not do for a modern state’s history, and irish writers drew upon mitchel selectively. louis j. walsh, for example, (whom joyce debated at university about mangan’s status as a nationalist poet) appropriated aspects of mitchel for his novel, the next time (morash ‘making memories’ ). walsh’s hero asks: ‘wouldn’t the greatest massacres in battle or even deaths at the stake have been pleasant compared with that slow torture [of famine]!’ as morash states, this selective appropriation of mitchel is important for walsh’s nationalist cause as it allows ‘victims’ of the famine to be re-imagined as military dead and part of the nationalist cause ( ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e joyce doesn’t romanticise the famine and make martyrs of victims. instead he presents colonial oppression and violence, a theme set down in his essay ‘ireland, island of saints and sages’. joyce’s treacherous move in this essay is to also present a ‘silent people’ (‘saints and sages’ cw ) complicit in their subjugation. he draws into comparison the two visits made by queen victoria to ireland; the first in and then the visit, when joyce was . joyce described the mid-nineteenth century visit in intriguing terms. the irish, he offers, were ‘antipathetic to the queen’; they ‘had not completely forgotten their fidelity to the unfortunate stuarts, nor the name of mary stuart, queen of scots, nor the legendary fugitive, bonnie prince charlie’ ( ). joyce represents this antipathy though in seemingly incongruous ways. he remarks that the irish had a ‘wicked idea’ of amusing themselves at the expense of the queen’s consort by ‘greeting him exuberantly with a cabbage stalk just at the moment when he set foot on irish soil’ ( ). though joyce also reports that the irish ‘responded in a lively way’ to the queen’s disparaging comments about the irish people, there is a sense that the irish actions were ‘little’ ( ). fifty years later when the queen visited ireland again, joyce reflects that ‘the old queen of england entered the irish capital in the midst of a silent people’ ( ; emphasis added). in this essay joyce writes his most scathing indictment of imperial oppression and england’s inaction during the great famine, but pointedly joyce does not represent a desperate and angry irish people. it is worth noting this section of the essay at length for although joyce’s derision of imperial oppression is often cited (for example, by nolan), this following section which signals joyce’s awareness of irish muteness is rarely considered in tandem: along the way were arrayed the little english soldiers . . . and behind this barrier stood the crowd of citizens. in the decorated balconies were the officials and their wives, the unionist employees and their wives, the tourists and their wives. when the precession appeared, the people in the balconies began to shout greetings and wave their handkerchiefs. the queen’s carriage passed, carefully protected on all sides by the impressive body of guards with bared sabres, and within was seen a tiny lady, almost a dwarf, tossed and jolted by the movement of the carriage, dressed in mourning, and wearing horn-rimmed glasses on a livid empty face . . . she bowed to left and right, with a vague and mechanical movement. the english soldiers stood respectfully at attention while their patroness passed, and behind them, the crowd of citizens looked at the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ostentatious procession and the pathetic central figure with curious eyes and almost with pity; and when the carriage passed they followed it with ambiguous glances. this time there were no bombs or cabbage stalks, but the old queen of england entered the irish capital in the midst of a silent people. ( ) compared to the meek and silent reception of , the ‘wickedness’ of the cabbage wielding incident in was an out-and-out ‘bomb’. the ‘crowd’ aren’t looking at the ‘ostentatious’ procession from their balconies (from where the officials, unionists and tourists view the procession), but from behind the barrier of the english soldiers. but, despite the literal and figurative height of the anglo-irish in this reported scene and the strength of the ‘body of the guards with bared sabres’, the queen is ‘tiny’, a ‘dwarf’, ‘empty’, ‘tossed and jolted’, ‘mechanical’ and ‘pathetic’. instead of contempt for their current conditions and the poor english response to the famine, the crowd ‘almost’ pities the melancholy old widow. joyce’s ‘almost’ is important, however, for stronger than a sense of pity, the queen’s physical, diminutive presence highlights to the irish their complicity in their own suppression. the procession is humiliating for here the irish bear witness to the impoverishment of the power by which they are still subjugated. ulysses productively subjects the operations of power to scrutiny. according to andrew gibson, the ‘wandering rocks’ episode is concerned with the ‘micropolitical formation’, signified by the episode’s ‘brackets’ of ‘[fr.] conmee at one end and the viceroy at the other’ (joyce’s revenge ); the microstructure replicating the macro level powers of the catholic church and the british colonial presence. gibson argues that joyce’s fragmented narrative technique highlights the ‘interfold[ing]’ of dubliners’ lives, demonstrating a ‘circulation or permutation of repetitive elements’ and the resultant ‘false community’ who are complicit in their own condition ( ). gibson also suggests though that dubliners in this episode exhibit non-compliance. while the episode exhibits what irish republican and socialist leader james connolly saw as the profound subjugation of the irish — whereby the end of the colonial rule would still leave the irish subjected to ‘the whole array of . . . institutions she has planted’ (in gibson ) — the episode still ‘flickers with resistance to the political and cultural authority of the colonial power’ ( ). in some sense it is between the poles of resistance and complicity that the rest of ulysses will ruminate, with stephen, for example, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e articulating his concern for this oscillation between ‘two imperial masters’ (gibson ): ‘between two roaring worlds where they swirl, i’ ( : ). although the response to the viceregal cavalcade of ‘wandering rocks’ is often in a ‘mixed and muted mode’, it is worth reiterating that dubliners at the turn of the century would have been on their guard should any ‘public expression of political animus’ be grounds for arrest (gibson - ). joyce, however, had no such reasons for holding back. little patrick dignam’s collar, for example, ‘sprang up’ in an ‘obscene or at least dismissive gesture’ (u : ; gibson ), at the same time as he ‘salutes’ the ‘gent with a topper’ ( : ). while john wyse nolan quotes ‘elegantly’ from the merchant of venice ( : ), his eyes will remain ‘cool’ and ‘unfriendly’ ( : ), and he will ‘[smile] with unseen coldness towards the lord lieutenantgeneral and general governor of ireland’ ( : - ). gibson suggests that while simon dedalus ‘stood still in midstreet and brought his hat low’ ( : - ), his hat may have just prevented his penis ‘hanging out in fealty’ (gibson ). parnell’s brother, john howard parnell, maintains his fixed gaze at the chessboard, while the ‘eager guests’ cast a shadow over his game (u : - ). of the figures that cast the shadow, mulligan looks out the window ‘gaily’, whilst the englishman haines ‘gravely’ gazes at the sight. although he supposes earlier that ‘history is to blame’, here haines articulates the indirect connection between ‘history’ and irish passivity: their ‘moral idea seems lacking, the sense of destiny, of retribution’ ( : - ). when considered alongside his description of the queen’s visit in the ‘saints and sages’ essay, ‘wandering rocks’, written some ten years later, seemingly presents less passive dubliners. i argue, however, that their actions highlight the diminutive and ineffective ways in which the irish expressed ‘moral ideas’, ‘destiny’, and ‘retribution’. the ‘cyclops’ episode presents a dubliner who is far from guarded about his political stance. like a number of turn of the century writers, for example conyngham, guinan, walsh, and sheehan (morash ‘making memories’ - ), joyce echoes the rhetoric of mitchel’s history of the famine in his prose and in the character of the citizen. joyce engages in what patrick sullivan calls ‘oppression history’, as the citizen’s accounts of the famine (death and migration) become subsumed into the larger ‘oppression, compensation, contributio n’ cycle ( ): gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e we’ll put force against force, says the citizen. we have our greater ireland beyond the sea. they were driven out of house and home in the black ’ . their mudcabins and their shielings by the roadside were laid low by the batteringram and the times rubbed its hands and told the whitelivered saxons there would soon be as few irish in ireland as redskins in america. even the grand turk sent us his piastres. but the sassenach tried to starve the nation at home while the land was full of crops that the british hyenas bought and sold in rio de janeiro. ay, they drove out the peasants in hordes. twenty thousand of them died in the coffinships. but those that came to the land of the free remember the land of bondage. and they will come again and with a vengeance, no cravens, the sons of granuaile, the champions of kathleen ni houlihan. (u : - ) morash demonstrates that certain details of this oft quoted section of ‘cyclops’ are paraphrases of well-known passages of mitchel’s history: ‘the “times rubbing its hands”, the “grand turk” sending charity, and the mention of rio de janeiro’ are all from mitchel (morash - ). nolan’s survey of the critical history of the ‘cyclops’ episode draws attention to the work of matthew hodgart (james joyce: a student guide ), who argues that ‘the version of history given by the citizen is hardly at all exaggerated from that favoured by the ira’, and ‘and only a little more from that taught in some irish schools’ (in nolan ). despite the reading of the citizen as belligerent and ultranationalist (fargnoli and gillespie ), nolan argues that the straightforward charges of the citizen’s ‘lying, ignorance or triviality’ need to be considered as representing nationalist memories of the disaster: some million irish did starve to death in the disaster, and there is a general agreement that the english authorities did mismanage the crisis ( ). this indictment of the complicity of the british government is also heard in joyce’s ‘saints and sages’. while the irish revivalists were intent on recreating a heroic irish history ‘cleansed of meanness, squalor, and vulgarity’, ‘saints and sages’ and ulysses presents the reality of hunger, malnutrition and vulnerability, counter-offering the revivalist heroism with ‘the anti-heroic, the dirty, trivial, and obscene’ (gibson ). as joyce states in his essay: the english now disparage the irish because they are catholic, poor and ignorant; however, it will not be so easy to justify such disparagement of some people. ireland is poor because english laws ruined the country’s industries, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e especially the wool industry, because the neglect of english governments in the years of the potato famine allowed the best of the population to die from hunger. (cw ) as ian miller and others have noted, while england attempted to apply food reform in the post-famine era it tended to be in areas of agricultural education, a focus that benefitted cattle graziers who sold their cattle to the english markets ( ): ‘english bankers seized control of abandoned pockets of irish land, turning agricultural fields to cow pastures’, so that by ‘ireland had been virtually transformed into a giant cattle pasture’. furthermore, a decade later, ‘over percent of ireland’s meat production was being shipped to england’ (rifkin in regan ‘bloom’s vegetarian impulses’ - ). paradoxically, nutritious foodstuffs such as eggs, butter, and meat were exported out of ireland, whilst less nutritious, cheaper food was being imported (miller ). in addition to the citizen’s indictment, bloom also identifies the continuing use of ireland for the benefit of the england. on the way to paddy dignam’s funeral he notices sheep and cows out of his carriage window, and thinks of the ‘[d]ead meat trade’: ‘tomorrow is killing day . . . for liverpool probably. roastbeef for old england. they buy up all the juicy ones’ (u : - ). in the ‘eumaeus’ episode, skin the goat has an ‘axe to grind’ bemoaning that despite all the natural resources — coal, pork, butter and eggs — ‘all the riches are drained out of it by england levying taxes on the poor people . . . and [england] gobbling up the best meat in the market’ ( : - ). in addition to joyce’s explicit and implicit comments about the english administration of the famine, he also parodies his peers and their reimagining of ancient idealism, and their representation of irish hospitality. joyce’s neo-celtic allusions highlight discrepancy between the ridiculousness of the ‘pseudo-histories’ (tymoczko ) of the anglo-irish, revivalist historiographies and the ‘actual’ (gibson , ). as gibson points out, standish o’grady’s two volume history of ireland ( - ) is central to turn of the century irish historiography, and joyce’s awareness of its importance on irish culture shouldn’t be underestimated ( ). o’grady, along with yeats and lady gregory, who sustained o’grady’s mode of ‘historical imagination’, believed that the ‘gigantic conceptions of heroism and strength . . . with which the forefront of irish history is thronged, prove the great future of this race and land’ (in gibson ). irish history ‘requires and creates heroic forms’, o’grady argued, and ‘gigantism’ is gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e authentically irish ( ). the ‘ancient idealism’ of revivalist art needed to reimagine folk culture as both ‘ideological and artistic’, correcting previous misconstructions of irish national character and create new images of the irish race that eliminated stereotypes from future irish art (nolan ). early in the ‘cyclops’ episode the narrator gives a survey of the dublin markets which highlights the discrepancy between the romantic visions of the revivalists and the citizen’s and joyce’s view. reading the survey as a pastiche of the ‘style of nineteenth- century translations and revisions of irish poetry, myth, and legend’, joyce draws upon select phrases from james clarence mangan’s translations of ‘aldfrid’s itinerary’ [appendix ], and ‘lampoons the style of revivalist works such as lady gregory’s gods and fighting men ( )’ (gifford ; also see nolan - ). mangan writes of ‘fruitful provinces’ (l. ), ‘abundant apparel, and food for all’ (l. ), ‘plenty of wheat and plenty of honey’ (l. ), with ‘many a feast’ (l. ), ‘milk in lavish abundance’, and ‘flourishing pastures, valor, health’ (l. ) and ‘sweet fruits’ (l. ). laden with the romanticism of the revivalists, the ‘cyclops’ episode exhibits what cheng sees as ‘a number of extended and hilarious send-ups of sentimentalized, nostalgia-laden, heroic irish literature and legend in celtic-revival mode’ ( ). drawing on maria tymoczko’s terminology, we might then refer to this description as a ‘pseudo market’: and there rises a shining palace whose crystal glittering roof is seen by mariners who traverse the extensive sea in barks expressly for that purpose, and thither come all herds and fatlings and firstfruits of that land for o’connell fitzsimon takes toll of them, a chieftain descended from chieftains. thither the extremely large wains bring foison of the fields, flaskets of cauliflowers, floats of spinach, pineapple chunks, rangoon beans, strikes of tomatoes, drums of figs, drills of swedes, spherical potatoes and tallies of iridescent kale, york and savoy, and trays of onions, pearls of the earth, and punnets of mushrooms (u : - ) . . . the herds innumerable of bellwethers and flushed ewes and shearling rams and lambs and stubble geese and medium steers and roaring mares and polled calves and longwools and storesheep . . . sowpigs and baconhogs and the various different varieties of highly distinguished swine . . . polly bullocks of immaculate gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e pedigree . . . sheep and pigs and heavyhooved kine from pasturelands of lusk and rush and carrickmines and from the streamy vales of thomond . . . their udders distended with superabundance of milk . . . and oblong eggs in great hundreds ( : - ) while numerous allusions in these extended parodies have been explored by don gifford (ulysses annotated), it is worth exploring mangan’s translation of aldfrid further. prince aldfrid, afterwards king of the northumbrian saxons, was amongst the anglo-saxon students studying in ireland around (longfellow ed. poems of places: an anthology, see appendix ). the original was pointedly written in irish, well prior to the tudor conquest of ireland and the plantation, and the destruction of gaelic culture. apart from the description of abundance of produce, what is most striking in the poem are the many references to heroism and hospitality. while domestic, masculine hospitality is explored in chapter three of this thesis, it is ‘diplomatic’ hospitality that is of interest to me here. while joyce parodies revivalist nostalgia by drawing on the poem he problematizes both of these ‘ancient’ traits of heroism and hospitality that are central to irish ‘pseudo’ histories. ‘aldfrid’s itinerary’ mentions that on his visits to all the ‘provinces’ he discovers ‘god’s people rich in pity’ (l. ); ‘fond affection, / holy welcome and kind protection’ in armagh (l. - ); ‘hospitality, vigor, fame’ in connaught (l. ); and ‘virtue, vigor and hospitality’ in meath (l. ). the ultimate result of this extension of diplomatic hospitality to ‘outsiders’ is noted by joyce in ‘saints and sages’ where he reminds the irish, as the citizen does, that the ‘english came to ireland at the repeated requests of a native king’ (cw ). while the citizen states ‘we want no more strangers in our house’ (u : - ), he soon accepts that it is ‘[o]ur own fault. we let them come in. we brought them in’ ( : - ). in less than one year after king henry ii landed with seven hundred men, he was ‘celebrat[ing] christmas with guests in the city of dublin’ (cw ). as will be suggested in chapter three, this first english christmas in dublin seems to smite the ability for irish familial and communal celebrations well into the future. toward the end of the ‘cyclops’ episode joyce continues to problematise irish ‘hospitality’ by parodying the ancient myths of hospitality in the context of colonial occupation. a group of men enter barney kiernan’s pub and demand ‘bestir thyself, sirrah! . . . look to our steeds. and for ourselves give us of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e your best for ifaith we need it’, to which the proprietor informs them that ‘my poor house has but a bare larder’ (u : - ). the proprietor’s visage changes dramatically though when the ‘masters’ inform him that they are on the king’s business: cry you mercy, gentlemen, he said humbly. an you be the king’s messengers (god shield his majesty!) you shall not want for aught. the king’s friends (god bless his majesty!) shall not go afasting in my house i warrant me . . . what you say, good masters, to a squab pigeon pastry, some collops of venison, a saddle of veal, widgeon with crisp hog’s bacon, a boar’s head with pistachios, a bason of jolly custard, a medlar tansy and flagon of old rhenish? - gadzooks! . . . that like me well. pistashios! - aha! cried he of pleasant countenance. a poor house and a bare larder, quotha! ‘tis a merry rogue. ( : - ) in addition to ‘hospitality’, aldfrid observes the heroism of the irish. seemingly the enjoyment of the bounty and beauty of the isle was due to the dual measure of defence. salutations to ‘nobel councilors’ of armagh (l. ); ‘bravest heroes, ever victorious’ of connall (l. ); ulster’s ‘hardy warriors; resolute men’ (l. ); the ‘valor’ of leinster (l. ); and the ‘bravery’ in meath, intersperse the regaling of irish hospitality and abundance. but what constitutes an irish hero is also up for contestation. tymoczko observes that while stephen, bloom and molly are ‘culturally alienated’ from ‘pseudo history’ they represent ‘the heritage of all the island’s inhabitants as descendants of invaders’ ( ). thus every irish citizen, including the citizen — that ‘broadshouldered deepchested stronglimbed frankeyed redhaired freelyfreckled shaggybearded widemouthed largenosed longheaded deepvoiced barekneed brawnyhanded hairylegged ruddyfaced sinewyarmed hero’ (u : - ) — is an immigrant. we might focus here on the red hair and the viking invasions from the late eighth century. invasion theory of ireland, tymoczko notes, ‘is predicated on the notion that there are no aboriginal inhabitants of the island’ ( ). joyce’s ‘saints and sages’ was concerned too with irishness as a convergence of identities. for joyce, revivalists’ efforts placed on searching for an imagined irish past were ill placed: ‘ancient ireland is dead just as ancient egypt is dead (cw ). joyce does not imagine a pure irishness but rather the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e mix of the invaders’ blood with old celtic blood ( ). during the nearly eight centuries that span the time of the english invasion to the early s, joyce perceives the rise of a national irish temperament as ‘the various elements’ of the ‘old celtic stock and the scandinavian, anglo-saxon and norman races’, mingle and renew ‘the ancient body’ ( ). the ancient enemies, joyce argues, ‘made common cause against the english aggression’ with the norman descendants — ‘more irish than the irish themselves’ — together with the scandinavian descendants, championed ‘the cause of the irish nation against the british tyranny’ ( ). o’grady and the anglo-irish revivalists wanted history to move away from english culture and towards a unique indigenous irish one. only then can the ‘intellect of man, tired by contact with the vulgarity of actual things’, find refuge in the idealised haven of ‘legends’ that offers ‘rest and recuperation’ (o’grady in gibson ; gibson - ). d. p. moran argued in though that the talk of ‘ancient glories’ and the irish being a ‘fine people long ago’ was an errant evasion of the political reality of contemporary ireland (moran philosophy of irish ireland ; gibson - ). this approach actually anglicised irish culture via its ‘outlandish stylistic oscillations’ (gibson ). joyce ostensibly endows his parodies with the anglo-irish binary of celtic purity / english depravity (cheng ) but through the gigantism of ulysses, and specifically the citizen, this also works to highlight the irish realities of hypocrisy. although both the citizen and joyce rail against the injustices of england during the time of the famine, joyce’s parallax, here via the narration, also questions collective rhetoric and reveals that the citizen himself profited from an ‘eviction’: the narrator remarks that ‘[a]s much as his bloody life is worth to go down and address his tall talk to the assembled multitude in shanagolden where he daren’t show his nose with the molly maguires looking for him to let daylight through him for grabbing the holding of an evicted tenant’ (u : - ). the citizen may counter the sanitised version of history by reminding us of the providentialist and liassez-faire justifications for english inaction during the famine, and remember the dead with a toast ( : ), but joyce pointedly reveals that the citizen’s own actions perpetuate the injustices he decries (ulin ). Ó gráda critiques the rhetoric of contemporary poets, novelists, scholars and psychotherapists arguing that collective rhetoric — such as invocations of ‘our memory of hunger’, ‘ourselves’, ‘irish character’, ‘irish people’, ‘this country’, ‘a country with a gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e memory’, ‘our own’, ‘our memory’ — imagine the inclusiveness of all irish and occludes the ‘uneven and divisive character of the famine’ (ireland’s great famine ). christine kinealy also remarks upon the unpleasant and hidden truths of the famine: the ships that left ireland laden with food during the famine were doing so largely for the financial benefit of irish merchants and traders. the large farmers who benefitted from the availability and sale of cheap land toward the latter end of the famine were also irish and, sometimes, catholic . . . corruption, stealing, hoarding, and even cannibalism are part of the darker reality of the famine years, and should not be forgotten in an attempt to make the famine a simplistic morality tale about the ‘goodies’ (the irish en masse) and the ‘baddies’ (the whole of the british people). (‘the great irish famine – a dangerous memory’ ; original emphasis) garrett deasy in the ‘nestor’ episode exhibits the more practical dangers of not talking about the famine. he is usually read as ‘an older version of buck mulligan’, an anglophile complicit in english colonisation, both ‘stingy and ignorant’ (roos ; cheng ), but he also demonstrates the importance of famine memory and how it is subordinated to romanticised versions of history and free market doctrine. although he claims to have survived the famine — ‘i remember the famine in ’ ’ (u : ) — he is ‘unreliable and inconsistent both in recalling it and in evaluating its political significance’ (ulin ). though he tries to be cassandra, that ‘truth teller’ and ‘prophetic seer’ (roos ), when he attempts to prevent another possible agricultural disaster by writing a letter to the english authorities about the spread and consequences of foot and mouth disease, he is unable to articulate the urgency of the situation: may i trespass on your valuable space. that doctrine of laissez faire which is so often in our history. our cattle trade. the way of our old industries. liverpool ring which jockeyed the galway harbour scheme. european conflagration. grain supplies through the narrow waters of the channel. the pluterperfect imperturbability of the department of agriculture. pardoned a classical allusion. cassandra. by a woman who was no better than she should be. to come to the point at issue. (u : - ) gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e roos argues that deasy’s ambiguous letter repeats the mistakes of previous writers (revivalists and historians of the ilk of o’grady) who don’t mention the famine ( ). ‘his odd letter’, roo states, tries to embody ‘many arguably inappropriate facets of irish revival ideals of self-sacrifice and hospitality in the context of a scientific and agricultural letter’ ( ). ulin makes the interesting point that while deasy mentions laissez faire capitalism he does so in an incomplete sentence, thus only implicitly referring to the extent english inaction and laissez faire doctrine were responsible for the irish suffering (ulin ). though deasy aims not to ‘mince words’ (u : ) and perceives he has made his point in ‘a nutshell’ ( : ), he is only able to articulate fully to stephen the way the disease will impact ireland: ‘you will see at the next outbreak they will put an embargo on irish cattle’ ( : - ). in comparison, deasy’s letter destined for the british government is ‘hypocritically courteous’ and ‘generous to the point of comedy’, and in the end obstructs his urgent message about the disease that could lead to starvation and famine (roos ). foot and mouth disease — a disease that affects pigs, sheep, goats and cattle — was a recurring disease throughout industrialised europe, but until it had not struck ireland. with a post-famine reliance on cattle and beef exports, and a domestic reliance on milk and milk products, the consequences would be devastating for ireland ( ). ‘in response to outbreaks of the disease’, roos comments, ‘whole herds of cattle were habitually slaughtered, and in addressing the problem england proposed sanctions against ireland’s imports of cattle when and if it appeared there’ ( ). though joyce is prophesising about the future outbreak ( ), he makes deasy’s ‘point at issue’ unclear to highlight that real and urgent concerns cannot be communicated clearly in a style befitting a ‘hospitable’, revivalist style: foot and mouth disease. known as koch’s preparation. serum and virus. percentage of salted horses. rinderpest. emperor’s horses at mürzsteg, lower austria. veterinary surgeons. mr henry blackwood price. courteous offer a fair trial. dictates of common sense. allimportant question. in every sense of the word take the bull by the horns. thanking you for the hospitality of your columns. (u : - ) while action is urgently needed the letter is pointedly not specific about what action is required. it isn’t until the end of the letter that a full sentence appears, however, here he gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e merely reverts to platitudes. while deasy is a teacher, what he teaches — the perpetuation of cultural hegemony and english versions of western history (cheng , ) — is not capable of articulating any problem that may counter hegemonic power. though roos encourages us to see deasy’s letter, possibly, as heroic — an ‘attempt at the salvation of ireland from future plagues’ ( ) — in the end she suggests that the letter is a failure. deasy remembers the famine but the rhetoric available to him isn’t amenable to a full articulation of a more critical indictment of the english, nor is it able to express the possible calamitous impact of another agricultural disaster. the potato: famine memory and political violence as will be explored throughout the thesis, bloom’s relationship with food is multi- dimensional. it is particularly complex when this gustatory character is considered in relation to the famine. as well as exploring the significance of that key famine symbol — the potato — roos suggests that bloom’s comparative gluttony also says something about irish complicity and a failure to act heroically. while roos shows deasy’s possibility for heroism, she leads her discussion of bloom with a list of his heroic failures and his missed opportunities to demonstrate a communal conscience. in the ‘lestrygonians’ episode, for example, while bloom recognises dilly dedalus’s starvation — ‘underfed she looks too. potatoes and marge, marge and potatoes. it’s after they feel it. proof of the pudding. undermines the constitution’ (u : - ) — he buys bread for the ‘hungry famished gull’ rather than helping her ( : ; original emphasis; roos ). furthermore, as bloom follows stephen in ‘circe’ to protect him he pauses to buy unnecessary food, and this is likely the cause of him losing track of stephen ( ). bloom ‘appears, flushed, panting, cramming bread and chocolate into a sidepocket’, and soon after stops at olhausen, the pork butcher’s, and emerges holding a parcel in each hand: ‘one containing a lukewarm pig’s crubeen, the other a cold sheep’s trotter, sprinkled with wholepepper’ (u : - , - ; original emphasis). bloom’s excessive hoarding of food, roos suggests, reflects the initial sequence of events that lead to the famine, where the market was flooded with rotting potatoes before they had gone completely bad ( ). bloom indicates then the difficulty of both eating to excess and acting heroically ( ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e roos and ulin’s reading of bloom’s potato offers some insight into the complexity of famine memory. as roos traces the role of the potato in ‘circe’ we are reminded that in homer’s odyssey hermes gives odysseus a ‘moly’ (a charm) to carry to prevent the circean loss of memory ( ). like odysseus’s ‘holy moly’ bloom carries a potato in his pocket, but roos maintains he doesn’t recognise its significance. for roos the potato is a powerful symbol of ‘irish subjection’ and the ‘memory of that experience’: through metonymic substitution, the potato is ‘england’s exploitation; ireland’s economic culpability; and the truth behind ireland’s seeming “docility” — women prostituted for food, infanticide and even the horrors of cannibalism, caused by the effects of starvation’ ( ). roos argues, however, that bloom sanitises the ‘distasteful memory’ of the famine by referring to it instead as a mere good luck charm from his mother (u : ; roos ). bloom as unheroic in his denial of the potato as a famine symbol, as it is only by remembering this history, roos contends, that ireland can ‘win’ in its struggles against english oppression and prevent a repetition of the famine ( ). as with the union and ‘free trade’, however, the initial expectations of advancing ireland’s best interests in reality proved to further irish suppression and the irish complicity in their own subjugation ( ). as bloom surrenders the talisman to english zoe he forfeits his ability to remember the memories attached to it. as roos states: ‘to become part of this practice of colonization and empire requires a kind of forgetting of the famine, a willful ignorance of the truth of colonization’, and so when bloom pays the prostitute zoe with the potato ‘he unknowingly prostitutes himself’ ( ). ulin contends that roos overstates bloom’s ignorance of the potato’s famine significance, as he calls the potato ‘poor mama’s panacea’ (u : - ), suggesting his mother carried the potato as protection against famine’s recurrence (ulin ). ulin perceptively points out that zoe and bloom’s mother both have the same surname, higgins (u : , : ), so even if he unknowingly surrenders his mother’s memory of the famine, he cannot escape it (ulin ). nevertheless, for ulin the potato is more about ‘familial identity’ rather than participating in a collective memory ( ). i contend, however, that there is still more to explore about the potato as metonymic substitution for the collective memory of the famine. in contrast to roos, who argues that bloom shirks from the ugly truths of the famine, i think that bloom’s potato is significant for its highlighting of the illegitimacy of ireland’s social contract with england and the imperial power’s use of violence to maintain its power. the blackened gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e potato indicates pathologies of colonisation, such as the loss of an ‘irish’ language to articulate irish history and debate issues specific to the irish; the internalisation of liberal economic rationalisation; and also the memory of colonial violence. the memory of the violence of the famine, that is the british government’s economic rationalisation of the event and their purposefully inadequate humanitarian response, is given joyce’s treatment and reimagined in more physical and brutal terms. the brutality metered on bloom is also significant for its linking of violence to the state and the importance for neutralising challenges to legitimacy. bloom’s persona alters according to his possession or dispossession of the potato — from a passive state, to ‘anglo’ advocate of irish concerns — but either way he cannot escape the pathologies of colonial suppression. it is noteworthy that after english zoe puts ‘the potato greedily into a pocket’ (u : ; original emphasis) she encourages bloom to make a ‘stump speech’. while initially bloom’s speech is in response to zoe smoking and the evils of tobacco, zoe is complicit in inciting bloom to speak in the knowledge that without the potato he is now unfettered from the memory of violence and the fear of violent reassertions of imperial power. she instigates not only his tobacco speech but his fantasies of being a liberator and saviour of ireland, and his use of discourses that the irish have learned not to use in public forums due to a pervasive english surveillance (gibson joyce’s revenge ). though cheng does not ‘follow the potato’ as such, he does note that the ‘circe’ episode allows bloom to prove his irishness and counter the earlier mocking of the citizen with more than a ‘soft answer’. while the citizen taunted bloom as ‘a new messiah for ireland’ (u : ), i suggest that without the potato in his possession the ‘circe’ episode gives bloom the psychological and therapeutic space to ‘counter and refute all the citizen’s innuendos and accusations’ (cheng ). here we can perceive an alternative to nolan’s issue with bloom’s unheroic behaviour. for nolan, bloom’s self-proclaimed rhetorical victory over the citizen, where he tells stephen in the cabman’s shelter that he ‘simply but effectively silenced the offender’ and thus showed that a ‘soft answer turns away wrath’ (u : , - ), hasn’t really compensated him for the citizen’s racist hostility, nor ably proven his membership into the irish community (nolan ). however, if one follows the potato the focus shifts from the ‘unheroic’ to the pathologies of colonisation, not least of which concerns language. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e bloom may challenge the english and offer a new future for ireland, but this is done via anglicised rhetoric as he observes ‘linguist propriety’, or what biddy the clap calls ‘refinement of phraseology’ (gibson joyce’s revenge ; u : ). as gibson points out, he ‘can only promote his side’ by demonstrating a kind of ‘irreproachability’ by joining the other side linguistically (gibson , ). whilst it is true that bloom soon falls into his own economic rationalisations for his reformed ireland ( ), unlike deasy who cannot begin to clearly communicate irish concerns in an english style of rhetoric, bloom can. the englishness of bloom’s speeches, advice, and the whole coronation sequence (u : - ) reflect the necessary use of englishness to allay authorities of any subversion actions. bloom (and the other irish characters in the episode) resort to ‘english idioms, english modes of self-presentation’ because they ‘find themselves under certain sorts of pressure or scrutiny, and involved in self- justification’ (gibson ). even as bloom is regaled with ‘prolonged applause’ and paid respect by a procession of a myriad important representatives, gibson astutely points out that the signs and symbols of english colonialism, from the ‘sidars, grandees and maharajahs bearing the cloth of estate’ are present (u : - ; original emphasis). also present, and closely following representatives of ‘guild and trades’ ( : ), are various royal officials ( : - ; gibson ). bloom’s more heroic persona also exhibits the pathology of internalising imperial economic rationalisation. he laments that ‘[t]he poor man starves while they are grassing their royal mountain stags of shooting peasants and phartridges in their purblind pomp of pelf and power’ (u : - ), and alludes to henry george’s progress and poverty ( ) as he states forcefully that he stands for ‘[t]hree acres and a cow for all children of nature’, and also ‘universal language and a universal brotherhood’, and no more ‘patriotism of barspongers’ (u : - ). however, bloom is repeatedly ‘dragged back into patterns and connections he seeks to resist’ (gibson ). thus while he addresses his ‘beloved subjects’ his ‘new bloomusalem’ with its ‘colossal edifice’ is under construction, but ‘[n]umerous houses are razed to the ground and the inhabitants are lodged in barrels and boxes (u : , - ). despite his utopian idealism, bloom’s plans for reform start to cause evictions like those of the famine era and into the late s (see for example kinnane the irish famine: a documentary history). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e bloom’s play with power is short lived though as his apparent ‘englishness’ is no longer leverage for the potential threat which his masculinity and quasi-nationalism poses. the irish have been characterised persistently as a ‘feminine race’, and gendered binary oppositions proved effective in establishing a ‘providential’ and patriarchal hierarchy which rationalised the dominance of the saxon ‘race’ and the inevitability if irish subjugation (curtis anglo-saxons and celts ; mcdonald ‘nothing to be done’ ). lewis perry curtis identifies that victorian literature repeatedly draws on patriarchal and darwinian discourses as they identify the irish as ‘unstable, childish, violent, lazy, feckless, feminine, and primitive’ ( ). in distancing themselves from both the collateral damage of colonisation and also the particularities of irish society, the english deemed the irish were closer to ‘pigs, apes, and chimpanzees’ than the anglo-saxon ‘race’ ( ). as mcdonald notes, the irish-english distinction is structured around these gendered discursive binaries: ‘saxon versus celt, civilisation versus barbarism, urban versus rural, progress versus tradition, faith versus superstition, modernism versus revival’ (‘nothing to be done’ ). joyce highlights these entrenched dualisms as bella / bello, parodying queen victoria — ‘massive whoremistress’ (u : ) — reasserts england’s patriarchal predominance and punishes, rapes, and degrades bloom. as bella appears in the brothel her ‘eyes rest on bloom’ and her ‘falcon eyes glitter’ ( : - ). she soon becomes fixated on possessing bloom, from her initial ‘you are mine’ ( : ), to a more insistent ‘be mine. now’ ( : ), and then not long after she has physically broken him and emasculated him she claims her possession: ‘you are unmanned and mine in earnest, a thing under the yoke’ ( : - ). as bello weds bloom saying ‘with this ring i thee own’ ( : ), the marriage reflects contemporary perspectives on ireland’s oppressive union with england, a union that was bitterly opposed (woodham-smith - ). with ireland as the ‘feminised protesting bride’ and heiress, whose supposed guardians had been bribed, she is dragged to the altar and is subject to the queen’s (england’s) ‘brutal rape’ (roos ; woodham-smith - ). so too bello initially has to coax bloom out from under the sofa with ‘come, ducky dear, i want a word with you, just to administer correction’ (u : - ), but then violently grabs bloom by the hair with an aggressive ‘i only want to correct you for your own good on a soft safe spot. how’s that tender behind? o, ever so gently, pet. begin to get ready’ ( : - ). a violent and brutal scene in itself, a scene where bloom is left ‘fainting’ gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ( : ; original emphasis), bello states plans for further violence, in terms that reflect the animalistic terminology often used by the colonial power as further justification for their continued oppression of their subjects. importantly, this terminology also likens colonisation to cannibalism: bello: (savagely) the nosering, the pliers, the bastinado, the hanging hook, the knout i’ll make you kiss while the flutes play like the nubrian slave of old. you’re in for it this time! i’ll make you remember me for the balance of your natural life . . . very possibly i shall have you slaughtered and skewered in my stables and enjoy a slice of you with crisp crackling from baking tin basted and baked like suckling pig with rice and lemon or currant sauce. it will hurt you. ( : - ) bloom faints, ‘squeals’, ‘screams’ and ‘whimpers’ from the violence administered for his ‘own good’ (u : , , ; original emphasis), establishing his primitiveness (squealing like a pig), femininity (fainting and screaming like a woman), and child status (as he whimpers). bloom claims that he has ‘been a perfect pig’ ( : ), implying that he remembers and acknowledges his inferior status and is thus deserving of the violence. as joseph nugent has recently reiterated, nineteenth century english representations of irish peasantry were grounded in the castigation of peasants’ domestic cottages — their apparent odour and primitiveness — and the metonymic substitution of the peasants’ pigs for irish national character (‘the human snout: pigs, priests, and peasants in the parlor’). pigs throughout the ages, peter stallybrass and allon white remark (the politics and poetics of transgression), ‘seem to have borne the brunt of our rage, fear, affection and desire for the “low”’. rather than creatures of the household, pigs were ‘creatures of the threshold’ (in nugent ). as a self- affirmed pig, roos contends that through bloom joyce also represents how the irish internalised the english critique of the famine: ireland required an unfortunate but necessary curbing of its population rates; that ireland’s failure to industrialise led to the famine; that ireland’s people were too weak and lazy to prevent their own starvation; that ireland exaggerated the famine to better squeeze the english; that england’s laissez-faire policies were designed to make ireland a stronger nation. (roos ) gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e towards the end of his ordeal in ‘circe’, it is interesting to note that as bloom exclaims: ‘my willpower! memory! i have sinned! i have suff . . .’ (u : ), he fully articulates his sin but cuts short his suffering. he appeals to his memory, but his second thoughts about parting with the potato — ‘i should not have parted with my talisman’ ( : ) — also point to his regret for forgetting imperial violence and his ‘place’. when he asks zoe for his potato back he says ‘there is a memory attached to it’ ( : ). bloom’s appeal to memory touches on possible reasons for passivity: the memory of imperial dominance will suppress the irish voice but it will provide security from violence. as zoe unrolls the potato from her stocking, roos suggests that her comment that ‘those that hides knows where to find’ ( : - ), indicates that the irish have hidden their famine memory, and only they themselves can find it ( ). we might also consider that in the context of ireland’s colonial status and england’s monopoly on violence the safest place for the memory is ‘hidden’. cheryl herr argues that ‘circe’ is ‘as much the world of an imperialised experience as it is of the unconscious’, so while critics have predominately focused on ‘the purgation of various psychic problems of stephen and bloom’, the episode insists on being read as a representation of ‘cultural psychosis’ (joyce’s anatomy of culture ; nolan ). with this in mind the transformation of bloom as he repossesses the potato demonstrates such cultural pathologies. tellingly, his memory of violence heightens his fear of a physical altercation between stephen and the british soldiers, and he undermines stephen’s fearless inflammatory ‘truth telling’ at all costs (roos - ). stephen states, in the company of privates carr and compton, ‘you are my guests. uninvited. by virtue of the fifth of george and seventh of edward. history to blame. fabled by mothers of memory’ (u : - ). he further claims that his ‘centre of gravity is displaced’, and that he must ‘kill the priest and the king’ ( : - ), while bloom urges stephen to ‘come home’ before he gets into trouble, or things get worse ( : , ). bloom makes excuses for stephen: ‘he doesn’t know what he’s saying. taken a little more than is good for him. absinthe. greeneyed monster. i know him. he’s a gentleman, a poet. it’s all right’ ( : - ). increasingly fearful of the escalation of the interaction, ‘terrified’ bloom assures the soldiers: ‘he said nothing. not a word. a pure misunderstanding’ ( : ; original emphasis). gibson also notes that bloom (and most other characters in this episode) reflect entrapment, where the presentation of ‘englishness’, via language or through anglicised gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘connections’ (for example, masons, trinity college, royal dublin fusiliers), while causing a ‘self-disjunction’, is nonetheless necessary to be safe from authorities who require proof of the right ‘whiteness’ (joyce’s revenge - , ). as roos poignantly observes, as corny kelleher and bloom exchange masonic signs, now that they are assured the bobbies will not arrest stephen, they are ‘merry’ and ‘mirthful’ but importantly remain ‘mute’ ( ). they are successful because they are like ‘well- trained beasts’, ‘unable to shed their domestication’ ( ). jean-michel rebaté explores sodomy in joyce’s work, that ‘fourth or missing corner of the “gnomon”’, evoked by the boy in ‘the sisters’, that ‘ana-phanic counter-principle that hints of a dark and incomplete disclosure’ ( - ). yet, i suggest that beyond rebaté’s analysis of sodomy as the homoerotic, the metaphor of sodomy also speaks of ireland’s long subjugation. violence does not have to be as direct and brutalising as it is in the ‘circe’ episode. in david nally’s recent human encumbrances, he purposefully begins by quoting from john hughes’s ‘lecture on the antecedent causes of the irish famine’, establishing the vagaries and seeming innocuousness of political violence: the vice which is inherent in our system of social and political economy is so subtle that is eludes all pursuit, that you cannot find or trace it to any responsible source. the man, indeed, over whose dead body the coroner holds an inquest, has been murdered, but no one killed him. there is no external wound, there is no symptom of internal disease. society guarded him against all outward violence; - it merely encircled him around in order to keep up what is termed the regular current of trade, and then political economy, with an invisible hand, applied the air-pump to the narrow limits within which he was confined, and exhausted the atmosphere of his physical life. who did it? no one did it, and yet it was done. (in nally vii) as hannah arendt cautions, the most despotic forms of domination do not rely on overt coercion, but on ‘a superior organisation of power – that is, on the organized solidarity of the masters’ (in nally viii). thus, political violence is not only that metered by brute force, but also via dehumanisation, so a person or population is ‘reduced to a position of virtual rightlessness through harmful economic policies, debilitating institutional gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e programmes, prejudicial legislative actions, or misguided political doctrines’ (viii). for this second type of political violence, nally and arendt argue, no police force or army is needed, just greater organisation and political design (nally viii). it is this violence, this ‘monological, authoritarian legitimisation of social power’ (castle ), which joyce sets out to expose through the phantasmagorical ‘circe’ episode. conclusion joyce perpetrates a number of treacherous literary acts in ulysses, not least of which is the acknowledgement of the mid-nineteenth century famine and the complex ways this still resonates one and two generations later. joyce’s work stands in opposition to the revivalist project of cultural production, which saw the need to bury any irish history not amenable to its aesthetic experience, created to inspire political action, rebellion, victory, and the heroics of sacrifice. the parallactic aesthetic experience of ulysses challenges the ilk of w. b. yeats by, for example, invocating the ‘abundance’ of ireland whilst throughout the novel presenting the reality of poverty of dublin and alluding to ireland’s status as an imperial resource. reflective of feldman and schoenbach’s explorations of pragmatic modernism and schwarze’s deliberation on the contradictions of modernism providing a space for thinking, joyce’s form produces ambiguity about ireland’s past. as nolan argues, despite the citizen’s ultranationalism his indictment of england’s part in the scale of devastation of the famine is reflective of joyce’s own views. but, joyce’s interrogations of irish history go beyond dubliners ‘remembering’ the famine. joyce ventures that the silence surrounding the famine is not solely due to the disjuncture between the irish nationalists’ cultural production and a narrative of the irish as ‘victims’. ulysses indicates that the famine experience wasn’t homogenous as some irish benefitted financially during this time. importantly though, through the symbol of the potato, it indicates the famine was an act of imperial violence and that ongoing violence is necessary in a state not formed on the principles of ‘prior covenant’, ‘social pact’ and ‘rational obligation’. by implication joyce problematises irish nationalism’s rationalisation of violence. while joyce provides no direct answers, his aesthetics indicate that violence inspired by imagined ancient heroics isn’t a solution. he thus alludes to the need for a more complete national narrative and by implication a new kind of political action. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e chapter – spectres of famine: ‘famished ghosts’ we keep the irish dark and ignorant, and then we wonder how they can be so enthralled by superstition; we make them poor and unhappy, and then we wonder that they are so prone to tumult and disorder; we tie up their hands, so that they have no inducements to industry, and then we wonder why they are so lazy and indolent . . . no wonder that it should be part of the irish character that they are so careless of their lives, when they have so little worth living for. (thomas campbell [ - ] in nally ) mid-nineteenth century dubliners were both spectators and victims of starvation, disease and inadequate famine relief. in addition to bloom’s remembering of colonial violence and joyce’s representation of the complicity and lack of agency of the irish, we can also perceive in ulysses a rumination on the long-term effect of destroyed rural communities. one generation later, joyce’s dubliners have a collective memory of ‘the great hunger’ and the experience of the violence of subjugation. they are a traumatised intra- and intergeneration of the post-famine era, still experiencing what hannah arendt identifies, in relation to post-second world war revolutions, as the collective violent action of ‘progress’. the exploration of theories of collective trauma by, for example, pierre nora, cathy caruth and marianne hirsch, explain in psychosocial terms how trauma is transferred from one generation to the next. part of this trauma, i suggest, is considered in recent developments in irish historiography which interrogate the geographical and social implications of the mobilisation of the famine era. this multifaceted exploration of joyce’s treatment of the famine is interested in the apparent state of dubliner paralysis but also the political ramifications a disruption of community has on the ability for association and ‘prior covenant’, and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e thus the political agency needed to negotiate the political order and the terms of ‘rational obligation’. as david nally’s human encumbrances reminds us, an analysis of the mid-nineteenth century irish famine cannot be sufficiently appreciated if we don’t consider the duration and complexity of ireland’s colonial history and the ‘long cycle of confiscation and banishment’ ( , ). while the contemporary irish historian, cormac Ó gráda, disagrees with the idea that there can be a ‘collective’ memory, he does argue that a traumatic event like the famine can damage communities. english policies of economic and agricultural rationalisation espoused the ‘progress’ of these transformations, and in joyce’s work we see what christopher morash identifies as ‘atrocity’: the disturbance of the anticipated sequence of ‘cause and effect’ that prevented a coherent, irish, narrative of improvement (morash ‘literature, memory, atrocity’ - ). in addition to the more overt and direct consequences of the famine, david lloyd considers the ‘spatial’ aspects of irish subjugation and the fractured ‘mental geographies’ of land reform (‘indigent sublime’). joyce’s dubliners, generally, are second generation famine survivors who did not experience the famine themselves but still seem to be paralysed; caught in the present as they wander aimlessly around dublin like the dispossessed and banished victims of the famine sixty years before. joyce’s reworking of both the ‘flâneur’ and gothic tropes distinguishes his work from modernists who saw the crowd as a threat, and other forms of irish gothic that either internalise the great ‘woe’ or demonise the ‘other’ (the irish). ulysses, as with many other gothic texts, perceives that ‘times past are not times past’; the separation of history blurs and wavers (punter ‘scottish and irish gothic’ ). as david punter suggests though, the resonance of history in the scottish and irish gothic is distinct from much of the english form, as there are the nagging questions about what life would be like without being subjugated, or ‘settled’ or ‘conquered’: ‘what if?’ ( ). this chapter addresses these questions in terms of the destruction of rural community and how fractured community impacts on political agency. the ‘famished ghosts’ of the ‘lestrygonians’ episode have been identified by lauren rich and james f. wurtz as a continuation of the tragic history of the famine (rich ‘a table for one: hunger and homeliness in joyce’s public eateries’ ; wurtz ‘scarce more a corpse: famine memory and representations of the gothic in ulysses’ ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e for rich, joyce’s dubliners, and especially the men, are ‘unhomed’ and not able to ‘feel at home’ in any meaningful way ( ). in contrast to suzette henke’s perspective of the men at burton’s, ‘driven by a megalomanic rage to stuff their gullets and fill the angry void inside’ (joyce’s moraculous sindbook ), rich’s more political analysis of the scene considers the images of hunger and cannibalism as systematic of colonisation and the pressures of colonial urban modernity ( , - ). for wurtz, beyond the mythic parallel with the odyssey’s cannibal ‘lestrygonians’, the gothic figure of the vampire is evoked by joyce to reflect the ‘past’s grip’ over the present, and how the living are transformed into the ‘undead’ ( ). this chapter develops rich and wurtz’s work by delving even more deeply into the historical causes of modern dubliners’ ‘fraught relation to history’ (wurtz ). james fairhall argues there is ‘something nightmarish’ about the ‘intertwined history of city and country in ireland’. he highlights the demography of turn of the century ireland and its ‘closeness’ to the famine by investigating the migrants from the countryside moving to dublin in the s. he notes the resonance of ‘the country in the city’ throughout dubliners and reiterates that james joyce’s wife nora barnacle was from galway, a tiny city of ‘great poverty and misery’, surrounded by ‘ocean, mountainous bogland, and farmland owned by absentee landlords’ (question of history ). julieann ulin makes the attentive connection between the soup the dignam children eat in the ‘wandering rocks’ episode and the soup relief scheme of the famine. while ulin briefly includes some historical research — alexander sullivan’s new ireland ( ) — highlighting the ‘humiliation’, ‘degradation’, and ‘demoralization’ of the scheme (in ulin ), this chapter explores primary research surrounding alexis soyer’s ‘soup kitchens’ and points to the intra- and inter-generational trauma of this scheme for joyce’s dubliners. while the decaying flesh, bile and ‘corpsechewing’ can be perceived as the unavoidable pull of nature (fairhall ‘n ature, existential shame, and transcendence’), the self-devouring may dedalus also acts as an inter-generational umbilical cord that binds the irish to the famine. joyce neither advocates the nationalism of traditional and violent heroics, nor wants an irish society to build its identity on the memory and trauma of the famine, but rather wants an ireland that learns and progresses. instead of ‘human breath and compromises’ ireland needs to ‘hurry up’ and wake up from the past (‘saints and sages’ cw ). here, however, joyce’s represents the state of haunting between the traumatic event and the anticipated gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e awakening. i suggest that while joyce’s ireland is traumatised, due to the loss of ‘true memory’ and the destruction of the bonds that brought people together and fostered trust and cooperation, the violence and oppression of colonial rule has implemented a new ‘social contract’ that breeds distrust. clachan and english political economy as joyce points out in ‘saints and sages’ ( - ), the vikings (from ad) and the normans (from ad) well preceded the english, but their settlements inevitably merged with ‘indigenous irish . . . language, customs, and brehon laws’ (nally ), whereas the english remained vehemently distinct. as late as the fifteenth century english rule was confined to ‘the pale’. conscious that ‘englishness’ was vulnerable to being subsumed by irishness, the english were aware that ‘colonial demarcations of difference would require vigilant and constant reaffirmation’ ( ). therefore, the statute of kilkenny ( ) decreed ‘that no alliance by marriage, gossipred, fostering of children, concubinage or by amour, nor in any other manner, be henceforth made between the english and irish’ (in nally ). acculturation was a criminal offence with those in breach liable to have ‘lands and tenements’ legally seized and confiscated ( ). from the sixteenth century on the pale was extended and this demarcation was accompanied by a series of policies of broader displacement. henry viii’s policy of ‘surrender and regrant’, the policies of confiscation and plantation of edward vi and elizabeth i, and cromwell’s brutal suppression of rebellion and further dispossession and displacement, all contributed to the marginalisation of the irish (nally - ). as patrick brantlinger notes, whilst the cromwellian conquest of ireland did not set out to destroy the irish, the effect was genocidal. from an estimated irish population of just under . million in , prior to the conflict, the conquest left a death toll of , with a further , were forcefully sent to the west indies as servants and indentured labourers (johnson in brantlinger ; nally ). the act for settling ireland aimed at ‘a total reducement and settlement’, the ‘reducement’ of which commenced with the execution of , rebels and the confiscation of irish land to pay cromwell’s soldiers (brantlinger ; nally ). the irish landed class who were permitted to retain their land were relocated to the most marginal land of connaught and clare (to ‘hell’), ‘[f]orbidden to appear within four miles of the seas and ten miles of the shannon’ (nally ). the penal laws (from the late seventeenth century to the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e mid-eighteenth century further debilitated catholics by barring them from voting, obtaining an education, and renting or purchasing land ( ). it is no surprise then that this long cycle of displacement meant that irish land ownership fell from % in to . % by , and to % by (johnson in brantlinger ; edwards and hourican in nally ). the irish population, however, was ‘neither completely removed nor wholly anglicised’ as planters needed irish tenants to make their estates viable (nally ). as david lloyd (‘indigent sublime’), kevin whelan (‘pre and post famine landscape change’) and robert scally (the end of hidden ireland) have argued, despite being relegated to the bogs and mountainsides along the inhospitable western seaboard, the irish developed ‘sophisticated and ecologically inventive’ means of subsistence on the basis of the potato crop (lloyd ). on this relatively poor quality farming land, the irish were capable of yielding enough food for the family for almost a year on a one acre plot. the system of small scale potato cultivations on small rented plots, combined with occasional labour on larger farms for low wages or some payment in kind was known as cotterism ( ). in contrast to the famine and post-famine years, early marriage and high fertility rates were the norm due to the way family holdings could be subdivided. furthermore, a gaelic system of clachan (or rundale) — a communal system of land holding facilitated by continual subdivision — meant a tenant could have access to a variety of land types, from mountain plots for a small number of sheep to more fertile potato growing patches. while a family’s landholding could be scattered across the landscape, it also encouraged groupings of cabins that created intimate communities and communal labour – meitheal ( ). though historical anthropologist estyn evans is rather backhanded in appreciating the clachan system, robert scally nonetheless indicates that his description of clachan reflects the inextricable link between geography, community and identity: it was egalitarian, and could operate without the benefit of a landlord, but it was complicated by the subdivision among the co-heirs and in former times by the periodic reallocation of the holdings, which were scattered in many small plots so that all shared land of varying quality. the word used to describe the confusion of innumerable scattered plots and tortuous access ways in the infield gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e was ‘throughother’, a word that has been applied to other aspects of irish life. (evans in scally ) david lloyd states that this spatial organisation produced a remarkable vital culture, a ‘deeply imbricated material and cultural space’, that sustained an alternate conception of social relations ( ); or in scally’s words, the system produced a ‘mental geography’ ( ). alexis de tocqueville would comment on the ‘stunningly vigorous and civil social cohesion amid the mud and rags’ (in scally - ). at the time of the famine, the landscape underwent systematic ‘improvement’; that is, english economic rationalisation demanded that the ‘confusion’ of the irish space was reshaped into an ‘orderly geometry’, consolidating the web of clachan into larger farms based on the english agricultural model (lloyd ). as the ‘report of the select committee of house of lords on colonisation from ireland’ declared, the clachan system, where ‘a man’s holding of five acres was probably in twenty different divisions of farm’, had to be rooted out thoroughly (in nally ). as a consequence, all but the most marginal wasteland was enclosed, there was a shift to grain farming and grazing, and small holding tenants were evicted (lloyd ). charles trevelyan, the british treasury official responsible for administering famine relief, thought the famine a godsend: ‘unless we are much deceived, posterity will trace up to that famine the commencement of a salutary revolution in the habits of a nation long singularly unfortunate, and will acknowledge that on this, as on many other occasions, supreme wisdom has educed permanent good out of transient evil’ (in lloyd ). representative of the english and the ‘protestant ascendancy’ take on the famine, lord hill in gweedore ireland also made clear that the failure of the potato crop and the famine offered opportunities: ‘the irish people have profited much by the famine, the lesson was severe; but so rooted were they in their old prejudices and old ways, that no teacher could have induced them to make the changes which this visitation of divine providence has brought about, both in their habits of life and in their mode of agriculture’ (in nally ). ireland had benefitted from trade with england, and indeed had transatlantic trade in the eighteenth century buoyed by western industrialisation. however, as emmet o’connor notes, this economic growth dried up with the political union of england and ireland in and the monetary and customs union in . the union was to ireland’s gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e disadvantage as it was unable to compete with ‘the workshop of the world’ and ‘proto- industries sank into decay’ ushering in the overwhelming problem of ‘deindustrialisation, long before most other countries had begun to industrialise’ (o’connor a labour history of ireland ; o’connor ‘labour and politics, - ’ ). as marx and engels argued, the geographical restructuring and depopulation of ireland was far from benevolent. it was a policy that responded to the english political and economic programme and expansion. as engels notes, ‘today england needs grain quickly and dependably – ireland is just perfect for wheat-growing. tomorrow england needs meat – ireland is only fit for cattle pastures’ (in nally ; marx, engels et al. ireland and the irish question ). rather than a godsend for the irish then, the geographical and cultural transformations were merely ‘out of kilter with imposed disciplines of modernisation’ (lloyd ), and thus necessitated what marx recognised as the ongoing instance of ‘primitive accumulation’ ( ; marx ). the collective customs of ireland’s rural poor, sustained by its ‘throughother’ spatiality, (lloyd ) were seemingly invisible to the english, who in the devon commission saw the irish as ‘human encumbrances’ to implementing the ‘english system’ of agriculture and economy (in nally - ). to draw on hannah arendt’s perception that violence has an instrumental character, designed and used for multiplying strength, in the case of ireland we see how violence is ‘[justified] through the end it pursues’ ( , ). power equated with violence is necessarily expansionist: ‘just as in the realm of organic life everything either grows or declines and dies, so in the realm of human affairs power supposedly can sustain itself only through expansion; otherwise it shrinks and dies’ (arendt ). as a young university student at university college dublin, joyce wrote that ‘subjugation is “almost the essence of an empire and when it ceases to conquer, it ceases to be”’ (‘force’ cw ). the apologists for the violent ‘revolutionising’ of ireland’s agricultural system, that expunged the obstacles to development, accepted this approach as ‘organic’ and inevitable. as arendt argues, however, ‘[n]othing . . . could be theoretically more dangerous than the tradition of organic thought in political matters by which power and violence are interpreted in biological terms . . . violence is justified on the grounds of creativity’ ( ; emphasis added). while the context of arendt’s on violence is post world war ii ‘revolutions’ and totalitarian regimes, the pattern of political rhetoric and violence is consistent. arendt argues that ‘glorifiers of violence’ — and here we can insert such names as gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e trevelyan, thomas carlyle, thomas malthus and william thornton, numerous commissions and the times — ‘appeal to the undeniable fact that in the household of nature destruction and creation are but two sides of the natural process, so that collective violent action . . . may appear as natural a prerequisite for the collective life of mankind as the struggle for survival and violent death for continuing life in the animal kingdom’ (arendt ). in addition to arendt’s perspective on violence, lloyd’s arguments have great relevance for joyce’s work. lloyd suggests that the force of violence was not due to the apparent wretchedness of the irish, but rather as a result of the ability of the irish to successfully live and flourish in a system coeval to the english political economic model. despite the poor living conditions in which the rural irish lived, what they marked for the english was a ‘countermodern effect of modernity’, and this ‘alternative track’ for organising life presents to the modernisers a haunting and ‘uncanny glimmer’ of an alternate ‘definition of human life’ ( , ). while the poor law commission ( ) noted the ‘foolish attachment to home’ makes ‘amelioration’ difficult (nally ), lloyd suggests that what this type of criticism seeks to deny is the ‘specter of irish abundance’ and contentment ( ). lloyd argues that both recent and mid-eighteenth century scholarship affirms the incongruity of the need for ‘improvement’. there is evidence that the irish population, for the most part, were sustained by the potato with occasional supplements of ‘buttermilk, lard, or salted fish’, and were in fact ‘healthier, taller and stronger’ than their english counterparts ( ). therefore the ‘backward’ system of clachan and cotterism was a viable mode of existence and the ‘vehemence of the desire to extirpate the clachan’ indicates the degree to which it was ‘an alternative to capitalist social relations’, and a ‘material and moral culture that capitalism negated’ ( - ). arendt pointedly finishes on violence with the same perception; that power invites violence because those ‘who hold power and feel it slipping from their hands . . . have always found it difficult to resist the temptation to substitute violence for it’ ( ). what i perceive in joyce’s work is a literary representation of paul klee’s print, ‘angelus novus’ ( ), considered by walter benjamin as ‘the angel of history’: his face is turned toward the past. where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe which keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e in front of his feet. the angel would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what has been smashed. but a storm is blowing from paradise; it has got caught in his wings with such violence that the angel can no longer close them. the storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. this storm is what we call progress. (benjamin ‘thesis on the philosophy of history’ illuminations ) while dubliners may be severed from a past and forced into a new future, this process of agricultural rationalisation and deindustrialisation, under the direction of the english, represents the violence that set in motion the cycle of irish ‘debris’. here i not only refer to the direct impact of a people mobilised, starving or dying from disease, but the more pervading type of destruction: militarism. greg winston argues that ireland’s colonisation was militarist as england promoted the complete ‘social, economic, even geographical reorganisation of its citizens’ lives for the goal of increased military capacity’ (joyce and militarism ). thus, the colonial ideology and militarist orientation permeates ‘academic and educational institutions . . . shapes artistic activity, mass media, and other forms of cultural discourse . . . controls social structures, such as church, club, union, and guild’, and ultimately takes over ‘individual psychology, marital relations, and family dynamics’ ( ). i suggest that this ‘chain of events’ is the ‘catastrophe’, the aftermath of which is dublin’s ghosts and walking dead. these spectres have been deprived of an orientation towards the future; other possibilities of human sociality that might have organically emerged without english ‘benevolent’ modernisation. they are ‘ghost[s] of hopes’ as they internalise melancholy for the loss of ‘forms of agency’ and ‘forms of social relations’ that can no longer be named (lloyd , , ). collective trauma and hauntings pierre nora’s essay ‘between memory and history: les lieux de memoire’ ( ) refines halbwachs’s distinction between collective memory and history and offers considerations transferable to any society whose disappearing ‘peasant culture’ had been supplanted by post-industrial culture devoid of the ‘quintessential repository of memory’ ( ). nora suggests that the remnants of experience that are played out in the ‘warmth of tradition’, ‘the silence of custom’, ‘the repetition of the ancestral’, are gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e experiences from the historical past that are ‘gone for good’ ( ). this phenomenon of the slippage of real environments of memory into a distant past is what nora refers to as the ‘acceleration of history’ and what it leaves in its wake is a secularised and amnesiac modern world ( - ). nora refers to sites of memory (‘lieux de memoire’), such as the ‘museums, archives, cemeteries, festivals, anniversaries, treaties, depositions, monuments, sanctuaries, fraternal orders’, as the only memory available when real environments of memory, ‘milieu de memoire’, have disappeared (nora , ). rita sakr contends that joyce purposefully places numerous monuments in his work because dubliners have lost, or are on the precipice of losing, their embeddedness with lived memory (monumental space in the post-imperial novel - , ). that is, those everyday gestures that were ‘experienced as the ritual repetition of a timeless practice’ no longer produce the same meaning (nora ). as nora makes clear, ‘true memory’ exists in ‘gestures’, ‘habits’ and ‘skills’ passed down by ‘unspoken traditions’. true memory isn’t the same as ‘memory transformed’ (or public memory), as the latter is only ‘experienced as a duty’ and is ‘no longer spontaneous’ ( ). this distinction leads me to contemplate cormac Ó gráda’s apparent reticence regarding a ‘collective memory’ of the famine. while Ó gráda bemoans the ‘collective rhetoric’ of famine memory (ireland’s great famine) where ‘we’, ‘us’, ‘irish people’ are perceived as starving or forced to emigrate ‘with knock on effects to their traumatised descendants’ ( - ), he far from denies the long term impact of the famine. Ó gráda highlights a key point argued by kai erickson (a new species of trouble), that the real communal trauma is a blow ‘that damages the bonds attaching people together and impairs the prevailing sense of community’ (in Ó gráda ). indeed this is what the famine, agricultural reform and union with england cemented; an oppressive ‘social contract’ safeguarded by weak, irish social bonds and a preoccupation with counterproductive efforts to clarify ‘irishness’ and therefore who isn’t part of the community. for my purposes of exploring joyce in relation to the communal or collective trauma of the famine i am not concerned with ‘cultural trauma’, defined by neil smelser as an ‘overwhelming event that is believed to undermine or overwhelm one or several essential ingredients of a culture or the culture as a whole’ (‘psychological trauma and cultural trauma’ ). today the great famine is still identified in these terms and remains an integral part of a national identity, where the ‘claim of traumatic cultural damage’ is established by ‘cultural gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e carriers’ — ‘cultural specialists such as priests, politicians, intellectuals, journalists, moral entrepreneurs, and leaders of social movements’ — and continuously and actively sustained to reproduce the status of national/cultural trauma (smelser ; Ó gráda - ; and mclean the events and its terrors - explore this contemporary debate). i suggest that joyce doesn’t want ireland to build an identity on cultural trauma through public memory. he acknowledges the violence of colonial suppression and indicates the damage this has caused, but through the representation of the traumatised dubliners in juxtaposition with those who attempt to live life, like bloom, he shows how a more dynamic and honest relationship with the past can provide space for more substantial progress. oftentimes it is the outsider bloom’s observations and thoughts that highlight the damaged irish community, and as will be explored more fully in chapter , joyce shows a way to build a new community and thus provide the unity to challenge their oppression. cathy caruth’s work on trauma is an interesting starting point when considering joyce’s presentation of ghostly dubliners who haven’t reflected on the impact of the ‘event’ and how it still affects their lives. through her psychoanalytical approach caruth, following freud (beyond the pleasure principle), argues that a trauma or ‘wound’ can be inflicted on the mind as well as the body. unlike the injured body though, the traumatised mind can’t heal as the infliction of the wound ‘is experienced too soon, too unexpectedly, to be fully known’ and thus not available to one’s consciousness (caruth ‘introduction’ trauma: explorations in memory - ; also see unclaimed experience). an event is traumatic because ‘it imposes itself again, repeatedly, in nightmares and repetitive actions of the survivor’ ( ). the wound, therefore, has a complex pathology. it is not located in the ‘violent or original event’ but in its ‘unassimilated nature’; the way that ‘it is precisely not known in the first instance [but] returns to haunt the survivor later on’ ( ; also see eyerman ‘social theory and trauma’ ). the traumatic event can cause amnesia and repression, where the ‘victim simply forgets or denies that anything has occurred (eyerman ). this forgetting, what freud called ‘latency’, where the traumatised still function in their everyday lives, can last for days or years. as eyerman suggests, this identification of the pathology of individual trauma also resembles societal crisis ( - ). walter benjamin made an implicit connection between societal trauma and modernity as he identified how the mechanisation of warfare gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e devalued the moral world; where ‘destructive torrents of explosions’ that were pitted against the ‘tiny, fragile human body’ devalued experience; not only that of the external world but that of the moral world also (‘the storyteller’ illuminations ). men who returned from the war did not return with communicable experiences as their experience was unfathomable, and the men were not enriched from their knowledge but ‘poorer’ and silent ( ). though kevin newmark remarks that walter benjamin does not specifically address ‘trauma’, his elaboration of benjamin is analogous to the concept of trauma. newmark clarifies that ‘experience’ for benjamin always consists in the coordination of individual elements within a larger tradition (‘traumatic poetry’ ). the subject’s experience of the modern world, however, causes a kind of ‘atrophy’ and ‘inability to provide the necessary links and connections . . . between individual and collective patterns or memory’ ( ). newmark affirms that ‘modernity names the moment’ when the subject is no longer completely in control of the events that ‘comprise “his” own past’ ( ). the formal patterns of continuity that are presumed to be ‘grounded in traditional experience by the assimilation of consciousness to memory’ are disturbed, displaced and made incoherent ( ). thus we might perceive a complex layering of trauma for joyce’s dubliners; the impact of war (explored in chapter five) and the ongoing pathology of famine memory. marianne hirsch’s theory about transgenerational transmission of the holocaust trauma helps us reconsider joyce representations of the famine’s resonance. as noted in chapter one there seem to be only two dubliners (deasy and the citizen) who affirm a direct memory of the famine. if we consider that a person would have needed to be at least, say, five years old to ‘remember’, this would make the characters at the least. as the average life expectancy in dublin in was years of age (ferriter in shanahan and quigley ‘medicine in the age of ulysses’ ) this paucity of direct remembrance is consistent with turn of the century irish demography. ‘postmemory’ is defined by hirsch as: ‘the relationship of the second generation to powerful, often traumatic, experiences that preceded their births but that were nevertheless transmitted to them so deeply as to seem to constitute memories in their own right’ (‘the generation of postmemory’ ). signalling more than a temporal delay, the ‘post’ of postmemory indicates looking backward and ‘defining the present in relation to a troubled past’ rather than interrogating the past and ‘initiating new paradigms’ ( ). just as the ‘postcolonial’ does not refer to the end of the colonial, but ‘its troubling gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e continuity’, postmemory ‘reflects an uneasy oscillation between continuity and rupture’ with its ‘inter- and trans-generational transmission of traumatic knowledge and experience’ ( ). postmemory is the ‘consequence of traumatic recall . . . at a generational remove’ ( ; original emphasis), where ‘children of those directly affected by collective trauma’ inherit a horrific but ‘unknowable past’ that their parents, somehow, survived ( ). as a result the second generation’s ‘fiction, art, memoir, and testimony’ develop their shape by representing the effects of ‘living in close proximity to the pain, depression, and dissociation of persons who have witnessed and survived massive historical trauma’ ( ). hirsch warns though being ‘dominated by narratives that preceded one’s birth or one’s consciousness’ runs the risk of ‘having one’s own stories displaced, even evacuated’ ( ), and this, i contend, is the danger that joyce alludes to. in examining the unnamed men in the ‘lestrygonians’ episode hirsch’s ‘intra-generational horizontal identification’ whereby a second generational child’s position is broadly that of other contemporaries (hirsch - ), proves useful when considering the impact upon the second generation as a whole. the focus here then is not the ‘national/political and cultural/archival memory’ in joyce’s work, which hirsch classifies as ‘trans-generational’ ( ). while there is ample evidence in joyce of constructed symbolic systems — in various sites of memory (monuments for example) — my concern here is with societal ‘hauntings’; the ‘intra’ transference of the sense of lost hope and the seeming displacement and evacuation of the second generation’s articulation of a future narrative. avery gordon’s sociological consideration of ‘hauntings’ proposes that they are an important element of modern social life as it is only through apparitions that disappearances becomes real (ghostly matters , ). accordingly, a ghost is a symptom of what is missing (a loss or path not taken), but it also represents a ‘future possibility, a hope’ ( - ). in relation to ireland’s past, lloyd argues that the violence of history can be righted only by relinquishing the desire to set it right and instead allowing the restless ghosts of the ‘foundational violence of capitalist colonisation’ to speak of their alternate life ( , ). for lloyd there are two types of hauntings: the familiar sort of ghost that ‘seeks redress for the injustice of its negation’ and one which is the ‘phantom of “possible futures”’ ( ). joyce, i suggest largely advances the latter. joyce redresses the past not through revenge and perpetuation of violence, or through mourning or commemoration (which fixes the dead in the past), but by ‘making gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e room’ for the dead (lloyd - ). joyce did not advocate a future built on a silencing of the past. on the contrary, he was scathing of the economic impact of colonial capitalism, and thus conjures ghosts, both apparitions and also in the guise of walking dead dubliners, to ensure there are witnesses to exorcise the past and begin what joyce longs for: the ‘new play that we have waited for so long’ (‘saints and sage’ cw ). with its linati schema of the ‘scene’ of ‘ lunch’, the key ‘organ’ of the ‘esophagus’, the ‘technic’ of ‘peristaltic’ prose, and the ‘symbols’ of ‘bloody sacrifice, food, shame’ (gifford ), the ‘lestrygonians’ episode is the most overtly food orientated section of ulysses. bloom moves across dublin in search of a midday meal, and like other modernist flâneurs joyce’s wanderer works his way through the city observing his surroundings. at the turn of the century the altered cityscapes of empire capitals were places of grand state pageants and processions, but for the modernists the streets were ‘a site of gratification’ where the victorian ‘repulsive horror of the streets’ had been replaced with an emphasis on the ‘energizing frisson generated in the individual in the ever-stimulating, shocking city’ (duffy subaltern joyce - ). importantly, modernists like t. s. eliot, kafka, poe and baudelaire were concurrently ambivalent about the forces of the crowd and what it might unleash (duffy ; benjamin ‘some motifs in baudelaire’ illuminations - ). ‘fear, revulsion, and horror’ benjamin states, ‘were the emotions which the big city crowd aroused in those who first observed it’ ( ). the crowd was ‘menacing’, ‘inhuman’, and worthy of ‘contempt’ ( ), and thus the flâneur as representative subject in modernist narratives stood as a mediator; the desire to aestheticize/represent the crowd stood beside a related desire to control it (duffy ). duffy argues in opposition to essentialist accounts of flânerie, where the signifier of the early twentieth-century subject reacts to the ‘shock’ of city life and the ‘choking quality’ of modernity. this flâneur is ontologically specific; determined by ‘specific class and political assumptions’ (duffy - ). joyce differs from other modernists and theorists because he engaged with the political factors that elicited the new size and tempo of the cities in the first place. dublin is not another set-piece of ‘metro- representation’, but instead ‘one of the first cities of the colonial “other world”, the world that largely made the expansion of the european capitals possible’ ( , ). joyce’s flâneurs are not the flâneurs of ‘an empire capital’ and represent more than the ‘radical anomie’ of the cosmopolitan modern city; they reflect the immediate gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e consequences of political transformation as the flâneur is brought into contact with the ‘spectacle of late-colonial domination’ and the ‘confrontation between the colonial administration and the native population’ ( - ). dubliners are not partaking in ‘the nation’s victory parade’ as they walk through the city streets. ireland was not a victor, and the irish ‘at most’ had a ‘walk-on rather than speaking parts in the official public sphere’ (gibbons ‘where wolfe tone’s statue was not’ ). joyce’s dubliners experience the same marginalisation as the modernist flâneur, but importantly they are detached from the space through which they circulate (gibbons ). duffy argues that a key distinction between the flâneur ‘set piece’ and bloom is that rather than wanting to ‘control the masses’ bloom’s viewpoint captures a ‘heterogeneous group of people, activities, and spectacles’ ( ), ingesting the diversity of activity around him. however, there is one group of men that bloom observes who are different; they are the famished ghosts in burton’s pub. as james wurtz points out, while critics have observed ghosts in joyce’s work, the approach often fixes on guilt and psychoanalytical readings (wurtz ‘scarce more a corpse’ ; see for example morrisson ‘stephen dedalus and the ghost of the mother’; and more recently edmundson ‘love's bitter mystery’). the intent here is to examine the gothic tropes but remain grounded in the historical and social perspectives of the famine and the intra- and inter-generational trauma of the famine. wurtz argues that joyce’s gothic is ‘engendered out of deep and repeated trauma’, such as the famine and the demise (and betrayal) of parnell ( ). i would also add to this the trauma of the lost sense of community and culture (mental geography), the loss of hope for an alternate future due to evictions and the forced relinquishing of land, and the intra - generational memory of the demoralising soup kitchens. in this light i suggest an alternate reading to that of emer nolan who proposes that the men at burton’s are representative of capitalism; the ‘the modern world . . . inhabited only by living dead, whose possession of human instincts is horrifying’ (nolan ). i suggest though that as bloom thinks about the ‘hot fresh blood they prescribe for decline’, and that ‘blood always needed. insidious. lick it up, smokinghot, thick sugary’ (u : - ), his vampiric allusion indicates the devouring of the colonised by the colonisers. it is empire, as arendt suggests, that is in perpetual need of more ‘blood’ for expansion. significantly, bloom punctuates his bloody thoughts with the ‘famished ghosts’ ( : gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ), not to castigate all dubliners but to refer to the collective trauma of the famine, its undermining of irish agency, and its concomitant pathology of paralysis. as indicated in the previous chapter, the famine was a real presence for dubliners as they saw the workhouses overflowing and the hordes of people flowing from the countryside through dublin on their way to a better life, or indeed just ‘life’. thus, as james fairhall contends, joyce’s representation of paralysis is not just about dubliners being trapped in the present, but the repression of something ‘nightmarish’ in the ‘intertwined history of city and country in ireland’ (james joyce and the question of history ; emphasis added). in the ‘scylla and charybdis’ episode, therefore, when stephen dedalus defines a ghost as someone living ‘out of time’, and elaborates that a fading into ghostliness might be due to something as banal as a ‘change in manners’, we can see the implications for the irish (u : - ; wurtz ). in joyce’s dublin a good portion live ‘out of time’. as fairhall states, ‘[i]n , percent of citizens of dublin had been born elsewhere’; they flocked to the city from the countryside in the s and s and ‘filled the ranks of the shop-keeping classes in particular’ ( ). many of joyce’s dubliners are the petty-bourgeois and thus either ‘rural migrants themselves or were their children or grandchildren’ ( ). throughout ulysses there is a blurring between the living and the dead, where the paralysis transforms ‘characters into ghosts’ (wurtz ) as the rural peasants’ sense of community fades as they enter the ‘timeless’ space of the colonial capital, where their story has no place. ‘see the animals feed’ the ‘men, men, men’ (u : ) bloom sees upon entering burton’s are an important example of the embodied memories of violence and the resultant intra- and inter- generational trauma of colonial subjects, but they also represent the danger of the ‘evacuation’ of individual stories (hirsch ). joyce reflects lloyd’s and gordon’s position that ghosts must be allowed to speak, and they do through bloom, but bloom struggles to maintain his ‘speaking part’ in the process. the reason bloom enters burton’s and the impact it has on him is complex. bloom seems to be aware of the impact the pub will have on him before he enters. just as he thinks earlier in the episode that a ‘barefoot arab [standing] over the grating, breathing in fumes’ will deaden ‘the gnaw of hunger’ (u : - ), i believe that bloom uses the burton as a gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e kind of sewerage grate to deaden the anxiety of molly’s impending tryst with boylan. when bloom thinks, ‘must eat. the burton. feel better then’ ( : ), he is not necessarily indicating he must eat at the burton, but that he happens to not feel good. the sights, smells and sounds will help him forget molly’s ‘hungered flesh’ he could only ‘mutely adore’, which blazes boylan would soon gratify in their ‘creaking bed’ ( : - ). the assault to bloom’s senses would stop the ‘pursuit’ ( : ) of these thoughts. so intense is the stench it ‘gripped his trembling breathe’ ( : ), but the pub has the initial desired effect; he temporarily loses blazes boylan from his mind’s eye: ‘mr bloom raised two fingers doubtfully to his lips. his eyes said “not here. don’t see him”’ ( : - ; emphasis added). the by-product of bloom’s exorcising of personal demons though is the stirring of the intra-generational famished ghosts. upon bloom’s entry he very quickly makes the connection between the diners and animals: ‘see the animals feed’ (u : - ). there upon he observes these men ‘perched’ whilst, ‘swilling’, ‘wolfing’, ‘shovell[ing]’, ‘spitting’, ‘bolting’, ‘scoffing’, and ‘ramming’ their food ( : - ). these aren’t times of famine, however, where starvation occasioned the kind of lapse into animality that mitchel suggested (see morash ‘making memories’ ). these ‘animals’ are ordering decent food and there is a sense of abundance and not scarcity: ‘roast beef and cabbage’, ‘stew’, ‘corned [beef] and cabbage’, ‘roast and mash’ (u : - , , ). despite this availability of food there is no long memory of plentifulness, so one man needs ‘an infant’s saucestained napkin’ around his neck ( : ), and there seems to be an underlying fear of losing one’s food: ‘every fellow for his own’ bloom thinks, ‘tooth and nail . . . [e]at or be eaten. kill! kill!’ ( : - ). for bloom this is no place to luncheon but a place where ‘animals’ are content to eat, spit, spill and urinate. ‘spaton sawdust, sweetish warmish cigarettesmoke, reek of plug, spilt beer, men’s beery piss, the stale ferment’ ( : - ) combines with the ‘pungent meatjuice’ ( : ) to produce an overwhelming smell so that bloom’s ‘gorge rose’ and he had to ‘tight[en] the wings of his nose’ ( : - ). lauren rich suggests that joyce’s critique of colonialism in ‘lestrygonians’ is demonstrated by the failed sense of community, with dubliners ravenous and desperate; ‘born of hunger and fear rather than of personal moral failings (‘a table for one’ ): ‘hungry man is an angry man’ bloom thinks. he soon determines that he had to ‘[g]et out’ of there as he couldn’t ‘eat a morsel’ (u : , ) amongst these mindless eaters: ‘i hate dirty eaters’ he declares ( : ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e in ‘lestrygonians’ there are many depictions of eyes, often indicating the numbing effects of alcohol. mr. breen has ‘oyster eyes’ (u : ), pat kinsella has ‘parboiled eyes’ ( : ), the men at burton’s have ‘bulging eyes’ ( : ) and one has ‘sad boozer’s eyes’ ( : ). but these eyes might be more suggestive. lloyd notes that what was most traumatic for the witnesses of the famine was ‘the spectacle of the skeleton’ and the ‘stare’; these starved bodies, or ‘lean worms’ that ‘rise out of earth- holes’ revealed ‘the very minimum of humanity itself’ thus making the living dead cause the subject to question his or her subjecthood (lloyd ; somerville in lloyd - ). though the spectres were often silent they were often described as penetrating the innermost pores of the observers of the famine. englishman alexander somerville, who travelled ireland in , wrote of the ghostly figures he encountered: one ‘phantom farmer’ said nothing ‘but looked – oh! such looks, and thin jaws!’ (in lloyd ). similarly another observer recalls that famine victims left an impression ‘then and there’ that ‘never has nor ever can be effaced’; ‘the vacant sepulchral stare, which, when once fastened on you, leaves its impress for ever’ (in lloyd ; original emphasis). bloom leaves home with the potato in his pocket in the ‘calypso’ episode, indeed making a point of checking for it before he leaves the house for breakfast supplies: ‘potato i have’ ( : ). while this symbol of the memory of violence and oppression can stifle the articulation and criticism of irish colonisation, as evidenced in the ‘circe’ episode, it does not stem the tide of inter- and intra-generational memory embodied at burton’s. bloom is overwhelmed by hungry phantoms at the bar, but his subsequent thoughts about the future – ‘years to come’ – make the link between burton’s and the communal food relief of the famine period, a point made by lowe-evans ( ). bloom contemplates the communal kitchen of the future: all trotting down with porringers and tommycans to be filled. devour contents in the street . . . my plate’s empty. after you with your incorporated drinkingcup. like sir philip crampton’s fountain. rub off the microbes with your handkerchief. next chap rubs on a new batch with his. father o’flynn would make hares of them all. have rows all the same. all for number one. children fighting for the scrapings of the pot. want a souppot as big as the phoenix park . . . hate people all round you . . . soup, joint and sweet. never gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e know whose thoughts you’re chewing. then who’d wash up all the plates and forks? might be all feeding on tabloids that time. teeth getting worse. (u : - ) the amendment to the poor law act recognised the right of certain categories of people to receive relief, usually in the form of cooked food, outside the workhouse instead of limiting relief to inmates of workhouses (mclean the event and its terrors ). it should be reiterated that the workhouse system was not only concerned with helping the most vulnerable, but as george nicholls states, it was intent on improving ‘the character, habits and social conditions of the people’ (in mclean ). this intention was reflected in the amended law also, as outdoor relief was made available only to the elderly, sick, disabled, destitute widows with two or more dependent (‘legitimate’) children. able bodied people, it was reasoned, would learn to rely on relief. thus if an able bodied person wanted to be admitted into a workhouse but there were no places available, they would be given relief for a six month period only. to further combat idleness, begging was punishable by days’ imprisonment ( ). importantly those who still occupied more than a quarter acre could not be considered destitute. as stuart mclean observes this ‘quarter acre’ policy’s stated aim was ‘to facilitate the consolidation of holdings by encouraging impoverished tenants to give up their land in order to qualify for relief’ ( ). using the victorian philanthropic discourse of the ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ poor ( ), the british government saw those worthy of assistance as those who relinquished their right to land and contributed to the continued restructuring of the irish political economy and the concomitant rationalisation of agriculture. the ‘worthy’ thus helped to fracture any bonds of traditional community which might threaten the coloniser’s monopoly on violence. for the deserving destitute, the ‘relief’ that was offered was often soup, though ‘soup’ is perhaps rather too generous a name for what was distributed to the starving in dublin: perhaps nothing during the famine years more appropriately symbolized england’s ‘helping hand’ to ireland than soyer’s dublin soup kitchen, for it was there on april , , with the beating of drums and the sounding of horns, with the union jack proudly flying from the kitchen’s smoking chimney and a splendidly attired gentry nodding its approval, that the british government fed gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the irish a soup incapable of keeping a newborn cat alive. (gallagher in lowe- evans ) irish food historian regina sexton comments that still today ‘the mere mention of soup in an irish context is often enough to evoke memories of the great famine’ (a little history of irish food ). the ‘soup kitchen act’ ( ) was implemented by the british government to ostensibly feed the ever increasing numbers of desperate irish. alexis soyer, a french chef from the reform club in london, was invited by the lord lieutenant to set up a soup kitchen in dublin, a wooden and canvas structure placed at the main entrance to phoenix park (lowe-evans ; sexton ). while soyer no doubt improved some cooking methods thus retaining nutritional value of some ingredients, such as advising soup kitchen cooks to leave the skins on certain vegetables and not boiling meat for twenty-four hours (soyer the poor man’s regenerator , ), he confuses what might be a nourishing broth for people otherwise well fed and the sustenance needed for the malnourished. he provides the following recipe for two gallons of soup as a base for adopting the larger quantities needed for soup kitchens. soyer’s dublin soup kitchen for example, had a three hundred gallon steam boiler (gallagher in lowe-evans ). for two gallons, a cook needed two ounces of dripping, quarter pound of meat, a quarter pound of onions, a quarter pound of turnips, two ounces of leeks, three ounces of celery, three quarter of a pound of ‘common flour’, half pound of pearly barley, three ounces of salt, and a quarter ounce of brown sugar (soyer regenerator ). soyer declared that the soup ‘has been tasted by numerous noblemen, members of parliament, and several ladies who have lately visited my kitchen department, and who have considered it very good and nourishing’ ( ), though this testimony is problematic. by my estimates, following soyer’s suggestion of one quart per person (just over one litre – . l), the distribution of the meat would be approximately grams per person ( grams for the whole pot of gallons or . litres), which equates to around calories per person from the meat portion. with substantial calories certainly attributable to dripping and cereals under normal circumstances, the ‘watered down’ nature of the soup makes the nutrition negligible and barely worth the exertion of getting to the soup kitchen. the relief recipients would have received far more calories from the quarter pound of bread (or savoury biscuit), approximately calories, that gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the kitchen distributed after the soup was eaten (soyer regenerator ). as thomas gallagher (paddy’s lament) emphasises, when the english medical journal the lancet made a chemical analysis of the soup it stated: ‘this soup quackery (for it is no less) seems to be taken by the rich as a salve for their consciences’ (in lowe-evans ). with unsatisfied stomachs leaving soup kitchens, poignantly joyce has bloom reflect on ‘children fighting for the scrapings of the pot’ and the dissolution of any sense of community: ‘hate people all round you’ (u : , ). as alexander m. sullivan bitterly states in new ireland ( ): i doubt if the world ever saw so huge a demoralization, so great a degradation, visited upon a once high-spirited and sensitive people. all over the country large iron boilers were set up in which what was called ‘soup’ was concocted . . . i once thought – ay, and often bitterly said, in public and in private – that never, never would our people recover the shameful humiliation of that brutal public soup-boiler scheme. (in ulin ) it isn’t just the paucity of food supplied through the soup kitchen that is pondered by bloom, as he also considers how food relief distribution dehumanised the irish. he (re)imagines the hungry ‘trotting down with porringers and tommycans to be filled’, ‘devour[ing] contents in the street’, and using communal drinking cups (u : - , ; emphasis added). bloom considers dubliners via animalistic metaphors, but what is most important here, as indicated by sullivan, is that this depravity and dehumanisation was triggered and perpetuated by the english relief machine. in his description of his soup kitchen soyer explains with victorian exactitude how the soup is to be dispensed and how the kitchen can efficiently feed thousands. he explains how in a kitchen there would be rows of tables, ‘eighteen inches wide’, along which one hundred holes are cut where ‘quart iron white enamelled basin[s], with a metal spoon attached thereto by a neat chain’ are secured (soyer regenerator - ). outside the tent structure the deserving hungry would form a ‘zigzag passage capable of containing one hundred persons in a small space in the open air’, and at the entrance ‘is a check-clerk, and an indicator, or machine which numbers every person that passes’ ( ). soyer continues by explaining the ‘six minute’ feeding cycle: gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e when the soup . . . is ready, notice is given by ringing the bell, and the one hundred persons are admitted, and take their places at the table – the basins being previously filled, grace is said – the bell is again rung for them to begin, and a sufficient time is allowed them to eat their quart of food. during the time they are emptying their basins, the outside passage is again filling; as soon as they are done, and are going out at the other side, the basin and spoon is cleaned, and again filled; the bell rings, and a fresh number admitted; this continuing every successive six minutes, feeding one thousand persons per hour. (soyer regenerator ) further contributing to the dehumanisation of the famine victims, morash notes that ‘fashionable dublin flocked to view soyer’s soup kitchen in phoenix park’ (morash the hungry voice ), causing ireland’s nationalist newspaper the freeman’s journal to remark on april , that ‘dublin society pays shillings each to see paupers feed on soyer’s soup. five shillings each to watch the burning blush of shame chasing pallidness from poverty’s wan cheek! when the animals in the zoological gardens can be inspected at feeding time for sixpence!’ (in morash ). the assertion of colonial violence, that essence of empire (joyce ‘force’ cw ), justifies the extra money the elite are willing to pay. if we consider that from the time of erasmus’s treatise of , de civilitate morum puerilium, where table manners were assigned crucial importance, there is something contradictory in this victorian flaunting of feeding efficiency. as paul connerton notes, the impact of the treatise was ‘immediate, wide and lasting’ with the work being rapidly translated into english, with editions, thirteen of these being in the late eighteenth century (how societies remember ). since erasmus, ‘outer bodily propriety’ such as ‘carriage, gesture, posture, facial expression and dress’ were seen as the expression of the inner person, with decorum and restraint being essential attributes for civility (civilité). connerton summarises some key aspects in erasmus’s proprieties of the body: some people, says erasmus, devour food rather than eat it. they behave as if they were thieves wolfing down their booty or as if they were about to be carried off to prison. they put their hands into the dishes when they are scarcely seated gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e and push so much into their mouths at once that their cheeks bulge like bellows. they eat and drink without even pausing, not because they are hungry or thirsty, but because they can control their movements in no other way. they scratch their heads or play with a knife or are unable to refrain from coughing and snorting and spitting. all such signs or rustic embarrassment and coarseness must be avoided. you should not be the first to take food from a dish. you should not search the whole dish with your hand or turn the dish around so that a better piece comes to you, but should take the first piece that presents itself. it is impolite to lick greasy fingers or dip bread you have already bitten into the sauce. it is indecorous to offer someone else some meat you are eating and it shows a want of elegance to remove chewed food from the mouth and put it back on the plate. and it is good if conversation interrupts the meal from time to time. (connerton - ) we can discern here multiple infringements made by the men at burton’s who ‘wolf’, eat without pause, ‘spit’, and remove gristle from their mouths. one can argue that these indecorous movements were turned into intra- and inter-generational habits learned from the famine generation. if we suppose the starving peasants in dublin avoided starvation by presenting themselves at soup kitchens, a consequence of this is that they were trained to eat their bowlful in minutes; no time to talk, just enough to ‘wolf’. in joyce’s representation of famine ‘relief’ eating, we see that ‘[i]n habitual memory the past, as it were, sedimented in the body’ (connerton ); their uncivilised eating, though ostensibly something to be corrected, instead was embedded making the irish the perpetual savage to be controlled. thus, whilst we can read the ‘savage’ eating as the internalised intra- and inter-generational trauma of desperation and fear, and a lost sense of community (rich ), we can also interpret it as the result of the dehumanising colonial relief administration. the relief scheme, in effect, dehumanised the recipients and reinforced the perceptions of the irish as ‘pigs’. brantlinger notes, in relation to spencer’s early accounts, that the ‘wretchednesse’ of the irish crawling from the forests starving actually says more about the ‘violence of imperialism at its genocidal worst’ ( ). we might argue the same here in relation, not only to the famine and ‘agricultural reform’, but also to famine relief. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the discussion of the irish as subhuman has a long history, and bloom’s ‘see the animals feed’ has a deeper political significance. cheng notes that prior to the operationalising of darwinian evolutionary discourse to make sense of the irish, the irish were identified as barbarians ( - ). in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the english, frustrated in their attempts to subdue the irish, compared the irish to the indians of the new world: they were ‘lawless’, ‘nomads’, ‘treacherous’, ‘cruel’, ‘cannibals’, and ‘savage’ (brantlinger ). edmund spenser’s a view of the present state of ireland ( ) is a case in point: marrie those bee the most barbarous and loathly conditions of any people (i thinke) under heaven; for . . . they doe use all the beastly behaviour that may be; they oppresse all men, they spoile aswell the subject, as the enemy; they steale, they are cruell and bloodie . . . licentious, swearers, and blasphemers, common ravishers of woemen, and murtherers of children. (in brantlinger ) spenser’s scathing comments also lead to his recommendation of extermination with the sword and enforced starvation (brantlinger ). describing what he perceived as a strong case for more cost effective starvation, spencer writes of the - desmond rebellion (or ‘warres of mounster’), where the famine forced the rebels to ‘consume themselves, and devoure one another’: the proofe whereof, i saw sufficiently exampled in these late warres of mounster . . . for not withstanding that the same was a most rich and plentifull countrey, full of corne and cattle . . . yet ere one yeare and a halfe they were brought to such wretchednesse, as that any stony heart would have rued the same. out of every corner of the woods and glynnes they came creeping forth upon their hands, for their legges could not beare them; they looked like anatomies of death, they spake like ghosts crying out of their graves; they did eate the dead carrions. (in brantlinger - ) coinciding with an increase in irish political activism in the s— s the barbarous ‘peasant paddy’ was transformed in victorian caricature into apes and gorillas, with epithets such as ‘caliban, frankenstein, yahoo and gorilla’ (curtis apes and angels , , ), warranting madden’s comment in stephen hero about the ‘old stale libels – the drunken irishman, the baboon-faced irishman that we see in punch’ gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e (sh ; cheng ). as cheng, brantlinger and nally point out, it was the dominant victorian anglo-saxon belief that the english and irish were separate ‘races’, and the failure of the irish race to ‘progress’ was due to racial inferiority (brantlinger ; cheng ; nally ). couched in darwinian discourse, this perception of the irish was bolstered by race theorist john beddoe’s the races of britain ( ), who developed a formula around quantities of melanin in skin, eyes and hair that ‘proved’ the irish were ‘more negroid than the english’, and anthropological and ethnological ‘data’ that claimed that the characteristics of the heads of irish people — absent chins, receding or sloping foreheads, large projecting mouths with thick lips — suggesting the irish were ‘the missing link’ (in cheng - , ; curtis , ). nally suggests though that supposed melanin quantities were not sufficient indicators to provide enough of a gap between the irish and the anglo-saxons, so english racism also draws on ‘domestic barbarism’ — the domestic disorder and poor public hygiene — of the irish as the signifier of race ( ). as curtis and cheng maintain though, the ‘pejorative singular’ – ‘the irishman’ – was endowed with the very traits that were ‘most feared and despised in respectable english society’: ‘subservient, disorderly, uncivilised, unenterprising, cowardly, indecorous’, for example (curtis ; cheng - ). though the catholic emancipation bill was ratified in nally argues convincingly that ‘racial and cultural prejudices were reinforced and amplified by pre-existing suspicions about loyalty, morality, and industry of roman catholics’ ( - ). catholicism was seen as superstitious, irrational, feminine and bestial, and as such ‘antiprogressive’ (brantlinger ). in ulysses joyce problematises the english labels of barbarians and animals for the irish by exhibiting a struggle against the internalisation of this dehumanisation. bloom’s ability to maintain his ‘speaking’ part requires effort lest he too becomes one of the walking dead at burton’s. while bloom judges other men at burton’s for their animal- like eating habits, for example, he notices that one man spits half-masticated gristle back onto his plate, another picks his teeth, another licks his plate, and another talks with his mouth full (u : - ), he also reveals his own proximity to animality. ‘scavenging’ for something to eat at the viceregal high tea he ends up pouring mayonnaise on his plums instead of custard ( : - ). he also admits to the unsavoury weakness for raw pastry ( : - ). while bloom loses his appetite at burton’s, and temporarily forgets boylan, he orders a gorgonzola sandwich ( : ). in gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e contradistinction and as an anecdote to the animalistic eating at burton’s, here bloom ‘cut[s] his sandwich into slender strips’ and studs each strip with a yellow blob of mustard ( : - ). significantly, he eats the sandwich ‘with relish’ ( : ). when the reader first meets bloom in the ‘calypso’ episode we are immediately told he ‘ate with relish the inner organs of beasts and fowls’ ( : - ). however, as noted in the previous chapter, just as bloom seemingly appears to ‘relish’ his bondage, so too he seems to exhibit a continued ‘relish’ for offal — the ‘leftovers of others’ (roos ) — and the new peasant staple, bread. bread was for the english the ‘ultimate hallmark of improvement’ (lloyd ), benefitting as it did the transference of potato yielding small holdings to large scale grain growing farms. upon a visit to the ‘new rationalised landscape’ of gweedore, for example, one commissioner praised how ‘this former desert and bleak wilderness – this example of barbarism and starvation’, had been transformed into ‘fertile corn fields, the seat of industry and content, and into a humanized abode’ (in nally ). as lloyd explains: in ireland, [the] moral economy was also an alternative economy that was deeply embedded in the opposition of the potato as means of subsistence to corn as commodity. the potato is the antithesis of corn in almost every respect. unlike corn the potato is not conducive to storage or long distance transportation . . . the bulk and slowness of the potato . . . defies that other critical capitalist virtue, speed of movement across space. dependent on a food that lacks marketability, that cannot effectively be circulated as a commodity, the irish fail[ed] to enter into empire-wide market commodities. (irish culture and colonial modernity ) in the ‘circe’ episode bloom reflects that he has ‘been a perfect pig’ (u : ). just as spenser’s judgments of irish wretchedness reveal imperial violence, joyce’s symbol of offal and other ‘left overs’, such as the pig’s crubeen and sheep’s trotter he buys in ‘circe’, reveal a submissiveness to colonisation through the conditioned acceptance of scraps from the ‘rump’ of (bello) england ( : ; emphasis added). joyce tellingly has dogs ‘take to him’, and as bloom reflects that his purchase of sheep and pig’s feet is ‘absurd’, ‘eat it and get all pigsticky’, he ventures to feed them to the dogs ( : - ). while he regrets the ‘waste of money’, ‘o let it slide. two and six’, it is the bullmastiff – an english breed – that ‘mauls the bundle clumsily and gluts himself with gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e growling greed, crunching bones’ ( : - ; original emphasis). the scene is nonetheless complex. bloom exhibits the seemingly insatiable appetite for the lowly, a rejection of his conditioning, but also the eventual reacceptance of the coloniser’s assigned label of subhuman. it is significant that earlier in the ‘lestrygonians’ episode bloom considers the ‘[p]enny dinner’, where the dubliner poor still eat with the ‘[k]nife and fork chained to the table’ (u : - ). as gifford reveals though, there was a further imposition and demoralisation as the recipients had to eat standing up ( ). even though this organisation that operated from the christian union building, offering free breakfast on sundays, and the ‘penny and half-penny dinners’ available during the winter months (gifford ), the symbol of distrust, oppression and coerced submission (the chain) is still evident. while fifty years after the famine the spoon has been replaced with knives and forks, suggestive of more substantial eating, it is even more telling that an implement for attack and defence – the knife – is chained. in the ‘proteus’ episode stephen makes a connection between himself and the ancestors of the irish. just as joyce thinks of irishness as a blend of identities (‘saints and sages’ cw - ), stephen makes an association with danish viking invaders, a more ‘unchained’ version of the irish: galleys of the lochlanns ran here to beach, in quest of prey, their bloodbeaked prows riding low on a molten pewter surf. dane vikings, torcs of tomahawks aglitter on their breast when malachi wore the collar of gold. a school of turlehide whales stranded in hot noon, spouting, hobbling in the shallows. then from the starving cagework city a horde of jerkined dwarfs, my people, with flayers’ knives, running, scaling, hacking in green blubbery whalemeat. famine, plague and slaughters. their blood is in me, their lust my waves. (u : - ) although these scandinavian ancestors also experienced famine they were not impotent. stephen’s thoughts of ‘his people’ when juxtaposed with bloom’s thought about the famine emphasise the impact of england’s colonisation and the manacling of the irish. the ancestors that occupy stephen’s thoughts did not line up in zigzag formation to eat their portion of flavoured water with a spoon on a chain, but with their tomahawks and knives they ran to scale and hack their prey. as kevin whelan observes, throughout gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e dubliners and portrait joyce employs a particular lexicon to describe dublin (and colonised ireland more broadly): ‘spectral, shrivelled, stale, vague, mean, dull, dark, melancholy, sombre, sour, sullen, gaunt, bleak, bitter, denuded, pallid, grey, servile, consumptive, narrow, tawdry, gloomy, listless’ (whelan ‘memories of “the dead”’ ). the description of these early irish in ulysses with their weapons and tools ‘aglitter’ highlights the extent of the decline of the irish. even more telling, stephen’s ancestors aren’t thought of in animalistic terms; it is the whales that ‘spout’ and ‘hobble’. as wurtz maintains, ‘joyce’s gothic’ generally doesn’t rely on the established tropes of the haunted house, a dark and stormy night or a preternatural fiend. the key gothic feature of ulysses is its conjuring of ‘the sense of claustrophobia’ through the ‘incessant return of the past’ that threatens to dominate daily life and smother the characters ( ). it would be an oversight not to acknowledge that in there were reports of attacks against soup kitchens, with the starving demanding employment, not porridge and soup. there were also demands for receiving a ration of meal so that people could cook for themselves instead of receiving soup. relief committees were usually reluctant to distribute meal, notes mclean, as they claimed that people had inadequate cooking facilities, had poor domestic hygiene that might aggravate the spread of diarrhoea and dysentery, and may even exchange the meal for alcohol, tea or tobacco (mclean ). mclean remarks that if relief recipients were successful in having their demands met, modest though they were, the victory was often short lived. in county clare when the poor law commission reneged on their agreed substitution of meal for soup, and had troops sent in anticipation of riots, what followed ‘was not rioting but a series of peaceful protest marches, all of which failed to convince the commissioners to reconsider their decision’ (mclean ). while the parliamentary committee feared that the fecund irish population would ‘fill up every vacuum created in england or scotland and reduce the laboring classes to a uniform state of degradation and misery’ (in mclean ; also see lloyd ‘indigent sublime’ ), the famine allayed england’s fears as not only had the irish fertility rate declined but ‘the very instinct for sex had been diminished drastically’ (lowe-evans ). lowe-evans suggest that this ‘biological impotence’ mirrored the ‘apparent powerlessness to stop the english landlords from driving them off the land and shipping out crops which could have saved their lives’ ( ). as argued in the previous chapter, joyce’s reflections on queen gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e victoria’s visits to ireland also reflect the modest protest and silence of the irish (cw - ). gallagher notes that during the famine ‘the forebearance of the irish peasantry, and the calm submission with which they bore the deadliest ills that can fall on man can scarcely be paralleled in the annals of any people’ (in lowe-evans ). ‘strandentwining cable of all flesh’: corpsechewers in addition to joyce’s sense of ‘claustrophobia’, the more obvious gothic trope is the post-mortem ‘corpsechewing’. james fairhall uses stacy alaimo’s concept of ‘trans- corporeality’, where the human is always intermeshed with the environment, to explore this image (fairhall ‘nature, existential shame, and transcendence’ ). despite the human drive to transcend nature, we ‘are continually pulled back into our physical selves by natural laws whose impingement we feel to be, at times, alien and shame- provoking’ (fairhall ). stephen’s thoughts and apparition of his mother as ‘ghoul! chewer of corpses! (u : ) and ‘corpsechewer’ ( : ) are thus more complicated, for in addition to personal guilt surrounding her death, where upon seeing her he chokes with ‘fright, remorse and horror’ ( : - ), stephen also has ‘existential shame’; ‘the painful emotion a person naturally feels on encountering any kind of shortcoming or limitation’ (jordan in fairhall ). as stephen walks along sandymount in the ‘proteus’ episode he considers how the ‘cords of all link back, strandentwining cable of all flesh’ (u : ). fairhall suggests that this ‘intergenerational umbilical cord’ ( ) taints stephen and his progenitors as they are ‘made not begotten’ by the navel-less ‘belly without blemish’ and the ‘womb of sin’ (u : - ). the cord is more than a representation of the myth of origin, however, as it connects the irish to famine and the intra-generational memory of putrefying bodies. this cord of famine and decay that binds the irish was introduced in stephen hero as stephen’s mother asks stephen if he knows anything about the body, in particular the ‘hole we all have in the stomach’ as his sister isobel had some ‘matter coming away’ (sh ). though we don’t know what this ‘matter’ is, t. p. o’connor [ ] records one writer’s medical observations of the famine, where among numerous horrendous symptoms there was ‘a loathsome, putrid smell emanating from gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e their persons, as if decomposition of the vital organs had anticipated death’ (in ulin ). at the beginning of ulysses we also learn that as may dedalus dies ‘[a] bowl of white china had stood beside her deathbed holding the green sluggish bile which she had torn up from her rotting liver by fits of loud groaning vomiting’ (u : - ). the image for stephen is beyond a sorrowful familial remembrance as he links this bile to dublin and sees the bay and skyline as a ‘dull green mass of liquid’ ( : - ). in the ‘circe’ episode may dedalus’s face is ‘worn and noseless, green with gravemould’ and ‘a green rill of bile trickling from the side of her mouth’ ( : , - ; original emphasis), reinforcing joyce’s allusion to the physical effects of the great famine (ulin ). as morash and ulin observe, the colour green is evoked in the majority of famine descriptions of the dying as during the famine dead bodies were often discovered ‘with grass in their mouths and in their stomachs and bowels’ (o’connor in ulin ). morash follows the literary genealogy of this ‘memory’ of the famine from edmund spencer [ ] who recorded the effects of the munster famine, noting that ‘yf they founde a plot of water cresses or shamrocks, there they flocked as to a feast’ (‘making memories’ ). though spenser’s reflections are through the imperial lens that uses a bank of images to affirm the animality of the irish, these were subsequently appropriated by the irish to advance their status as victims (morash ). in the united irishman newspaper [ ], morash quotes a famine report where ‘[a] poor man . . . lay down on the road-side, where shortly after he was found dead, his face turned to the earth, and a portion of the grass and turf on which he lay masticated in his mouth’ (in morash ). the desperate image of ‘green mouths’ is also recorded in poems such as ‘the boreen side’ [ ]: ‘a stripling, the last of his race, lies dead / in a nook by the boreen side . . . where he ate the green cresses and died’ (in morash - ). canon sheehan’s novel glenanaar refers to the ‘lines of green around the mouth, the dry juice of grass and nettles’, as one of the ‘appalling pictures’ of the famine that ‘springs up to memory’ (in morash - ). morash doesn’t refer to joyce’s place in this genealogy, but joyce does continue this use of famine images. furthermore, joyce’s repetition of the image of green mouths from this ‘fund’ gives the famine lexicon ‘added credence’ (morash ). not only does joyce encourage the reader to follow his addition to famine vocabulary but he also draws on and perpetuates established signs. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the confluence of the image of a green mouth with the gothic trope of the encounter with the vampiric corpsechewer compounds joyce’s strategy to highlight the irish ‘incessant return of the past and its dominance over daily life’, and the effect that ‘living modern life in the colonial metropolis [has] on the individual psyches of the characters’ (wurtz ). in his genealogical study of ‘corpsechewers’ as ‘vampires’ william orem points out that many of the earliest ‘vampires’ didn’t focus on blood sucking but on the phenomenon of manducation, or ‘postmortem chewing’ (‘corspe-chewers’ ). in early accounts such as philipp rohr’s dissertatio historico-philosophica de masticatione mortuorum [ ] — which incidentally orem notes was at the zurich zentralbibliothek where joyce was researching when writing ‘telemachus’ ( ) — vampires chewed their shrouds in their coffins, and gnawed their own bodies as well as nearby corpses. they ‘devoured the grave clothes’ and swallowed and crunched ‘the cerements and the linen napkins which wrap their jaws’ (rohr in orem ). orem importantly indicates paul barber’s work (vampires, burial, and death) which points out that a corpse that chews on its shroud or limbs was thought to bring death to the living relatives, and so apotropaics (‘methods of turning evil away’) were used (barber - ). in prussia, for example, a coin would be placed in the mouth of the corpse, or the mouth would be filled with dirt so the corpse would not chew ( ). read in this light, joyce’s chewing also reflects eminent sociologist robert hertz’s theory of the ‘unquiet and spiteful souls’ that ‘roam the earth for ever’ (death and the right hand ). for hertz the organic event of death is accompanied by ‘a complex mass of beliefs, emotions and activities which give it its distinctive character’ ( ). this was violated during the famine, however, as the ubiquity of death meant burials, if they did occur, were ‘indifferent’ and were enacted in casual haste (mclean ). as brendan o cathaoir (famine diary), roger mchugh (‘the famine in irish oral tradition’), mclean, and ulin have all noted, there was tremendous anxiety over burial ritual during the famine. the dying famine victims would be seen ‘dragging themselves toward the local graveyards’ and friends and relatives of the dead ‘would resort to every means to lay the dead with their ancestors’ (mchugh ; in ulin ). despite this anxiety mclean notes survivors’ accounts that suggest churchyard burials were the exception rather than the norm ( ). during the famine the western landscape ‘was quite literally body-strewn’, as corpses were buried where they were found or lay unburied by hedges where rats would attend to the flesh ( ; gibson strong spirit ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the mass grave, mclean maintains, is the most widely disseminated image of the famine where ‘bodies were piled anonymously and indiscriminately’ into pits. at skibbereen, for example, ‘the dead were placed in “strata”, a little clay being thrown over each “stratum”, before the next was laid on . . . [i]n some cases the “stratum” would consist of ten to twelve bodies . . . [but] regularities were not always observed and . . . the dead were thrown sometimes into pits in a careless manner, and . . . the pits were covered when they could hold no more’ (mclean ). the ‘theatre of death’, mclean suggests, overran the entirety of social space so the corpse that was traditionally dealt with in culturally prescribed ways disrupted the survivors’ normal propulsion of the dead body and their concomitant ritual reassertion of themselves as ‘living’ (mclean ; also see kristeva powers of horror - ). instead, the famine ‘hardened the hearts of people’ (in mclean ) as death became ‘everyday’ rather than ‘extraordinary’ (kerry examiner [ ] in mclean ). in addition to may dedalus representing irish famine victims as restless, ‘chewing’ on their grave clothes and haunting the living, we might suppose that she also indicates the great secret of the famine: cannibalism. thomas jackson rice explores metaphorical cannibalism in joyce, where joyce’s aesthetic is read as a ‘denatured relation to english progressively liberat[ing] him to disassemble and reassemble language to increase the artistic “serviceability” of words’ (cannibal joyce xvii), but cannibalism in joyce can also be considered more literally. joyce’s ‘corpsechewing’ takes into account the silence that encrypts famine cannibalism. this cannibalism is not from a psychogenic perspective (explained in terms of psychosexual needs), or hermeneutical (where cannibal practice is part of a larger life, death, reproduction cycle), but is materialist where ‘people adapt to hunger or protein deficiency by eating one another’ (sanday divine hunger ). whilst there are different cultural practices of cannibalism, and ‘[i]n different contexts it may be seen as an inhuman, ghoulish nightmare or as a sacred, moral duty’, it is nonetheless ‘always . . . encompassed by the order of ritual and the tenor of ambivalence’ ( ). cormac Ó gráda concurs that ‘the silences surrounding cannibalism are almost deafening enough to arouse suspicion’ (curtis in Ó gráda ‘eating people is wrong’ , and eating people is wrong, and other essays , - ). in ‘circe’ the emaciated body of stephen’s mother ‘rises stark through the floor’, and as she ‘fixes her bluecircled hollow eyesockets on stephen and opens her toothless mouth’, she utters ‘a silent word’, and a ‘choir of virgins and confessors sing voicelessly’ (u : gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e - ). the ‘voiceless’ may dedalus not only reflects the irish silence surrounding their own subjugation, as has been investigated previously, but this ‘corpsechewer’ also reflects the taboo against cannibalism. as Ó gráda notes, when and if it occurred, it would have been furtive, all traces hidden by the perpetrators’, necessitating also a taboo ‘inhibited others from recalling it’ (Ó gráda ‘eating people’ ). in his paper from the irish famine commemorative lecture series, joseph lee states that ‘[t]here was also of course a great deal of psychic decomposition, even right down to some cases of cannibalism, even, or especially, cannibalism in one’s own family. it was, as far as we can tell, of the deranged, of those who were themselves victims, driven mad by hunger’ (in Ó gráda - ). may dedalus’s ‘subtle smile of death’s madness’ further points to the possible link to cannibalism, but joyce’s depiction of madness is sympathetic. may dedalus in this light is ‘trans-corporal’, challenging the human desire to transcend nature. through the inter-generational ‘strandentwining cable of all flesh’ stephen fills in the silence of her ‘voicelessness’ with the deeming of his mother a ‘corpsechewer’, thus verbalising the existential shame of the irish. conclusion while irish historiography exonerates the english of charges of genocide, there is little disagreement that the government could have done more to relieve starvation if its efforts were not focussed on long-term agricultural reform and the economic rationalisation of the clachan system. the link between the great famine, geography and fractured communities, via the long experience of land appropriation, eviction and displacement, considered alongside famine ‘memory’ and allusions to famine images, is seemingly not explored in joycean scholarship. the nightmare of the ‘intertwined history of the city and country’ (fairhall ) refers to a complex intra- and inter- generational trauma of the famine that considers the effects spatially as well as temporally. joyce’s trope of famished ghosts is complicated when considered alongside recent developments in irish historiography. the destruction of rural communities and the mass mobilisation of the rural irish to cities meant dublin witnessed a desperate people. relief, pointedly, was also linked to a relinquishing of claims to land ownership, thus making what might have been a self-preserving, temporary stay in a city a permanent relocation. the ‘modern’ urban environment joyce represents one to two generations later is not characterised by the intimacy and cooperation identified gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e with the traditional clachan system. instead joyce presents throughout his work the atmosphere of distrust and economic insecurity, at least in part promulgated by the project of english economic rationalisation. chapter one considered the famine as a violent act, and argued that the pathologies of colonial oppression prevent social, economic and political progress. with the mobilisation of rural irish, the imperial power affected a neutralisation of community and hindered the development of political association and the ability for a ‘prior covenant’. furthermore, bloom’s allusions to victorian soup kitchen relief schemes, a point noted by lowe-evans and ulin, are all the more poignant when they are considered alongside historical evidence that explores the paltriness of the relief, and the enforced dehumanisation as the starving were ushered through the ‘system’, timed, and observed like zoo animals. the irish have long been portrayed as animals, pigs, subhuman, and the tag would be confirmed as reports of the irish ‘scavenging’ were circulated during the famine. perceptions of irish animality were part of the english arsenal to continue their subjugation and justified the neglect of ‘proper bonds of obligation’. joyce’s ‘famished ghosts’ represent not only the intra- and inter-generational trauma of the ‘event’, but the idea that those dubliners caught in the past, but who don’t understand the past and how it impacts them, are prevented from progressing their narratives beyond immediate satiation. the men at burton’s are men ‘out of time’ who have both internalised projected animality but also reflect the embodied, dehumanising efficiencies of victorian ‘relief’. bloom, though struggling to carve out a space in time, manages to distinguish himself and indicates the danger of being caught in the nets of the intra-generational memory. joyce’s use of gothic tropes is interesting, and although scholars have considered his use of the vampiric figure, may dedalus, as corpsechewer, also intimates the possible historical shame surrounding famine cannibalism, an area of irish historiography Ó gráda has recently investigated. joyce’s gothic is postcolonial as it stands in contrast to the anglo-irish gothic which expresses fear of the ‘native population’ as they endeavoured to create their own anglo-irish cultural identity (wurtz ). joyce’s gothic also diverges from james clarence mangan’s gothic poems about the famine (for example, ‘the nameless one’ and ‘siberia’; see also see morash the hungry voice). for joyce, mangan’s gothic was too focused on the discourse of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e internalised sin, where even in his ‘fiery moments’, he still isn’t ‘free from it’ (joyce ‘james clarence mangan’ cw ). for the men in burton’s there is no alternative definition of human life yet, but it seems joyce is presenting these spectres to dublin itself; parading the apparition as the precursor to the reawakening. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e chapter – parnell, failed hospitality and decline of the domestic realm ‘[t]he angel of death kills the butcher and he kills the ox and the dog kills the cat . . . justice it means but it’s everybody eating everybody else’ (ulysses : - ) in a portrait of the artist as a young man stephen describes ireland as ‘the old sow that eats her farrow’ ( ), alluding to irish complicity in their own oppression. as indicated in previous chapters joyce’s narrative of the state of the irish follows a complex interweaving of both structural impediments and failed agency. for example, while the irish have been victims some, like the citizen, have also benefitted financially at the expense of other irish. the colonial experience of the irish is thus to some extent predicated on class. if england has metaphorically ‘eaten’ ireland, then the irish have also devoured their own. in addition to the great irish famine and the concurrent, violent ‘reforming’ of the irish agricultural system, another key event of irish history prevalent in joyce’s work is the ‘betrayal’ and death of charles stewart parnell ( - ). joyce’s essays ‘home rule comes of age’ ( ) and ‘the shade of parnell’ ( ) reveal his admiration for parnell. they also represent parnell’s political downfall and highlight the tensions in ireland between desires for independence and the pressures of catholic morality. as andrew gibson argues, we might read ulysses as an emancipatory project that can be encapsulated with stephen dedalus’s two key phrases: ‘history . . . is a nightmare from which i am trying to awake’, and ‘in here it is that i must kill the priest and the king’ (ulysses : ; : - ; see gibson joyce’s revenge). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e a primary focus of this chapter is the dedalus family, and though the textual evidence moves to ulysses, the household’s decline begins in portrait, and more specifically, i suggest, at the christmas dinner scene. it is symbolic that the decline is most visible after the politically charged conversation at this celebration, and telling that the conflict involves both ‘host’ and ‘guest’. margaret visser’s the rituals of dinner observes that traditionally hospitality means the willingness of hosts and strangers (or guests) to be ‘constrained by intricate sets of obligations’ for the sake of ‘peace, order, and the benefit of the whole community’ ( ). this is especially important in cultures — and i would add very relevant for a post-famine colonial ireland — where ‘people were apt to find themselves in the role of travellers or strangers’ (flammang the taste of civilization ). janet flammang affirms that hospitality is in the individual’s and the group’s best interest, especially in a hostile environment such as one with an uncertain food supply ( ), but in portrait the common threat of suppressive colonial domination and its concomitant insecurities is secondary to internal, religious conflict. the christmas dinner suggests a nightmare of both the priest and king ‘devouring’ parnell, the man parnellites like casey and simon dedalus believed was ‘born to lead us’ (portrait ). a number of scholars have considered both joyce’s devotion to a particular parnellite mythology (for example fairhall a question of history, especially ‘literary politics’; gibson joyce’s revenge, ‘introduction’). others such as seamus deane (‘dead ends: joyce’s finest moments’ in semicolonial joyce), explore the ‘ghostly version’ of the world of parnell in turn of the century dublin, and allan h. simmons (‘topography and transformation’ in joyce, imperialism and colonialism) observes the historical dimension of joyce’s dublin where locations and architecture root the irish to the past and prevent contestation and subversion of the colonial present. it is hans walter gabler’s article, however, from which this chapter owes its trajectory as it connects the political altercation over parnell in the christmas dinner scene with joyce’s biography and the impact of parnell’s demise on the dedalus family (‘the christmas dinner scene, parnell’s death, and the genesis of a portrait of the artist as a young man’). the demise and death of parnell not only had implications for ireland’s nationalist aspirations but through the christmas dinner joyce exhibits how the ensuing post- parnellite paralysis impacts dublin families and the domestic realm. as the scene gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e closes casey, with his head in his hands, will emit a ‘sob of pain’ crying ‘poor parnell! . . . my dead king!’, and dedalus senior will have eyes full of tears ( ). while catholics like dante proclaim ‘god and morality and religion come first’ ( ), casey and simon dedalus are left hollow. simon dedalus, now a broken man without hope, is increasingly less able to provide for his family. in post-parnell ulysses, a number of men attempt to find ‘home’ and connect with each other through the homosocial consumption of alcohol in the public sphere. scholars skim over joyce’s drinking. for example: alcohol was a ‘blessed relief from his responsibilities’ (pindar ); joyce was ‘sensitive to alcohol’ (epstein ); and joyce’s drinking bouts ‘bear witness . . . to the sheer ardour of his sense of purpose’ (gibson james joyce ; see briggs ‘joyce’s drinking’ ). this downplays joyce’s alcoholism but it also fails to consider the effects of excessive alcohol consumption that are presented throughout his work. the proto-feminist joyce explores the downside of homosocial drinking culture because it leads to another type of devouring: paternal neglect. joyce’s snapshot technique in the ‘wandering rocks’ episode enables parallax to complicate gendered, cultural and socio-economic preconceptions, and the complex consideration of the downwardly mobile post-parnell dedalus family is a prime example. reader responses of sympathy and condemnation shift throughout the episode as new juxtapositions are made, and previous scenes, episodes, and joyce’s previous work (portrait) are recalled. joyce’s ruminations on the deterioration of dublin families elicit sentiment, that emotional investment in characters which is, apparently, antithetical to high modernism’s pursuits of ‘hard’, ‘new’, ‘masculine’ art forms. clive hart, alone in the critical world dominated by the new criticism, argued five decades ago that the ‘fear of sentimentality’ had been ‘inhibiting and limiting’ for joyce scholarship (hart ‘james joyce’s sentimentality’ ; scholes paradoxy of modernism , ). this chapter progresses both james longenbach’s argument that high modernists like t. s. eliot included modernist devices, such as ironic sides, to enable emotion into the work (‘randall jarrell’s legacy’ ), and anthony cuda’s assertion that modernists were not interested in eliminating emotion via their experimental forms but were fulfilling the ‘urgent desire . . . to meaningfully encounter powerlessness’ and be ‘moved’ (the passions of modernism ). joyce’s characters are not devoid of emotion; nor completely subsumed by their subjugation. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e this chapter contends that joyce’s dissident voices are heard as they challenge dominate structures and can manage to create a brief space where ‘the self may dissociate from the ascendant social order’ (sinfield faultlines ; schwarze ). in this ‘space’ the irish might gain the necessary perspective to critique the pervasiveness of religious suppression and the oppressive terms of their ‘social contract’ with the english. joyce’s sentiment isn’t for its own sake but exists to challenge the reproduction of amnesiac societal values and offer a flickering possibility of an alternate irish society. the ‘betrayal’ of charles stewart parnell typifies the seeming inevitability of irish duplicity, where anyone dedicated to political freedom for ireland is compromised (smyth ‘trust not appearances’ - ). joyce’s parallactic form also, treacherously, examines how ireland’s capacity for political agency is impacted by a failing domestic sphere, neglected and impaired by patriarchy. these considerations are qualified and complex, and joyce also highlights the complicity and ignorance of the irish middle class, represented by mulligan, and their disconnection from the reality of working class poverty. the uncrowned king joyce fiction and non-fiction reflect a collective memory of parnellite martyrology, passed down from his father (fairhall question of history ), which depicts the fall of charles stewart parnell, the ‘uncrowned king’ of ireland (‘shade of parnell’ cw ). joyce notes that parnell’s influence on the irish people defies critical analysis. he had a ‘speech defect’ and his speeches ‘lacked eloquence, poetry, and humour’, he was ignorant of the history of ireland, and was of a protestant aristocratic lineage. his manner was cold and formal, and ‘as a crowning disgrace, he spoke with a distinct english accent’ ( ). parnell was a landlord of nearly acres in wicklow (mccartney ‘parnell, davitt and the irish land question’ ), which was relatively untouched by the bad harvests of the s, and revisionist historians like f. s. l. lyons highlight the personal political ambitions behind the ‘saviour’ mythology (lyons charles stewart parnell ; mccartney ). donal mccartney contends, however, that while parnell’s initial interests were political with a focus, for example, on election contests and parliamentary obstructions, from he became openly interested in social questions (‘parnell, davitt and the land question’ ). during his county mayo visit in parnell was ‘struck by the wretchedness of the people, the squalor of their gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e houses, the smallness and barrenness of the farms’ (mccartney ). it is this strong focus on the ‘land question’ and the plight of irish peasants that cultivated the unbreakable reverence ‘parnellites’ had for their king. when parnell addressed the american congress on february , he quoted professor blackie who argued that confiscated irish land was now in the hands of ‘cliques of greedy and grasping oligarchs, who had done nothing for the country . . . but suck its blood in the name of land rent and squander its wealth under the name of fashion and pleasure in london’ (in mccartney ; parnell ‘the land question’). in his ‘shade of parnell’ essay, thirty two years after parnell uttered these words, joyce returns to these vampiric metaphors to emphasise the parasitic landlord / tenant relationships, and to pointedly highlight ireland’s sacrifice of its own saviour. joyce’s shame for his country is evident: he laments the ‘broken heart’ of the leader of the irish parliamentary party and the leading figure in the home rule movement (cw ). ‘the ghost of the “uncrowned king” will weigh on the hearts of those who remember him’ joyce states, for while parnell ‘begged them’ not to betray him to the ‘english wolves howling’, it was not the colonial oppressor who ultimately devoured him; it was the irish who ‘tore him to pieces themselves’ ( ). he had led the irish, ‘like another moses’ from ‘the house of shame to the verge of the promised land’ ( ), but for his efforts he was ‘like a hunted deer’ and in the end his party turned on him and the ‘clergy entered the ranks to finish him off’ ( ). joyce would go on to repeat this old testament evocation linking the irish to the israelites in the ‘aeolus’ and ‘circe’ episodes of ulysses. joyce asserts in his ‘home rule comes of age’ essay that the most powerful weapons england used against ireland were gladstone’s liberalism and ‘vaticanism’ (joyce ‘home rule’ cw ). conservativism, though ‘tyrannical’ is at least for joyce ‘a frankly and openly inimical doctrine’: ‘its position is logical; it does not want a rival island to arise near great britain, or irish factories to create competition for those in england, or tobacco and wine again to be exported from ireland, or the great ports along the irish coast to become enemy naval bases under a native government or a foreign protectorate’ ( ). the liberals he implies, are hypocritical, raising false hopes and disarming irish separatists (fairhall question of history ). prior to the gladstone losing power in the elections, joyce maintains that gladstone’s delays on home gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e rule, despite the ostensive approval of the act, were spent completing the ‘moral assassination’ of parnell (cw ). the price gladstone demanded for the success of the second home rule bill would be the resignation of the leader of the irish parliamentary party. parnell was now labelled an adulterer, after his long-term affair with mrs o’shea was affirmed when he failed to contest mr. o’shea’s citing of him as co-respondent in his divorce law suit. citing the liberals’ need for the english dissenters’ support for the home rule bill, in november gladstone demanded the resignation of parnell as party leader to pacify the demands of dissenter puritanism to expunge the ‘unmasked sexual sinner’ (fairhall ). in december , in a committee room at the house of commons, of the irish party members withdrew their support for parnell (joyce cw ). cheng notes though that not all high profile sexual transgressions are met with the same response, and seemingly there was a distinction between the well-known philandering of prince (later king) edward and the eight year affair parnell had with o’shea; a woman he ultimately married (cheng ; also see simmons ). the hypocrisy of moral judgment and parnell’s betrayal by his party and nation are both addressed in the dubliners short story, ‘ivy day at the committee room’. on ivy day (october , the anniversary of parnell’s death), the committee room is full of canvassers for candidates for a local dublin election. most of the men don’t believe in their candidates, but nonetheless are waiting in the room for their wages. both fairhall (‘colgan-connolly’ ) and cheng focus on the personal, economic motivation of the men’s political lobbying. as cheng states, ‘[i]n this story and in the wake of parnell’s death, the nationalist zeal once focused under his leadership has been replaced in irish citizens by a prostituted, shoneen politics that would sell its services to anyone willing to pay for them, regardless of political affiliation or ideology’ ( ). in margot norris’s reading of the story though, she observes that ‘ivy day’ seeks to ‘do justice not only to the signifier of parnell but also to the class of ordinary dublin men whose lives are the micropolitical landscape that parnell’s macropolitical policies and strategies sought to address’ (norris suspicious readings ). norris observes that some of these men are in financial difficulty — mr o’connor’s boots ‘let in the wet’ (dubliners ), and mr henchy expects to find bailiffs in the hall when he gets home ( ) — representing joyce’s acknowledgment of contemporary social problems and the fact that their conditions don’t allow the luxury of supporting a candidate who represents their gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e interests (norris ). before his betrayal and defeat parnell was able to ‘unite the disparate segments of colonial ireland in collective stance against english domination in the cause of home rule’ (cheng ). like a prophet he led a ‘turbulent and unstable people from the house of shame to the verge of the promised land’ (joyce cw ). the void left by parnell is palpable. it shifted irish priorities from the inspirational project of national determinism to a situation more immediate with an anxious concern for economic security. despite the recognition of the material conditions of dubliners and the identification of why dubliners prostitute their politics, joyce’s considerations are multifaceted as he doesn’t completely absolve the ‘ivy day’ canvassers of their trespasses. the micropolitical concerns noted in ‘ivy day’ highlight the passivity demonstrated by the dubliners. for example, the political candidate henchy is working for has vested interests that fly in the face of his own financial anxieties, but this canvasser still fronts up to be paid (norris - ). joyce is ruthless in his reiteration of parnell’s betrayal through the character of hynes who represents a candidate he believes in and is thus placed above irish shoneen politics, and who remains a loyal parnellite. hynes highlights the dubliners’ shame for their sham canvassing through his recitation of a poem about parnell. though mawkish, the rendition draws applause then ‘all the auditors drank from their bottles in silence’ (dubliners - ; emphasis added). as cheng maintains it is the ‘silence of complicit guilt’ as the poem implicitly suggests that ‘all of them but hynes have compromised and prostituted their ideals’ and all share in ‘the betrayal of parnell and the nationalist principles for which he stood’ (cheng ). hynes admonishes dubliners who forget their own suppression, and reminds those present that while there is talk of ‘kowtowing to a foreign king’ and plans for ‘an address and welcome’ for king edward in dublin, parnell would never support such an ameliorative stance (dubliners ; cheng ). as cheng observes, so internalised is mr henchy’s oppression that he imagines that the king has ireland’s best interests at heart, and despite the pomp he perceives the king as a no-nonsense ‘ordinary’ man. he does not see the connection between his excuses for king edward and the moral reasoning behind parnell’s discharge from leadership: parnell is dead . . . now, here’s the way i look at it . . . he’s a man of the world and he means well by us. he’s a jolly fine decent fellow, if you ask me, and no gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e damn nonsense about him . . . let bygones be bygones . . . i admire the man personally. he’s just an ordinary knockabout like you and me. he’s fond of his glass of grog and he’s a bit of a rake, perhaps, and he’s a good sportsman. damn it, can’t we irish play fair? (dubliners ) the joyce of christmas dinner in the portrait christmas dinner scene joyce encapsulates the theme of post-parnell paralysis and the irish self-devouring that is explored in much of joyce’s work. it is significant that joyce uses the season of christmas to explore the complexity of irish politics, and as a marker for the subsequent decline of the dedalus family. according to an article in the journal of american folklore, christmas was a ‘glorious’ day for the irish where ‘[r]adiant joy beamed from the faces of all’, where ‘everyday felt extremely happy’, and nothing could ‘harm’ you (‘folk-lore from ireland’ ). the anthropologist ellen powell thompson notes that the irish woman she interviewed had lived for twenty years in connaught before moving to washington, but these customs and superstitions that she recalled were ‘universal’ ( ). indeed, these childhood and early adult recollections seem perfectly in keeping with victorian christmas ideals. for dickens, christmas stories ‘retain[ed] through memory the child’s imaginative capacity, and through that imagination, the adult’s understanding of compassion’ (glancy ‘dickens and christmas’ ). while in one sketch in a ‘christmas number’ of household words dickens would acknowledge that one can be ‘[e]ncirled by social thoughts’ at christmas time, it was hoped that in spite of this ‘the benignant figure of . . . childhood [would] stand unchanged’ ( ). thus, as ruth glancy argues, dickens’s literary christmases were times for memories to ‘flood back and bring about a spiritual regeneration’ as people won moral victories over ‘the hardening and destructive effects of age and experience’ ( ). as david parker notes of a christmas carol, the three ghosts give scrooge ‘a transcendent understanding’. he has learned ‘the possibility of learning and the capacity for change’, so he can improve his life and also the lives of those around him (christmas and charles dickens , ). in contrast to the dickensian regenerative powers of christmas, one could argue that joyce reflects more the melancholy of nathaniel hawthorne’s ‘the christmas banquet’ ( ) where the christmas feast is held, not in the hope that the ‘ten most miserable gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e persons’ that attend might derive solace from the spirit of the occasion (cody ‘invited guests at hawthorne’s “christmas banquet”’ - ), but ‘to provide that the stern or fierce expression of human discontent should not be drowned, even for that one holy and joyful day, amid the acclamations of festal gratitude which all christendom sends up’ (hawthorne ‘christmas banquet’ tales ). in hawthorne’s misanthropic tale the wine thus seems ‘to come imbued with gloomy inspirations’, its influence not to cheer but ‘either to sink the revellers into a deeper melancholy, or elevate their spirits to an enthusiasm for wretchedness’ ( ). the hawthorne scholar james wohlpart proposes that ‘christmas banquet’ is critical of the transcendentalist aesthetic, where the figures who live in the unsubstantiated dream world are separated from humanity (‘allegories of art’ - ). this much is indicated in the frame narrative as the narrator roderick elliston introduces hawthorne’s criticism of this philosophy; its ‘deficiency in . . . spiritual organisation’ (hawthorne ; see wohlpart - ). the purpose of the old man in roderick’s tale is to ‘perpetuate [the old man’s] own remonstrance against the earthly course of providence, and his sad and sour dissent from those systems of religion or philosophy which either find sunshine in the world or draw it down from heaven’ ( ). one can discern in portrait’s christmas dinner scene joyce’s desire to examine the heart of humanity via the uncomfortable, disrupting, conflictual realities of the paralysed post-parnell ireland. joyce thus challenges ireland’s idealistic ‘crowning’ of parnell, which he sees as worthless if the irish are still bound by catholic doctrines of ‘sin’ (dante), left impotent after parnell’s demise (simon dedalus), or defy humanity in a bid to fly by the structural nets of irish society (stephen). in the first chapter of portrait, christmas day falls not three months after the death of parnell, and as hans walter gabler argues, chapter one is ‘as much about parnell and ireland as about stephen and clongowes’ (gabler ‘christmas dinner scene’ ). gabler reminds us that ‘the action proper of the novel opens on the day stephen alters his christmas holiday countdown from to ( ; portrait ). thus the novel opens on a day between parnell’s death (october , ) and his burial (october ). the th day (october ) before christmas is termed by gabler the first ‘post-parnellite’ day in irish history, given the news of his death did not reach ireland until october . as gabler suggests, post-parnellite behaviour ensues at this point at clongowes with wells shouldering stephen into a ditch of ‘cold and slimy’ water causing stephen’s illness ( ; portrait ). extending the sequential dates of the novel, stephen is taken to the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e infirmary on october where he has a fever dream about his death where the perpetrator wells ‘would be sorry then for what he had done’ (portrait ). as gabler maintains, the evening of stephen’s subsequent ‘recuperative sleep’ (october - ) synchronises stephen’s time with parnell’s ( ). linking parnell’s burial on october, and stephen’s recovery, gabler suggests that such synchronicity means ‘parnell dies so that stephen may live’ ( ). what i suggest, however, is the christmas dinner highlights the emptiness of the myth of heroic sacrifice. parnell’s supporters are not inspired to continue or benefit from his work, but instead joyce denotes how the ensuing paralysis ultimately leads to the financial ruin of dublin families. from portrait’s ostensive festive rituals and hospitality to the ultimate breakdown in hope and dialogue, the christmas dinner scene further demonstrates the type of post- parnellite behaviour emblematic of the betrayal, disorder and incivility experienced by stephen at clongowes. as stephen dreams of parnell’s body arriving at the harbour the people present ‘wail’ and ‘moan’ with sorrow – ‘parnell! parnell! he is dead!’ (portrait ). dante is ‘proud’ of parnell’s sacrifice evidenced by her wearing a ‘maroon velvet dress with a green velvet mantle from her shoulders’ ( ). instead of grieving like the people she silently passes, stephen sees her distanced from grief and instead attaching meaning to death. such an imagined action is consistent with stephen’s knowledge of dante’s nationalist loyalty ( , ), prior to ‘politics’ and her ripping off of the green velvet from the brush, telling stephen ‘parnell is a bad man’ ( ). while gabler argues that there is no reference to the green and maroon colours so consistent with the parnell (green) and davitt (maroon) motif leading up to the christmas scene (‘christmas dinner’ - ), i argue that the continuation of the motif is present. before dante rearticulates her moral standing of her ‘politics’ joyce continues the motif highlighting the betrayal of parnell and nationalist hope with the red of a davitt, anti-parnell ‘fire’ and the parnellite green of the ‘ivytwined branches of the chandelier’ (portrait ). tellingly it is under the ‘green’ ivy branches with which the ‘christmas table was spread’ that the conflict proper surrounding parnell and the church ensues. though the conflict ignites at the table, we should not neglect that the pre-dinner ‘placing’ of characters around the room pre-figures the ‘argumentative positions’ that the participants will adopt later (toolan ‘analysing conversation in fiction’ ). the red fire symbolises anti-parnellites, like davitt and all parnell’s close former associates gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e who betrayed him, but also the clergy who would bend to gladstone’s demands and would argue against parnell’s sexual immorality and neglect the more pressing concern of irish independence. this puts parnellite mr casey and the anti-parnellite dante on opposite sides of the hearth. stephen is ‘seated on a chair between them’ with his feet resting on a soft foot stool (‘toasted boss’) indicating his innocence and uncertainty. while toolan notes that simon dedalus has his back to the fire ( ), it is also significant that he lifts his coat tails to the flames, exhibiting not only a back turning rejection but a rump-flaunting irreverence (portrait ). in addition to flouting the anti- parnellites he later spurns the catholic church by devouring another rump; the ‘pope’s nose’ of the turkey ( ). toolan’s fascinating study, informed by linguistics and conversational analysis, highlights the conventionality of much of the early christmas dinner, such as the rituals of polite conversation ( ). indeed, beyond conversation there is a victorian conventionality and middle-class aspirational element to the scene as they wait for the ‘door to open and the servants to come in, holding the big dishes covered with their heavy metal covers’ (portrait ). there is also a mark of tradition as stephen graduates from dining in the nursery with his other siblings ‘till the pudding came’. he is now ‘oldish’ and as his mother brought him downstairs dressed for mass with his ‘deep low collar and eton jacket’ his father cried ( ). as dinner arrives and mr and mrs dedalus arrange table placings, with mr dedalus at the head of the table ( ), the upholding of tradition, henceforth, becomes increasingly tenuous. the patriarch nearly disrupts the order of things by prematurely lifting the lid of the turkey dish, with ritual only being maintained when stephen is called on to say grace ( ). mr dedalus further transgresses when he begins to eat ‘hungrily’, forgetting his role as host at the head of the table, and neglecting to dispense sauce with mrs riordan’s turkey ( ). dante’s curt replies to pretences of conventional speech also contravene the rules of being a good guest ( , ). order and ritual, symbolised by the turkey, the table placings and the reciting of grace, is further ruptured by the young stephen’s stream of consciousness as his mind moves from thoughts of the abundant table, to violence, and to parnell. while stephen looks at the trussed ‘plump turkey’ he recalls that his father had paid a substantial sum, a guinea, for it. he had bought the bird from the expensive ‘dunn’s of d’olier street’, where the poulterer ‘prodded the breastbone to show how good it was’ ( ). stephen’s thoughts shift from the reassurance of plenty to violence through the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e association of the plump bird gracing the table, to the name given to the leather strap used to discipline boys at his school: ‘why did mr barrett in clongowes call his pandybat a turkey? it was not like a turkey’ ( ; gabler ‘christmas dinner’ - ). this fleeting connection is then supplanted by a description of the bountiful table, but his childlike observations and anticipation also inextricably intertwines the ‘red’ and ‘green’ discontent that underscores the special occasion: the warm heavy smell of turkey and ham and celery rose from the plates and dishes and the great fire was banked high and red in the grate and the green ivy and red holly made you feel so happy and when dinner was ended the big plumpudding would be carried in, studded with peeled almonds and sprigs of holly, with bluish fire running around it and a little green flag flying from the top. ( ; emphasis added) as toolan mentions, mr dedalus’s position as head of the household and head of the table ‘gives him ample opportunity to establish his roles as not only master of ceremonies but in addition as master of the talk’ ( ). dante riordan challenges this patriarchal prerogative, and despite her lowly status of ‘dependent female relative, the maiden aunt’ she exhibits ‘a noticeable refusal to suffer the men’s opinions in silence’ ( , - ). while dante riordan and mrs dedalus’s ‘non-eating’ at the christmas dinner might be compared to molly bloom’s love of food in the final chapter, here i focus on how this central irish political debate interrupts eating; a disruption that has an impact on the traditional patriarchal role of ‘provider’ through portrait and into ulysses. purely in conversational terms, dante does exhibit what toolan sees as stephen’s first experience of someone rejecting orthodoxy: ‘i will not serve’, dante seems to say as she rejects various attempts to steer what has turned into a political conversation back to conventional banalities. toolan’s analysis of one such point in the dinner exhibits such resistance, though i would add that simon dedalus’s subversive actions (eating the pope’s nose as metaphor for his rejection of the catholic church’s stand on parnell) and his capacity to do so given his gendered status, should be noted: – there’s a tasty bit here we call the pope’s nose. if any lady or gentleman . . . he held a piece of fowl up on the prong of the carving fork. nobody spoke. he put it on his own plate, saying: gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e - well, you can’t say but you were asked. i think i had better eat it myself because i’m not well in my health lately. he winked at stephen and, replacing the dishcover, began to eat again. there was a silence while he ate. then he said: - well now, the day kept up fine after all. there were plenty of strangers down too. nobody spoke. he said again: - i think there were more strangers down than last christmas. he looked round at the others whose faces were bent towards their plates and, receiving no reply, waited for a moment and said bitterly: - well, my christmas dinner has been spoiled anyhow. - there could be neither luck nor grace, dante said, in a house where there is no respect for the pastors of the church. mr dedalus threw his knife and fork noisily on his plate. - respect! he said . . . (portrait ; also see toolan - ) brad kessler observes that in literature the table, from the odyssey to beowulf and the canterbury tales, has long been a framing device for storytelling (‘one reader’s digest’ - ). in contrast to the odyssey, however, where banqueters sit transfixed for five chapters as odysseus regales with his sea adventurers, the people gathered around the christmas table in portrait cannot clearly articulate themselves beyond inciting gibes and anger. the raw and inflammatory topic of parnell’s betrayal is too divisive for simon dedalus’s pedestrian attempts at diverting conversation away from religion and politics. thus, his failure to fill conversational gaps after his attempted conversation openings cannot succeed as dante and mr casey are unwilling to see the topic dropped (toolan ). soon after simon’s smoothing attempts dante will respond to mrs dedalus’s whispered plea with ‘i will not say nothing’, and mr casey will ‘[push] his plate rudely into the middle of the table’ (portrait ). as casey desists eating, dedalus is then able to continue his meal ( ). content with casey pursuing the parnellite cause, though subversive at first, he gives support for casey’s violent ‘story’ of spitting at an anti-parnellite by taking a bone from his plate and ‘tearing’ at it ( ). dante, though a staunch nationalist — ‘[hitting] a gentleman on the head with her umbrella because he had taken off his hat when the band played god save the queen’ (portrait ) — is fiercely anti-parnellite: ‘god and morality and religion come first’ gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ( ). parnell was a ‘public sinner’ ( ), a ‘traitor, an adulterer’ and as such the ‘priests were right to abandon him’ ( ). dante shouts ‘we won! we crushed him to death! fiend!’ ( ). the debate of the parnellites (dedalus and casey) versus the ‘moral’ middleclass catholics leaves a silence around two key factors. first, as fairhall describes in detail, the ‘morality’ of parnell was secondary for the clergy as their focus was on ensuring gladstone maintained the support from the ‘dissenter’, nonconformist backbone of his english constituency, thus safeguarding home rule ( ). second, by extension, the judgment of parnell’s immorality was not led by the clergy or gladstone but by the ‘dissenters’ of gladstone’s constituency. the ‘we’ dante uses in her departing attack on casey and dedalus, alludes to an imagined, purely ‘moral’ conflict and a naivety about moral political argument. the web of politics and religion is made ironic by casey and dedalus arguing for the separation of religion and politics, given the catholic clergy’s long involvement in irish nationalist politics as ‘patriots’, and from being ‘embedded in and integral to the parnellite movement’ (fairhall question of history ; see - ). the grief of the men at the end of the christmas dinner was thus not due to the house of god being made into a polling booth (portrait ), but that the clergy had intervened in politics on the wrong side (fairhall ). joyce’s ‘saints and sages’ notes that ireland has been ‘the most faithful daughter of the catholic church’ (cw ), with its ‘compliance . . . so complete . . . it would hardly murmur if the pope turned the island over to a spanish noble “who found himself momentarily unemployed”’ ( ). the christmas scene in portrait also alludes to the ways in which self-surveillance of irish catholics maintains their own subjugation. parnell’s demise was led by moral judgments, the kind of judgments irreconcilable to the building of an independent modern state. ulin refers to francini bruno’s recollections of a joyce parable from his trieste lectures, where he notes that the ‘sowing [of] hunger’ from the great famine leaves the irish contemplating a ‘potato in their hands’, but that it also indicates how the irish ‘eat symbolically’ via the ‘gluttonous consumption of religious and superstitious symbols’ ( ): gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the metropolitan government, after centuries of strangling [ireland], has laid it waste. it’s now an untilled field. the government sowed hunger, syphilis, superstition, and alcoholism there . . . i think [our peasants] are the one people who, when they are hungry, eat symbolically. do you know what it means to eat symbolically? i’ll clear it up for you in no time: the peasant family, a big roomful of them, sit round a rustic table as if it were an altar. in the middle of the table, suspended on a string from the ceiling, is a herring which could feed the lot of them. the headman arms himself with a potato. then with it he makes the sign of the cross . . . high up on the back of the fish instead of just rubbing it as any hypocrite would do. this is the signal, and after him, hieratically, each member of the family performs the same trick so that at the end the members, that is to say the diners, find themselves left contemplating a potato in their hands, and the herring, if it doesn’t get eaten by the cat, or rot, is destined to be mummified for posterity, this dish is called the indicated herring. the peasants are gluttons for it, and stuff their bellies full. (francini bruno joyce intimo spogliato in piazza [ ] in ulin ‘famished ghosts’ - ) in addition to the devouring of religion, we might consider the food more materialistically too. herrings, smoked and eaten by the poor, represent how the clergy (eaters of ‘fish’) and the upper classes (eaters of ‘flesh’) are invested in perpetuating ritual and oppression. the herrings, or irish poor, are symbolically anointed but physically and politically rot or petrify. the parable also points to the intra-generational trauma of famine co-existing with the ‘mummifying’ performance of religious ritual. the signs of imperial oppression (the potato) and the performance of religion (the ‘altar’ and sign of the cross made on the herring) highlight the lack of real material sustenance and the implicit acceptance of a corrupted irish social contract. joyce’s political essays show him to be critical of both gladstone’s liberalism and the clergy for their role in parnell’s political demise and ultimate death. while fairhall mounts an extensive case for joyce’s narrow engagement of parnellite mythology in portrait (question of history - ), the conflict being reduced to god versus ireland where the ‘priestridden godforsaken race’ ‘killed’ parnell (portrait , ), joyce’s understanding of events in his essays encourages us to see portrait’s christmas dinner scene as more than a representation of historical ‘events’. what joyce does is highlight gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e how the simplification of events — for example, dante riordon’s ‘the priests were right to abandon him’ ( ) and casey’s ‘no god for ireland!’( ) — causes a schism that paralyses parnellites and implicates the domestic realm in disastrous ways. the coffin of ‘home’: the homosocial circle and anti-treating the decline of the dedalus family is in part due to simon dedalus’s neglect, i suggest, but the poverty of the family is also reflective of the general socio-economic status of dublin’s working class. writing about joyce’s family in the s and s, vincent sherry notes that due to the lack of industry in dublin city there was a great divide between the affluence of the suburbs and the destitution of the city centre. the surplus, casual ‘generalised labourers’ filled the ‘crumbling splendour of the georgian townhouses’ of the inner city (sherry joyce: ulysses ). furthermore, one half of the nearly , tenement dwellings at the turn of the century were ‘sliding into unfitness’, and one quarter had ‘moved beyond the possibility of reclamation’ ( ). the standard of housing had not altered by the time dubliners was being published. irish historian ruth mcmanus states that by , , (or % of the city’s population) lived in slums with one third being ‘unfit for human habitation’ and the other two-thirds being either ‘structurally sound but not in good repair’ or so much decayed they soon would be unfit for habitation (mcmanus dublin, - in rich - ; also see o’brien dear dirty dublin: a city in distress, - ). in addition to general deterioration, one third of tenements consisted of one room, and often with little in the way of furniture, blankets or cooking utensils (o’brien ; rich ). rich suggests that bloom’s musings in the ‘hades’ episode that ‘the irishman’s house is his coffin’ (u : - ) reflects that for many poor dubliners the concept of ‘home’ was felt more as a painful absence than a comforting presence (rich ). central to what rich sees as a critique of colonial, urban modernisation, joyce’s characters, like many poor inner city dubliners, are unable to participate in the ‘british ideals of domestic life . . . symbolized . . . by hearth, home, and [the] family meal’ ( ). for rich, joyce’s working class dubliners (and the precarious middle-class) try to recreate a sense of the familial with strangers in public eating establishments (martens and warde in rich ), which thus serve as refuges for those ‘unhomed’ (rich ). ‘unhomeliness’ identifies the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘estranging sense of the relocation of the home and the world in an unhallowed place’ (bhabha ‘the world and the home’ in rich ). bloom notes bob doran is on ‘his annual bend’ (u : ), and passes judgment on the men at barney kiernan’s: ‘ought to go home and laugh at themselves. always want to be swilling in company. afraid to be alone like a child of two’ ( : - ). joyce’s ‘unhomed’ men and the trope of solitary public eating also expresses the impact of colonialism and economic exploitation through the deprived and unhomed subject (rich - ). paul delany’s ‘homosocial consumption in dubliners’ ( ) is interesting for its implicit identification of joyce’s ‘unhomed’ dublin men. delany notes that joyce’s work, particularly ulysses, has been an interest to cultural studies for the ways in which consumer goods ‘express cultural categories and principles, cultivate ideals, create and sustain life-styles, construct notions of the self, and create (and survive) social change’ (mccracken in delany ). delany, however, argues that the consumption of alcohol for immediate enjoyment within a male collective — ‘homosocial consumption’ — is distinct from the ‘individual status-seeking’ of modern consumption ( ). in contrast to the centrality of the domestic, ‘feminine’ space of modern consumption where goods are fantasized about and displayed, homosocial consumption takes place in public houses and, delany argues, is akin to marcel mauss’s ‘gift economy’ ( ). ‘rounds’ or ‘treating’ converts the buying of a round of drinks within a select group into an ‘exchange of gifts’: the person buying a round gains status by playing the role of a generous host; the others enjoy the honor of receiving a favour from the buyer–as well as the more practical dividend of getting a ‘free’ drink. each drinker in turn can then savor the prestige of being a gift-giver and master of the revels. rounds also balance out periods of relative wealth or poverty: when he is ‘skint’ a member of the group may buy fewer rounds, to be compensated by extra rounds when he has money in hand. any drinker who has money in his pocket is expected to share it, but he has an equivalent claim on anyone else’s windfall. everyone is thus provided with ‘drinking insurance’, guaranteeing that few evenings will be completely dry. (delany - ) gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e the giving and receiving is not limited to money and drink though as the ‘economy of drinking corresponds closely with an economy for talk’ ( ), for if a round recipient cannot be the ‘buyer’ he must be able to ‘pay’ with his entertainment, flattery or good company ( ). though lenehan in ‘two gallants’ is described as a ‘leech’ for example, ‘his adroitness and eloquence had always prevented his friends from forming any general policy against him’; he was a ‘sporting vagrant armed with a vast stock of stories, limericks and riddles’ (joyce dubliners ). simon dedalus, though skint, uses his ‘[g]lorious tone’ in ulysses to earn his place in the ‘economy of drinking’. though he could have made ‘oceans of money’, he ‘[w]ore out his wife’, and now has ‘overstrung nerves’, which he eases with drinking (u : - ). the anthropologist mary douglas suggests that drinking also needs to be considered for the structure that the ritual gives to social life, and its semblance of ‘an ideal world’ rather than the ‘painful chaos’ of the real world (douglas in delany ). beyond the ritual of drinking though there are societal pressures, behaviours and consequences to consider, and here douglas’s ‘ideal world’ explanation falls short for joyce’s depressed turn of the century dublin. in a letter to brother stanislaus, for example, joyce can neither assign blame nor responsibility for the type of abuse we are led to believe farrington administers to his wife and son in ‘counterparts’. ‘i am no friend of tyranny’, he states, ‘but if many husbands are brutal the atmosphere in which they live . . . is brutal and few wives and homes can satisfy the desire for happiness’ (selected letters ; delany ). these debates were taken up at the same time by the colonial australian writer, henry lawson. for lawson the judgment on the ‘weakness for drink’ is divided. alcohol is represented as a threat not only to the husband’s life, but to the life of the wife and children also (lee ‘looking for mr. backbone: the politics of gender in the work of henry lawson’ ). however, as christopher lee suggests, lawson also points to the intense pressures on the rural family man to ‘provide’ in an unstable work environment. here ‘a man is unable to guarantee provision for a family’, and the pressure to be a provider causes both ‘personal and mental degeneration’ ( ). the harsh economic realities prohibit ‘respectable’ masculinity, as advanced in early feminist journals, where values of ‘home, hearth, wife, and child’ were associated with ‘moral, mental, and physical hygiene’ (lee ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e delany alludes to more complex political concerns at work in joyce as he draws on mark osteen (‘narrative gifts: “cyclops” and the economy of excess’) who discusses the self-destructiveness of the male dubliners’ drinking and gambling. to flout ‘english economic ethics’, osteen suggests, ‘they spend and drink themselves deeper into poverty and paralysis, rebelling against oppression by making themselves unprosperous’, reimagining themselves as powerful as they ‘lose and destroy goods [and themselves]’ and the refusal to spend ‘productively’ (osteen in delany - ). using mcdonald’s terminology we might describe this homosocial culture as withdrawing from what england would identify as industrious and ‘useful masculine citizenry’ (‘nothing to be done’ ; emphasis added). one could suggest osteen reflects georges bataille’s challenge to the political economy, as there is a sense of an alternative to the extraction of surplus value and overproduction for its own sake: to instead dissipate the surplus through ‘sacrifice’, without the expectations of the recuperation of any ‘loss’ (bataille the accursed share , , ). bataille writes in the context of late s cold war, where he argues that ‘raising the global standard of living’ is the only real way to prevent a third world war, rather than increasing ‘military manufactures’ (bataille ), but osteen’s argument indicates a correlation as england’s ‘anti-sacrificial’ expansionist model of capitalism stands in opposition to the irish unconventional challenge to the political economy. although katherine mullin (‘james joyce, drink, and the round system’) draws on neither delany nor osteen, these two articles prove to be a valuable introduction to mullin’s cultural materialist / new historicist approach. mullin’s complex analysis looks at the anti-treating league (atl) — that organisation the ‘cyclops’ narrator suspects bloom of being part of — and how joyce participates in the various political and economic reactions surrounding this response to the ‘rounds’ practice. in contrast to the teetotalism of the irish catholic temperance movement from the s to the turn of the century, the atl was described as a more realistic and ‘temperate brand of temperance’ (mullin - ). treating was seen as discouraging moderation, as mullin explains: ‘a man entering a pub for one or two drinks was, if drawn into a round, bound by honour to continue drinking until he could reciprocate—and might then be tempted to remain until other members of the group had stood drinks in turn’ ( ). the league didn’t aim to combat drinking itself but drunkenness, and treating was identified as a main cause of drinking to excess ( ). members of the league were not gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e forbidden to accept drink when visiting private homes, neither were they prevented to extend hospitality in their own homes, but they did pledge ‘not to take a treat from another, or give one himself, in any place where drink is sold, whether public house, bar, hotel, shebeen, &c’ (st. patrick’s anti-treating league in mullin ). in addition to the religious aspect of the league guidelines ‘to observe the law of god faithfully on all occasions’ on the ‘sin of intemperance’ (st. patrick’s atl in mullin ), there were numerous economic and nationalistic motivations. in the gaelic league’s co-founder eoin macneill asserted that treating was in fact ‘established in ireland by the english settlers’ and a key step to creating an ‘irish-ireland’ would be to cease the ‘foreign custom’ (in mullin ). timothy mcmahon notes that the gaelic league estimated that the annual expenditure on drink in ireland was £ million, with one third of this being a ‘self-imposed yearly tribute to the english exchequer’ (mcmahon in mullin ). furthermore, as frank shovlin points out, irish protestant families such as the guinness, jameson and persse families made their fortunes by manufacturing drink (‘endless stories about the distillery’ ) prompting the temperance priest father michael kelly to declare that ‘with fell design england suppressed our commerce, our factories, our mines, our industries, and left us only the distillery’ (in shovlin ; f. l. s. lyons culture and anarchy in ireland, - ). in the ‘lotus eaters’ episode the financial success of the guinness partners would occupy bloom: lord iveagh [edward cecil guinness, - ] once cashed a sevenfigure cheque for a million in the bank of ireland. shows you the money to be made out of porter . . . a million pounds, wait a moment. twopence a pint, fourpence a quart, eightpence a gallon of porter, no, one and fourpence a gallon porter. one and four into twenty: fifteen about. yes, exactly. fifteen millions of barrels of porter. what am i saying barrels? gallons. about a million barrels all the same. (u : - ; gifford ) in horace plunkett (ireland in the new century) would argue against treating in economic terms, also stating that drinking depressed the ‘industrial capacity of the people’ and as such ‘national regeneration’ was linked with temperance (in mullin ‘james joyce, drink’ ). by new sinn féin recruits were required to be teetotallers if under , and if over were required to pledge to ‘never be seen drunk’ gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e (mullin ) reflecting their confluence of self-discipline and nationalism. in the ‘cyclops’ episode bloom’s ‘talking about the gaelic league and the anti-treating league and drink, the curse of ireland’ (u : - ) is significant. as the narrator of the episode recalls the mantra of the temperance meeting, ‘ireland sober is ireland free’ ( : ), he would allude to joyce’s portrayal of bloom as ‘ireland’s coming man’ (mullin ). that is, reflecting joyce’s composition of the episode in june , the bloom signifies the sinn féin landslide defeat of the irish parliamentary party in the general election (mullin ). mullin also meticulously shows, particularly in the ‘cyclops’ episode, how joyce engages in the broader political debate about anti-treating that centres on the british government’s war-time anti-treating law. in september , under the powers of the defence of the realm act, it was illegal to participate in treating ‘except at meals’ (mullin ‘james joyce, drink’ ). the ‘moderation’ then, that was a part of the ‘abstemious advanced nationalism of sinn féin’, seemingly fell in line with the british government’s nationalist efforts. responding to this the irish parliamentary party was against such laws and were passionate defenders of irish distillers and brewers ( ). as argued by fairhall, ‘ivy day’ in dubliners suggests this ‘unhealthy alliance between the nationalists and the drink trade’ as the nationalist candidate’s promise of stout occupies the canvassers in the second half of the story (question of history ). it is interesting to consider though that the sinn féin temperance requirements led english intelligence to complain that the recruits were too ‘sober’ to facilitate the gathering of information, with the political organisation also reluctant to hold meetings at pubs, instead preferring ‘temperance halls and reading rooms’ (laffan in mullin ). nonetheless the parliamentary party’s economically framed rejection of anti-treating saw the laws as another ‘imperial encroachment comparable even to the famine or conscription’ (mullin ). considered in isolation one may read portrait as evidence of the relationship between the repressive politics of colonialism and the material realities of inner dublin life. pure structural arguments neglect instances where joyce points not to the victimisation of the irish, but to the complicity of dubliners, not only for their personal financial situation, but for the material and societal decline of the working class families in general. it is through a brief look at relevant biographical details that joyce’s dual structural / agency gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e view gains purchase. taking inspiration from his own childhood remembrances joyce’s portrayal of the decline of the dedalus family ‘became linked, in a family mythology, with political betrayal’ (gabler ‘christmas dinner’ ; fairhall question of history ; ellmann james joyce - ). as fairhall reveals, the young james joyce realised that his father’s spending habits and drinking were linked with the family’s downward spiral ( ), and in less than a decade led him (like stephen) and his family from ‘modest privilege through well-mannered poverty into near squalor’ (sherry joyce: ulysses ). john joyce was dismissed from his well-paid job as a rate collector for dublin city and county, and in turn conflated the ‘turn of the political wheel of fortune’ with a ‘turning- point in his own life’ (fairhall - ). fairhall maintains james joyce felt betrayed throughout his own life: ‘betrayed by friends, colleagues, his wife nora, and ireland herself’ ( ), and indeed joyce’s letters and fiction indicate these victimisations. however, joyce presents another betrayal; the betrayal of the father (in the character of simon dedalus) and his neglect of the victorian role of ‘provider’. natalie mcknight notes the powerful presence of fathers, where ‘even in absence, their shifting roles over time, and their symbolic link to paternal institutions such as church and state make father figures the locus of quests to better understand our cultures, histories, and ourselves’ (mcknight ed. ‘introduction’ fathers in victorian fiction ). following victorian expectations of the father as breadwinner, with the domestic realm in the charge of the wife and mother, the scarcity of material resources stephen notes in portrait reflects the ineffectiveness of simon as a ‘provider’. as joyce’s brother stanislaus recalls, their father ‘was quite unburdened by any sense of responsibility’ for his large family (my brother’s keeper ; friedman ‘stephen dedalus’s non serviam’ ). in joyce’s oft cited august letter to nora, he would write that his ‘home’ was ‘simply a middle-class affair ruined by spendthrift habits which i have inherited’ (selected letters - ). gabriel conroy in ‘the dead’ may depict john joyce’s ‘oratorical style’ and ease in the limelight, but simon dedalus would represent the self- serving side of joyce’s father; ‘a caricature of conviviality whose excesses of oral performance (of song, drink, and foulness of mouth) utterly displace familial, economic, political, and religious obligations’ (friedman ; jackson and costello in f riedman ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e while in the opening pages of portrait the young stephen is aware that his family isn’t as affluent as other boys’ families — stephen suffers weak tea and damp bread while other boys have hampers and cocoa sent from home (portrait - ) — he fondly recalls his ‘nice mother’ and the generosity of his father, and he longs for home with his mother by the fire and the kettle on the hob ( - ). we learn though that the morning after the christmas dinner ‘discussion’ stephen tries to write a poem about parnell on the back of ‘one of his father’s second moiety notices’ ( ). stephen knows his father is ‘in trouble’ and the changes to the dedalus house, ‘were so many slight shocks to his boyish conception of the world’ ( ). joyce would emphasise this by repeating the word ‘heart’ in its various states of suffering, thereby linking the broken heart of parnell with material decline. the lack of ‘any vision of the future’ would sicken stephen’s heart, and he would seek ‘kindly lights’ in other people’s windows to pour a ‘tender influence into his restless heart’ ( ). the sudden move from the ‘comfort and revery’ of blackrock to the ‘bare cheerless house’ in the ‘gloomy foggy city’ also made stephen’s ‘heart heavy’ ( ). juxtaposed to joyce’s journey of the broken heart of parnell early in the novel to the suffering ‘heart’ of stephen, joyce’s reiteration of ‘squalor’ links the political events with the material demise of the dedaluses. for the young stephen ‘[t]he change of fortune . . . was reshaping the world about him into a vision of squalor and insincerity’ ( ), and his ‘sensitive nature’ was suffering with his ‘undivined and squalid way of life’ ( ), the ‘squalor of his mind and home’ ( ), and the ‘squalor of his life’ and ‘riot of his mind’ ( ). simon dedalus’s attempts to ignore financial realities are mimicked by stephen. just as stephen’s father fails to exercise economy when he buys an expensive turkey despite having a demand notice, and stays at the most expensive hotel in cork (portrait ), so too does stephen prove frivolous in his spending of his examination award winnings: ‘for a swift season of merrymaking the money of his prizes ran through stephen’s fingers. great parcels of groceries and delicacies and dried fruit arrived from the city’ ( ). through his purchase of gifts and food and his effort to redecorate his room, like his father he ‘had tried to build a breakwater of order and elegance against the sordid tide of life’ ( ). with stephen’s winnings long spent, part iv of portrait sees the increased tribe of the dedalus family still gathered around the table, but as they prepare for ‘still another removal’ their tea time is fittingly humble and reflects a more desperate hunger: ‘tea was nearly over and only the last of the second watered tea gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e remained in the bottoms of the small glassjars and jampots which did service for teacups. discarded crusts and lumps of sugared bread, turned brown by the tea which had been poured over them, lay scattered on the table. little wells of tea lay here and there on the board and a knife with a broken ivory handle was stuck through the pith of a ravaged turnover’ ( ). stephen’s siblings show ‘no sign of rancour’ for the comparative advantages he was presented as the eldest son, but as his siblings sing he hears in their voices ‘the recurring note of weariness and pain’, for they ‘seemed weary of life even before entering upon it’ ( ). compared to the turkey dinner in part i of the novel, in part v, with a box of pawn tickets at his elbow, stephen would ‘set to chewing the crusts of fried bread that were scattered near him’ and stare at a jar from which yellow dripping had been scooped out leaving a liquid like the ‘dark turfcoloured water of the bath in clongowes’ ( ), linking the first post-parnell day with his current circumstances. if we look carefully at cranly’s questions to stephen about his father and mother, the cause and effect of drinking in the dedalus household, although implicit, is present. trevor williams (reading joyce politically) argues that stephen’s answers to cranly’s question ‘what is he?’ is important for the ‘rapid shift from the relatively positive traits possessed by the individual to the patent decline initiated when simon dedalus engages fully as a social and economic being with the life of ireland’ ( ; original emphasis). what i emphasise, however, is that simon’s drinking is at the literal centre of stephen’s glib list of his father’s ‘attributes’, and thus carries broader significance. stephen replies his father was/is ‘a medical student, an oarsman, a tenor, an amateur actor, a shouting politician, a small landlord, a small investor, a drinker, a good fellow, a storyteller, somebody’s secretary, something in a distillery, a taxgatherer, a bankrupt and at present a praiser of his own past’ (portrait ). stephen’s description of his father as ‘praiser of his own past’ is, williams suggests, ‘tragically symptomatic’ of the paralysis of joyce’s dubliners who don’t see revolution as an option and instead turn to the past, ‘diverting their energies into a “bankrupt” rhetoric’ ( ). discussing the broader significance of drinking in joyce’s work benefits from acknowledging that joyce himself was a heavy drinker (briggs ‘joyce’s drinking’). his brother stanislaus addresses the topic in my brother’s keeper: james joyce’s early years ( ) and the complete dublin diary of stanislaus joyce ( ), but as austin gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e briggs demonstrates, there has been great reluctance by joycean scholars to accept this fraternal testimony ( ). brigg’s examination of a number of joyce biographies well illustrates this point. richard ellmann, for example, prefaces his revised edition of his biography of joyce by stating that joyce’s ‘regard for alcohol’ is something to rebuke him for, but as briggs observes, there is nothing in the biography to suggest any such rebuke (ellmann james joyce ; briggs ). ellmann, briggs argues, ‘softens the facts’ and turns joyce’s ‘collapses’ from drunkenness into the writer being ‘magnificently unconscious’ (ellmann ) or ‘old conviviality’ ( ; briggs - ). just as delany would see joyce’s compulsive drinking as ‘inseparable from his creativity’ ( ), ellmann suggests drinking is a similar ‘happy’ byproduct of joyce’s endeavour to be ‘overcome’ (ellmann ): ‘his soul, fed on pride, and declining attachments, longed to give way, to swoon, to be mutilated, and he brought this happy consummation about with the help of porter’ (ellmann ). indeed briggs’s close analysis of a selection of key joyce biographies (by ellmann, morris beja, gordon bowker), and brenda maddox’s biography of nora joyce, reveals a rejection of the suggestion that joyce was an alcoholic, principally based on joyce’s apparent refraining from drink during the daytime (briggs ). maddox claims that ‘he was not an alcoholic’ as he ‘rarely drank spirits’ and his ‘celebrated inebriation came from a regular consumption of several bottles of white wine between, roughly, eight in the evening and two in the morning’ ( - ; briggs ). furthermore, joyce’s reputation was also protected by biographers who marginalised the women in joyce’s life who were affected by his drinking. bowker characterises nora joyce’s efforts to control her husband’s drinking as ‘puritanical’ (bowker ), and beja would deride benefactor harriet shaw weaver’s misgivings and concerns about joyce’s drinking as prudish (beja ; briggs - ). this defence against the label of ‘alcoholic’ seems counter to joyce’s self-evaluations, having described himself to jung as ‘inclined to extravagance and alcoholism’ (ellmann james joyce ; briggs ) and speaking of himself to weaver as a man ‘known to all as a wholesale squanderer’ (selected letters ; briggs ). mullin concludes her article on the politics of anti-treating with reference to ‘joyce’s prodigious appetite for drink’, and his notorious willingness ‘to live on the largesse of others’ (mullin ). nevertheless, with the references to ‘leeches’ in joyce’s work mullin maintains there is ‘a self-critical impulse to analyse the implications of his own behaviour’ ( ). briggs gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e poses questions about how joyce’s drinking affected his wife and family ( , , , , - ), and ends his article by reflecting on some questions to be addressed in future work: he asks ‘whether his physical health might have been less frail, his days less depressed, his partnership with nora happier, his children less troubled, his friendships more enduring, his finances less distressed, and—possibly—his oeuvre larger had he not consumed alcohol so compulsively and excessively’ ( ). i propose, however, that just as mullin sees joyce in ‘scrounging’ characters ( ) so too can we address briggs’s ponderings, not in relation to joyce personally, but within joyce’s work more broadly. can we not glean in joyce’s work the implicit judgment that dublin drinking men like mr. kernan in ‘grace’, or dead paddy dignam in ulysses would be healthier (or alive) by drinking less? might not the dedalus and dignam children be less troubled and the family less financially distressed without the father drinking? paddy dignam in ulysses is the most poignant reminder of the dangers of drinking culture. as the men gather for dignam’s funeral in the ‘hades’ episode, bloom, who is on the margins of the homosocial circle (delany ), provides a more sobering explanation for the man’s death. whilst simon dedalus and mr power would reflect on the ‘sudden’ death, with martin cunningham suggesting it was a ‘breakdown . . . heart’, as he tapped his chest sadly (u : - ), bloom would think of dignam’s ‘[b]lazing face: redhot’ caused by ‘[t]oo much john barleycorn’, and his ‘red nose’: ‘drink like the devil till it turns adelite. a lot of money he spent colouring it’ ( : - ). when ned lambert speaks more frankly, asking ‘how did he lose it? . . . liquor what?’, simon would sigh that this was ‘[m]any a good man’s fault’ ( : - ). i suggest that joyce implicitly shows that this understanding and forgiveness of alcoholism is also perpetuated in the name of religion. hope howell hodgkins, in her analysis of ‘grace’, notes how mr. kernan’s ‘reform’ isn’t concerned with ‘the drunkard’s seamy descent into degradation, and his rejection by, or abuse of, family and friends’, but is instead reform by ‘social persuasion and communal support’, ‘acceptance’ not ‘rejection’ and ‘talk’ not ‘deeds’ (‘joyce’s “grace” and the modern protestant gentleman’ ). in the image of jesus as an ‘indulgent boss’ ( ), the drunkard’s ‘accounts’ can be ‘set right’ (dubliners ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e it is bloom and martin cunningham, who we learn in ‘grace’ has an alcoholic wife who continually hocks the family furniture (dubliners ), who set out investigating dignam’s insurance for the family. while skint simon dedalus is moved at dignam’s funeral — ‘i am the resurrection and the life. that touches a man’s inmost heart’ (u : ) — and spends two pennies of the two shilling he got from jack power on ‘a shave for the funeral’ ( : - ), he will not be immediately ‘moved’ by his daughter and will resent giving her any money. the practical bloom, on the other hand, questions this prioritising of the dead: ‘more sensible to spend the money on some charity for the living’ ( : - ). while nosey flynn would ridicule bloom’s moderation and reluctance to participate in rounds — ‘slips off when the fun gets too hot . . . if you ask him to have a drink first thing he does he outs with the watch to see what he ought to imbibe’ ( : - ) — he is also known for his generosity. nosey flynn will concede that ‘[h]e’s been known to put his hand down to help a fellow’ ( : - ), davy byrne will judge him to be a ‘safe man’, never once ‘over the line’ ( : - , ), and in ‘wandering rocks’ john wyse nolan and martin cunningham will talk about bloom not only putting his name down for five shillings for the dignam family, but coughing up the actual money ‘[w]ithout a second word’ ( : - ). this new expression of masculine heroism concerned with the domestic realm is, i argue in the final chapter, in keeping with joyce’s art as he continues the development of this epic tale of ulysses from homer’s more domestic odysseus. while delany acknowledges that the homosocial circle and the domestic sphere are ‘rival’, he does suggest that they are ‘interlocking systems’ and share the ‘collective pathology’ of the city (delany ). as with mullin and brigg, however, delany offers no sustained focus on the impact of homosocial consumption (and male drinking generally) on the domestic space. the implicit argument is that the pathologies co- exist, instead of exploring how one ‘system’ has an element of agency and acts upon the other ‘system’. if indeed the ‘systems’ of the homosocial and domestic realms are intertwined as delany argues, throughout joyce’s work the integration is often represented as a cannibalising of one system by the other. this is at odds with delany’s estimation of joyce’s valorisation of male drinking where it becomes a ‘legitimate refuge for the beleaguered dublin male, who faces both the economic and moral exactions of his wife, and the further wounds to his masculinity inflicted by colonial subordination’ ( ). delany only implicitly indicates the drain treating has on the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e domestic realm as he notes that while women ‘are conceded power over domestic consumption’ their husbands’ ‘homosocial obligations have first call on family resources’ ( ). i would also add that reflective of the higher status of the ‘breadwinner’ any substantial domestic food resources, such as beef and mutton, were generally for the male head of the household (mcmanus dublin, - : shaping the city and suburbs - ; rich ). this hierarchy for the consumption of food also extended to male guests within the domestic space. in ‘the sisters’, for example, the boy eats the ‘stirabout’ (‘a porridge or gruel, often made with oatmeal’) his aunt has ladled out for his supper, while the uncle offers his guest old cotter to ‘take a pick of that leg of mutton’ (dubliners - ). joyce and sentimentality: ‘wandering rocks’ joyce makes room for emotion in his work, and it is only through this ostensive counter to the ‘hard’, detached, and decidedly unsentimental modernism where he finds space to explore the complexity of post-parnell ireland. in his essay ‘james joyce’s sentimentality’, clive hart refers to a number of manifestations of sentimentality: ‘the attribution by the author of more emotion than is warranted by his subject (excessive “feeling”)’; ‘the valuing of emotion for its own sake’ or a ‘dissociation of subject from emotion’; ‘a distortion of reality in order to make possible an emotional response which would not otherwise appear to be relevant’; and a ‘desire to maintain an illusory state of affairs because this is felt to be more pleasing than reality’ (hart - ). as hart argued nearly fifty years ago, new criticism’s almost pathological ‘fear of sentimentality’ has thus been ‘inhibiting and limiting’ for joyce scholarship ( - ). taking hart’s lead, robert scholes argues that the durability of some of the key works of modernism, such as joyce’s ulysses, is due to the familiarity of certain literary conventions. long narrative, scholes argues, requires an emotional investment in the characters (scholes parodoxy of modernism ). wyndham lewis, an exemplary advocate of hard, new, masculine modernism, in fact ‘has remained largely unreadable, despite serious critical effort on his behalf, mainly because his fiction is totally lacking in sentiment’ (scholes ). attending to joyce’s use of literary conventions, such as sentiment, reveals joyce’s representation of both ‘systems’, to use delany’s terminology. for hart, joyce’s fusing of ‘less emotional materials’ with sentimentality often produces ‘a very stimulating mixture’ ( ). more common than writing in the extreme of sentimental gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e exultation or the repudiation of the sentimental is joyce’s ‘mixed response in which sentimentality is present, but is counterbalanced by other responses’ ( ; emphasis added). joyce uses a ‘thickness of texture’ in his ‘grubby wasteland’ ( ) but he partakes in a ‘double-dealing’, for example with his inclusion of irony and ‘starker material’, to balance the emotion ( - ). as the ‘oxen of the sun’ episode pointedly demonstrates, joyce ‘conceived of ulysses in the anglo-irish literary tradition’ and evokes, particularly, the heroic ‘men of feeling’ emblematic of the sentimental figures of laurence sterne, oliver goldsmith, and charles dickens (dickson ‘defining the sentimentalist in ulysses’ ). responding to the enlightenment belief in the innate goodness of humanity, the mid-eighteenth century ‘cult of sensibility’ was concerned with ‘the faculty of feeling, the capacity for extremely refined emotion and a quickness to display compassion for feeling’ (todd sensibility: an introduction ; dickson ). ‘men of feeling’ exhibited their association with the humanist philosophers via ‘their willingness to recognise human misery in the urban landscape, to suffer with the afflicted, and render them aid’ (dickson ). by the last decades of the eighteenth century sensibility began to be ridiculed for its immoderation, and the term, as dickson verifies, became entangled with the ‘feminine’ ( ). nonetheless victorian writers, notably dickens and tennyson, continued to use sentimentality ‘as a rearguard enlightenment reaction to the inhumanities of industrialism, capitalism, and imperialism’ (fred kaplan in dickson ). turn of the century modernists, however, recoiled from luxuriating in emotive expression ( ) believing that the exhaustive examination of the emotional state exhibited ‘an apparent naiveté about the relation of expression to meaning’ (anita sokolsky in dickson ). for modernists it was the challenge and failure to represent emotion that brought the thrill ( ). instead of what aldous huxley and t. s. eliot saw as the inauthenticity of excessive emotion (huxley vulgarity in literature ; eliot ‘tradition and individual talent’ selected prose ; dickson ), modernists like wyndham lewis wanted to thwart everything sentimental and ‘feminine’ while more moderate approaches such as eliot’s propounded that all emotion in art needed an objective correlative’ (scholes - ; mullin ‘modernism and feminisms’ - ; eliot ‘hamlet’ selected prose ). but this framing of modernism, as outlined in the literature review, has been far too arbitrary. hart’s exploration of joyce’s double-dealing and counterbalancing are cases in point, for as scholes suggests, the question for the greatest modernists was not ‘how gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e to avoid’ sentiment but ‘how to include it, protect it, and enhance it’ (scholes - ). the key issue was the reader’s relation to sentiment and the authenticity of the feeling. ‘wandering rocks’ is a key episode for scholars of food and famine in joyce (for example mara ; ulin ; fairhall ), but the approach to the episode i advance here is sparked by hart’s earlier assessments of joyce. though hart primarily draws on finnegans wake in his s essay, as scholes reveals, ‘wandering rocks’ is amenable to his contemplation of sentimentality. via the seemingly disjointed snapshots of wandering dubliners joyce uses juxtaposition to insert and protect emotion from the wasteland, but this juxtaposition also proffers the benefit of ‘parallax’. this view has been taken up by dickson as he notes that what constitutes sentimentality in ulysses depends on ‘a matter of external vicarious perspective[s]’ ( ). a consideration of the material struggles of the dedalus family in ‘wandering rocks’ highlights this argument. questions about whether one sympathises with the dedalus children or with stephen, or how to react to simon dedalus and buck mulligan in this episode largely depend on whether the relevant snapshots are read in isolation or in juxtaposition, or as a group which rouses a complex mix of responses. one of the most sentimental scenes in ulysses occurs as stephen notices his sister dilly at a bookstall: – what have you there? stephen asked. – i bought it from the other cart for a penny, dilly said, laughing nervously. is it any good? my eyes they say she has. do others see me so? . . . he took the coverless book from her hand. chardenal’s french primer. – what did you buy that for? he asked. to learn french? she nodded, reddening and closing tight her lips. show no surprise. quite natural. – here, stephen said. it’s all right. mind maggy doesn’t pawn it on you. i suppose all my books are gone. – some, dilly said. we had to. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e she is drowning. agenbite. save her. agenbite. all against us. she will drown me with her, eyes and hair. lank coils of seaweed hair around me, my heart, my soul. salt green death. we. agenbite of inwit. inwit’s agenbite. misery! misery! (u : - ) just as bloom notices dilly dedalus at the beginning of ‘lestrygonians’, ‘underfed’ with her dress in ‘flitters’ (u : ), stephen notices dilly’s ‘shabby dress’ in ‘wandering rocks’ ( : ). in fact he notices a good deal about dilly: her resemblance to him in appearance and temperament (‘we’ he thinks); her vulnerability and embarrassment, which he gently tries to ease; and above all the poverty which is ‘drowning’ her ( : - ). as portrait revealed, stephen too had experienced the impoverished state in which dilly is trapped. he too had been ‘illclad’ and ‘illfed’ (portrait ), but although he is now in a position to help his sister (and whole family) he rejects the role of breadwinner, fearing that if he saves his siblings he will drown with them. though having experienced the dedalus post-parnell poverty, stephen begins june , with a breakfast of fried egg, bread, tea, honey and fresh milk (u : - ). although he abstains from eating throughout the day his breakfast intake is substantial compared to the impoverished state of his family. as fairhall notes, stephen seems unable to block out the ‘drowning’ family for his own preservation, and in the ‘eumaeus’ episode he ‘recalls with implicit shame’ his last family visit ( ): stephen’s mind’s eye being too busily engaged in repicturing his family hearth the last time he saw it with his sister dilly sitting by the ingle, her hair dangling down, waiting for some weak trinidad shell cocoa that was in the sootcoated kettle to be done so that she and he could drink it with the oatmealwater for milk after the friday herrings they had eaten at two a penny with an egg apiece for maggy, boody and katey, the cat meanwhile under the mangle devouring a mess of eggshells and charred fish heads and bones on a square of brown paper, in accordance with the third precept of the church to fast and abstain on the days commanded. (u : - ) gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e his remembering of what seems to be an act of generosity on his part (perhaps buying the herrings) seemingly does little for our sympathy for stephen in ‘wandering rocks’. stephen’s exclamation of ‘misery! misery!’ is for scholes joyce’s double-dealing, mocking stephen’s exaggerated emotion and thus preserving the text against the charge of sentimentalism but nonetheless allowing the emotion in ( ). the artist’s apparent excess of emotion also highlights the depth of stephen’s resentment for his father. alan warren friedman has argued that stephen’s ‘flight’ in portrait isn’t positive — that is, towards an aesthetic goal – but is a ‘negative’ flight ‘from his father and all that he embodies — familially, culturally, politically, historically, and performatively’ (‘stephen dedalus’s non serviam’ ; emphasis original). if joyce represents simon as a ‘caricature of conviviality’ partaking in ‘excesses of oral performance’ (friedman ), i contend that stephen’s excessive emotional performance and paucity of action appears to caricature stephen’s depth of feeling. while stephen is compelled to deny familial aid in ‘wandering rocks’, in ‘eumaeus’ when someone’s hunger is not the result of his father’s neglect, he will exhibit easy generosity even though the recipient is less deserving. although stephen fails to assist his sister, in his drunken state he will let ‘his feelings [get] the better of him’, and ‘loan’ corley a half-crown (u : , - ). though corley’s breath was ‘redolent of rotten cornjuice’ ( : - ) and stephen knows his ‘brandnew rigmarole . . . was hardly deserving of much credence’ ( : - ), he wanted to see the ‘starving’ corley ‘get sufficient to eat’ ( : ). while dickson proposes that a goldsmith or sterne protagonist would share his wages with his starving sister ( ), stephen’s shift from avoidance of sentimental actions to impromptu generosity, arguably, borders perversion. corley, one of the down-and-out ‘two gallants’ in dubliners is a predator, scavenging the city for money and preying on the gullible slavey girl. rich emphasises how joyce uses food imagery to exhibit corley and lenehan’s rapaciousness and parasitism ( ). corley, for example, boasts of the ‘fine tart’ he has seduced, and tells lenehan how he has given up courting girls by taking them out and buying them ‘chocolate and sweets’; ‘damn the thing i ever got out of it’ he declares to his associate (dubliners - ). whilst stephen imagines the great choice between drowning and the aesthetic necessity to transcend conventional bonds that hinder artistic freedom, joyce also seems to admonish what kevin whelan calls the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘dangerous and potentially deforming . . . freefall without the parachute cords of community and identity’ (‘the memories of “the dead”’ ). stephen’s disputation of the use of term ‘tragedy’ to describe the death of a young girl in a hansom accident — ‘it is remote from terror and pity according to the terms of my definitions’ (portrait ) — seems in keeping with his ‘hard’ response to dilly in ulysses. mcdonald suggests that stephen’s ‘bloodless aesthetic theorizing’ in portrait detaches him from ‘everyday reality and suffering’ ( ). more broadly, and again drawing on mcdonald’s analysis of portrait, we might glean that stephen’s response to dilly is a barometer for societal attitudes to ‘suffering, loss and death’ ( ). such ‘hard’ responses though are part of the ‘famine symptom’ (lowe-evans - ) where a ‘generalized callousness’ typified the post-famine culture as self-preservation entailed loosening kinship and community ties (gibson strong spirit - ; Ó gráda black ' and beyond ). extrapolating freidman’s argument that stephen’s ‘flight’ is negative, away from his father and the institutions and structures he embodies, i would add that stephen continues pathologies of colonisation through his perverted performance of ‘community’. by determining not to help his sister stephen ensures the decline of the already compromised domestic realm, and by helping corley he perpetuates his duplicitous behaviour. either way, it seems, stephen’s performance supports the attack on the ‘feminine’ (women and the domestic realm more broadly) which his ‘flight’ might suggest he tried to break free from. in so doing joyce establishes contrast with bloom who is interested in performing community beyond the confines of violence and patriarchy; something explored in chapter five. joyce’s parallactic form refuses simple portioning of blame and simon is thus a complex amalgam, representing the economic depression and hopelessness of post- parnell ireland, but also the failings of patriarchy. before stephen and his sister meet in the ‘wandering rocks’ episode there are other glimpses of the dedalus household that reveal this multiplicity. as dilly pursues her father for money she exhibits a learned toughness and the ability to see through her father’s insults and diversions. for all simon’s abuse — he calls his children ‘an insolent pack of little bitches’ and threatens to get rid of them (u : - ) — simon exhibits more ‘feeling’ than some scholarship tends to give him credit for (for example scholes , and lynch ‘mixing memory and desire’ ). following james longenbach’s contention that modernists include gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e sentiment under the diversion of irony (in scholes ), scholes’ analysis of the conversation between dilly and her father suggests simon’s heartlessness and lack of sympathy is evidence for irony working to allow sentiment into the scene ( ; also see lynch ). i hold though that this narrow focus on simon neglects a more nuanced reading of the dedalus patriarch and the ebb and flow of simon’s own emotion. crucially, after simon shows dilly his money, he submits to her request to ‘look for some money somewhere’ with a thoughtful nod saying ‘gravely’ that he had ‘looked all along the gutter in o’connell street’ and that he will now ‘try this one’ (u : - ). despite the desperate act of searching for money on the ground, this display of ‘feeling’ is met with a ‘grin’ from his daughter who is pleased with the father’s effort. although simon is a true man of the homosocial circle, proffering his talent of singing for drinks at ormond bar in the ‘sirens’ episode — ‘i have no money but if you will lend me your attention i shall endeavour to sing to you of a heart bowed down’ ( : - ) — he hands her a shilling for the family, and two pennies to get a glass of milk or a bun for herself ( : - ). he will also tell her he will ‘be home shortly’ ( : ). in contrast to the masculine drinking culture and the ownership men have of the public realm, joyce presents a drinking father acknowledging, however begrudgingly, his role of provider and his responsibilities in the domestic realm. simon is a complex amalgam, however, with various judgments available depending on what is suppressed or emphasised. for example, there is no doubt that joyce waxes ironic as simon bemoans what he perceives as the nuns teaching his daughters bad manners: ‘was it the little nuns taught you to be so saucy?’ (u : ). this equating of his daughter’s abilities to rouse guilt with the catholic nuns is of course ironic given it is the nuns who have kept the family from starving by giving them soup, as one of the opening snapshots in ‘wandering rocks’ reveals: katey went to the range and peered with squinting eyes. –what’s in the pot? she asked. –shirts, maggy said. boody cried angrily: –crikey, is there nothing for us to eat? katey lifting the kettlelid in a pad of her stained skirt, asked: –and what’s in this? gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e . . . – peasoup, maggy said. – where did you get it? katey asked. – sister mary patrick, maggy said. . . . boody sat down at the table and said hungrily: – give us it here. maggy poured yellow thick soup from the kettle into a bowl. katey sitting opposite boody, said quietly, as her fingertips lifted to her mouth random crumbs: – a good job we have that much. where’s dilly? – gone to meet father, maggie said. boody, breaking big chunks of bread into the yellow soup, added: – ‘our father who art not in heaven’. maggy, pouring yellow soup in katey’s bowl, exclaimed: – boody! for shame! ( : - ) despite the father’s insults linking ‘sauciness’ to the nuns, perhaps reflecting their ability to draw upon shame to extract money for donations, this donated meal is evocative of famine relief and implies the desperation of the family. simon dedalus’s attack on the nuns is in keeping with joyce’s patriarchal dublin which, despite its own failings, looks to the feminine and domestic realms in its apportionment of blame. this relinquishing of male responsibility and the intent to blame women is also evident in historical sources like the the irish homestead, publisher of joyce’s first short stories. for example, in the editor george russell notes how well french households eat compared to irish families. while the french menu includes macaroni, mutton, pork, olive oil, eggs, milk, cheese, coffee, chicory, sugar, wine, cider and beer, russell bemoans: ‘we do not believe any family in ireland with the same income would live so well, or have anything like so varied a diet . . . our diet could be just as varied if irish women were interested in feeding their families. our national dish of irish stew has come into existence simply as the result of the survival of the laziest methods’ (russell ). the point joyce subversively makes though is that dubliner men are in a post- parnell paralysis and any money they do earn (or find) isn’t able to be utilised by gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e women for familial sustenance as it is instead ‘invested’ in male consumption at the pub. in addition to the family, joyce holds up for inspection another patriarchal institution — the catholic church — and examines its part in the impoverishment of the irish. while joyce presents the nuns as caring, he doesn’t endow priests with the same generosity. bloom is especially observant of the apparent hypocrisy of the clergy and just prior to seeing the illclad and illfed dilly dedalus, who he supposes lives on ‘potatoes and marge, marge and potatoes’ (u : - ), he thinks of the plight of the dedalus family as perpetuated by catholicism: ‘fifteen children he had. birth every year almost. that’s in their theology or the priest won’t give the poor woman the confession . . . increase and multiply. did you ever hear such an idea? eat you out of house and home. no families themselves to feed. living on the fat of the land. their butteries and larders’ ( : - ). however, if bloom is scathing of the priesthood, he implicitly criticises catholics themselves who don’t question authority. in the ‘lotus eaters’ episode bloom watches the priest give communion, and thinks that latin is a good idea, ‘stupefies them first’, but he also notices that they don’t ‘chew’ the host; they ‘only swallow it down’ ( : - ). he gives seagulls more respect as they aren’t fooled by his ‘fake’ bread, the crumpled bits of paper, and only swoop down when he throws them real fragments of banbury cake ( : - ). if simon’s hesitant paternal provision and stephen’s disinclination to help his sister is thus more complex when considered in juxtaposition to the snapshot of the dedalus girls at home, joyce’s carefully placed snapshot of mulligan and haines in ‘wandering rocks’ works to remind us of ireland’s colonial, exploited existence. as dickson notes of joyce’s ‘self-consciously heteroglossic’ approach: ‘sentimentality always emanates from a vicarious–and hence invariably distorting–perspective, so that what appears excessive from one point of view might seem mete from another . . . what can seem “wet” and abject from one perspective can be viewed as generous or laudatory from another’ ( ). jonathan greenberg argues that from the ‘telemachus’ episode the falstaffian figure of mulligan, in particular, is established as a ‘satiric spirit’ of ulysses, exhibiting the aloof and witty traits of the dandy alongside the combativeness and cruelty (modernism, satire, and the novel - ). he performs a ‘social role’ ( ), highlighting the paralysis of dubliners but also revealing an ignorance about the social gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e issues of the poor. scholes suggests that joyce ‘teaches us to despise’ mulligan and haines, especially through their gourmandising ( ). looking the dandy in his panama and primrose waistcoat (u : , ) mulligan joins haines in ordering a mélange, but also asks the waitress to ‘bring us some scones and butter and some cakes as well’ ( : - ). as mulligan and haines discuss (and mock) stephen their ‘cheerful cups’ and food arrive ( : - ). haines sinks ‘two lumps of sugar deftly longwise through the whipped cream’, while mulligan ‘slit[s] a steaming scone in two and plaster[s] butter over its smoking pith’ biting off a piece ‘hungrily’ ( : - ). in contrast to stephen and dilly’s ‘oatmealwater’ substitute for real milk ( : ) only the englishman haines can afford the luxury of discernment, demanding ireland’s finest: ‘he tasted a spoonful from the creamy cone of his cup. “this is real irish cream i take it”, he said with forbearance. “i don’t want to be imposed on”’ ( : - ). mulligan’s pronouncements connecting nutrition with health might be true enough, but he reveals his ignorance of the complex socio-economic conditions, the constraints of patriarchy and the malaise of post-parnell dublin. in ‘telemachus’ he remarks of the fresh, just delivered milk that ‘[i]f we could live on good food like that . . . we would n’t have the country full of rotten teeth and rotten guts. living in a bogswamp, eating cheap food and the streets paved with dust, horsedung and consumptives’ spits’ (u : - ). but, even mulligan’s voice is ‘wellfed’ ( : ). he is the picture of middle- class health and prosperity, especially when we consider his thrice-mentioned ‘white’ and ‘glittering’ teeth in the first episode ( : , , ; fairhall ), compared with stephen who in ‘proteus’ suffers from a ‘hunger toothache’ and at twenty two reflects that his teeth are ‘very bad’ (u : , ; ulin ). mara maintains that mulligan’s good health also commingles fertility and masculinity in ‘oxen of the sun’, as he jokes that his ability to offer ‘his dutiful yeoman services for the fecundation of any female’ would demand a particular diet: ‘for his nutriment he shewed how he would feed himself exclusively upon a diet of savoury tubercles and fish and coneys . . . broiled and stewed with a blade of mace and a pod or two of capsicum chillies’ (u : - ). as bloom observes in ‘eumaeus’, mulligan ‘knows which side his bread is buttered’, and thinks that ‘in all probability he never realised what it is to be without regular meals’ ( : - , - ). as scholes affirms, if the reader is disappointed with stephen in ‘wandering rocks’, the disconnected mulligan works to improve our opinion of him ( ). if we happen to miss the point, in the ‘circe’ episode joyce includes buck gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e mulligan in a ‘particoloured jester’s dress of puce and yellow and clown’s cap’ holding a ‘smoking buttered split scone in his hand’ (u : - ), with ‘tears of molten butter fall[ing] from his eyes on to the scone’ ( : - ). conclusion joyce’s representation of the betrayal and demise of parnell and the ensuing paralysis of the post-parnell era reveals a complex relationship between colonial violence, religious repression, compromised nationalist politics, and a disintegrating domestic sphere. the christmas dinner scene in portrait examines the devouring of parnell and the perpetuation of the cycle of betrayal. as joyce indicated, anyone who tries to bring the irish together and improve the terms of the defective ‘social contract’ (for example by addressing the key issues of land, economic security, and political representation) are met with subterfuge. joyce shows empathy for parnellites sharing their first post- parnell christmas, but continuing on from themes in ‘ivy day’ we can also perceive his criticism of the political apathy of the irish and the dangers of perpetuating the cycle of imperial violence by suppressing and neglecting their own domestic spheres. while joyce’s parallax prevents assertions that he passes judgments on parnellites like simon, he does interrogate homosocial consumption as he presents bonds of drinking culture in material terms and as syphoning money away from an already poor and decaying domestic realm. in the ‘wandering rocks’ episode children are presented as victims of both hapless fathers and a religion which is detached from material realities in its perpetuation of poverty. this episode is a prime example of joyce’s multi-dimensional perspectives revealing his ebb and flow of sentimentality and irony. following cuda’s argument, i concur that joyce’s operationalising of sentiment provides the space to experience powerlessness, but joyce also interrogates this powerlessness and what could be done differently to restore agency. stephen’s famous declaration in the ‘nestor’ episode, that ‘history . . . is a nightmare from which i am trying to awake’ (u : ) has been explored in previous chapters in relation to the production of history, the memory of the violence of the famine, a haunting of the loss of community, and the mourning of an alternate future. this chapter has expanded the implications of such a claim not only to highlight the aesthete’s desire to live artistically, away from the confines of nature, family, church and the history of colonialism, but also to consider the flight parnellites also took in post-parnell ireland. joyce is sympathetic towards gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e dubliners like simon as they flounder in a post-parnell era, but he also points to the collateral damage of the cycle of betrayal, and how even the loyal parnellites sabotage their own domestic realm and negate the possibility for irish ‘community’. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e chapter – you are what you eat and of course bloom had to have his say too about if a fellow had a rower’s heart violent exercise was bad. i declare to my antimacassar if you took up a straw from the bloody floor and if you said to bloom: look at, bloom. do you see that straw? that’s a straw. declare to my aunt he’d talk about it for an hour so he would and talk steady. (ulysses : - ) james joyce remained interested in medicine and the body throughout his life, and both joyce and his father john made unsuccessful attempts at a medical career. his father studied in cork between and , but as stanislaus joyce comments, ‘one should say he was enrolled in the school of medicine for three years, since he studied as little as possible, and instead made a big name in sport and dramatics, and by his wild life while a student’ (in j. b. lyons joyce and medicine ; emphasis added). joyce entered the dublin catholic university medical school in but left after only one month (lyons - ). after moving to paris he enrolled in medicine at the sorbonne, but as vike martina plock notes, once again ‘scientific ineptitude and financial problems forced joyce to give up his half-hearted attempt’ (plock joyce, medicine and modernity ). ulysses’ episodes were famously organised around a human body’s organ’s, bones, nerves, and blood circulation, according to the schema joyce passed on to the italian critic carlo linati in . while he later dismissed the interpretative device, the novel nonetheless ‘continues to accentuate [joyce’s] ongoing interest in exploring the analogies between the human body, the city as a social organism, and the corpus of his developing narrative’ (plock - ). scholars such as plock place joyce’s writing in the context of turn of the century medical debates and the socio-economic context of health and disease. indeed, in recent decades medicine educators have turned to joyce’s fiction, and other canonical writers, to help students understand the human response to illness; something that an ‘empirical’ education doesn’t make room for. this has its own irony though, as joyce is ambivalent about the medical profession in ulysses and this is reflected in bloom’s midway stance: a regard for empirical medicine gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e on the one hand, and, if not an apollonian focus on the spirit, at least a scepticism of the profession and an implicit belief in a more holistic approach to health. while medicine is looking to literature for its humanity, literature scholars are examining more clinical medical scholarship on joyce, health, and illness and discovering, more fully, what joyce is saying about the world of turn of the century dublin. what is revealed is a malnourished and diseased population, a result of colonial repression, poverty and poor housing. joyce’s consideration of the body, specifically eating and digestion, says something about both his view of art and his nuanced considerations of the complex state of ireland. his examination of food and eating, of what we call today ‘nose to tail’ food, reveals his interest in the total digestion tract, but ‘innards’ also represent frugality, and echo his own stomach concerns and hunger pains. ulysses also participates in various discussions about social and cultural improvement, and the maxim ‘you are what you eat’ is explored aesthetically, scientifically, and via the more narrow nationalistic extrapolations of this scientific discourse. while bloom may have some common ground with irish homestead editor george russell and his criticism of the new irish food staples of bread, tea and sugar, the ruminations in ulysses about the consumption of these foods requires more thoughtful, political consideration. joyce reflects the turn of the century phenomenon of increased consumer ‘choice’ and the implicit rejection by dubliners of ‘peasant’ food. nevertheless, joyce explores the concomitant consideration of quasi-scientific and imperial discourses which turn to food for further evidence of irish ‘otherness’. while bloom’s interest in scientific and nutritional knowledges might initially signal a possible new framework outside the current terms of ireland’s oppressive social contract, joyce pointedly reveals how new knowledges are appropriated and how the discourse is used to reassert ireland’s colonial status. the church doesn’t go without comment either, as joyce ruminates on how both the catholic church and england have used food to pacify the irish. joyce, disease and medicine robert kaplan of the graduate school of medicine at the university of wollongong reports that doctors ‘are looking to philosophy, anthropology, sociology and other disciplines to answer the question: “what is it like to be human?”’ (kaplan ‘doctors, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e disease and james joyce’ ). it is the discipline of literature, he argues, that best demonstrates this insight into the human understanding of illness, and the role of illness in the life of a person ( ; see also greenhalgh and hurwitz ‘narrative based medicine’; and charon ‘literature and medicine’ and ‘reading, writing doctoring’). thus, kaplan and other likeminded medical academics and clinicians assert that the works of conan doyle, chekhov, maugham, tolstoy, kafka, thomas mann, joyce and plath fill the gap left by the ‘narrow, technology based, organic focus[ed]’ medical model (kaplan ). medical journals such as the american journal of medical sciences, literature and medicine, annals of internal medicine (for example, waisbren et al.; and charon), lancet (mclellan), the british medical journal (greenhalgh and hurwitz), perspectives in biology and medicine (shanahan and quigley), the australian family physician, australas psychiatry (kaplan) and the scandinavian journal of primary health care (heath) exhibit an increasing consideration of joyce’s work for its perspective on medical and social history. one general practitioner, dr iona heath, notes the relevance of joyce, particularly ulysses, to the work of general practitioners ( ). in addition to the relatively recent examination of joyce’s work for its contextualisation of disease and its illumination of the human side of ill health, medical journals and literary scholars are also interested in joyce’s personal list of ailments. the creative process of ulysses was repeatedly interrupted by joyce’s medical complaints. as plock and j. b. lyons (james joyce and medicine) note, gastric pains, rheumatism, ocular troubles and nervous collapses exasperated joyce’s attempts to finish the novel. roy gottfried reminds us that joyce proofread ulysses ‘with blurred and impaired vision, armed with a magnifying glass’ (in plock ). fergus shanahan and eamonn quigley note that ‘literature often uniquely provides an appreciation of the societal and historic context of disease’ as the novelist can ‘cast light where others have failed and can provide a vivid account that may be lacking in an assemblage of historical facts’ (‘medicine in the age of ulysses’ ). joycean scholars are also using these more clinical studies as a springboard for a more rigorous examination of joyce’s oeuvre. while the impetus for studies published in medical journals may be ‘clinical’, recent articles in literary criticism, such as michael timins’s article in the james joyce quarterly (‘“the sisters”: their disease’), acknowledge the contribution made in medical scholarship, but are also compelled to take the clinical and textual evidence further by researching the socio-historical significance of the disease in gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e joyce’s time. burton a. waisbren and florence l. walzl’s article on the use of syphilis in ‘the sisters’, for example, sparked interest in literary criticism. as timins points out, subsequent footnotes and forwards to standard editions of dubliners from onwards consider not only the theme of societal paralysis but also consider the paralysis caused by syphilis and what this illness says about religion, gender and colonisation. at the turn of the century when joyce was writing dubliners syphilis was ‘ubiquitous’: ‘in berlin, about one out of eight and in paris one out of six individuals had the disease, and in parts of russia, about one out of five were infected’ (timins ). while the royal commission on venereal diseases estimated one out of ten were infected in england and ireland, as joseph v. o’brien points out, the prevalence of the disease in dublin was double that of london, and as dublin’s population was half london’s this means that one in five dubliners were infected (in timins ). no wonder joyce described the ‘syphilitic contagion in europe’, with dublin as the ‘centre of paralysis’ (timins ; joyce selected letters ), and the citizen refers to colonial oppression in terms of the ‘syphilisation’ of ireland ( : ). the prevalence of syphilis is reflective of the poor public health of dublin in general at the turn of the century (timins ). while the overall deathrate in post-famine ireland declined by % between and , death from infectious disease ‘could rise to alarming rates at particular times and in particular locations’. for example, while deaths from measles decreased very marginally in ireland as a whole between and , in dublin in there were deaths per , , more than double the highest rates in the rest of the uk (clarkson and crawford feast and famine , - ). f. s. l. lyons notes that dublin’s infant mortality was the highest in the uk, tuberculosis was rife and malnutrition was endemic (ireland since the famine ). tuberculosis was responsible for half the deaths between the ages of and and in it accounted for % of all deaths (shanahan and quigley ‘medicine in the age of ulysses’ ), but it is estimated that between one third to one half of all post-mortem examinations revealed traces of the disease (bock ‘james joyce and germ theory’ ). martin bock notes that at the turn of the century dublin’s infant mortality and childhood death rate were worse than in calcutta ( ), and joseph o’brien affirms that the annual death rate in dublin was . per , , ‘only slightly less than calcutta’s’ and ‘the largest of any major city in europe’ (in timins ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e if joyce’s work says something about public health and illness in turn of the century dublin, it also says something about medical practitioners. this more overt critique, however, doesn’t formulate until ulysses. joyce’s early work was less concerned with inept professionals and more interested in offering the perspective of the layperson, and implicitly bringing societal ills that impact good health to the foreground. in stephen hero for example, valerie bénéjam suggests that the dialogue between stephen and his mother about the ‘hole in isabel’s stomach’ (sh ) reveals the layperson’s ‘ignorance of bodily processes and anatomical details’ (bénéjam ). whatever more stephen (or joyce) may know about the body and medicine, joyce ‘[r]efuses to present any medical assistance or final diagnosis’ and instead ‘embraces the patient’s (and her anxious family’s) viewpoint’ ( ). ulysses, in contrast, draws on much medical discourse. joyce’s knowledge was ‘bookish’ and only that ‘of a medical student’s pal’ (gogarty in bénéjam ), or what his brother called ‘pseudo-medical phraseology’ (the complete dublin diary of stanislaus joyce ), but it is his choice of discourse that makes his point about the profession. unlike flaubert or maupassant, whom joyce greatly admired, and who were intent on revealing the ineptitude of physicians (donaldson- evans - ; bénéjam - ), joyce is more concerned with highlighting the dehumanisation and insensitivity of practitioners. though shanahan and quigley maintain that the impact of doctors in joyce’s time was modest — ‘a prescription of paternalism, potions, purges, and placebos’ (‘in search of lost opportunities’ ) — it is apparent that mulligan, his fellow medical students and other practitioners in ulysses know more about the body than, for example, charles bovary. what concerns joyce though is their ‘arrogance of expertise’, their alienating jargon, their pomposity, and their affectations (shanahan and quigley ‘medicine in the age of ulysses’ ; bénéjam ). the justification of this critique seems to be established early in ulysses as medical student mulligan attempts to defend his insensitivity on the matter of the death of stephen’s mother: ‘and what is death . . . your mother’s or yours or my own? you saw only your mother die. i see them pop off every day in the mater and richmond and cut up into tripes in the dissectingroom. it’s a beastly thing and nothing else’ (u : - ). while flaubert’s competent surgeon larivière is introduced to penetrate the lies of the incompetent and self-serving quasi-professionals (bénéjam ), joyce uses bloom not so much to debunk, but to provide empathy in his midway position between the doctor gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e and the patient, refusing to see humans as objects (bénéjam - ). in ‘lestrygonians’ bloom thinks that most doctors are humane, and feels patients are ungrateful as they keep doctors waiting for their fee, whilst they are on call ‘at all hours’ (u : - ). in ‘oxen of the sun’, however, the medical students’ crassness on the subject of women, and the contrasting reverence for mr purefoy as ‘the remarkablest progenitor’ (see : - , ), is countered by bloom’s concern for mrs purefoy’s long and hard labour ( : - ). he is repeatedly noted to contemplate with ‘wonder’ ‘women’s woes’ ( : , ), and pities the ‘terrorcausing shrieking of shrill women in their labour’ ( : ). whilst molly is bamboozled by medical jargon — ‘where do these old fellows get all the words’ ( : ) — bloom ‘knows a lot of mixedup things especially about the body and the inside’ ( : - ); loving ‘the art of the physic as might a layman’ ( : - ). as a ‘layman’ bloom is not desensitised, and as he lives outside the confines of ‘religion’ he does not defer to the spiritual as a fellow ‘lay’ dubliner may. bénéjam points out that despite bloom’s rather vague medical knowledge, his explanation in the ‘ithaca’ episode of stephen’s earlier collapse reveals an awareness that is lacking in stephen’s version of events, which is ‘primitive and irrational’ and has biblical undertones (bénéjam ; : - ). bloom’s explanation of ‘gastric inanition and certain chemical compounds of varying degrees of adulteration and alcoholic strength, accelerated by mental exertion and the velocity of rapid circular motion in a relaxing atmosphere’, is contrasted with stephen’s account of ‘the reapparition of a matutinal cloud (perceived by both from two different points of observation, sandycove and dublin) at first no bigger than a woman’s hand’ (u : - ). while we may wonder, as does cranly in portrait, how stephen’s mind can be supersaturated with the religion in which he says he does not believe (portrait ), bloom’s distance from ‘religion’ enables what mike digou calls bloom’s ‘chironian medicine’ (‘joyce’s ulysses’). digou argues that the ‘oxen of the sun’ episode is replete with asclepian medicine symbolism. the image of the serpents ‘there to entwine themselves on long sticks’ (u : - ), though attributed to hops vines and the manufacture of beer by gifford ( ), also indicates for digou the symbol of asclepius, the greek god of medicine. asclepius medicine combined the apollonian focus on the healing of the patient’s spirit with chironian medicine, which ‘used empirical methods to heal the body, but ignored . . . the spirit’ (digou ). the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e synthesis of bloom and stephen in ulysses creates for digou ‘the potential for something greater than either alone’ ( - ). digou’s characterisation of bloom as chironian is justified by his concern for the ‘physical, practical, and not spiritual’ ( ). but as i contend in the next chapter, while bloom isn’t ‘religious’ he is ‘spiritual’; spiritual if we consider his various ponderings on the cycle of love, life, death and nature, and his curiosity about people’s beliefs. he is also empathetic thus exhibiting a connection and awareness of people beyond what would be considered ‘empirical’. thus, while digou sees asclepius in the synthesis of bloom and stephen, i contend that there is evidence of an apollonian and chironian union within bloom. thus, bloom’s apparent inheritance of empirical medical methodology (bénéjam ), such as in his assessment of stephen’s state in the ‘ithaca’ episode, shouldn’t be considered in isolation. as already stated, he is critical of the detachment of the medical profession, but he also questions the commercialisation of medicine and is critical of those who don’t question the profession. in ‘oxen of the sun’ he would wonder how carousing medical students can become respected doctors: ‘that the mere acquisition of academic title should suffice to transform in a pinch of time these votaries of levity into exemplary practitioners of an art which most men anywise eminent have esteemed noblest’ (u : - ). on the matter of the teaching hospital, mater misericordiae, bloom will ponder: ‘big place. ward for incurables there. very encouraging’ ( : - ). in ‘hades’ bloom questions the over prescription of drugs, and as he orders molly’s lotion in ‘lotus eaters’ he will reflect on the potency of the contents of the chemist store, but thinks that those early chemists must have had ‘a bit of pluck’. above all though bloom credits ‘clever’ nature for providing remedies ‘where you least expect it’ ( : - ). though richie goulding ‘[t]hinks he’ll cure [his back complaint] with pills’, for bloom the pills are ‘breadcrumbs’ sold at about ‘six hundred percent profit’ ( : - ), so the only thing the ‘cure’ accomplishes is increasing the wealth of the chemists. not long after this he will think of his father’s suicide and the ‘redlabelled bottle on the table’ ( : - ). we might also perceive here what andrew gibson argues in relation to the hyperbolic overflow of knowledge in the ‘ithaca’ episode; that joyce gives science back to the english establishment by ‘interrogating it and displacing its emphasis’ (‘an aberration of the light of reason’ ). joyce uses bloom to portray medicine’s permeation of daily life, and joyce shows bloom to be superior for his ability to deplete the power of the master narrative gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e (gibson ). bloom’s questioning of pills as a ‘cure’, by implication, questions the medical establishment who increasingly ‘prescribe’ (shanahan and quigley ‘in search of lost opportunities’ ). an examination of a number of issues of a popular dublin periodical, the lady of the house ( - ), seems to suggest that ulysses comments on the prevalence of ‘remedies’ endorsed by the medical profession at the turn of the century. amongst numerous remedies advertised in the journal, dr ritter’s ‘tasteless capsules’, are ‘[d]evised by a qualified medical man!’ and claim to be a ‘remedy for obesity’ ( january, , ). another noteworthy example is dr tibbles’ vi-cocoa which was regularly advertised. for example in the january and june issues the product is endorsed by the medical magazine, which claims it is ‘favoured by the homes and hospitals of great britain’, and uses testimonials from nurses for its relief of dyspepsia and ‘physical and mental loss’ ( ; ). as plock points out, in the post-famine era the preoccupation with ‘getting enough’ had been replaced by ‘eating correctly’ ( ) and the medical profession were called upon to make such judgments. this endorsement, however, co-opts ‘expert’ scientific discourse as a marketing tool to capitalise on the social standing of these professionals and thus optimise profit; a strategy used today (scrinis ‘ideology of nutrition’ , - ; churchill and churchill ‘buying health’ - ). joyce’s poor stomach and the matter of innards in their article in clinical medicine shanahan and quigley hold that while descriptions of the gut and gastrointestinal ailments are avoided by many writers, joyce embraced the whole digestive process ‘from deglutination to defecation’ (‘james joyce and gastroenterology’ ). indeed, bloom’s preoccupation with digestion is carried throughout the novel. so important is this process that as mrs breen tells him of her husband’s nightmare, bloom thinks it must have been ‘indiges[tion]’ (u : ), and then soon after contemplates fletcherism — ‘eating with a stopwatch, thirtytwo chews per minute’ ( : ) — a scientific way of eating advocated at the turn of the century by health-food faddist horace fletcher, also known as ‘the great masticator’ (plock ‘modernism’s feast on science’ ). food and digestion seems to be bloom’s ‘operating principle’ (bénéjam ‘innards and titbits’ ) as he is introduced in the fourth gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e episode by way of his culinary preferences, ‘the inner organs of beasts and fowls’, and that he liked ‘the tang of faintly scented urine’ of his grilled mutton kidneys (u : - ). he will also remark that looking at the statue of venus of praxiteles aids digestion ( : ). as greek statues have perfect forms ‘some ideal digestion must be taking place within them’, hence bloom’s interest in looking for the statue’s anus (bénéjam ‘innards and titbits’ ). shanahan and quigley suggest that ‘joyce was a prescient gastroenterologist, anticipating nanotechnology in diagnostics and perhaps capsule endoscopy’ (‘gastroenterology’ ). after eating his cheese sandwich and having a glass of burgundy at davey burns’s bloom would imagine that with the ‘röntgen rays searchlight you could . . . watch it all the way down’ (u : , - ; shanahan and quigley ). in ‘aeolus’ he will fantasise about helping others with digestion problems: ‘country bumpkin’s queries. dear mr editor, what is a good cure for flatulence? i’d like that part. learn a lot teaching others’ (u : - ). in ‘sirens’ he will deduce that his own gas is from cider ( : ), and in the ‘ithaca’ episode we learn that bloom owns a prospectus for the ‘wonderworker’: ‘the world’s greatest remedy for rectal complaints’, ‘assist[ing] nature in the most formidable way, insuring instant relief in discharge of gases . . . making a new man of you and life worth living’ ( : , - ). while clive hart saw joyce’s fascination with anality as ‘an obsession’, he saw in finnegans wake a beauty which is distilled by verbal alchemy from obscene scrawls’ (hart structure and motif in ‘finnegans wake’ - ; tucker stephen and bloom at life’s feast ). as lindsey tucker suggests, perhaps this verbal alchemy is the ‘key to joyce’s use of such images’ thus elevating the seemingly obscene and scatological ( ). following a more positive, jungian interpretation of bloom’s ‘fondness for excrementa’, tucker advances that unlike a freudian reading which links only the repression of the anal stage with creativity, jungian readings emphasise art as the continuation of the anal stage that ‘has been preserved and integrated with the individual’s development as a whole’ (neumann in tucker ). joyce’s narratological technique of offering different viewpoints is here embodied with bloom’s ‘inversion of habitual perspectives’ (bénéjam ‘innards and titbits’ ). bénéjam observes that bloom’s desire to consider things and people (and statues) from different angles can be likened to the famous anecdote in art history: gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e french painters camille corot and gustave courbet would often go on painting expeditions together. corot, faithful to the inheritance of romantic landscape painters, spent hours choosing the place to set up his painting material, considering the prospect and composition of the landscape — in a way, finding the painting in nature before he would reproduce it on canvas. once he had set up his easel, courbet the realist would turn his back on him, and started painting whatever was to be seen on the other side. ( ) this radical approach to the project of representation in painting is a good analogue to bloom looking at the statue of venus from behind. it also speaks of joyce’s modernist aesthetic, for more than considering new perspectives, he is also concerned with ‘rendering life in its very process and transformation’ (bénéjam ‘innards and titbits’ ). life isn’t what will occur in the future — when the irish don’t remember the famine, or when ireland has a new ‘uncrowned king’, or after ireland is independent and the socio-economic status of the working class improves — as life, and art, occur at the faultlines too. it is ironic that despite joyce’s interest in the digestive process, his own chronic peptic ulcer disorder was misdiagnosed, when this was ‘one of the most common gastrointestinal ailments of his day’ (shanahan and quigley ‘gastroenterology’ ; also see shanahan and quigley ‘medicine in the age of “ulysses”’ ; and baron ‘byron’s appetites, james joyce’s gut’ ). today joyce’s alcohol consumption, his smoking, and his taking of analgesia for rheumatic and ocular pain would point to the reason for joyce’s severe episodic abdominal pains (shanahan and quigley ‘gastroenterology’ ). jeremy hugh baron reminds us, however, that joyce’s stomach pains were also the result of poverty. from the age of twenty-one he had severe bouts of ‘epigastric hunger pain’ ( ). these began when he was a penniless student in paris, and where the physical pain of hunger, and perhaps the beginnings of the peptic ulcer, were commingled with the anxiety of poverty and waiting for financial relief, usually from his brother stanislaus (lyons james joyce and medicine - ). he writes to his brother in september that the stress of the landlady perceiving nora was paying rent with a counterfeit ‘gold piece’ made him ‘so sick’ that he ‘couldn’t eat [his] dinner’ (selected letters ). writing to his brother in february from rome, he declares that his financial situation — their father’s request for gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e money; the hiatus of his tuition income; his clothing expenses, for example — necessitates that he ‘break off this letter’ as ‘[a]ll this trouble and bustle always finds its way into the bosom of my stomach’ (selected letters ; letters of james joyce ii ). as noted in the previous chapter joyce may have known hunger in the ‘downwardly mobile household of his father’ (whelan ), but his periods of poverty and lack of food would also leave a physical mark. one may contend that it is this reason that joyce disregarded friends’ suggestions that he probably had an ulcer, and trusted a more romantic version of his ailment: ‘“nerves” from his worries over so many years’ (baron ). plock (‘modernism’s feast on science’), l. b. lyons (james joyce and medicine) and john garvin (james joyce’s disunited kingdom and the irish dimension) all note how joyce’s financial situation after moving to paris made the regular supply of food an acute concern. in february he informs his mother that ‘spells of fasting are common with [him] now’, and as he gets so hungry, when he does get money he can ‘eat a fortune ( s/-) before you can say knife’. he hopes the ‘new system of living won’t injure [his] digestion’ (letters of james joyce ii ). on march, he writes to his mother of the infrequency of his meals: my next meal . . . will be a.m. tomorrow (monday): my last meal was p.m. last (saturday) night. so far i have another fast of hours — no, not a fast for i have eaten a pennyworth of dry bread. my second last meal was hours before my last . . . — two meals in sixty hours is not bad, i think. as my lenten regulations have made me somewhat weak i shall go up to my room and sit there till it is time to go to bed. (selected letters ) a little under two weeks later he will write to his mother again that [a]s for the food i get—i do not always get food only when i can. sometimes i take one meal in the day and buy potatoes cooked and dry bread in the street . . . i can assure you, i have a most villainous hunger. today i came laughing and singing to myself down the boulevard saint-michel without a care in the world because i felt i was going to have a dinner—my first (properly speaking) for three days. (selected letters ) gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e he writes to his father in february that he had brought some cooking utensils, a stove and some supplies, and that he was now trying to do his own cooking to reduce his expenses. while he lists the numerous foods he has eaten or wants to cook, joyce expresses concern about the effect the irregularity of meals would have on his health: ‘i am sorry to say that after my dinner on tuesday i became very ill and at night i had a fit of vomiting. i felt very bad the whole of the following day but i am better today except for attacks of neuralgia – induced, i imagine, by my constant periods of fasting’ (selected letters ; l. b. lyons ). some years later joyce used eating habits as a litmus test for his family’s health. in a letter from rome ( ) he writes: yesterday being the anniversary of the day of my espousal and the day of the gladness of my heart, we went out into the country and ate and drank the greater part of many larders. here is the full and exact list of what we ate yesterday. . a.m. ham, bread and butter, coffee . p.m. soup, roast lamb and potatoes, bread and wine .- p.m. beef-stew, bread and wine .- p.m. roast veal, bread, gorgonzola cheese and wine . p.m. roast veal, bread and grapes and vermouth . p.m. veal cutlets, bread, salad, grapes and wine ‘there is literally no end to our appetites’, he continues, ‘i don’t believe i ever was in better health except for the sedentary life i lead’ (letters of james joyce ii ). such joy though is soon countered by the fear of an imminent period of frugality. after he notes that he stands outside grocer’s shops ‘fascinated’, he reveals to his brother that his salary ‘will not be sufficient to feed him in the winter’ ( - ). nora and joyce’s cycle of feasting and fasting is revealed in a number of letters, as noted by plock (‘modernism’s feast on science’ , ). on august joyce will reveal that ‘the real reason the money goes so quickly is that we eat enormously’. nora’s usual dinner, he states, is ‘two slices of roastbeef, polpetti, a tomato stuffed with rice, part of a salad and a half-litre of wine’, although he importantly includes that she is ‘getting much healthier looking’ (selected letters ). he would on other occasions confirm their ‘villainous’ appetites noting that he and nora had eaten ‘an entire roast chicken and a gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e plateful of ham, bread and wine – and went to bed hungry’ (letters of james joyce ii ), and he had eaten ‘soup, spaghetti al sugo, half a beefsteak, bread and cheese, grapes and a half litre of wine’ (letters of james joyce ii - ). the listing of food items indicates that food is a central concern; and while the lean times are dreaded, the periods of feasting are recalled again in joyce’s letters as an extension of the occasion. jaye berman montresor suggests that this ordering of food items in the form of lists, exemplified in both joyce’s letters and in his fiction, is a practice rooted in the origins of writing itself such as food store inventories of ancient egypt and sumeria (‘joyce’s jewish stew’ ). to propose joyce’s cataloguing of food in letters though is a type of prelude to his tracing the development of english literature in ‘oxen of the sun’ may be a case of not seeing the wood for the trees. on the contrary, montresor alludes to joyce’s self-professed ‘more ordinary quality of his mind’ ( ). in a letter to frank budgen ( may ) joyce would write ‘i have a grocer’s assistant’s mind’ (james joyce letters iii ; montresor ). joyce’s listing process in his personal correspondence may be an easy means of ‘filling in’, as garvin notes, but his itemisation of food also finds its way into his fiction ( ). garvin contends that although the delectable descriptions of food at the morkan sisters’ christmas party are ‘lovingly dressed’ in ‘adjectival adornments’, what joyce produced in effect was an ‘itemised menu’ ( ). hugh kenner would also argue that joyce’s lists offer comfort; ‘a double pleasure of knowing what should be present, and knowing that all of it is present’ (kenner the stoic comedians ; montresor ). we are introduced to bloom in the ‘calypso’ episode with a list of food preferences: ‘mr leopold bloom ate with relish the inner organs of beasts and fowls. he liked thick giblet soup, nutty gizzards, a stuffed roast heart, liverslices fried with crustcrumbs, fried hencods’ roes . . . [and] mutton kidneys which gave to his palate a fine tang of faintly scented urine’ (u : - ). montresor proposes that food lists, such as the list here, demonstrate a delicate balance of ‘confinement’ and ‘freedom’. by ‘confinement’ montresor refers to a ‘finite all-inclusiveness’ resulting from joyce’s ordering of words. for example the juxtaposition of ‘soup’ and ‘nutty’ is a nod to the expression ‘from soup to nuts’, the ‘alpha and omega points of a complete dinner’ ( ). from this perspective the dinner menu in ‘the dead’ could also come under this reassuring finite inclusivity. the menu consists of: a ‘fat brown goose’ with stuffing, ‘a great ham’, ‘a gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e round of spiced beef’, raspberry and orange jelly, blancmange, red jam, ‘purple raisins and peeled almonds’, smyrna figs, custard with grated nutmeg, chocolates and sweets, a vase of celery, oranges and american apples, and a ‘huge pudding’ (dubliners - ). here we can see the alpha and omega of this traditional victorian dinner, replete with the roast bird, the joint of meat and the beef. the menu has a victorian reassurance about it and you can find these menu items in mrs beeton’s seminal ( - ) household management (see for example ‘spiced beef’ , ‘roast goose’ , baked ham ; orange and raspberry jellies and , ‘blancmange’ - ). joyce’s lists can be read in alternative ways though. gilbert sorrentino advances ‘an absolute fictional infinity’ of joyce’s lists as ‘anything can be added to it, the original can be tampered with, varied, corrupted, repeated in new contexts, etc’ (‘fictional infinities’ , ; montresor ). joyce’s list in effect reflect the ‘reorganisational’ tenets of james’s and dewey’s pragmatism as traditional foods are purposefully arranged providing space for new connections and meanings, contributing to the dissociation from the ‘ascendant social order’ (schwarze ). whilst i question roos’s allocation of the ‘fat brown goose’, the ‘great ham’, and the ‘spiced beef’ as ‘traditional irish dishes’ that are at either end of the table (‘james joyce’s “the dead” and bret harte’s gabriel conroy: the nature of the feast’ , ), her analysis of the political representations of the laden christmas table is compelling, as the ‘fictional infinity’ tampers with the ostensive normality of the consumables. i suggest that the whole table is a displacement of irishness. aside from gabriel’s celery and sprigs of parsley underneath the ‘great ham’, everything green, or other symbols of irish identity, have no place on the table (dubliners - ; roos ). the traditional irish stout, roos observes, is ‘relegated behind the pudding . . . on the piano’, and the potatoes are offered by lily guest to guest ( ). traditional irish foods and symbols are not only displaced by english fare, but the table abounds with evidence of continued religious division and imperialism. there are ‘two little ministers of jelly’ heading the ‘parallel lines of side dishes’; though small compared to the ‘great’ meat dishes, they represent the two rival, divisive religions (roos ). present on the table are great imperial powers: port (portugal), sherry (spain), and in addition to the ‘great’ meat, england’s colonial possessions are in attendance — nutmeg, raisins and smyrna figs (dubliners ; roos ). as roos suggests, the morkan sisters’ feast is only possible for a ‘bourgeois family with access to privileges gained through british gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e imperialism’, and as such confirms the sisters as ‘complicit in their own colonization’, which perpetuates ‘the deprivation of ireland’s future’ ( ), and reflects a complex view of the intermeshing of perceived agency and structure. of particular interest in the list that introduces bloom are the various ways in which offal can be ‘read’. culturally offal is a complex food. l. a. clarkson and e. m. margaret crawford explain that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries offal was consumed in bishops’ households, and though expensive (the reverse of price differences today between the meat carcass and ‘innards’) it was disdained by ‘polite society’ and if purchased for an aristocratic household ‘was often given to servants or dogs’ (feast and famine ). irish food historian regina sexton affirms it wasn’t until relatively recently that the prime cuts of beef were available to average irish households and society was generally affluent enough to buy fresh meat on a daily basis (a little history of irish food - ). ‘prime beef’ was a luxury and reserved for sundays and special celebrations. at christmas, for example, beef would sit alongside the goose as the ‘traditional fare of the season’. in comparison, normal week-days meant ‘cheap beef cuts, offal pieces and salted beef on the table’ (sexton ). bonnie roos implicitly indicates that bloom’s settling for his scraps of offal, which he has learned to ‘relish’, may be read psychosexually (‘feast, famine, and the humble potato’ ); for instance, that bloom is ‘starving’ for physical contact with his wife but accepts boylan’s ‘leftovers’. a more sociological reading might perceive that bloom has imagined his agency of food choices despite socio-economic impediments of colonialism and class. bloom’s love of offal and cheap cuts such as trotters, however, also reveals economy in a more positive light; self-control that gives bloom more freedom than his spendthrift or drinking friends. while dubliners like dignam and simon dedalus forego pursuing food for themselves and their families, and can only seem to chase the next drink, the more job secure bloom ensures he can have a glass of wine and food through some careful economising. mrs beeton, who joyce cites by name in finnegans wake — ‘for dour dorty domplings obayre mattom beetom’ (finnegans wake ) — was a great home economist. beeton’s tome of household management spans over pages (wordsworth ed.), but her cornerstone of ‘frugality’ is indicated from the beginning with the section entitled ‘frugality and economy are home virtues’ situated at page two. of special interest is gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e her inclusion of dr johnson who warns ‘[the] extravagant will quickly become poor, and poverty will enforce dependence and invite corruption’ ( ). whether the income is small or great, beeton propounds, ‘[w]e must always remember that it is a great merit in housekeeping to manage a little well’, but must also avoid the dangers of the degeneration of frugality into ‘parsimony and meanness’ ( ). in bloom’s budget for june we see much evidence of attempted economy with the purchase of the kidney for breakfast, his liver lunch, and the cheap pig’s foot and sheep’s trotter. though there are ‘gratifications’ listed, bloom’s generosity is affirmed with the inclusion of his five shilling donation to the dignam family (u : - ). rather than a man denied and satisfied with ‘scraps’, the ‘ithaca’ episode also reveals comparative plenty and comfort. on the kitchen dresser amongst the salt, pepper, black olives, and jersey pear is a ‘packet of epps’s soluble cocoa’, ‘five ounces . . . of choice tea’, ‘the best crystallised lump sugar’, onions, irish cream, two cloves and a ‘small dish containing a slice of fresh ribsteak’ ( : - ). thoughtless though bloom may prove to be, as for example, his purchase of buns for the gulls despite having observed the hunger of dilly dedalus, the tally of his expenses for the day seems to vindicate him. we see that despite his economising, he is not ‘mean’ and manages ‘a little well’, so the dresser remains stocked with drinks for guests, and even a steak for a future meal. joyce complicates offal. the oft quoted list that introduces bloom alludes to the acceptance of ‘poorer’ tastes, thus affirming lower status, but it also points to economising. in so doing it is suggestive of a possible judgment against the dublin poor, drunk but starving men, but also an indictment against imperialism that sees ‘all the juicy ones’ leave ireland. away from the more direct references to the famine and inter-generational memory, the prevalence of food lists and bloom’s interest in health provides another perspective from which to consider ireland’s complex relationship to food. ‘you are what you eat’ as indicated, in post-famine ireland food was an increasingly ‘medicalised’ topic. medicine, having emerged as a political force in the victorian period, through growing specialisation of doctors and the increase in their social position, had emerged as an assertive progress narrative ‘energetically intervening in discussions about social and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e cultural improvement’ (plock joyce, medicine, and modernism - ). the tense socio- economic climate of the post-famine era ‘meant that all areas of irish life — even the private world of consuming — could often be highly politicised’ (miller ‘beyond the potato’ ). for scientists the famine was physio-sociological proof of the failing of mono-agriculture and new ideas about what to eat were imposed ( ). from the s and s detailed studies of food and its health effects emerged in europe, the uk and america. as nutritional science developed as an academic discipline, empirical research produced a new awareness of food which, plock argues, was ‘central to nineteenth-century concepts of social and cultural modernism’ (‘modernism’s feast on science’ ). plock suggests that joyce’s engagement with debates in the international scientific community contributed directly to his modernist aesthetics as the specifically ‘irish’ and realistic references to diet and nutrition also include a more ‘playful and figurative’ interpretation of international scientific discourse (plock ; also see bénéjam ‘innards and titbits’ ). joyce refers to the ‘great masticator’ horace fletcher a second time as bloom ponders how humans stoke their bodies like an engine: ‘we [stuff] food in one hole and out behind’ (u : - ). the analogy is drawn from distinguished german biochemist justus von liebig ( - ) who debunked romantic non-mechanistic naturphilosophic with his publication of animal chemistry in . rather than heat and energy being the result of ‘inherent life force’, liebig revealed that it was a result of chemical reactions (plock ‘modernism’s feast’ ), whereby the organism uses material from its environment ‘to promote its own vital activities’ (clarkson and crawford ). the analysis of food according to its chemical components developed from liebig’s work so that by the turn of the century the american study by w. o. atwater and a. p. bryant had developed food composition tables, and j. lumsden’s research, ‘an investigation into the income and expenditure of seventeen brewery families’ ( ), included the protein, fat, carbohydrates and energy values of food (clarkson and crawford ). though bloom suppresses his dietary knowledge in the ‘ithaca’ episode, for example his concern for ‘the respective percentage of protein and calories energy in bacon, salt ling and butter’ (u : - ), we nonetheless see his play with developing nutritional discourses. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e scientists in the s such as theodor schwann, rudolf virchow and edwin lankester demonstrated that cell activity relied on the same mechanistic processes as the human organism itself. lankester, for example, claimed that the human body is renewed every forty days through the cyclical process of cell renewal (plock ‘modernism’s feast’ ). stephen’s request to a. e. to ‘wait. five months. molecules all change. i am other i now. other i got pound’, is a clever appropriation of cell biology to defer payment of his debt (u : - ; plock ). liebig advanced that the renewal of tissue was only achieved by using the right kind of food: ‘tissue food’ (or protein) (plock ). bloom reflects this knowledge. when he thinks of stephen dedalus’s uncle, richie goulding, eating a kidney pie he thus thinks it ‘[a]ppropriate’ (u : ). bloom knows that goulding suffers bright’s disease, ‘a disease of the kidneys that could be caused by the excessive consumption of alcohol’ (gifford ), and thus recommends lankester’s theory or regenerating diseased tissue via the ingestion of ‘like’ tissue. as has been proposed, kidneys also indicate self-denial, poverty, and frugality, however, joyce adds cell biology to his perspectives on ‘kidneys’, signifying the result of a poor diet and drinking, and indirectly, the more physical consequences of subjugation. plock carefully observes that scientific discourse and dietetics manuals were also laced with more folklorist extrapolations that linked diet to national character and individual personality. the german philosopher ludwig feuerbach ( - ) undermined the political and religious presuppositions of the nation-state by espousing an anti- metaphysical and materialistic philosophy that made the food humans eat inseparable from who they are (feuerbach ‘the question of immortality’ in geller ). feuerbach’s philosophy was based on a complete unity of mind/body and his anthropological and more psychological writings were framed around his break with traditional, idealist, platonic philosophy (levitt ‘introduction’ ). feuerbach was influenced by spinoza, although his ‘completely dreadful materialist’ philosophy also incorporated mid-nineteenth century cutting edge physiology, especially the work of buchner, vogt and moleschott, who also implicitly supported feuerbach’s ‘philosophy of science, nature and human nature’ (levitt ; feuerbach ‘man is what he eats’ ). aristocratic stomachs are no different to bourgeois stomachs, feuerbach argued; ‘being is one with eating, to be means to eat’: ‘you are what you eat’. if leaders want a better people then ‘give them better food instead of declaiming against sin’, he argues, as a gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e humane diet is the ‘foundation of human development and disposition’ (feuerbach ‘the natural sciences and revolution’ in geller the other jewish question ). in ‘circe’ bloom will advocate social regeneration, which includes among other things ‘gastronomy’ (u : - ). like other leaders though, he will demonstrate his hypocrisy by partaking in the food of the people by eating a turnip, but will reveal who he really is by uncloaking ‘obesity’ ( : , ). plock observes that feuerbach’s philosophy also reflects the contemporary currents of nutritional science which suggested that food was responsible for personality development. not only was food a contributing factor for cell renewal but the human body absorbed qualities associated with the specific food ingested (‘modernism’s feast on science’ ). feuerbach points out that homer, greek geographers and historians ‘designated peoples only according to their favourite or conspicuous foods’, and so they identified the ‘eaters of fish’, ‘eaters of turtles’, ‘eaters of roots’, and so forth (feuerbach ‘man is what he eats’ ). bénéjam notes that pierre jean george cabanis ( ) was the first to link physiology and psychology: cabanis ‘defined thought as the physiological result of perceptions, derived from the brain of which it is the organic secretion, just as the stomach and intestine receive and digest food’ (‘joyce after flaubert’ ). if the english perceive the irish as pigs, due to their living conditions and how they eat (which was reinforced by english agricultural ‘reform’ and evictions, and the dehumanisation of famine ‘relief’), then bloom’s thoughts in the ‘lestrygonians’ and ‘circe’ episodes — ‘eat pig like pig’ (u : ), and ‘o i have been a perfect pig’ ( : ) — affirms the irish people’s inferior status physiologically via the ‘secretion’ of the organic matter itself. i would add here that the supposed hierarchy of domesticated beasts also reflects the understanding or presumptions of what animals eat. as feuerbach notes, the greeks equated the arcadians with savagery and primitiveness as the pigs they consumed ate ‘acorns’, rather than the more cultured, and civilised ‘grain’ (‘man is what he eats’ ). if bloom sees himself as emanating from the meat he eats, he tends to see other people in terms of food also: ‘know me come eat with me’ he thinks (u : - ). the porkbutcher is described in terms of the sausages he snips off for a customer: ‘blotchy fingers, sausagepink’ ( : , - ). when he looks at mrs breen he thinks: ‘pungent mockturtle oxtail mulligatawny. i’m hungry too. flakes of pastry on the gusset of her gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e dress: daub of sugary flour stuck to her cheek. rhubarb tart with liberal fillings, rich fruit interior’ ( : - ). a squad of constables is described in terms of animals, with their ‘[f]ood heated faces, sweating helmets’ they are let ‘out to graze’ after their good feed of ‘fat soup’, while another squad is ‘bound for the troughs’. ‘best moment of attack one in pudding time’, bloom muses; ‘a punch in his dinner’ ( : - ). bloom further draws on the association of food and personal traits as he makes a distinction between the policemen and the vegetarian ‘esthetes’. he considers the ethics and health benefits of vegetarianism although this diet doesn’t agree with his body: ‘only weggebobbles and fruit . . . they say it’s healthier. windandwatery though. tried it. keep you on the run all day. bad as a bloater. dreams all night . . . salty too. they cook in soda. keep you on the tap all night’ (u : - ). though he detests the frumpy dressing of the ‘homespun’ lizzie twigg — ‘stockings are loose over her ankles’ — he ‘wouldn’t be surprised if it was that kind of food you see produces the like waves of the brain poetical’ ( : - ). amidst bloom’s considerations of the nutritional benefits of vegetarianism, and his own physiological reaction to the diet, he is concerned with its philosophy; or at least that of the theosophy. ‘don’t eat the beefsteak. if you do the eyes of that cow will pursue you through all eternity’ ( : - ) he thinks. according to annie besant, president of the theosophical society from , animals have ‘desire bodies’ that were ‘astral’, and as such they were capable of a fleeting existence after death. the butchery of animals and the killing of animals for sport sends these desire bodies into the astral world where they are ‘full of horror, terror, and shrinking from men’. from this world, however, they can ‘rain down influences that are extraordinary and destructive’ adding to a society’s ‘general feeling of hostility’ (the ancient wisdom ; gifford ). free of such destruction and anxiety the vegetarian poets are ‘[d]reamy, cloudy, [and] symbolistic’, in contrast to the policemen who are ‘sweating irish stew into their shirts’ and who you ‘couldn’t squeeze a line of poetry’ from (u : - ). in ‘sirens’, bloom will think of the less than ethereal music of ‘the chap that wallops the big drum: . . . sitting at home after pig cheek and cabbage’ ( : - ). though bloom will call himself a ‘perfect pig’ in the ‘circe’ episode, in the ‘lestrygonians’ episode he distances himself from the animals at burton’s and from the ‘grazing’ police by producing poetry: ‘the dreamy cloudy gull / waves o’er the waters dull’ ( : - ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e marguerite regan argues that bloom engages in the multiple discourses circulating in joyce’s time surrounding vegetarianism. though brief, bloom’s commonly referred to ‘vegetarian moment’ in ‘lestrygonians’ provides what ariela freedman sees as ‘joyce’s most extensive contemplation of meat and men, of consumption and character’ (‘don’t eat the beefsteak’ ). bloom’s initial reservations are based on digestion, a position that joins ‘a long conversation on the benefits and drawbacks of vegetarianism’, such as the sometimes vegetarian byron whose don juan states that for labourers meat is ‘better for digestion’ (in freedman ). however, ‘lestrygonians’ is far more nuanced than this in its figuring of vegetarianism. freedman pointedly makes the distinction between joyce’s treatment of the theosophical society via his caricature of a. e. (russell) and lizzie twigg, ‘the listening woman at his side’ (see u : - ), and his more considered and sympathetic treatment of vegetarianism’s project of human rights, animal rights, and the central principle of non-violence (freedman ). this connection between meat and power / oppression is made by joyce in his review of h. fielding-hall’s the soul of a people (regan ). fielding-hall thinks that the peaceful burmese people can have no political future as ‘[o]ur civilization, bequeathed to us by fierce adventurers, eaters of meat and hunters, is so full of hurry and combat, so busy about many things which perhaps are of no importance, that it cannot but see something feeble in a civilisation which smiles as it refuses to make the battlefield the test of excellence’ (‘a suave philosophy’ cw ). these burmese people thwart the connection between success and conquering, anger and rudeness are condemned, and even their animals ‘are glad to be under masters who treat them as living beings worthy of pity and toleration’ ( ). put in the context of english culture and the quasi-science of the time, ‘roast beef of old england’ means ‘colonial muscle’ (beard in regan ), and victorian nutritional manuals comment on such a correlation. as jacob moleschott poses in : ‘who does not know the superiority of an english labourer, who is strengthened by his roast beef, over an italian lazarone, whose predominant vegetable diet explains in great measure his inclination to idleness?’ (the chemistry of food and diet; plock ‘modernism’s feast’ ). j. milner fothergill ( ) reiterates this nationalist view when he proclaims that ‘[t]he conquering anglo- saxon, – the master and too often the exterminator of aborigines whose lands he coverts – is a meat-eating man par excellence’ (in plock ). english doctor george beard would state in his sexual neurasthenia ( ) that vegetables were inferior to meat, that gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e vegetable-eaters such as ‘the rice-eating hindoo and chinese and the potato-eating irish’, were intellectually inferior to any race of beef-eaters (in regan ). it should be noted that at the time of the famine the english media applied this quasi-science to the ‘idle’ irish. the times ( march, ) indicates that the irish are incapable of helping themselves. ‘deep, indeed, has the canker eaten’, the newspaper states, ‘[n]ot into the core of a precarious and suspected root – but into the very hearts of the people, corrupting them with a fatal lethargy, and debasing them with a fatuous dependence!’ it is no wonder, they reason, that ‘the plow rusts, the spade lies idle, and the fields fallow’ (in davis , ). to exemplify his beefy argument, beard argues that one of the reasons for the defeat of napoleon at waterloo was that ‘for the first time he was brought face to face with the nation of beef-eaters, who stood still until they were killed’ (in regan ). ironically, as explored in chapters one and two, the imperial squeeze on ireland’s agriculture added to the paunch of old england. bloom’s pacifism (when arguing with the citizen) and his moral relativism (his equanimity about molly’s affair with boylan), reveal his alignment with vegetarian philosophy. in the ‘ithaca’ episode bloom will put molly and boylan’s affair into perspective, and amongst his extensive list of things worse than adultery, he will think it ‘not so calamitous as a cataclysmic annihilation of the planet . . . less reprehensible than theft, highway robbery, cruelty to children and animals’ (u : - ). this portion of the text is a nice example of joyce’s implicit consideration of victorian and edwardian feminism which protested against the exploitation of those with no political voice; the ‘brutality of the strong against the weak, whether on the part of men against women, or human beings towards animals’ (schuch ‘shafts of thought’ in regan ). one might suggest that bloom exhibits that middle-class sentimentality, where middle- class activism becomes a part of the ‘civilising process’ (moira ferguson in regan ), but bloom is not the ‘run-of-the-mill, middle-class animal welfarist’. bloom is an eater of meat, but as regan has explored in some detail, bloom has compassion for household pets, working animals, circus animals and seabirds, and of particular relevance here, he reflects classic seventeenth and eighteenth century radical vegetarian discourse that focuses on the unethical violence of meat production and the pain meat- eating causes animals (reagan - ; also see morton ‘the pulses of the body’ ; and stuart the bloodless revolution). bloom will think of the ‘pluck and draw fowl’, and the cows at the cattle market as ‘[w]retched brutes . . . waiting for the poleaxe to split gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e their skulls open’. he thinks of the ‘[p]oor trembling calves’, the ‘[s]taggering bob’ and then the grim remains of the slaughter: ‘butchers′ buckets wobbly lights’, the ‘brisket off the hook’, the ‘rawhead and bloody bones’, the ‘flayed glasseyed sheep hung from their haunches’, and the ‘sheepsnouts bloodypapered snivelling nosejam on sawdust’ (u : - ). he will also comment on the rich who require the torturing of animals to make the meat more delicious, so the geese are ‘stuffed silly’ and lobsters are ‘b oiled alive’ ( : ). while bloom eats meat earlier in the day, and will eat meat later that day in the ‘sirens’ episode, he has a ‘vegetarian moment’ in ‘lestrygonians’, disgusted at the thoughtless and violent eating of the ghost-like men at burton’s. as freedman explains, ‘bloom’s reservations about eating meat have to do with the ways in which it implicates the consumer in an economy of violence: his squeamishness is crucially connected to his pacifism’ ( ). i argue, however, that bloom also inserts another paradigm into his consideration of vegetarianism; that lowly sense of ‘taste’. after his escape from burton’s he will ponder the ‘fine flavour’ of earth’s produce — garlic, onions, mushrooms and truffles (u : - ) — and ‘mity’ cheese, italian olives, and salad ‘cool as a cucumber’ ( : - ). though interested in the body, bloom moves beyond descartes’ explanation of the operation of the body in mechanistic terms — that bodies of humans and ‘beasts’ are mere ‘machines’ that ‘breathe, digest, perceive’ — and the cartesian dualism of ‘matter’ and life / ‘soul’ and spirit, which relegated animals to ‘unthinking and unfeeling machines that move like clockwork’ and thus justified them being relegated as ‘food’ (the philosophical works of descartes - ; shugg ‘the cartesian beast-machine’ ; stuart the bloodless revolution ). though descartes thought animals no more than lumps of dirt, he paradoxically supported vegetarianism, not on ethical grounds, but through his own dietary experiments which attested to the suitability of the vegetarian diet for the mechanism of the human body (discourse on the method; stuart ). bloom has reconciled his carnivorousness and his ethics concerning animal welfare, but pays due respect to the source of meat by cutting ‘liverslices’ as he and goulding eat their dinner ‘fit for princes’ (u : , ). care is also taken with a dairy product as he makes a special ritual of his humble cheese sandwich by cutting it into strips ( : , - ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e bloom’s self-assignment of ‘pig’ is perhaps more ambiguous than simply accepting the subjugator’s justifying discourse. he is scornful of the animal-like eating in ‘lestrygonians’, and implicitly distinguishes himself from the unpoetic ‘trough’ feeding police and aligns himself with the aesthetes with his couplet. one may consider too that for joyce not all pigs are the same: bloom is after all a ‘perfect pig’ (u : ; emphasis added). in contrast to early greek and prevailing english perceptions, frederick j. simoons observes that celtic tales reveal that pork was regarded as ‘the best of all flesh foods’ and celebrated. certain celts also buried pork before planting their seeds to assure good crops (simoons eat not this flesh ), and reflecting the central importance of the oak tree for the celts, the visionary and magical power of pig herders is said to stem from the acorns and oak leaves chewed by the pigs (póinséas ní chatháin in simoons ; emphasis added); acorns are thus transformed from the lowly to the ethereal. rather than bloom’s carnivorous moments affirming his dominance or representing the violence of humans, bloom, as ‘pig’, also reveals joyce’s use of parallax to interrogate various discourses that attempt to frame the irish as animals, inferior, and destined to be conquered. through the negotiations of meat eating and vegetarianism in the contexts of colonial violence, ethics and ‘taste’, joyce seeks to reveal the politics behind the english metonymic substitution of ‘pigs’ for the national character of the irish, and as peter stallybrass and allon white suggest, highlight how the english might really have been seeking to expunge the worst parts of themselves by marginalising the irish. pigs, they observe, ‘seem to have borne the brunt of our rage, fear, affection and desire’ (stallybrass and white the politics and poetics of transgression , ; nugent , ). white bread and sugary tea by the turn of the century, ireland was beginning to see the negative effect of the modernisation of eating habits (clarkson and crawford ). though sugar was first associated with the rich and nobility, and ‘remained out of the reach of the less privileged for centuries’, the technological developments in the manufacture and refining processes meant that between the mid-nineteenth century and world war i sugar had become an ‘essential ingredient’ in the western diet (mintz sweetness and power , , , - ). as sidney mintz states in his seminal food studies text, ‘[s]ugar . . . was a cornerstone of british west indian slavery and the slave trade’, and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e as such we can extrapolate that the plantation african slaves who produced the sugar were linked via ‘economic relationships’ to the working classes who were learning to eat it ( ). so much so, that by the first world war sugar rationing was regarded ‘as among the most painful and immediate of the petty hardships caused by the war’, and was most acutely felt by the poor (mintz ). joyce interrogates the new food staple of sugar through multiple lenses. clarkson and crawford note that the tenfold increase in sugar consumption between and caused an increase in poor dental health ( ). rather than blaming the deterioration of eating habits and ill-health on poor household management and housewives (as irish homestead editor russell does), joyce considers poor food ‘choices’ alongside the institutions of church and state. from the mid-nineteenth century sugar, that commodity long associated with luxury, allowed the irish to reimagine themselves. the taste for sugar, however, also contributed to their continued suppression as they worked to guarantee continued consumption of an imperial product. russell makes a number of points about nutrition and health that are ameliorative to bloom’s ponderings. a number of his irish homestead articles, however, reveal distinct economic priorities (selections from the contributions to the irish homestead). in ‘food values’ ( ) russell compares the ‘miserable spectacle’ of the irish and the sculptured bodies evidenced in greek and roman statues (selections ), and argues that newly discovered ‘vitamines’ are depleted from food as humans interfere with the natural diet of humanity. his declaration that ‘[p]erhaps the best thing science could do with regard to our food supply is to recognise that the less it interferes to aide in its preservation the better’, is at the heart of the global slow food movement today. in another article, ‘dead food and half dead bodies’ ( ), russell is critical of the lack of responsibility people take for maintaining their own health. the irish will ‘fly to doctors when they are ill’, he jibes, but do not take ‘the slightest trouble to keep well’ (selections ). one of the central concerns for russell in ‘food values’ is that the economy needs workers to have nutritious food to be productive, as ‘lethargy, laziness, and incapacity for hard work comes from an insufficient diet’. reflecting his economic paradigm he states that ‘[n]othing is of more importance to the nation than the health of its units’ (selections ; emphasis added). he claims in ‘the food in ireland’ ( ) that ‘weedy’ boys, live on white bread while the ‘anaemic girls have tea running through their veins instead of blood’ (selections ; also see ). he is also concerned gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e with what he sees as endemic madness caused by tea consumption ( ). ian miller points out that the concern over ‘tea mania’ reflects the pseudo-scientific currents of nutritional science that make the connection between sugar and madness (miller - ). in bloom’s nutritional ponderings, he observes in ‘lestrygonians’ that ‘pineapple rock, lemon platt, butterscotch’ are bad for children’s tummies, and he will reflect that a diet of ‘potatoes and marge, marge and potatoes . . . [u]ndermines the constitution’ (u : - , - ). russell’s and bloom’s comments are interesting in themselves, but a more nuanced analysis reveals a more complex story of sugar for the irish. russell wants to put up health posters along the roadside to ‘denounce parents as inhuman monsters’ who feed their children poor quality food, and demonise ‘white bread and canned foods’ because it encourages laziness in food preparation (selections ). joyce ruminates on the complexity of the problem through parallax. while bloom may exhibit knowledge of dietetics, the important aspect of ‘medical bloom’ is his ‘up stream’ perspective on health and his implicit challenge of dominant authorities. in the editorial of the scandinavian journal of primary health care, written nearly eight decades after the publication of ulysses, iona heath comments that although we perceive the enlightenment as the birth of modern medicine, with the great achievement being the ability to see beyond the individual and to make ‘objective generalisations’, there is a great danger in such generalisations ( ). by grouping people together in disease categories medical practitioners are able to apply ‘downstream’ medical treatment. however, what heath insists, and why the ‘ordinary’ in ulysses is so important, is that ‘downstream’ treatment — treatment given on the basis of standardised diagnoses of patients and delivered by ‘experts’ — needs concurrent ‘upstream’ awareness of the everyday life of patients, that is, primary health care, where there is a close consideration of lifestyle ‘choices’ and socio-economic constraints that underpin the development of health issues. in this sense, as demonstrated in the previous chapter in relation to starvation and alcoholism, bloom is like the more holistic general practitioner who also considers the ‘material poverty’ and degraded life and compromised health of dublin’s poor (heath ). although bloom becomes a dental surgeon in ‘circe’ (u : ), echoing his earlier concerns for sweets that the children are eating, he will also act in a ‘dissimilar’ way, to use schwarze’s terminology. the applewoman will state that bloom, as mayor, is what gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘ireland wants’ ( : ), and bloom sprouts familiar rhetoric about ‘a new era’, a ‘golden city’ and ‘the future’ ( : - ). in a crowd pleasing exercise, however, he tellingly dispenses, amongst other things, sweets to the people ( : ). following sinfield’s model of ‘faultlines’ — where contradictions in dominant discourses open possibilities for dissidence in ideological structures ( - ; schwarze - ) — bloom’s observations about the sugary diets of dubliners, and who provides the sugar, produces a complex commentary as he destabilises authority by exposing contradictions within authority itself (schwarze ). the opening of the ‘lestrygonians’ episode indicates that both the catholic church and the imperial power are invested in the irish consumption of sugar. as bloom looks at the ‘[p]ineapple rock, lemon platt, [and] butter scotch’, the ‘sugarsticky girl’ shovels ‘scoopfuls of creams’ for the christian brother; probably ‘some school treat’. bloom will think that it is ‘[b]ad for their tummies’, but will also notice that the ‘[l]ozenge and comfit’ are ‘manufacturer to his majesty the king’, and imagines him, ‘[s]itting on his throne sucking red jujubes white’ (u : - ). this argument comes via lowe-evans’s and susan harris’s work which examines the pathologisation of fertility in ireland. drawing on lowe-evans, harris states that the ‘rhetoric of disease and cure’ within the formalised medical profession, and the church’s use of the confessional as an ‘artificial contraceptive’ to transform ‘sexual desire into discourse’, both continue the work of imperialism (harris ‘invasive procedures’ - , , ; also lowe-evans ). the ‘oxen of the sun’ episode, with the medical profession’s long and protracted debate about ‘conception, contraception, gestation, and delivery’, reflects england’s ‘pathologization and manipulating of irish fertility through its actions on the irish female body’ ( ). importantly the catholic church advances the colonial project through ‘a complementary system that works through different methods to reach the same goal’ ( ). in the case of sugar, the irish continue to be the topic of analysis, and their perceived ill-health, madness or apathy are the rationale for the continued control of the colonial subject. sugar, like alcohol, can be another solution to the problem of ireland and may dull appetites and hunger for the church whose ‘upstream’ remedy is ‘fast and abstain’ (u : ). woven through ulysses though are contradictions that upset this authoritative stance. while there are hungry families in the streets of dublin in ‘hades’, father coffey will be described as having a ‘toad’s belly’ ( : ). in nausicca the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e priests will eat butter on their bread as well as have chops and catsup ( : - ), while earlier the christian brothers were buying sweets for students ( : ). in ‘wandering rocks’ two urchins will be ‘sucking long liquorice laces’ ( : ). in the ‘lotus eaters’ episode bloom’s stream of consciousness will, tellingly, liken the eucharist to sweets. just like the lotus fruit, ‘sweet, sticky fruit’, seemed to signify a death experience for odysseus because it induced forgetfulness, so too the ‘lollipop’ communion host causes a loss of self-consciousness (tucker , ). bloom sees the benefit of ‘confraternity’ — ‘not so lonely’ — though the faithful are like children lining up for ‘hokypoky penny a lump’. the eucharist ‘lollipop’ ‘makes them feel happy’ as it ‘[l]ulls all pain’ (u : - ). in addition to the colonial government’s and the church’s interest in irish bodies, there had long been an anxious anglo-irish middle class who had concerns over what the irish ate, even before the famine. early nineteenth century ‘reformers’ and writers of improvement fiction, such as mary leadbeater and abigail roberts, were concerned with the threat that would result from the irish diverging from their ‘traditional’ diet of potatoes. for these writers, ireland had an aristocracy and a rural poor with no strong middle-class attuned to the values of frugality and restraint (o’connell ‘“at our potatoes”: recipes for normality in post-union ireland’ ). ‘taste’ for more ‘provocative’ flavours was seen as a threat to ‘social harmony’, and after the french revolution the spread of culinary knowledge and ‘tastes’ that were previously the domain of the elite, became associated with republicanism and nationalism ( - , ). as helen o’connell points out, a well-nourished body was perceived as able to ‘withstand emotional experiences triggered by external factors’ and also able to control emotions within ( ). a diet of potatoes, stirabout, oats and stew fortified the body against irish nationalism: ‘such wholesome and simple food thus preserves traditional structures of feeling as well as social order’ ( ). leadbeater advanced that a diet of ‘clean good victuals’ such as ‘potatoes and butter-milk’ as it was free of worrying stimuli (in o’connell ). to the consternation of the reformers though, the poor rural irish rejected the values of the english productive middle-class and instead emulated the ‘worst habits of the elite aristocracy or ascendancy society, namely idleness and excessive consumption’ ( ). as mintz asserts though, this focus on ‘choice’ and framing the consumption of sugar in terms of ‘emulation’ and ‘imitation’ seems to place the history of drinking sweetened tea, for example, in a vacuum. he reminds us that tea gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e was ‘hot, stimulating, and calorie-rich’ and had the power to make a ‘cold meal seem like a hot one’ ( ). at a time when people worked hard and under difficult working conditions these are significant considerations. thus ‘new schedules of work, new sorts of labor, and new conditions of daily life’ seemed to make the altered lives of the working class more ‘natural’ ( - ). mintz contends that sugar, ‘by provisioning, sating . . . [and] drugging’ workers, had the effect of reducing the cost of creating and reproducing the workforce as ‘laboring classes [became] sugar eaters’, ready to work hard in order to consume ( ). in the previous chapter it was proposed that we can view irish consumption as a rejection of middle-class values and ireland’s reluctance to further participate in the continual growth of imperial wealth. here, however, joyce demonstrates how sugar numbs the irish poor and enables an imaginary state of affluence, and thus deadens any urge to disrupt the social and institutional structures that maintain the status quo. conclusion this chapter’s epitaph, taken from ‘cyclops’, notes the barfly narrator’s rather humorous observations about bloom’s capacity for talk. throughout ulysses though, bloom’s talk isn’t uncompromisingly opinionated but instead attempts to chew over alternate perspectives. bloom’s interior dialogue, his more fleeting thoughts, the third person narrator’s insights, the use of juxtaposition and ‘dissimilar discourses’, all exhibit joyce’s use of parallax to negotiate and interrogate various hegemonic positions. in so doing he reveals some cracks that allow the irish to glean the poor terms of their social contract. this scrutiny of food in the context of the turn of the century medical profession, and the health and malnutrition of the irish, casts light on other related institutional constructs and socio-economic concerns. joyce’s kidneys — from the wholesome breakfast of ‘calypso’, the alcoholic kidney of ‘sirens’, and the frugal home-economics in ‘ithaca’ — problematise roos’ suggestion that bloom internalises his marginalised status by being satisfied with offal. joyce’s personal interest in medicine is given full scope alongside bloom’s fascination with the body, but this is tempered with scepticism towards a profession that is ‘in partnership with the doctrines of british imperialism’ (harris ). the various rhetorical devices and discourses that the english use to marginalise the irish, such as animality and nationalistic appropriations of new scientific knowledges, are both recited but then deconstructed as gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e perceived ‘choices’ are problematised. the ‘faultlines’ of ulysses, moreover, point to the double bind of the irish as the british government and the catholic church simultaneously undertake the project of pacification. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e chapter – the new epic feast ‘who will deliver us from the greeks and romans?’ asked many a romantic author, to which joyce answered, ‘i will.’ (kiberd ‘joyce’s homer, homer’s joyce’ ) the size and title of joyce’s self-conscious epic insists that we see the odyssey as an intertext for ulysses (zajko ‘homer and ulysses’ ). though t. s. eliot and ezra pound saw the modernist use of myth as offering ‘order’ and a ‘scaffold’, w. b. stanford reminds us that joyce was interested in ‘the whole literary tradition of ulysses’s exploits’ and the three thousand year long life of the ulysses myth and its varying transformations (‘ulyssean qualities in joyce’s leopold bloom’ - ). joyce’s pacifist, turn of the century experiences, thoughts and feelings merge into this traditional myth, but his imagination makes ‘a sudden mythopoeic leap beyond the slow tide of normal literary development’, so that in his hands a new type of ancient hero springs to life (stanford - ). the experience of the first world war and the sham of ‘heroics’ meant joyce couldn’t start with the heroic achilles; he needed to pick up from the odyssey where the epic had started with the ‘home bound’ hero and a story that gave due attention to the domestic realm. as wolfgang iser points out, for joyce the archetype is the vehicle and not the subject (the implied reader ); instead the subject is the contrast between joyce’s bloom, molly and ireland’s decaying heroes, and homer’s odysseus, penelope and the ancient greece of gods and heroic men. bloom is not a godfearing hero like odysseus, but he has that ‘greek’, odyssean characteristic of cleverness — ‘cleverness in the widest sense’ (stanford ) — within his own brand of spinozistic ethics. joyce uses food and eating to highlight how his epic diverges from its odyssean predecessors and by implication rejects exertions of power, revenge and violence. while odysseus will slaughter the suitors as they feast in the hall, avenging their gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e attempted seduction of penelope and their consumption of his food and wine, bloom will eat and work through his feelings. joyce will leave us scraps of food to follow his ‘differential repetition’ of events (miller fiction and repetition ), showing us an alternative to patriarchal control, violence and death. joyce’s use of food will not stop at this lesson though, for the pinnacle memory bloom and molly share — that exchange of ‘seedcake’ — will also show us the way to an invocation of nature and the way to love. chapters two and three indicate that the danger of living in the past is stagnation and emotional paralysis; here i consider the danger of forgetting individual, life affirming memories. the pragmatists see the weaving of the past with the present in art. joyce also presents a future; one where pinnacle, individual memories are unharnessed from both history, which smothers the reality of women (spoo ‘genders of history in “nestor”’ ), and the confines of the catholic church, which perceives sexuality, or ‘biological humanity’, as abhorrent (brown james joyce and sexuality ). bloom’s gift for parallax and molly’s multiplicity means they can see how to live life. bloom, furthermore, reimagines irish ‘hauntings’ by thinking of how to love from the grave. molly and bloom represent a new ireland that is capable of understanding the core necessity of ‘community’ beyond the habit of repressive and violent patriarchy institutionalised by colonial government, church, and replicated in the domestic sphere by the irish themselves. the way to agency is through life affirming acts and memories, not through the burden of remembering betrayal. the continuation of the epic it was established early in this thesis that joyce’s rejection of the cultural nationalism of yeats and the irish literary revival did not mean he was disengaged from the political concerns of the ‘narrative of the nation’ (nolan james joyce and nationalism - ). for the revivalists, irish art imbued with ‘ancient idealism’ (yeats et al. in nolan ) depended upon a ‘reconstructed version of native or folk culture which is both ideological and artistic’ (nolan ), and this aimed to correct previous misconstructions of irish national character and create new images of the irish race that eliminated stereotypes from future irish art. for joyce though, efforts placed on searching for an imagined irish past were ill placed. as he insists in his essay ‘ireland, island of saints and sages’, ‘ancient ireland is dead just as ancient egypt is dead’ (cw ). joyce suggests instead that what ireland needs to remember is not a mythologised, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ancient past but the recent past. modernist novelists and poets such as t. s. eliot, d. h. lawrence and w. b. yeats, were incorporating ancient myth in their works as a way of ‘controlling, of ordering, of giving a shape and a significance to the immense panorama of futility and anarchy which is contemporary life’; indeed this is what t. s. eliot said of joyce’s ulysses (eliot selected prose ; kiberd ulysses and us ;). yeats, who believed ‘ancient salt [was] the best packaging’ (in ellmann ‘joyce and homer’ ), delved back into a mythical past to inspire and ‘will’ an embodied, heroic, revolutionary potential (said ). while joyce too was inspired by ancient genres, he did not ‘pack’ his story in the ancient salt but continued the development of an ancient genre – the epic – and the concomitant development of heroic action into more recognisable human concerns (ellmann ) with a bloomian incarnation of the odyssean domestic realm. mikhail bakhtin observes the ancient epic genre is concerned with the ‘absolute past’, a national heroic past concerned with ‘beginnings’ and ‘peak times’, ‘a world of fathers and of founders of families’, and a world of ‘firsts’ and ‘bests’. it was ‘never a poem about the present’ (the dialogic imagination ). but, while bakhtin suggests that the epic is the ‘absolute past’, lacking ‘temporal progressions that might connect it with the present’ ( ), he does not acknowledge the progression of the epic genre itself. the novel form, emer nolan and bakhtin suggest, parodies other genres and ‘the epic was that genre the novel parodied in its nation forming role’ (in nolan ; bakhtin ). as nolan notes though ‘[o]nly the novel could be for the contemporary world what the epic had been for antiquity, offering a depiction of a social totality from which citizens might gain a sense of the larger significance of their own lives’ ( ). for vico, homer was a figure of ricorso: ‘that stage in a historical cycle when the whole cycle was known and leaped beyond’ (‘discovery of the true homer’ the new science of giambattista vico xlii-xliii; ellmann ‘joyce and homer’ ). just as the iliad and the odyssey represented two stages of national development, ellmann suggests that joyce aspired to give his work such stature ( ). i suggest though that joyce’s epic does not represent ricorso – a stage of national development – but rather a possible alternate civilisation to the intolerant, violent era in which he lived. this perhaps explains the ambivalence of joyce regarding the homeric titles to the ulysses episodes as people may under or over emphasise or misread the connection to the ancient form. as ellmann notes, ‘to those who read the book as an ordinary work of fiction, he gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e wished to make clear its elaborate structure; to those who addressed themselves to the structure, he pointed to the novelistic element’ ( ). given joyce’s investment in the ‘political’ in ulysses, his use of the odyssey — the epic form and some of its conventions — does more than provide humorous moments where the classical conventions highlight the ‘inappropriateness of heroic language and style’ (see murfin and ray ‘mock heroic’ ). these judgments though, of what is ‘epic’ and ‘heroic’ and what must be a satirizing of these, neglects the evolutionary nature of form and archetypes. bernard knox’s introduction to robert fagles’ translation of the odyssey ( ) reminds us that longinus thought the odyssey was a product of ‘a mind in decline’, ‘work of the setting sun’, whereby ‘the size remained [but] without the force’ (on the sublime in knox ). longinus had a preference for the heroism of the iliad rather than the extremes of the ‘fabulous and incredible’, and the realism of ‘life in the farms and palace of odysseus’ domain’, or what the ancient critic called ‘a comedy of manners’ (on the sublime in knox ; knox ). for the ancient critic the ‘sublime’ is not found in what we might call the ‘everyday’ of the odyssey, such as the fistfight between beggars or the prize of a ‘great goat’s paunch . . . filled with blood and fat’ (homer [butler] odyssey : - ; knox ). peter v. jones notes in his introduction to d. c. h. rieu’s revised translation of the odyssey ( ) that the hero odysseus is a distinctly different hero to the iliad’s achilles. odysseus’s world doesn’t centre on the battlefield, but reconciles the more traditional ‘heroic’ with the humble, and makes the household (or oikos) the centre of the story (jones xi). j. v. luce notes in homer in the heroic age ( ) that in the odyssey ‘homer shows what human character can be; what men and women have to bear, and how great it can be’ ( ), and this ‘character’ can be great on the battlefield or ‘home’. rather than joyce’s hero, leopold bloom, being a mock-hero — a trivialized subject satirized by placing him in a homeric framework — joyce was actually fulfilling the natural destiny of any great epic: the odyssey is multi-plotted and contains many elements for future narratives. as declan kiberd puts it: ‘if odysseus was destined to travel across space and time, so also was the odyssey’ (ulysses and us ). in this sense it is not so much a story of a journey, but the journey of the story (dougherty in kiberd ; emphasis added). just as homer was able to surpass the iliad with the odyssey by continuing a story while reducing the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e prior text to a footnote, so too has joyce acknowledged the great masterpiece of the odyssey, but continued the homeric energy of the story by taking a deeper x-ray of the narrative (kiberd ), and engaging it in a modern context. while joyce may have been told as a school boy that odysseus was no ‘hero’, he would continue to admire the intelligent and determined wanderer (o’connor in kiberd ‘joyce’s homer, homer’s joyce’ ). what distinguishes joyce is that he ‘imagined past heroes in our space, rather than us in theirs’ (kiberd ). just as odysseus is a different sort of hero from achilles, so is bloom a different sort of hero from odysseus. achilles, we could say is the ‘archetype’ hero. he is a ‘warrior-hero’, fierce and successful on the battlefield, with strong convictions of what is right (knox ). while not on a battlefield, odysseus wages war against the ‘suitors’ in a vicious and calculated way (jones xlix). the odyssey includes ‘normalisation’ techniques whereby a homely image, such as a farmer ploughing his fields, will be evoked in the midst of battle (see brann homeric moments - ; kiberd ). if we see joyce’s goal as not to repeat the narrative of the odyssey, but to take up certain threads, then ulysses is more an ‘extended hymn to the dignity of everyday living’. as homer heroicised the domestic, joyce wished to ‘domesticate the heroic’ (kiberd ‘joyce’s homer’ ). joyce’s thoughts about the ramifications of contemporary ideas of war ‘heroics’ figure in his focus on the domestic realm. however anachronistically, the ‘heroic’ battle that features as a constant ancillary to ulysses is world war i where young men went to war ‘seeking extreme sensations’ after the ‘long peace’ (kiberd ‘joyce’s homer’ ). as declan kiberd states in his introduction to ulysses (penguin ed.), the liberal humanist freud thought that the war made life ‘interesting again’ after the prolonged peace had made life ‘as shallow as an american flirtation’ (kiberd ‘introduction’ ulysses ; kiberd ‘joyce’s homer’ ). in a letter to his brother in , joyce comments on the pre-war cult of ‘heroics’: ‘do you not think the search for heroics damn vulgar’ (letters of james joyce ii - , selected letters ; kiberd ‘joyce’s homer’ ). kiberd suggests that joyce’s stance on the contrivance of heroics, that was ultimately unleashed in the war, is really ‘a critique of the imperial mastery over subject peoples’ ( ; also see zajko ). we might also consider that joyce’s political comment is that ireland (and the western world) did not need ‘warrior heroes’, but rather a new type of hero to save the ‘subjected’ from the self-devouring nature of narrow, divisive ‘nationalism’: gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e in those prewar years, cults had grown up around boy-scouting, mountain- climbing, arctic expeditions — anything that allowed men to assert a jeopardized virility and to escape from taunts of emptiness and effeminacy at home. the link between all this and empire-building was obvious enough, and joyce was keenly aware of the use to which the classical texts of greece and rome were put in the classrooms of britain and ireland. a cult of manly strength, cut loose from clear ethical moorings, had led to the jingoism finally unleashed in the first world war. (kiberd ‘joyce’s homer’ ) kiberd points specifically to two world war i meditations in ulysses. in the ‘nestor’ episode, as stephen teaches ancient history, he will think ‘i hear the ruin of the space, shattered glass and toppling masonry and time one livid final flame. what’s left of us then?’ (u : - ). in the ‘penelope’ episode, molly will lament the killing of ‘any finelooking young men’ ( : ). we might, however, also consider the man in the mackintosh that ‘pops up’ in ulysses. the mackintosh, that waterproof coat developed in by charles macintosh while he was researching uses for coal-gas by-products (hart ‘detecting the man in the macintosh’ ), became innocuous by world war i. at the turn of the century, ‘almost any raincoat was referred to as a “macintosh”’ (hart ). celia marshik observes that in the first three decades of the twentieth century british literature encodes the mackintosh to develop characters and ‘advance arguments’ (‘the modern(ist) mackintosh’ ). the mackintosh was affordable and durable and it was technologically innovative, offering protection from the elements; however, for the modernists it was unscrupulous. it caused a loss of individuality, and also represented ‘the paralysis of individuals by economic and social structures they could not transcend’. while it could protect people against the elements, the mackintosh also symbolised the vulnerability of humans against the ‘violence of technological warfare’ ( ): ‘the garments could keep rain, wind and mud at bay, but they could not shield against bullets, bombs, poison gas, and other weapons’ ( ). the first and best long-term customer of the ‘mac’ was the british army. it became a ‘de-individuating garment worn by members of an institution that functioned because of group behaviour, experience and history’. it also became associated with ‘the masses’ (marshik ‘modern(ist) mackintosh’ ). during the war the ‘trench’ coat, or mackintosh, was often worn by soldiers and volunteers in advertisements for products gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e associated with the war, or indeed products far removed from the war ( ). in an interesting example marshik notes that in the july, edition of the daily telegraph, a medicine for ‘nerves’ uses a soldier in a mackintosh in its advertisement. the advertisement claims that ‘phosferine’ helped private w. g. amatt recover from shell shock. in the accompanying photograph of the private, he is in the muddy trenches in his trench coat with his helmet on and gun slung over his shoulder ( ). marshik argues very convincingly that readers of this advertisement would see this mackintosh as ‘protective’ and exhibiting ‘grit’, but could not help also aligning the mackintosh ‘with shell shock, wounds, and the violence that created them’ ( ). as readers of ulysses were post-war readers, the man in the mackintosh that quietly appears in the ‘hades’ episode at paddy dignam’s funeral reflects the preoccupations of other modernists such as virginia woolf, where the mackintosh becomes ‘a perambulating reminder of the war most people wanted to forget’ (marshik ). in ‘hades’ the appearance of the ‘thirteenth’ attendant at the funeral will surprise bloom: ‘where the deuce did he pop out of? he wasn’t in the chapel, that i’ll swear. silly superstition that about thirteen’ (u : - ). this man is also unknown to hynes, who is writing down the names of those in attendance, but he becomes identified as ‘macintosh’ by bloom and subsequently ‘m’intosh’ by hynes. robert spoo has argued that ulysses, though ‘ostensibly out of battle, is a neutral zone crossed and recrossed’ by the phantom of war (in marshik ). this spectre continues through the wearing of garments, across space and time (marshik ; also see froula virginia woolf and the bloomsbury avant-garde ). in the case of joyce’s narrative, the haunting occurs from the violent ‘future’. thus, as marshik points out, in the ‘circe’ episode macintosh becomes strikingly linked with violence. in bloom’s fantasy of building the bloomusalem of the ‘new era’ — ‘a colossal edifice with crystal roof, built in the shape of a huge kidney, containing forty thousand rooms’ — the building is accompanied by the demolition of several buildings and monuments, the razing of houses, and the displacement of inhabitants. dublin’s walls, ‘crowded with loyal sightseers’ collapses, but the victims of the collapse dedicate their death to bloom: ‘morituri te salutant’ (u : - ). the man in the macintosh immediately ‘springs up through a trapdoor’, a sign of a grave or hell (marshik ), and accuses bloom of being a ‘fireraiser’ and a fraud (u : - ) at which point bloom yells gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘shoot him! dog of a christian! so much for m’intosh!’ signalling war, there is a ‘cannonshot’, macintosh ‘disappears’, and bloom ‘strikes down poppies’ ( : - ; marshik ). we should also take pause to consider duffy’s observations that between and , ‘ira terrorists, gunman, and bomb carriers’ were also often seen in trench coats in photographs (subaltern ulysses ). duffy sees this purposefully inconspicuous flâneur as a modernist, metropolitan figure ‘recast’ in a late-colonial context (duffy ). indeed for joyce’s covert allusions to michael collins ( ), we can’t discount this additional, specifically irish reading. heroes and other waste matter as a challenge to nationalistic heroics joyce rejects conventional religious consolations of death, and rather than turn death into heroic sacrifice he focuses on the finality of death but also on death as part of a natural cycle of life. when ulysses is read for food and ingestion, however, what is interesting about the allusions to war (world war i or irish nationalist and english imperial conflict and violence) is how joyce challenges nationalistic ‘heroics’. this is perhaps best illustrated through the numerous references to robert emmet ( - ), who led an attempt to seize dublin castle in . the promised assistance from napoleon and other irish allies did not materialise and the attempt turned into a riot where the lord chief justice was piked to death. emmet was in hiding for a month, and finally, legend has it, returned to farewell his fiancé, sara curran. he was captured, hanged and beheaded (see gifford ulysses annotated ). as gifford points out, what is intriguing about emmet is that despite his failed seizure, the farce of the international assistance that never came, the capture and the ‘botched’ execution, this figure became a potent irish-hero myth (kee in gifford ). the perseverance of the emmet myth lies in what robert kee calls the irish need to ‘ennoble failure’: ‘for the tragic failure was to become part of ireland’s identity, something almost indistinguishable from “the [irish] cause” itself’ (in gifford ). bloom irreverently draws attention to such myths as the bodies and memories of heroes are quickly devoured and decay. while mr kernan’s reflection at the funeral service — ‘i am the resurrection and the life’ — touches his ‘inmost heart’, bloom will think there is no touching ‘the fellow in the six by two with his toes to the daisies’ (u : - ). indeed, bloom is pragmatic gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e and rejects religious reimagining of dead bodies. the six by two is superfluous for bloom who thinks too much money is spent on the dead, and perhaps the dead should be put down a shaft: ‘[l]ump them together to save time’ ( : - ). a heart for bloom is a pump, and then ‘[o]ne fine day it gets bunged up: and there you are . . . once you are dead you are dead’ ( : - ). importantly bloom’s reasoning is linked back to the uncrowned, dead king, parnell, as the men walk around to ‘the chief’s’ grave. while power notes that some say parnell will come back again, hynes replies that he ‘will never come again . . . he’s there, all that was mortal of him. peace to his ashes’ ( : - ). this acknowledgement of the reality of heroics and the fate of heroes is also indicated in ‘wandering rocks’ when mr kernan notes where emmet ‘was hanged, drawn and quartered’, and dogs were ‘licking the blood off the street’ ( : - ). he acknowledges the drinking prowess of that era of nationalists — ‘great topers too. fourbottle men’ — but he soon tries to shrug off the memory: ‘bad times those were. well, well. over and done with’ ( : - ). just as he thinks of paddy dignam’s death, ‘went out in a puff’ ( : ), so too the memory of emmet quickly evaporates. bloom will be reminded of emmet as he sees a grave for robert emery, but this thought is preceded and followed by him following the trail of a rat ‘toddl[ing] along the side of the crypt’, making the rounds of the graveyard, ‘[p]icking the bones clean no matter who it was’, making ‘short work of a fellow’ (u : - ). corpses are ‘[o]rdinary meat for them’, after all a copse is just ‘meat gone bad’ ( : - ). the corpse-eating rat will preoccupy bloom at the offices of the freeman’s journal, for as hynes ‘thumps’ away at dignam’s funeral notice, bloom will muse upon dignam’s remains as his body is working away, ‘fermenting’, and the old grey rat waits to tear at his corpse ( : - ). bloom, with his ‘remarkably sharp nose for smelling a rat of any sort’ ( : - ), will also think of the corpse devouring rat in ‘sirens’ ( : ) and in ‘circe’ the rat will be seen toddling after paddy dignam as he ‘worms down through a coalhole’ ( : - ). indeed, at the end of ‘sirens’ episode bloom will also intertwine ‘robert emmet’s last words’ so that his own digesting body and ‘fermenting’ food becomes a part of emmet’s epitaph: when my country takes her place among. prrprr. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e must be the bur. fff! oo. rrpr. nations of the earth. no-one behind. she’s passed. then and not till then. tram kran kran kran. good oppor. coming. krandlkrankran. i’m sure it’s the burgund. yes. one, two. let my epitaph be. kraaaaaa. written. i have. pprrpffrrppffff. done. ( : - ; original emphasis) bloom sees the ‘stream of life’ (u : - ) flowing in life and death. you can’t hold back time; ‘[l]ike holding water in your hand’ ( : - ). so whilst he is on the one hand nihilistic about human mortality — rat food in the waiting — his view of death has much life also. henry staten suggests that the confluence of food, eating and death goes beyond ‘cannibalism’ as it also represents the ‘circulation of living beings in general through one another’s digestive systems’ (‘the decomposing form of joyce’s ulysses’ ). bloom wants to be buried in his ‘native earth’, a ‘bit of clay from the holy land’ (u : ), but i suggest that these are not conventional, religious wishes but are linked to his earlier thoughts about the fecundity of the warmer, southern mediterranean and what his body could ‘produce’ there. bloom would sooner see his body ‘planted’ ( : ) in the mediterranean, fertilising exotic fruits. in the ‘lotus eaters’ episode he recites the words of jesus, as the son of god declares himself food for his disciples: ‘this is my body’ (luke : ; u : ; staten ). palestine was part of the turkish empire from until the end of the first world war, but during the closing decades of the nineteenth century the turkish government was amenable to the zionists who were ‘purchasing lands to establish jewish colonies in palestine’ (gifford ). in the ‘calypso’ episode when bloom reads about the opportunity to purchase tracts of land from the turkish government, it should be noted that he does this ‘gravely’. the land can be planted with eucalyptus trees, ‘[e]xcellent for shade, fuel and construction’, and ‘olives, oranges, almonds or citrons’ (u : - ). while land owners get pecuniary benefits — ‘every year you get a sending of the crop’ and also your ‘name entered for life as owner in the book of the union’ — bloom’s monetary practicality expressed at dignam’s funeral, and his scientific perspective on death and decomposition, is linked with something much more resembling a romantic notion of undying love. his thinking of the land scheme ‘gravely’ (as his grave) is gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e interestingly sandwiched between his purchase of the kidney at the pork butcher’s and his fantasy about a woman who buys ‘prime sausages’, and his intermingled thoughts of molly, food, death and sex. bloom thinks about ‘dead’ meat. he ‘stares’ at black and white sausages, and the ‘shiny links, packed with forcement, fed his gaze’. he breathes in ‘tranquilly’ the smell of the ‘cooked spicy pig’s blood’ ( : - ). he remembers his mornings while working in the cattle yards: ‘the beasts lowing in their pens, branded sheep, flop and fall of dung, the breeders in hobnailed boots trudging through the litter, slapping a palm on a ripemeated hindquarter, there’s a prime one’ ( : - ). the slapping of the beast shifts to the whack, whack, whack of a woman’s swinging skirt and his desirous thoughts of following the woman from the butcher to watch her ‘moving hams’ ( : - , - , - ). after his thoughts of the turkish land scheme in palestine, he sees cattle, possibly that ‘roastbeef [bound] for old england’ he sees on the way to dignam’s funeral ( : - ). the silver shimmer of the beasts in the sun soon triggers his dreams of the ‘quiet long days’ of ‘pruning’ and ‘ripening’ ‘[s]ilverpowdered olivetrees’ ( : - ). these thoughts of growing produce are intermixed with the arrival of expensive imports from spain, gibraltar, the mediterranean and the levant (u : ). molly doesn’t like olives from andrews he thinks, she ‘spits them out’ ( : ). so he thinks of the ‘[o]ranges in tissue paper packed in crates’ and citrons. these ‘cool waxen fruit’ are nice to hold and smell of ‘heavy, sweet, wild perfume’ ( : - ). the silver heat of the morning is short lived though, as a ‘cloud began to cover the sun slowly’, snuffing bloom’s dreams of farming and the thought of exotic fruit. instead ‘grey’ and ‘far’ thoughts of ‘desolation’ are awakened, with ‘[g]rey horror sear[ing] his flesh’ and ‘cold oils slid[ing] along his veins, chilling his blood’ ( : - ). unwelcome thoughts of the lifeless, ‘grey’, poisonous, foggy waters of the dead sea, and the ‘barren’, ‘bare’, ‘grey and old’ ‘dead land’ of the cities on the plain: ‘sodom, gomorrah, edom. all dead names’ ( : - ). he laments how the ‘oldest . . . first race’ have wandered the earth, from ‘captivity to captivity’, ‘multiplying, dying, being born everywhere’, and the thought encrusts him like a ‘salt cloak’ ( : - ). just as thoughts of molly find their way into his wanderings in palestine, it is his home, his thoughts of breakfast and molly’s ‘ample bedwarmed flesh’ — home, food, sex — that bring him back from the grey and ‘warm sunlight’ returns ( : - ). he rejects the paralysing crust of history and the captivity of religion, and takes his place in the present with molly. when gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e bloom arrives upstairs with molly’s breakfast the ‘grey’ becomes a ‘grey garter looped round a stocking’. this new ‘grey’ is accompanied by the orange of the exotic in the form of molly’s ‘orangekeyed chamberpot’ ( : , ), linking the molly of eccles street to the molly of the mediterranean. ‘let them sleep in their maggoty beds’ bloom asserts, ‘they are not going to get me this innings’. he has a ‘warm bed’ to go to: ‘warm fullblooded life’ ( : - ). as molly asks bloom about ‘metempsychosis’ bloom’s ‘grave’ considerations about farming, or being ‘of’ a farm in palestine, are alluded to again and his initial explanation of ‘the transmigration of souls’ is further elaborated with an example: ‘they [the ancient greeks] used to believe you could be changed into an animal or tree’ (u : - , - ). bloom might leave his explanation here but his thoughts about the cycle of life go beyond a ‘migration’ to a reconnection and recirculation back into life and love. indeed, one of bloom’s ways to fund his ‘ultimate ambition’ ( : ) — a very detailed account of his dream house, land, and comfortable life in the ranks of the landed gentry ( : - ) — is to invest in a german company with a land scheme in palestine. the scheme reclaims palestinian waste land ‘by the cultivation of orange plantations and melonfields and reafforestation’ via the utilisation of ‘waste paper, fells of sewer rodents, [and] human excrement possessing chemical properties’ ( : - ). due to the ‘immense quantity’ of effluent, calculated at lbs per annum (‘cancelling byproducts of water’) for each human ‘of average vitality and appetite’ ( : - ), bloom sees a practicality to the scheme also. whilst he may think of the universes (within universes) of the human body ( : - ), he thinks too of the body as a part of the death, earth, sex, and life. in ‘hades’, for example, death, sex and fecundity are intertwined as bloom notes that the caretaker of the graveyard has eight children. it seems to be a place of desire in general — ‘love among the tombstones’ might have a ‘[s]pice of pleasure’ — and bloom reflects that ‘[i]n the midst of death we are in life’. it would be a good place to ‘pick up a young widow’ after all ( : - ). in contrast to the other men at dignam’s funeral, who look for the grave of their hero, still mourning for what might have been, bloom is inspired by graves and thoughts of death and decay become part of his ‘ultimate ambition’ for the future and link back to life. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘greeker than the greeks’: the cleverness of leopold bloom to continue the journey of odysseus joyce diminishes traditional heroics but goes back to the essence of ‘greekness’. in the first episode of ulysses mulligan remarks to stephen that if they ‘could only work together [they] might do something for the island. hellenise it’ (u : - ). mulligan’s hellenising, as richard begam blithely notes, is aesthetic, ‘a kind of oxbridge on the liffey’ or ‘republic of letters’ if not a republic of citizens (begam ‘joyce’s trojan horse’ ). joyce’s hellenising project is not mulligan’s wildean aestheticism — an ‘all-too-english denial of . . . irishness’ that smacks of the court jester winning the master’s praise (begam - ; u : - ; joyce ‘oscar wilde: the poet of “salomé”’ cw ). nor is joyce interested in the revivalist hellenisation that haines ‘collects’, which joyce sees as lapsing into colonial stereotypes: the dead spirit of the past that devours the living (u : - , ; begam , - ). the hellenisation of ireland that mulligan and haines desired or anticipated in was trumped though by joyce’s novel and its modernist innovations (began , ). the revolutionary aesthetic of ulysses would not play the jester nor romanticise dead culture. as bergman claims, joyce is ‘speaking the language of modernism, as represented by a universalizable, if not universalist, greek culture, but speaking that language in a distinctly irish register’ transforming the ‘celtic twilight of the nineties in to the celtic daybreak of modernism’ ( ). we can continue begam’s tracing of ‘aesthetic’ hellenism by considering joyce’s careful reassertion of the characteristics of odysseus, specifically his cleverness — ‘cleverness in the widest sense’ (stanford ‘ulyssean qualities in joyce’s leopold bloom’ ) — and thus address mulligan’s comment about bloom’s greekness: ‘greeker than the greeks’ (u : - ). w. b. stanford’s remarks that the cleverness in the iliad is limited to military and political matters, but in the odyssey ‘one finds the beginnings of that intellectual curiosity which became a salient feature of the ulysses tradition’ ( ). danté’s inferno and gower’s confessio amantis sieze on the ‘greek’ quality with gower’s polymath sharing a number of characteristics with bloom: gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e he was a worthi knyht and king and clerk knowende of everything; he was a gret rethorien, he was a gret magicien; of tullius the rethorique, of king zorastes the magique, of tholome thastronomie, of plato the philosophie, of daniel the slepi dremes, of neptune ek the water stremes, of salomon and the proverbes, of macer al the strengthe of herbes, and the phisique of ypocras, and lich unti pictagoras of surgerie he knew the cures. (gower in stanford ) if readers of joyce’s ulysses miss bloom’s intellectual curiosity and eagerness to learn, the ‘ithaca’ episode presents bloom’s personal library, including books on astronomy, geometry, theology, philosophy, history and travel (u : - ; stanford ). bloom will be ridiculed by the narrator in the ‘cyclops’ episode for his propensity for ‘jawbreaking’ (u : ) and ability to see things from different perspectives: ‘and bloom with his but don’t you see? and but on the other hand’ ( : ; original emphasis). he will be called ‘the distinguished scientist herr professor luitpold blumenduft’ and ‘mister knowall’ ( : , ). after lenehan and m’coy have a laugh at bloom’s expense, lenehan will thoughtfully acknowledge bloom’s broad interests and knowledge: ‘he’s a cultured allroundman, bloom is . . . he’s not one of your common or garden ... you know ... there’s a touch of the artist about old bloom’ ( : - ). joyce never meant bloom to be average, states richard ellmann; he is complete, heroic, and equipped with a darting, nimble, undefeated mind (ellmann ulysses on the liffey , ; raleigh ‘bloom as a modern epic hero’ ). stanford identifies a key alteration of the odyssean tradition from homer’s odysseus — ‘pious, god fearing, and god beloved’ hero — to bloom as polytropic, discarding all formal religious belief for his vague ‘scientific optimism’ (stanford ). erwin gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e steinberg argues that joyce ‘took care to have bloom deny that he was jewish’ (‘james joyce and the critics notwithstanding, leopold bloom is not jewish’ ). for steinberg, bloom is neither a religious or secular jew, as he doesn’t fit the rabbinical definition of jewishness or actually practise the religion. bloom can’t be a secular jew either, according to steinberg, as he does not meet three criteria: ‘an acceptance of or commitment to being jewish’; ‘a commitment to the idea of the jews as a people, if not a nation’; and ‘no embracing of a non-jewish religion’ ( ). Ó gráda states that what matters most is that ‘bloom was perceived as (or even mistaken for) jewish by others’ (‘lost in little jerusalem: leopold bloom and irish jewry’ ), but we may well add that his challenge of all jewish criteria makes him an ‘outsider’ of the jewish community too. bloom’s jewish lineage is dubious having been born of a gentile mother (ellen higgins). while his father was born a jew he converted to marry ellen, bloom also marries ‘out’ of his religion by converting to catholicism. he was not circumcised or bar mitzvahed, doesn’t attend synagogue, and flouts kosher dietary laws (see steinberg , ; mccarthy ulysses: portals of discovery - ; Ó gráda ; sultan eliot, joyce and company ). indeed bloom’s delight in consuming organs (whether this be, as noted in the previous chapter, for the sake of frugality or taste), rather than highlighting his jewishness, seems to emphasise his greekness. the greeks of homer’s world ate the inner organs of the sacrificial animal. in comparison the rabbis of the hellenistic period introduced dietary laws to ‘curb animal appetites’ (montresor ‘joyce’s jewish stew’ ). here we might see bloom, not as violating kosher law, but ignoring the more superficial religious laws that deprives his appetite, taste and/or economy. as ira nadel argues in joyce and the jews ( ) joyce had a keen interest in the jewish tradition. despite his many religious digressions bloom is of two races: irish and jewish. he is irish — ‘[a] nation of people living in the same place’ — and jewish — a people ‘living in different places’ (u : - ). rather than deny his jewishness, which steinberg suggests is evident when bloom tells stephen in ‘eumaeus’ that he is not a jew via maternal lineage (steinberg ; u : - ), bloom propounds his affiliation with the ‘hated and persecuted’ race. he states that the jewish people are ‘robbed’, ‘plundered’, ‘insulted’, ‘persecuted’, and i think importantly he claims this is happening ‘now’, ‘this very moment’, ‘this very instant’, ‘at this very moment’ (u : - ). in the impassioned exchange, primarily gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e directed at the anti-semitic citizen, bloom points out that jews were being sold in morocco ‘like slaves or cattle’ ( : - ). morocco in , gifford explains, had a moslem majority who enforced jews to undertake ‘compulsory service’ whereby ‘both men and women were compelled to do all servile tasks, even on the sabbath and holy days, and these services could apparently be bought and sold in the moslem community ( ). emphasis on present injustice (‘this very instant’) suggests that we also look at dublin. in dublin (the year of leopold’s birth) there were only a few hundred jews and the community was in decline with only nine births recorded for that year (Ó gráda ‘lost in little jerusalem’ ). with immigration from small towns and villages of lithuania, dublin’s jewish population was , by and nearly , by (Ó gráda ). early in there was a ‘dramatic outbreak of anti-semitism’ in ireland with organised boycotts of jewish businesses (sultan ‘ulysses and the question of anti- semitism’ ). stanley sultan quotes a dublin jew who wrote, ‘you cannot get one native to remember that a jew may be an irishman’ ( ). in his famous essay promoting zionism leo pinsker states that the un-nationed jewish people no longer existed as a political entity. instead the world saw these people as ‘uncanny’, ‘ghostlike apparitions . . . without land or other bonds of unity, no longer alive . . . yet walking among the living’ (pinsker in davison anti-semitism and british gothic literature ). ‘this spectral form without precedence in history’, pinsker claims, could not b ut ‘strangely affect the imagination of nations’, who through the generations imagine themselves ‘endangered’ ( ). as considered in chapter one, however, this spectral form did have a precedence in the post-famine era. the mirror joyce holds up to the irish with ulysses provides them with a reflection of their own inhumanity and racism. the jews of turn of the century ireland were hated and persecuted, but Ó gráda’s research suggests that this does not mean that dublin jews formed a single community. the mainly middle-class ‘english’ jewish community in dublin didn’t make welcome the poor eastern european co-religionists (‘lost in little jerusalem’ - ). Ó gráda asserts that bloom marrying out of the jewish religion was unimaginable at the time, a s was bloom’s apparent acceptance into the litvak community; citron and mastiansky are bloom’s friends ( ). Ó gráda perceives a gap in joyce’s otherwise meticulous research and suggests that as he wrote much of ulysses in trieste ( - ), his gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e jewish bloom reflects the ‘different character of trieste jewry’: ‘more urbane, more middle-class, more integrated, more western than their dublin brethren’ ( ). in contrast to the orthodoxy of irish jews, in trieste ‘one jew in five had renounced his or her faith’ and there was a significant proportion of ‘mixed’ marriages ( ). while Ó gráda identifies poetic licence in joyce’s transference of ‘jewishness’ i suggest that joyce may be commenting on the narrowness of religion and society in ireland. dublin cannot tolerate ‘mixed middlings’ (u : - ), a label that indicates ‘what’ and ‘who’ a person is should be unambiguous ( : - ). labels for ‘others’ are necessary for bigots like those in the ‘cyclops’ episode who see those who transgress boundaries as ‘wolves in sheep’s clothing’ ( : ), or someone ‘perverted’ ( : ). there is a voice of reason throughout the ‘cyclops’ episode that occasionally remarks on the un-christian behaviour of irishmen in the pub — ‘isn’t that what you are told. love your neighbour’ ( : ); ‘why can’t a jew love his country like the next fellow?’ ( : - ); and ‘charity to your neighbour’ ( : ) — but in the end bloom is attacked for speaking a most intolerable truth: ‘christ was a jew like me’ ( : ), the parody climaxing as the citizen says: ‘by jesus . . . i’ll brain that bloody jewman for using the holy name’ ( : ). bloom bridges nations, something worthy of suspicion in dublin . despite marrying molly, not practising his faith, disobeying dietary laws, being generous to those in need, he is nonetheless a loner; the penalty the odyssean tradition demands in exchange for cleverness (stanford , ). kiberd reminds us that odysseus is isolated by his incredulity at the superstitious activities of the primitive peoples he encounters (‘joyce’s homer, homer’s joyce’ ). bloom, as i have illustrated in previous chapters, has passed judgments on the day-to- day actions that keep the dubliners around him in a state of paralysis. odysseus, however, ‘reduced to the barest common level of humanity’ (clarke ‘manhood and heroism’ ) will live up to his name — ‘causer of pain’ (dimock in raleigh ). he will ostensibly emulate the heroics of achilles as he slaughters the suitors and the maids who have disgraced the household: eurycleia found odysseus ‘among the corpses besplattered with blood and filth like a lion that had just been devouring an ox, and his breast and both his cheeks are all bloody . . . besmirched from head to foot with gore’ gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e (butler [trans.], the odyssey xxii: - ) . but, as michael clarke suggests, odysseus is not vainglorious. he warns of any exultation over the slaughter as the suitors’ downfall was their disrespect for the gods and any ‘man in the whole world, neither rich nor poor, who came near them’ (xxii: - ; clarke ‘manhood and heroism’ ). his heroics are but one part of his story of return. odysseus’s manhood is confirmed but the great and new development for this greek hero is his ‘thoroughly inglorious degradation’. his experience ‘of the instability of good fortune and of the gods′ remote and unpredictable power’ has given depth to his sense of humanity (clarke ). just as odysseus will seek to be amenable to the gods by not vaunting over the dead (the odyssey xxii: - ), bloom will acquiesce to his moral code. john raleigh’s article is fascinating for its analysis of the way that a history of western ethics is ‘woven’ into bloom. he lists in some detail cardinal, intellectual, stoic, christian, chivalric, gentillesse, prudential and economic virtues ( ). his principal concern though is ‘bloom’s philosopher’ spinoza, as it is spinoza who ‘plays a greater role than any other philosopher’ ( ). spinoza was a ‘double heresiarch’, first in his scepticism and subsequent excommunication from his synagogue, and second because of a notorious anathema to the philosophical norms of western thought ( - ). a copy of his father’s thoughts from spinoza (u : , : ) is listed amongst bloom’s books in the ‘ithaca’ episode. raleigh notes that one of the paradoxes of spinoza is the quotability of this mathematical metaphysician, who wrote in latin and created a vast, interlocking philosophical system ( ). this makes spinoza accessible for bloom who is educated in the ‘university of life’ ( : , : - ). four short propositions in part four of ethics (‘of human bondage’ or the ‘strength of emotions’) prove central to bloom’s moral code, and each is exemplified in his responses to the citizen: cheerfulness can never be excessive but is always good; melancholy, on the contrary, is always evil. (ethics , prop. ) hatred can never be good. (ethics , prop. ) unless specified otherwise, the textual references to homer’s odyssey and iliad are from samuel butler’s translation: homer. the iliad of homer and the odyssey. trans . samuel butler. chicago: william benton, . print. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e he who lives according to the guidance of reason strives as much as possible to repay the hatred, anger, or contempt of the others toward himself with love or generosity. (ethics , prop. ) minds, nevertheless, are not conquered by arms, but by love and generosity. (ethics , appendix, prop. ) bloom also sees ‘no use’ in ‘[f]orce, hatred, [and] history’. ‘that’s not life for men and women’ he states, living with ‘insult and hatred’, as real life is the ‘opposite of hatred’ — ‘love’ (u : - ). as demonstrated in ‘cyclops’, bloom’s attempts to articulate his ethics are interpreted as naïve and confirm his outsider status. the citizen doesn’t believe a jew can love a gentile: ‘a new apostle for the gentiles . . . universal love . . . beggar my neighbour is his motto, love moya! he’s a nice pattern of a romeo and juliet’ ( : - ). the narrator has his fun at bloom’s expense too: ‘love loves to love love . . . [and] this person loves that person because everybody loves somebody but god loves everybody’ ( : , - ). though the appeal for love is disarmed by the citizen and the narrator and cast as pure sentimentality, bloom’s simple answer is explored further via joyce’s parallactic form, in ways that bloom himself is not able to articulate. central to joyce’s interrogations of violence and patriarchy are his allusions to that masculine epic the odyssey, as he highlights a path for an alternative ireland in his development of the myth. in so doing i venture that joyce does what le doeuff perceives as the more subversive way to disrupt the patriarchal underpinning of society: he attacks the repressive structure under the guise of a ‘masculine’ and combative narrative. while the revivalists draw on epic, indeed seek to create an authentic irish epic, their focus is on inspiring irish nationalism to ‘sacrifice’ and violent heroics. for joyce, the development of the epic is determined by time and place, and as he continues the odyssean myth ‘home’ he points to the necessity to rethink the foundation of society — the domestic realm — if ireland is to establish a united ‘prior covenant’ and thus the ability to select its own ‘ruler’. in joyce’s continuation of the odyssean myth the reactive, violent odysseus will not return. bloom slaughters no suitors, and there are no gods or heavens that have helped bring men and women to destruction. wolfgang iser’s seminal essay on ulysses suggests that ‘the whole structure and stylistic texture of the novel’ is geared to such character transformations (the implied reader ). the odyssey is unacceptably gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e violent for joyce (turner ‘how does leopold bloom become ulysses?’ ), as is the ‘heroics’ of war and the rousing call to nationalism. unlike history, myth can be cured of its violence. the ‘physician’, as termed by john turner, can come from joyce’s ‘ailing’ modernity, but in turn the rotten world of violence and paralysis in need of transformation is healed by myth (turner ). though odysseus quells the vainglorious violence of the iliad, book xxii of the odyssey is undeniably a bloodbath. i propose that the bloody slaughter of the suitors is carefully reworked in ulysses via purposeful ‘differential repetition’, a term used by j. hillis miller to identify when copying (with a difference) acts as a ‘subversive ghost’ to the original ‘always already present within it as a possibility which hollows it out’ (fiction and repetition ). this point reflects le doeuff’s exploration of subversive feminism. the key point is that as ulysses parallels the odyssey, if something happens in the original but doesn’t happen in the successor ‘then that inaction is something’ (turner ; original emphasis). joyce reconciles the epic to his own pacifism and bloom’s spinozistic ethics. ‘i am not a bloodyminded man’ joyce would frequently refrain (budgen ‘james joyce and the making of ulysses’ ). the bloodbath commences in ‘the slaughter in the hall’ when antinous is about to drain the wine from the golden, two handled goblet and is shot through the neck by odysseus’s stabbing arrow, and ‘the cup dropped from his hand, while a thick stream of blood gushed from his nostrils’. the feasting table is knocked and bread and roasted meats are strewn across the floor (odyssey xxii: - ). ignoring promises of financial compensation from eurymachas, the seething odysseus sets about the annihilation of all suitors and the maids who ‘[lay] in secret with the suitors’ (odyssey xxii: - , - ). eurymachas’s pleas fail and he rouses his fellow suitors, but as he hurled himself at the returned king with his honed bronze sword, odysseus ‘instantly shot an arrow into his breast that caught the nipple and fixed itself in his liver’. at this he ‘dropped his sword and fell doubled up over the table. the cup and all its meats went over on to the ground’ (xxii: - ). with bow and arrow odysseus ‘shoot[s] the suitors one by one, and they fell thick on one another’ (xxii: - ). odysseus instructs ‘eumaeus’ to torture the goatherd melanthius for his role in helping the suitors secure arms and armour, but also for ‘driving in [his] goats for the suitors to feast on’ (xxii: - ). the title of this chapter is taken from book xxii in the robert fagles translation of the odyssey ( ). as indicated all textual references to the odyssey are from samuel butler (trans.) unless specified. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e melanthius is treated like one of the beasts he herds: ‘eumaeus’ and laertes ‘bent his hands and feet well behind his back, and bound them tight with a painful bond as [odysseus] had told them; then they fastened a noose about his body and strung him up from a high pillar till he was close up to the rafters’ (xxii: - ). with athena’s assistance odysseus, telemachus and their men continue to cut down the suitors and their men. athena creates more sport by terrifying the suitors, and they ‘fled like a herd of cattle’. odysseus and his men were like vultures and attacked them on every side, and the suitors made ‘a horrible groaning as their brains were being battered in, and the ground seethed with their blood’ (xxii: - ). they lay ‘like fishes which fishermen have netted out of sea, and thrown upon the beach to lie gasping for water till the heat of the sun makes an end of them’ (xxii: - ). a dozen maids who slept with the suitors and were insolent to penelope and telemachus were sent to their grisly deaths too, hanged ‘one after the other’ (xxii: - ). last but not least, the goatherd was hauled outside, his nose and ears were cut off, his genitals were torn off and given to the dogs, and then ‘in their fury they cut off his hands and his feet’ (xxii : - ). of all those who were amongst the suitors only the herald and the bard were spared. as the bard claims, he makes all his ‘lays’ [paths of songs] himself, and heaven visits him with ‘every kind of inspiration’ (xxii: - ), enabling a new path for the odyssean myth. odysseus will not be satiated without this blood revenge, whilst bloom will work through his jealousy and eventually be happy to sleep next to molly. when bloom sees boylan at the ormond in the ‘sirens’ episode his initial thoughts aren’t of jealousy or revenge but boylan’s tardiness, and how this would affect molly. he is supposed to meet molly at pm: ‘has he forgotten?’ he thinks that boylan must be playing a trick — ‘not come’ to ‘whet the appetite’. this is something bloom ‘couldn’t do’ (u : , - ). but boylan is whetting his own appetite, flirting with the barmaids and having a drink. bloom will name molly’s many suitors later in the ‘ithaca’ episode — twenty five in all ( : - ) — however, these aren’t all lovers. most of the men listed ‘ogled her, goosed her, kissed her (d’arcy), inspired her revulsion etc’ (turner - ). she has had two lovers, mulvey and boylan, and the rest are ‘molly’s lovers in their dreams only’ ( ). nonetheless the list is there to ‘copy’ the odyssey in order to transcend it: ‘for there to be differential repetition there must be copyism’ ( ). it is hugh e. (blazes) boylan who is established as akin to antinous: the leader of penelope’s suitors in the odyssey. in contrast to antinous being shot in the neck as he gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e drains the wine from his goblet, boylan’s thirst will be quenched; ‘tossed to fat lips his chalice, drank off his chalice tiny, sucking the last fat violet syrupy drops’ (u : - ). the ‘bronze’ of eurymachas’s honed sword is a sunburnt ‘miss bronze’, the barmaid boylan watches as she glides ‘by the bar mirrors’: ‘bronze with sunnier bronze’ ( : , - ). as lenehan greets boylan as ‘the conquering hero’ ( : ) as he enters the ormond, bloom is ‘warily walking’. importantly though he is not described as ‘conquered’ but an ‘unconquered hero’ ( : - ). the most glaring alteration of the odyssean tradition is that odysseus is ‘pious, god - fearing, and [mostly] god-beloved’, whereas bloom, certainly affiliated with judaism in his ‘outsider’ status and his yearning for home, discards formal religion (stanford ). he is ‘polytropic’, embraces a vague ‘scientific optimism’, and if he portrays any religion through actions he is christian. as stanford summarises, he is meek, compassionate, considerate, kind to people and animals, and is gentle and has self- control ( ). harry girling recognises in bloom a counterbalance to what hannah arendt would call ‘the banality of evil’ (‘the jew in james joyce’s ulysses’ in jewish presences ). bloom stands for ‘the banality of love’. ‘he is just the kind of average man who makes everything he says or thinks irretrievably ordinary, boring, banal’, comments girling, but his assertion of the ‘banality of goodness’ doesn’t make him conquered: he is ‘never unheroic’ (girling ). surrounded by the imperialist politics and nationalism, the malevolence of industrialisation, uncaring bureaucracy and an apathetic citizenry, bloom offers hope by ‘letting love be as humdrum, unexciting, and uninspiring as common courtesy’ (girling ). the point that girling states so eloquently is that for bloom, a character developed during wwi and the violent conflict for irish independence, love is ‘[n]ot something to die for’ (and i think we can add here ‘to kill for’ also), but ‘something to survive for’ ( ; emphasis added). as the suitors gather in book xx of the odyssey, the hero odysseus, still disguised as a beggar, is included in the feast. sheep, goats, pigs and a heifer were sacrificed, and the ‘inward meats’ were cooked and served, with odysseus receiving a good portion (odyssey xx: - ). as boylan travels to eccles street bloom will sit down to the ormond’s ‘best value’ dinner and eat his liver and bacon while richie goulding eats his steak and kidney pie: ‘pat served, uncovered dishes. leopold cut liverslices. as said before he ate with relish the inner organs, nutty gizzards, fried cods’ roes while richie gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e goulding, collis, ward ate steak and kidney, steak then kidney, bite by bite of pie he ate bloom ate they ate’ (u : - ). so intent is joyce to highlight bloom’s eating of liver that it is mentioned two more times ( : , ) as well as referring to the ‘calypso’ episode (‘as said before’). in contrast to the gruesome killing of eurymachas, with odysseus’s arrow fixing itself in his liver, via differential repetition bloom will focus on the banal act of eating a cheap pub dinner. in contrast to the ancient greeks who offered the gods animal bones covered in fat or ‘inwards’ (which they would subsequently share), the godless but mindful bloom will eat the innards himself and contemplate his own response to the suitor ‘feasting’ in his house. he will not leave his response to the gods, or act on behalf of the gods, but refigures food as life affirming rather than linked to violence, and takes responsibility for his own reaction to molly’s affair. joyce had to work through his own jealousy of other men pursuing nora barnacle, and john turner makes some interesting connections. in vincent cosgrove (lynch in portrait and ulysses) made claims he had gone out with barnacle while joyce was courting her in the summer of . j. f. byrne, then living at eccles street, what was to become the blooms’ address, acted as the calming voice of reason convincing joyce that cosgrove was intent on making joyce jealous. turner maintains that ‘[a]n important part of bloom’s character is related to what byrne did for joyce in august , as they walked around the streets of dublin talking about the alleged affair (turner ‘how does leopold bloom become ulysses?’ ). while joyce needed byrne to overcome his jealousy, joyce would have bloom overcome it himself ( ). bloom’s inaction is indeed something. turner makes a very interesting point about the ‘ithaca’ episode which i think is relevant here too. ithaca’s ‘cold’ style ‘slows down’ the narrative ‘to the point where something as inconspicuous as the contemplative man’s course from jealousy to abnegation can be seen’ (turner ; also see mcdonald ‘nothing to be done’ ). reflecting the idea of sinfield’s ‘faultlines’, mcdonald also argues that the apparent ‘inaction’ in modernist texts, like joyce’s, results in a ‘thickened texture’ where inconsistencies, ‘gaps, distensions and absences’ enable the possibility for new subjectivities ( ). the ‘sirens’ episode, with its lead up to the imminent meeting of boylan and molly, has this ‘slowing down’ too. bloom contemplates going home to gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e stop the affair a number of times (see u : - ; : ; : ). budgen’s explanation for bloom’s inaction focuses on essentialist readings of bloom as a jew, as an ‘oriental’, and the fatalistic outlook of the oriental race: ‘what has to be will be. what is written will come to pass. you may prevent a thing today but what about tomorrow?’ (bugden ). as a non-practising jew his ‘racial pessimism’ cannot be derived from traditional religious observations; ‘no black fasts, no lamentations for the fall of jerusalem [and] none of the griefs and penances of israel’. he has to use the only ‘instrument’ he has through which to suffer: molly ( - ). as budgen puts it ‘[t]he griefs and exultations of the cuckolded husband are a substitute for the griefs and exultations of israel from which he is exiled’. the outsider and loner bloom can gain ‘an underground substitute for noisy backslapping, [and] arm-gripping comradeship’ as he ‘shares’ his wife with other men ( ). while i think there is evidence to suggest that molly’s affair(s) titillates his fancy — for example with bloom climaxing on molly ‘the night boylan gave [her] hand a great squeeze’ ( : ), and molly commenting that bloom doesn’t have ‘the courage’ to have an affair with a married woman, ‘that’s why he wants me and boylan’ to ( : - ) — i don’t think this extends to bloom desiring a ‘backslapping’, homosocial relationship with the dubliners he observes and engages with. as argued in chapter three, bloom is critical of the irresponsibility of many dubliner men and has no wish to partake in the social practices of ‘rounds’ or treating. no, bloom wants no backslap, but budgen’s reading of why bloom doesn’t act is reflective of established racial and gender politics and discourse of the s when budgen was writing his influential book. joyce challenged these politics (see chapters one and three). rather than taking up budgen’s proposed masochism, we might more fruitfully return to bloom’s philosophy of love and his philosopher spinoza, who argued that one must accept the limitations of human life. bloom’s responses to infidelity are not bound by religion or the broader, confining patriarchy of turn of the century dublin. the slaughter of the suitors and their supporters in the odyssey is about ‘law’ and ‘justice’ (clarke ‘manhood and heroism’ ), however, it should be highlighted that these are conventions for the protection of property (including wives and families) and the appeasement of the ever-watching gods. bloom rejects gods and works through the urges to interrupt the liaison between molly and boylan. bloom’s ‘slaughter’ is not outward looking but internal and his victory is psychological (ellmann ‘joyce and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e homer’ ; stanford ). what guides bloom is the spinozistic acceptance of the limitations of human life and the resultant domestic tranquillity such acceptance brings (raleigh ; also see stanford ): but human power is very limited and is infinitely surpassed by the power of external causes . . . nevertheless we shall bear with equanimity those things which happen to us contrary to what a consideration of our profit demands if we are conscious that we have performed our duty, that the power we have could not reach so far as to enable us to avoid those things, and that we are a part of the whole of nature, whose order we follow. (spinoza ethics iv, appendix, statement ) as byre told joyce, bloom will judge for himself that boylan is a ‘boaster’ and will work through his ‘antagonistic sentiments’ of ‘envy’ and ‘jealousy’ to his ‘subsequent reflections’ of ‘abnegation’ and ‘equanimity’ (u : , - ). he had already reconciled the inevitability of the affair in ‘sirens’ as he thinks ‘woman. as easy stop the sea. yes: all is lost’ ( : ). scholars such as myra jehlen (‘archimedes and the paradox of feminist criticism’ ), jules law (‘the home of discourse: joyce and modern language philosophy’ ) and bonnie kim scott (‘james joyce: a subversive geography of gender’ - ) explore the significance of the ‘geography of gender’ and how independence for women in narrative is achieved ‘as open access to the sea’ (jehlen ), as it is this ‘feminine territory that male characters are least able to hold to patriarchal values’ (scott ). as budgen notes regarding the form of the ‘penelope’ episode, molly’s voice ‘snakes’ its way through the last episode of ulysses, and ‘like a river winding through a plain’, it finds ‘its true course by the compelling logic of its own fluidity and weight’ (budgen ). developing geraldine meaney’s argument, joyce’s writing of the feminine works against ‘time’s arrow’ and its trajectory of ‘history’ and violence, and re-establishes ‘time’s cycle’ enabling the interrogation of ‘progress’, society and identity (meaney - ). in bloom’s subversion of ‘time’s arrow’ he will reason that sex is after all ‘as natural as any and every natural act of a nature expressed or understood executed in natured nature by natural creatures in accordance with his, her and their natured natures, of dissimilar similarity’ (u : - ). bloom sets out to put the affair into perspective: it is not, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e for example as ‘calamitous as a cataclysmic annihilation of the planet’, as ‘reprehensible as theft’ or ‘cruelty to children and animals’, stealing, or betrayal of public trust, malingering, mayhem, corruption of minors, criminal libel, blackmail, contempt of court, arson, treason, felony, mutiny on the high seas, trespass, burglary, jailbreaking, practice of unnatural vice, desertion from armed forces in the field, perjury, poaching, usury, intelligence with the king’s enemies, impersonation, criminal assault, manslaughter, wilful and premeditated murder. ( : - ) we might see bloom’s compilation of the day’s events, expenditures and receipts in the ‘ithaca’ episode as also engaging in a ‘spiritual casting up of accounts’. his methodical reckoning of the ‘moral balance sheet’ show he had sustained no loss and had brought a positive gain to others (raleigh - ; u : - ). given bloom has not had penetrative intercourse with molly for over ten years, since the death of their son rudy, he sees the affair, the latest ‘suitor’ and ‘late occupant of the bed’ ( : - ), as another practically scientific example of ‘adaptation to altered conditions of existence’ bringing back ‘equilibrium’ to molly (the ‘bodily organism’) and her ‘attendant circumstances’ ( : - ). with ‘bloodless thought’ bloom works through the envy and jealousy and turns his rival(s) into ‘nonentities’, and this work is done as efficiently as the ‘bloody-minded’ odysseus (budgen ). ‘womanly wise’: gerty’s ‘brekky’ and molly’s meat and seeds nancy felson and laura slatkin see equilibrium as central to the odyssey and the state of oikos: ‘how will the patriarchal domestic economy work, or not work, when the patriarch is gone, perhaps never to return?’ (‘gender and the homeric epic’ - ). as joyce’s hero moves from the homeric piercing of livers to a thoughtful dining on livers, signalling bloom ‘working through’ envy and jealousy, he also cultivates a turn-of the- century heroine who works through gender politics. budgen suggests that in the ‘penelope’ episode molly ‘runs through all the world that is hers . . . paint[ing] a portrait of herself not known to leopold, and a portrait of a poldy not known to him or his friends, and a picture of the world, the values of which would be disputed by every gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e other person in the book’ (budgen - ). there is no traditional irish patriarchy at eccles street, but molly lives in a world that doesn’t tolerate the blooms’ deviations from gendered expectations, nor acknowledge a woman’s independent sexual needs and desires. as with bloom, molly’s ‘working through’ her own conflicting thoughts bears interesting insight read through the complex interrelationships of food, and for molly this is intrinsically linked to love, sex and power. we might suppose molly stands in contrast to ‘penelope’ in the odyssey, and indeed all the feasting in homeric political economy, for she participates in the masculine consumption of meat. this is a problematic comparison as meat eating occurs in the macho and virile public realm in the iliad and the odyssey. in the ‘penelope’ episode of ulysses there is evidence of public eating, though this is met with anxiety. in the ancient greek world of homer both meat preparation and meat consumption is a male activity (rundin ‘a politics of eating: feasting in early greek society’ ). mortal women will only watch festivities and feasts from their thresholds (iliad : ; rundin ). even helen, daughter of zeus, and arete, a phaeacian (‘closer to the gods than normal humans’), though they sit down at feasts, do not eat or drink (rundin ). molly certainly eats, and she is a strong woman with a ‘voice’, but she also displays characteristics of homer’s non-eating women and joyce’s other female characters who have a voice but do not eat: dante riordan and gerty macdowell. dante speaks, and as michael toolan observes this gives stephen his earliest example of non serviam (toolan ), but she stops eating in the process (see chapter three). speaking necessitates defiant food denial or conversely an alternate form of suppression. despite gerty remembering her father as a drunk, she will recall fondly when they ‘stewed cockles’ and ate them with lettuce and lazenby’s salad dressing for supper (u : - ). as she fantasises about creating a ‘home’ with bloom — ‘for gerty was womanly wise and knew that a mere man liked that feeling of hominess’ ( : - ) — she imagines making her acclaimed griddlecakes and queen ann’s pudding ( : - ). though she takes pride in her cooking and is particular about recipe instructions — ‘dredge in the selfraising flour and always stir in the same direction, then cream the milk and sugar and whisk well the white of eggs’ ( : - ) — and though she likes the idea of ‘brekky’ for two, she doesn’t like the idea of eating where ‘there were any people that made her shy’ ( : - ). gerty’s anxiety about eating here is a little gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ambiguous as she may well be ‘shy’ with a husband. she wants a marriage where they ‘would be just good friends like a big brother and sister without all that other in spite of the conventions of society with a big ess’ ( : - ), and so a husband, not so happy to be just ‘friends’, could also put her off food. her reluctance to eat could indicate ‘unvoiced rebellion’ about societal expectations (plock ‘modernism’s feast on science’ ), though the textual evidence also exhibits societal and cultural power. an ‘acute observer of popular culture’, joyce developed gerty’s character as a reflection of popular women’s magazines and sentimental novels (beetham a magazine of her own ; leonard advertising and commodity culture in joyce - ; henke ‘gerty macdowell: joyce’s sentimental heroine’; plock ‘modernism’s feast’ ). cheap printed magazines signalled that ‘women’s work’, of raising children, managing a household, cooking and cleaning, was increasingly being considered ‘skilled work’ (beetham ). alternatively, women’s magazines also reflect the loss of face-to-face contact with other women, and a ‘loss of voice’ ( ). in their own homes women become an imagined, homogenous community ( ). advertisements create ‘facts’ about women — ‘we are consumers’, ‘we are individuals’ — when individuals are really ‘trapped in the illusion of choice’ creating themselves according to how they have already been created (williamson in leonard ). at times molly exhibits her internalisation of this illusion. she recalls anticipating her role of housewife with bloom as she remembers printing her married name ‘to see how it looked on a visiting card or practising for the butcher’ (u : - ). she may rehearse the role of purchasing household provisions but we learn that she does eat, and importantly eats meat. she has eaten a pork chop with a cup of tea, after boylan left, but she suspects it might not have been quite good, thinking the ‘queerlooking man in the porkbutchers is a great rogue’ ( : - ). she seems to eat meat regularly though this comparative luxury, given the domestic economy of other dubliner households, is not devoid of anxiety. she is tired of meat we learn; she no longer likes to eat it or does not think the quality good: ‘im sick of that everlasting butchers meat from buckleys loin chops and leg beef and rib steak and scag of mutton and calfs pluck the very name is enough’ ( : - ). while she is ambivalent about the meat at buckley’s she did enjoy the poultry she remembers eating at the glencree dinner. though the food is delicious, social mores inhibit her ability to devour the plate of food: ‘i wished i could have picked up every morsel of that chicken out of my fingers it was so tasty and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e browned and as tender as anything only for i didnt want to eat everything on my plate’ ( : - ). behind the bedroom door though molly is free to eat as much as she wants. joyce’s differential repetition transforms the meat that falls to the ground during odysseus’s battle, with the dead bodies of the suitors piled on top of it (the odyssey xxii: - , - ), into the flakes of ‘recooked’ plumtree potted meat still in molly and bloom’s bed (u : , - ). tired after their afternoon of sex, molly and boylan take the port and potted meat back to bed. molly felt ‘tired and lovely’ and notes that she enjoyed the ‘fine salty taste’ of the potted meat — ‘a small jar’ — that boylan had sent in the fruit hamper ( : - ; : ). plock remarks that potted meat was a luxury: ‘in an ordinary can of potted meat would cost the average worker three times the amount of his daily wages’ ( ). plock confirms, however, that canned food was also ‘liable to manipulation’ and dietary experts expressed their concern for potted meat that was not as it seemed. boylan and molly’s post coital bed picnic was potentially adulterated — and, i offer, perhaps the cause of molly’s upset stomach rather than the pork chop — thus alluding to their adulterous tryst (plock ). whether tampered with or not, molly did like the taste. what is interesting is the various other references to meat and what this says about molly’s objectification and her ruminations on this. molly rejects meat (at least from one particular butcher) and likes meat (potted meat and the chicken at the glencree dinner), but throughout ulysses we also see molly herself being fragmented, ready to be consumed. theorising the common oppressions of women and animals, carol j. adams focuses on the parallel trajectories of animals killed for meat and violence against women (the sexual politics of meat ). violence is not my concern here though aspects of the theory prove interesting and highlight molly’s sexual agency and her concomitant thoughts about being fragmented (her much admired bosom, curves and feet) or treated like an animal. bloom thinks of molly’s ‘ample bedwarmed flesh’ (u : - ). he shows stephen a photo of her in the ‘eumaeus’ episode, and while her low cut evening dress reveals too much bosom for stephen (bloom also thinking the ‘getup’ wasn’t the most flattering), bloom is proud of his wife’s ‘opulent curves’, ‘which come in for a lot of notice usually’ ( : - ). mccoy remembers with delight a bumpy car ride with the blooms, with molly and her ‘fine pair’ bumping up against him: ‘god bless her. like that’ ( : - ). molly will gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e reveal in her soliloquy that she likes to ‘show [her] bubs’ ( : ). molly’s form is a topic of pub talk as nosey flynn gossips about molly’s food consumption: ‘i met [bloom] the day before yesterday and he coming out of that irish farm dairy john wyse nolan’s wife has in henry street with a jar of cream in his hand taking it home to his better half. she’s well nourished, i tell you. plovers on toast’ ( : - ). the narrator in ‘cyclops’ will refer to molly as the ‘fat heap’ bloom married ( : ), rather than the ‘buxom lassy’, as she is referred to in ‘sirens’ ( : ). for bloom, molly is distinguished from the dublin ‘skeletons’. molly could ‘knock spots off’ the dubliner women who enable their alcoholic husbands ( : ). molly’s ‘moorish’ blood, her ‘form’ and ‘figure’ ( : - ) are juxtaposed with dubliner housewives ‘locked up at home’ like a ‘skeleton in the cupboard’ ( : - ). as the dubliner housewife tolerates the skeleton in the closet — alcoholism — this undernourished woman becomes ‘nondescript’: ‘always see a fellow’s weak point in his wife’ ( : - ), bloom thinks. bloom is unique, however, ‘a bit of an artist in his spare time, on the female form’ and had earlier in the day examined the greek statues and imagined the lovely ‘hams’ under a woman’s skirt. the greeker than greek bloom sees a woman’s form from multiple perspectives: aesthetically and socially. molly can understand the desirability of her curves but is unsure about the attention to her feet. boylan noticed the ‘shape’ of her foot ‘even before he was introduced’. she had been listening to bloom and was ‘waggling’ her foot ‘laughing and trying to listen’, and boylan’s eyes followed her feet as she walked back from the lavatory (u : - ). bloom also fetishizes molly’s feet. molly recalls bloom wanting her to ‘walk in all the horses dung [she] could find’; ‘hes not natural like the rest of the world’ she thinks ( : - ). freud would say this replacement of the human subject of sexual attraction with an isolated body part is a ‘mechanism of denial’. the anxious male fetishist ‘denies woman as the object of his desire and instead embraces something safer . . . [a] truncated body part’ (bendiner food in painting - ; freud complete work vol. xxi - , vol. xx ). bloom’s purchase of a pig crubeen and a sheep trotter then seems to build on this fetishism. when molly appears in ‘circe’ her feet are bejewelled and ‘[h]er ankles are linked by a slender fetterchain’. she asks bloom ‘has poor little hubby cold feet waiting so long?’ ( : - ). as discussed in chapter two, the english mastiff and retriever get the crubeen and trotter, symbolising imperial violence. nonetheless bloom’s capacity for parallax also make him reflect on his gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e absurdity ( : ). denying his fetish he won’t bring ‘crubeens for her supper’ — watching her feet while she eats feet — but will let it slide ( : , ). bloom also rethinks his fragmenting of women and his fetishizing of feet in the ‘nausicaa’ episode. initially embarrassed that he had masturbated while watching the ‘lame’ gerty, with the imperfect feet — ‘glad i didn’t know it when she was on show’ — he also critiques the idea of ‘her exclusion and exceptionality’ by incorporating disability, femininity and sexuality (bednarska ‘a crippled erotic: gender and disability in james joyce’s “nausicaa”’ ). far from unmarriageable, bloom relegates gerty’s limp to the ‘ordinary’ (like wearing glasses) and in the process ‘allow[s] the space for gerty macdowell to exist as a sexual subject’ ( ). molly may be bemused (with boylan) and tolerant (with bloom) and their fetish for her feet, but she objects to being slapped on the bottom: ‘one thing i didnt like his slapping me behind going away so familiarly in the hall though i laughed im not a horse or an ass am i i suppose he was thinking of his fathers’ (u : - ). molly dwells on the slap, and boylan’s lack of manners and refinement ( : - ), but becomes less indignant thinking his unwelcome spank is ‘because they were so plump and tempting in [her] short petticoat he couldnt resist’ ( : - ). even so, as kiberd contends, molly shares ‘the worldwide fear that she is loved not for herself so much as for her sexual parts’, and bloom’s and boylan’s bottom fetish (in addition to the foot fetish) seem ‘violations of her identity’ ( ). she sees the sense in a man showing adoration by kissing a woman’s foot, but she draws the line at bottom kissing: ‘any man thatd kiss a womans bottom id throw my hat at him after that hed kiss anything unnatural where we havent i atom of any kind of expression in us all of us the same lumps of lard before ever id do that to a man pfooh the dirty brutes the mere thought is enough’ ( : - ). in ‘circe’ she re-establishes herself as a complete sexual subject by slapping her turbaned camel and ‘scolding him in moorish’ rather than being the objectified ‘disgruntled hindquarter’ ( : - ). as bloom works through his feelings about molly and boylan, and his own passivity, molly’s soliloquy also processes her marriage, eventually bringing her to an ambiguous but emphatic ‘yes’. molly ‘working through’ frustration to her own more loving state of equanimity towards the end and this journey is intertwined with food memories and food references. though molly and bloom experience overt linear time — l’étendu — gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e on june , we also experience the characters’ durée (bergson time and free will - ). that is, as well as providing the reader with the sense of the continuation of an ancient story, the novel engenders a sense of ‘universal time’ as the totality of experience, where the ‘past, present, and future’ of molly and bloom ‘exist on the one day’ (gillies henri bergson and british modernism ). as indicated in the first chapter, the tension between l’étendu and durée was a central concern for modernists as they explored the possibilities of psychological time and implicitly contrasted it with more restrictive objective time (for example see gillies - ; caporaletti ‘the thematization of time’ - ; kumar bergson and the stream of consciousness novel; le brun ‘t. s. eliot and henri bergson’; forster aspects of the novel). mary gillies, drawing on the work of shiv kumar, suggests that unlike woolf, joyce’s primary concern was less placing l’étendu and durée in opposition and more his ‘awareness of the free creative evolution of personality unimpeded by utilitarian interests’ and the ‘personality as a process of dynamic blending of physic states’ (kumar - ; gillies ). joyce wanted to represent life’s fluid inner world (gillies ) and its most forceful expression is in the final episode of ulysses as molly explores her life. the present is her whole life: ‘here molly’s life ranges over various moments in her life. echoes of all her choices in life are heard in the resounding “yes” with which the episode ends, making the one moment her entire lifetime’ ( ). while in chapter three i share kiberd’s more pessimistic reading of gender in ulysses, i do deviate from his reading of molly’s obsessive repetition of ‘yes’ as ‘a desperate strategy to convince herself that she is actually talking to someone’ (men and feminism ). for kiberd the tragedy of the final episode is the lack of ‘social occasions’. as he points out, ‘bloom never does manage to put his arms round his wife and forgive her in person, as he has already forgiven her in his mind — and she never tells him what she tells herself, that he is still the finest man in dublin, and handsome as well’ ( ). in joyce’s exploration of a character’s ‘duration’ the absent (and perhaps expected) social occasions are purposefully and distinctly bergsion. the social self — the outer self — is the ‘crust solidified on the surface’, useful for social interaction but not ‘vital’ (bergson creative evolution ; gillies ). rather than tragic, hope emerges through ‘mémoire réele’ (bergson matter and memory). molly and bloom’s past can ‘be called to new life’ as significant past events, or what e. m. forster calls ‘notable pinnacles’ of the ‘life by values’ (aspects of the novel ), have been preserved ‘in their gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e original intensity’ and acquire ‘new and deeper significance’ (caporaletti ). but, this also has broader, political significance as joyce’s emphasis on ‘real’ memories and the types of memories that affirm the foundations of society, sit in contrast with tampered narratives of history. memories of betrayal won’t supply the irish with the ‘original intensity’ of prior community, and neither will the efforts of creating or retaining an imagined ‘irishness’ via myth of racial differentiation. a new ireland can only emerge via new habits and memories outside the structures of ‘history’, patriarchy and violence. the resolution or hope is found in the ‘penelope’ episode’s form as molly’s final ‘yes’ is contingent on the order of her thoughts and how subsequent thoughts are sparked, and the reflection upon the near past in relation to the more distant ‘notable pinnacles’ (gillies ). as kiberd remarks, molly and bloom ‘are married in the depths of the soul’ as they share the same thoughts on the inevitability (given the circumstances) of molly’s infidelity (kiberd ; see u : , : , : - ). in addition to this shared explanation, another connection is revealed as they both recall that notable pinnacle of when bloom proposed and they made love for the first time. it is this pinnacle in their lives which provides the type of ‘sweet traces’ proust refers to; all the things which figure in memories that first appear inconsequential or as obstacles to ‘the event’ are eventually the moments that have ‘sunk so deep’ and leave ‘so sweet a trace’ (proust against sainte-beuve - ). it is their memory of exchanging ‘sweet traces’ of seedcake as they make love for the first time, that provides the hope in ulysses; it is a shared event which continues to inform their present and future. jacques derrida suggests that whenever molly or bloom think ‘yes’, ‘the other is hooked up somewhere on the telephone’ (‘ulysses gramophone: hear say yes in joyce’ ; m. ellmann ‘“penelope” without the body’ ). belying their monologues, the ‘yes’ is, as maud ellmann affirms, ‘an answer to another’ just as the kiss and the exchange of seed cake on howth head demands another kisser ( ). in addition to this theme of ‘connection’, however, is joyce’s rejection of marriage and its metaphysical notion of ‘mystical union’ (brown joyce and sexuality ). joyce rejected ‘recognised virtues’ (letters of james joyce ii ), and wrote ‘how i hate god and death! [and] how i like nora’ (letters ii ), due to godly love’s seeming inseparability from death and nothingness, rather than life (boysen ‘the necropolis of gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e love’ ). in october joyce and nora barnacle would begin living together in unmarried union, rejecting marital conventionality and the church’s failure to recognize their ‘biological humanity’ (brown , ). that molly and bloom’s physical union is symbolised by the exchange of seedcake also places food, taste and touch (the body) — rather than abstinence, sight and sound (and the mind) — at the centre of life. joyce’s lower senses renounce traditional philosophical dualisms and hierarchies, and also upsets the traditional literary framing of appetitive gusto as associated with moral feebleness (kessler ‘one reader’s digest: toward a gastronomic theory of literature’ ). furthermore, joyce shakes up the place of women and sexuality in historiography, challenging how women have been framed as the ‘mono-cause of history’s ills’ (see u : - ; spoo ‘genders of history in “nestor”’ ). though the real experiences of women are notably absent from history, and the woman’s role is often ‘titular, mythic, [and] ahistorical’, history is personified as ‘woman’ and the ‘erotic ambush’, or female seduction, becomes the ‘first cause’ of the ‘many errors and many sins’ which men commit (spoo - ; u : - ). in joyce’s hands history’s, and society’s, smothering of women’s realities also reveals how this repression and silencing negates everyone — ‘male, female, citizen and artist’ — from living an authentic life (spoo ). in the context of colonial politics, where the irish are the ‘feminine’ in the ‘union’ of imperial ruler and subject, spoo’s argument has other pressing implications. for the colonial rulers the irish were the ‘first cause’, needing the ‘godly love’ of death and suppression ‘for their own good’. by affirming the feminine in ulysses, by realigning the appetitive, food and the body with love, joyce disrupts the dualisms that continue to affirm the subjugation of the irish. bloom’s thoughts about love and molly occur in the ‘lestrygonians’ episode, after he has left the numb, gristle ‘chewing’ corpses at burton’s pub and settles down with a glass of burgundy at the more gentile pub of davey byrne. the disturbing sight of ‘famished ghosts’ at burton’s is replaced with the sun-ripened thoughts of molly at howth: glowing wine on his palate lingered swallowed. crushing in the winepress grapes of burgundy. sun’s heat it is. seems to a secret touch telling me memory. touched his sense moistened remembered. hidden under wild ferns on howth below us bay sleeping: sky. no sound. the sky. the bay purple by the lion’s gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e head. green by drumleck. yellowgreen towards sutton. fields of undersea, the lines faint brown in grass, buried cities. pillowed on my coat she had her hair, earwigs in the heather scrub my hand under her nape, you’ll toss me all. o wonder! coolsoft with ointments her hand touched me, caressed: her eyes upon me did not turn away. ravished over her i lay, full lips full open, kissed her mouth. yum. softly she gave me in my mouth the seedcake warm and chewed. mawkish pulp her mouth had mumbled sweetsour of her spittle. joy: i ate it: joy. young life, her lips that gave me pouting. soft warm sticky gumjelly lips. flowers her eyes were, take me, willing eyes. pebbles fell. she lay still. a goat. no-one. high on ben howth rhododendrons a nannygoat walking surefooted, dropping currants. screened under ferns she laughed warmfolded. wildly i lay on her, kissed her: eyes, her lips, her stretched neck beating, woman’s breasts full in her blouse of nun’s veiling, fat nipples upright. hot i tongued her. she kissed me. i was kissed. all yielding she tossed my hair. kissed, she kissed me. me. and me now. (u : - ) in the final episode molly contemplates the events of the day, including her affair with boylan. while she has been angry at bloom throughout the episode, especially for what she perceives to be his implicit encouragement of the affair, in the end what is most important are her life affirming memories: the sun shines for you he said the day we were lying among the rhododendrons on howth head in the grey tweed suit and his straw hat the day i got him to propose to me yes first i gave him the bit of seedcake out of my mouth and it was leapyear like now yes years ago my god after that long kiss i near lost my breath yes he said i was a flower of the mountain yes so we are flowers all a womans body yes that was one true thing he said in his life and the sun shines for you today yes that was why i liked him because i saw he understood or felt what a woman is and i knew i could always get round him and i gave him all the pleasure i could leading him on till he asked me to say yes and i wouldnt answer first only looked out over the sea and the sky i was thinking of so many things . . . and gibraltar as a girl where i was a flower of the mountain yes when i put the rose in my hair like the andalusian girls used or shall i wear a red yes and how he kissed me under the moorish wall and i thought well as well him as another gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e and then i asked him with my eyes to ask again yes and then he asked me would i yes to say yes my mountain flower and first i put my arms around him yes and drew him down to me so he could feel my breasts all perfume yes and his heart was going like mad and yes i said yes i will yes. ( : - ) in order to reach the common involuntary memory of eating seedcake and making love, however, molly ruminates on events where food isn’t indicative of community and love but reflects the state of turn of the century ireland. as in the case of bloom’s thoughts, and joyce’s use of parallax, food is used to indicate social inequality, post-famine and post-parnell unethical behaviour, and also the gender politics of the domestic economy. the glencree dinner makes molly aware of ‘the way the world is divided’ (u : ) and reveals the stinginess of larry from orourkes sending a ‘mangy parcel’ of a cottage cake and cheap claret for christmas ( : - ). she suspects the servant stole her ‘potatoes and the oysters / per doz’ ( : - ), and initially perceives boylan’s gift basket as a ‘putoff’ with ‘him sending the port and the peaches first and i was just beginning to yawn with nerves thinking he was trying to make a fool of me’ ( : - ). molly resents not having a servant: she made the last one leave due to her thieving, but also as a result of bloom ‘ruining’ her through kind gestures, such as ‘proposing that she could eat at our table on christmas day if you please’ ( : - ). nonetheless she is left with the ‘damn cooking’ as well as the other housework ( : ). a number of molly’s and bloom’s meals reframe societal structure and their eating of soup and potato gives new meaning to the entrenched symbols of the famine. molly remembers bloom’s embarrassing absconding with ‘boiling soup’, refusing to pay until he had finished (u : - ), and how bloom was on the verge of proposing when she was ‘rolling potato cake’ with her ‘hands and arms full of pasty flour’ ( : - ). before she meets boylan, she and bloom eat ‘plain bread and butter’ ( : ). though she complains about bloom’s ‘paltry’ income from the freeman’s journal, molly comments on bloom’s desire for ‘eggs and tea and findon haddy and hot buttered toast’ ( : - ). she subsequently imagines him ‘sitting up like the king of the country pumping up and down [on] his egg’, but this imagined inflated position is tolerated by molly as she loves how he ‘[falls] up the stairs of a morning with the cups rattling on the tray’ ( : - ). she is treated like a queen. turner points out that we are unsure if bloom actually demanded breakfast from molly, ‘to virilise himself and gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e become a more successful realization of the dominant, patriarchal, authoritarian male’ (jameson the modernist papers ; turner ). she may have misconstrued bloom’s tired ramblings — ‘egg in the night of the bed’ (u : ) — for ‘breakfast in bed with a couple of eggs ( : ; turner ). even so, bloom’s daily (and clumsy) thoughtfulness acknowledged, she thinks she will ‘get a nice piece of cod’ and ‘some blancmange with black current jam like long ago’ (u : - ). fish for the fisherman of men — the proclaimed ‘new apostle to the gentiles’ ( : ), the lover of love not hate and prejudice — is appropriate. molly is proud of her husband. she well knows bloom’s acquaintances ‘[make] fun of him behind his back . . . when he goes on with his idiotics’ but he is a better husband than those ‘goodfornothings’ like dignam and simon dedalus: ‘he has sense enough not to squander every penny piece he earns . . . and looks after his wife and family’ ( : - ). molly’s reciprocation of bloom’s thoughtfulness is interrupted by her lamenting stephen not staying the night, as she would ‘have brought him in breakfast in bed with a bit of toast’ (u : - ). her thoughts soon shift to bloom and ‘[giving] him one more chance’ ( : ) and cooking for him. it is significant that at this point at the end of the episode molly considers going over to the markets ‘to see all the vegetables and cabbages and tomatoes and carrots and all kinds of splendid fruits all coming in lovely and fresh’ ( : - ). here is a way she can connect to gibraltar where she made pisto madrileno ( : ; emphasis added), a spanish dish of red peppers and tomatoes (gifford ), so different to the turn of the century ‘scientific’ preparation of vegetables that subdued them ‘until they bore as little resemblance as possible to their natural state’ (see shapiro perfection salad , ; schaffer ‘the importance of being greedy’ ). that mrs dwenn wrote to molly asking for her recipe for the simple pepper and tomato dish (u : - ) reflects the approach to cooking at this time. raw food was menacing and associated with savagery while elaborate cooking ‘disciplined food’ through its deliberate blanching out of the flavour with bland white sauces, excessive cooking and the use of gelatine (shapiro - , , ; schaffer - ). as talia schaffer points out, food that ‘neither pleased the palate, nor satisfied the stomach, nor built up the body’ suited turn of the century women ‘who wished to demonstrate that she had neither appetite, nor hunger, nor other bodily needs’ ( ). upper and middle-class status demanded ‘restraint in eating’; good women, after all, ‘tighten their corsets and limit their appetites’ (munich ‘good and plenty’ ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e paul o’hanrahan contends that molly’s plan to venture out early to the markets indicates ‘a more open, public and engaged lifestyle, casting off the recumbent mode to which she has been confined’. the markets represent a ‘rejuvenated city’ (o’hanrahan ‘the geography of the body in “penelope”’ ). as explored in chapter one, for the citizen and for bloom the markets symbolised colonial oppression with the best produce and stock being exported and inferior and cheap goods being imported. in the ‘penelope’ episode the markets and shops provide the necessary link between molly’s thoughts about her floral bedroom wallpaper (u : - ) to that most memorable day on howth head where she ate seedcake and was a mountain flower. instead of being confined by the wallpaper like the female figure in charlotte perkins gilmore’s the yellow wallpaper, joyce ‘shakes the bars’ of the cage that confines women (spoo ‘genders in history in “nestor”’ ). molly thinks she ‘can get up early [and] go to the lambes there beside findlaters and get them to send us some flowers to put about the place’ in case bloom brings stephen back later that day (u : - ). she thinks she will wear a white rose and contemplates buying ‘fairy cakes . . . / d a lb or the ones with the cherries in them and the pinky sugar d a couple of lbs of those’ from the ‘rich big shop’ ( : - ). when she thinks about ‘a nice plant in the middle of the table’ though ( : ), a shift occurs from decorating the interior of the house — ‘to have the whole place swimming in roses’ ( : - ) — to the more sweeping deference to the beauty, variety and the abundance of nature: theres nothing like nature the wild mountains then the sea and the waves rushing then the beautiful country with the fields of oats and wheat and all kinds of things and all the fine cattle going about that would do your heart good to see rivers and lakes and flowers all sorts of shapes and smells and colours springing up even out of the ditches primroses and violets ( : - ) boylan’s straw hat is replaced with the hat bloom wore to howth head when he proposed. the flowers for the house and the fruit boylan sent are replaced with rhododendrons, and fanciful fairy cakes become earthy and lifegiving ‘seedcake’. in his recollection of that day at howth bloom also harbours details of the surrounding nature: the ‘wild ferns’, the purple bay ‘sleeping’, the variegated colours of the fields, the heather, and the goat walking on pebbles. both molly and bloom begin their howth memories with a salutation to the sun. as bloom drinks his burgundy he can taste the gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ‘sun’s heat’, ‘touching’ the memory of molly on that day when he told her ‘the sun shines for you’. molly’s memory of that passionate day is noticeably sullied with two less romantic thoughts: ‘i knew i could always get round him’ and ‘i thought well as well him as another’, but it would be a mistake to confuse what she ‘knew’ and ‘thought’ on that day with her thoughts many years later. as i suggest in chapter three, this can be read as yet another example of how joyce inserts unemotional and detached rationalism so he can include sentimenta lity. in molly’s remembrance of this ‘notable pinnacle’, where seed becomes the earth, bloom clearly isn’t like other men. she saw all those years ago that he ‘understood or felt what a woman is’. he told her that she was ‘a flower of the mountain’. this comment is transformative as it makes molly empathetic to all women — ‘yes so we are flowers all a womans body’ — whereas throughout the episode she had been defensive and competitive with other women (for example wives of suitors, possible suitors of boylan or bloom, possibly a flirtatious servant). as maud ellmann suggests, molly’s quite narcissistic tendencies are explained by a sense of ‘alienation’ as she sees herself through the eyes of men (‘“penelope” without the body’ ). she thus generally thinks of women as competition rather than sharing with them innate commonalities. annette shandler levitt argues that it is the ‘multiplicity’ of women, what luce irigaray calls the ‘ceaseless exchange with the other’, that manages to permeate molly’s thoughts in the end (levitt ‘the pattern out of the wallpaper’ ; irigaray this sex which is not one ). the plenitude of molly’s plans, memories, and the abundance of nature illustrates irigaray’s principle of metonymy: the richness of the world she experiences is herself (levitt ). she is ‘several at the one time’ with no aspect ‘dominating the other’ (irigaray ‘our lips speak together’ ), and ‘without the possibility of identifying either’ (irigaray this sex ). there is a fluid exchange where multiplicity is part of the woman, and woman is a part of the natural world. thus, the more diverse molly is, the more she exemplifies all women (levitt ). if bloom is a ‘mixed middling’ (u : - ), ‘with a touch of the artist’ ( : ), molly is also enriched by her diversity and contradiction. molly is ‘a mixture of plum and apple’ ( : ); ‘juicy and fleshy’ and ‘crisp’ and offering resistance (levitt ). similarly she can’t decide on the purity of the white flower or the passion of the red (u : , ), but, as irigaray stresses, women are ‘quite red’ and ‘still so white’: ‘you don’t lose your candor as you become ardent’, she states (irigaray ‘our lips’ ; levitt ). gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e more than marking molly and bloom’s union through their memories of that day at howth, the ‘penelope’ episode reworks the relationship between betrayal, death and proposes a way to an alternate life for the irish. molly and bloom have suffered loss with the death of their infant son, and bloom still seems to fear the recurrence of the loss by not having sex with molly. in this light bloom thus struggles against the ‘godly’ connection between love and death, but he finds a way, through abnegation, of not denying molly’s ‘nature’. bloom may not have fully discarded the salt cloak of history, but throughout his journey joyce presents the means to thwart its repressive paralysis. molly and bloom are akin in their abundance and multiplicity, and molly’s final yes to her bloom and her giving him another chance hinges on molly’s identification with nature, particularly, as levitt notes, ‘embodied by the lowly, earthy flowers’ ( ): ‘i was a flower of the mountain’, like ‘all’ women she declares, but she is also bloom’s mountain flower as he is her bloom (u : , , ). joyce wrote to harriet weaver that the ‘penelope’ episode depicted ‘the earth which is prehuman and resumably posthuman’ (selected letters ). joyce suggests ‘a topography prior to . . . the imposition of the human subject’, ‘underneath the skin of gendered, individuated selves’ (m. ellmann ‘penelope’ - ). while there is, as derrida suggests, a telephone connection in the molly and bloom’s ‘yes’, we also see that their shared ‘seed’ also connects them to the earth, and forever to each other in nature via metempsychosis. bloom’s ‘grave’ thoughts are not just about a farm in palestine but also a cyclical reconnection to molly. his thoughts of being buried in his ‘native earth’ — a ‘bit of clay from the holy land’ (u : ) — and subsequently fertilising the land and producing oranges, citrons, olives and melons, is a fitting match for molly who feels all ‘plums and apples’ and is a flower of the mountain. conclusion the stringing of the bow in the odyssey is a sign of strength and identity; the king is revealed beneath his rags. for turner this marvel corresponds to bloom reaching abnegation (turner ). but, if the stringing of the bow is about identity then perhaps the differential repetition is the eating of seedcake, for it is this memory that reaffirms who molly and bloom are, who they love, and who they want to be. while terry eagleton contends that the ‘greatest of all irish novels turns on an ironic unity-com- discrepancy between humdrum text and a heroic subtext’, and ulysses remains gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e suspended between ‘the mythic and the real’ ( ), the novel presents a new kind of heroism as a counter to destructive nationalism. joyce’s hero works through his feelings about love, women, sex, death, power and life, and although confined to the city and the home his journey encourages a different world view to the one striving for domination, power, and revenge. molly’s multiplicity demonstrates her fluid thoughts about men, sex and love as she negotiates her own sexuality in early twentieth century dublin and rethinks her experiences and her life with bloom. food is a central concern for bloom and molly, and joyce uses food in his stylistic register to indicate his deviations from the homeric world, and sham heroics generally, and to reject the salt cloak of a ‘womanless’ history and the confines of a ‘mystical’ marriage. where history paralyses the irish, and wipes women’s experiences and casts them as temptresses, joyce interrogates the contrivance of women as the ‘first cause’. joyce refigures the ‘greek’ characteristic of ‘cleverness’ then, to enable a view of society wider than the heroes of the homeric world. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e conclusions bonnie roos astutely observes that the famine is the ‘allimportant key’ to ulysses. by attending to the resonance of the famine, temporarily and spatially, but by also broadening the analysis of food, we can perceive joyce’s complex examination of turn of the century irish politics and society. at a base level food is a central human necessity and preoccupation. self-preservation and food security are crucial catalysts for humans to willingly yield ‘originating’ freedoms to form associations and adopt rational bonds of mutual obligation. as contemporary philosophers have argued, food is a part of the ‘self’, but given the human need for food ‘the self’ is forever connected with, and dependent on, the outside world (curtin ‘intro’ xiv). food is also multidimensional (concerned with biology and nutrition; the psychological and psychosocial; and the social, cultural, historical, political and environmental) and thus encourages analysis through multiple lenses. joyce’s parallactic form enables multiple shifts of perspectives on food bringing uncomfortable histories and realities to the foreground, and in so doing revealing the contradictions of various ‘truths’. joyce exhibits the unacceptable and oppressive terms of the british ‘union’ with ireland and interrogates the pretences of the social contract. this examination of food in joyce doesn’t focus on food in terms of agency, as considered by cultural studies (for example, consumer behaviour and identity creation), but tends towards the concerns of the french theorists of the ‘everyday’ as they consider agency in the context of oppressive economic and political structures. i would add to this the dimensions of societal and cultural constriction. the structures of joyce’s form is a consummate mechanism to probe the ordinary ‘object’ of food and, in ways amenable to james’s and dewey’s pragmatism, he undertakes an ideologically charged project of reorganising a number of ‘habits’ or ‘truths’. joyce’s agitation of ‘habits’ and ‘objects’ — the problematising of a unified ‘collective memory’ of the famine; famine ‘relief’; the ideal of christmas and the familial; (quasi)scientific ‘knowledges’; and notions of ‘community’, ‘irishness’, ‘masculinity’, ‘heroics’, and ‘progress’ — reveals ideological ‘faultlines’ as inconsistencies are revealed and his reworked habits come into conflict with the old (sinfield; schwarze). it is in this murky liminal space of dissembling ideological narratives where thought happens. joyce’s experimental techniques, such as gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e stream of consciousness, thus need to be considered beyond the ‘internal’ and as a space for the interactions between the internal and external modes of thought (uhlmann - ). in addition to bloom’s and molly’s more overt ‘thinking’, joyce’s use of structure, intertextual cues, allusions, juxtaposition and characterisations highlights injustice, inequality, prejudice, impoverishment, apathy, neglect and hypocrisy, and creates the grounds for dissidence and subversion. joyce interrogates the ‘abstract unity’ of history and memory and demonstrates james’s claim that such negation of the realities of diversity means intellectual (and thus societal, cultural and political) paralysis (james pragmatism - , ). as attridge suggests, the crux of ulysses is that ‘truth’ needs to be constantly challenged by rewriting history. by being aware of the effects of the ‘textual activity’ of history, a society can imagine a future that is antithetical to the ‘dogmatic’, ‘metaphysical’, ‘foundational’, ‘positivist’, and ‘systematic’ reality that has become ‘truth’ (attridge joyce effects ; feldman ). as feldman, schoenbach, schwarze, uhlmann (amongst others) have argued, modernism needs to be distinguished from the revolutionary discourse of the ‘avant-garde’ and considered as a ‘liminal space’ or a ‘machine for thinking’. joyce’s ulysses, considered alongside his earlier work, essays and letters, is such a ‘space’ where he interrogates hegemonic positions on colonialism, irish politics, religion and gender. in doing so joyce makes a specific statement about the role that literature can play in refiguring memory and addressing the resonance of ‘history’, and providing the lenses through which the irish people may reconceive ‘irishness’, community, self-determination and political action. in addition to interrogating ‘history’, ‘truth’ and ‘memory’, joyce contravenes the dualisms of western philosophy and challenges the gendered distinctions of ‘hard’, ‘masculine’ literature. indeed food would not be so evident and significant in joyce’s work if he had not flouted the dictates of victorian ‘good taste’, the avant-garde’s subordination of the ‘feminine’, and the traditional hierarchy of the senses. joyce follows pragmatism’s eschewing of dualisms and monisms, and pre-empts contemporary western philosophy’s challenge to the pre-eminence of the mind, the abstract and the atemporal (see curtin; flammang; and heldke). joyce’s parallactic form doesn’t equate easily to definitive answers to ireland’s woes, but by challenging gendered dualisms — masculine/feminine, heroics/passivity, mind/body, culture/nature, gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e reason/emotion, progress/cycle — he presents an alternate way for ireland. rather than participating and perpetuating the rhetoric of his male modernist counterparts, joyce presents the disastrous implications of trivialising the feminised foils of these binaries. as flammang has recently warned, such neglect is pernicious not only for women, but for self-understanding, human culture, society, economics, and politics ( ). joyce’s form creates a new aesthetic texture but he also makes alternate connections between the past, present and futures and creates the possibility for revitalised narratives as he produces ‘new beings’ that have ‘meaning’ and negotiate the everyday problems of the real world in different ways (uhlmann ). while joyce reveals the unpropitious association of the colonial power and subjects, and even how new discourses and knowledges are appropriated by a dominant power and used as evidence for continued ascendency, he also calls attention to ireland’s fractured and dysfunctional community. the term ‘civil society’ has a long history (see for example cohen and arato civil society and political theory), but joyce seems to ruminate on the principal ideas of more recent conceptualisations. for example the slogan coined by czech dissident and writer václav havel, ‘truth and love has to prevail over lie[s] and hatred’ has a distinctly bloomian resonance. at the time of the demise of the soviet union, havel called for moral politics and civil society, in opposition to both the coercive power of the totalitarian state and the unfettered market of the ‘free’ world (klicperová-baker ‘czech rhetoric of and václav havel’). civil society comprises the social mechanisms embedded in associational life — ‘voluntary action, discussion and agreement’ — and is therefore a source of both ‘cultural life’ and ‘intellectual innovation’. an active civil society promotes ‘collective action for the common good’, acts as a ‘counterweight’ to the state and the market, and provides an essential pillar in the promotion of ‘good governance’ (edwards civil society , - ). as michael edwards states, civil society in this sense means ‘“people power” writ large’, for it is when individuals think outside the primacy of their private world and ‘face each other in dialogue and discussion’ with a view to ‘reform’ that ‘publics’ are formed (edwards , rosen in edwards ). parnell — the ‘saviour’ of the irish — is dead, but the pacifist joyce seems to ask the subjugated irish of this post-parnell era if there is any intellectual space between political apathy, the internalisation of an inferior status and the imagining of imperial gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e ruler as ‘one of us’, and resorting to violence to change the terms of governance. joyce no doubt highlights the intolerable social contract of the irish and the double bind of being caught between english rule and the doctrine and political involvement of the catholic church. joyce suggests, however, that the irish are also complicit in their own subjugation. whilst his ‘saints and sages’ essay is scathing of colonial oppression, even here he indicates the ‘smallness’ of the power which oppresses them and thus implies the inability or apathy of the irish to organise and demand a better deal. the trifling expressions of defiance which the irish employ during a ‘famine’ royal visit are reflective of the dubliners’ response to the vice-regal cavalcade in ‘wandering rocks’. it is the englishman haines’s thoughts on stephen that will encapsulate joyce’s thoughts about post-parnell ireland: ‘the moral idea seems to be lacking, the sense of destiny, of retribution’ (u : - ). but, there is no unidirectional blame game for joyce as he ruminates on the complexity of turn of the century dublin; caught between english rule and the doctrine and political involvement of the catholic church, and also a nuanced exploration of the internal differentiation of dubliners. joyce’s nationalist politics are complex. rather than continuing the revivalist project of inspiring heroics and sacrifice, or engaging in an authorial polemic, joyce subjects the narrow ‘truths’ of ‘progress’, ‘legitimacy’ and the paradigm of retrospective justification of violence to analysis. he draws attention to the failing of the cooperative aspects of irish politics and society by presenting an assortment of dysfunctional associations: the colonial ruler and subject, the ‘irish’ community, political affiliations, the homosocial circle, the family, and marriage. bloom can’t clearly expand upon his politics — ‘love not hate’ — but his refusal to perpetuate the social performance of ‘masculinity’ by renouncing force (s. brown ), and his refusal to react to molly’s infidelity in a socially prescribed manner, is an indication of a prescription for a renewed society. joyce’s engagement with irish nationalism, force and masculinity, alongside his intertextual cue of the odyssey, all act as ‘operative viewpoints’ for exposing suppression, dysfunction and complicity (le doeuff ‘operative philosophy’ ). while high modernist contemporaries perceived joyce’s aesthetic as avowedly ‘masculine’ and what the new art demanded, joyce’s treachery was not only unveiling the ugly truths of ireland, but highlighting the failings of literature cut off from society and the specifics of politics. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e in addition to reworking this thesis into a monograph, this project has set up a course of future work. i have started to examine stephen’s restraint from food as an expression of his defiance against the nets of patriarchy, colonial oppression and the church. the gourmandising of haines, stephen’s unwillingness to help his family, and the various references to the priests’ square meals in ulysses seems to affirm such a reading. however, if we consider stephen’s self-imposed hunger in portrait the notion of stephen’s hunger becomes more complicated. the other two projects i have been developing along the way are social and political analyses of food in both dubliners and finnegans wake. in this thesis i briefly explore the political paralysis of the post- parnell era in ‘ivy day’ and ‘the dead’ is attended to for the significance of the food at the morkan sisters’ christmas party. however, i would like to interrogate dubliners as a whole, considering the references to famine relief style meals, fraught expressions of hospitality, and patriarchy (including the role of the catholic church) in relation to the impoverishment of the domestic realm. anthony burgess notes in his foreward to alison armstrong’s cookbook, the joyce of cooking: food and drink from james joyce’s dublin, that finnegans wake provides as much gustatory relish as contention, and one ‘paragraph of the wake before a meal will get the saliva working nicely’ (xii). i would like to analyse food in the wake in relation to shem’s ‘lowness’, ‘that creeped out first in foodstuffs’ ( - ), by considering the established notion of ‘taste’ and how food is intertwined with the ‘memories of the past and the hicnuncs of the present embelliching the musics of the futures’ ( ). there is so much more about food still to explore in joyce’s work. i look forward to continuing this investigation, engaging with the developments in both historiography and joycean scholarship. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e appendix henry wadsworth longfellow, ed. poems of places: an anthology in volumes. ireland: vol. v. – . ‘introduction’ amongst the anglo-saxon students resorting to ireland was prince aldfrid, afterwards king of the northumbrian saxons. his having been educated there about the year is corroborated by the venerable bede in his “life of st. cuthbert.” the original poem, of which this is a translation, attributed to aldfrid, is still extant in the irish language. ‘prince aldfrid’s itinerary through ireland’, translated from irish by james clarence mangan. i found in innisfail the fair, in ireland, while in exile there, women of worth, both grave and gay men, many clerics and many laymen. i travelled its fruitful provinces round, and in every one of the five i found, alike in church and in palace hall, abundant apparel, and food for all. gold and silver i found, and money, plenty of wheat and plenty of honey; i found god’s people rich in pity, found many a feast and many a city. i also found in armagh, the splendid, meekness, wisdom, and prudence blended, fasting, as christ hath recommended, and noble councillors untranscended. i found in each great church, moreo’er, whether on island or on shore, piety, learning, fond affection, holy welcome and kind protection. i found the good lay monks and brothers ever beseeching help for others, and in their keeping the holy word pure as it came from jesus the lord. i found in munster, unfettered of any, kings, and queens, and poets a many,— poets well skilled in music and measure, prosperous doings, mirth and pleasure. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e i found in connaught the just, redundance of riches, milk in lavish abundance; hospitality, vigor, fame, in cruachan’s land of heroic name. i found in the country of connall the glorious, bravest heroes, ever victorious; fair-complexioned men and warlike, ireland’s lights, the high, the starlike! i found in ulster, from hill to glen, hardy warriors, resolute men; beauty that bloomed when youth was gone, and strength transmitted from sire to son. i found in the noble district of boyle (ms. here illegible.) brehon’s, erenachs, weapons bright, and horsemen bold and sudden in fight. i found in leinster the smooth and sleek, from dublin to slewmargy’s peak, flourishing pastures, valor, health, long-living worthies, commerce, wealth. i found, besides, from ara to glea, in the broad rich country of ossorie, sweet fruits, good laws for all and each, great chess-players, men of truthful speech. i found in meath’s fair principality, virtue, vigor, and hospitality, candor, joyfulness, bravery, purity, ireland’s bulwark and security. i found strict morals in age and youth, i found historians recording truth; the things i sing of in verse unsmooth, i found them all,—i have written sooth. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e list of works cited adams, carol j. the sexual politics of meat: a feminist-vegetarian critical theory. new york: continuum, . print. allison, jonathan. yeats’s political identities: selected essays. ann arbor: university of michigan press, . print. anderson, perry. 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'"don't eat a beefsteak": joyce and the pythagoreans'. texas studies in literature and language . ( ): . print. ———. 'skindeep ulysses'. james joyce quarterly . - ( ): . print. freud, sigmund. the standard edition of the complete psychological works of sigmund freud, eds. james strachey and anna freud. vols. xx, xxi. london: hogarth press and the institute of psycho-analysis, . print. ———. beyond the pleasure principle. the norton library. new york: norton, . print. friedman, alan w. 'stephen dedalus’s non serviam: patriarchal and performative failure in a portrait of the artist as a young man'. joyce studies annual . ( ): - . print. froula, christine. modernism's body: sex, culture, and joyce. new york: columbia university press, . print. ———. virginia woolf and the bloomsbury avant-garde: war, civilization, modernity. new york: columbia university press, . print. gabler, hans walter. 'the christmas dinner scene, parnell’s death, and the genesis of a portrait of the artist as a young man'. james joyce quarterly ( ): - . print. gallagher, thomas michael. paddy's lament: ireland - prelude to hatred. new york: harcourt brace jovanovich, . print. gabrielle rowen-clarke | p a g e gardiner, michael. critiques of everyday life. new york; london: routledge, . print. garvin, john. james joyce's disunited kingdom and the irish dimension. new york; dublin: gill & macmillan, . print. geertz, clifford. 'thick description: toward an interpretive theory of culture'. in readings in the philosophy of social science, eds. michael j. martin and lee c. mcintyre. cambridge, mass: mit press, . - . print. geller, jay. the other jewish question: identifying the jew and making sense of modernity. new york: fordham university press, . print. george, henry. progress and poverty: an inquiry into the cause of industrial depressions. new york: the modern library, . print. gibbons, luke. 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'homer and ulysses'. in the cambridge companion to homer, ed. robert l. fowler. cambridge, uk: cambridge university press, . print. a proposal for legalising small-scale physical copyright piracy book publishing, video films and music in developing countries volker grassmuck vgrass@rz.hu-berlin.de – rfc draft – berlin, may minor edits on november http://www.vgrass.de/wp-content/uploads/ / / - _acta-media_piracy.pdf abstract the paper looks at the formative phase of media systems particularly in developing nations. it finds that copyright piracy in those situations serves a purpose not only in providing access to knowledge and creative works to audiences who would otherwise be excluded but also as the original accumulation of media infrastructures, know-how and capital that over time leads to the establishment of original forms of creative expression and legal media industries. looking at the examples of the publishing of books by foreign authors in th century usa, the emergence of the video film industry in nigeria and briefly at the popular dance music in northern brazil it shows the beneficial effects of piracy. from a public policy point of view, the paper then considers the benefits of copyright piracy and its harms, the most severe ones of which are caused by its illegality. in order to balance benefits and harms, it concludes by proposing to legalise small-scale physical copyright piracy in developing nations. keywords piracy, copyright law, informal copyrights, access to knowledge, book publishing in th century usa, nollywood, tecnobrega the research for this paper was conducted in the framework of the project “bild, schrift, zahl in der turing galaxis” ( – ) at humboldt university berlin and received a grant from deutsche forschungsgemeinschaft. table of contents prelude: piracy in paradise......................................................................................................... piracy.......................................................................................................................................... pirate nations............................................................................................................................. the united states of america: books................................................................................... strategies in markets for creative goods in the absence of copyright............................... nigeria: video films............................................................................................................ origin of nollywood....................................................................................................... strategies in markets for creative goods in the absence of copyright............................. why in nigeria?.............................................................................................................. brazil: tecnobrega............................................................................................................... legalising small-scale physical copyright piracy.................................................................... could it be justified?............................................................................................................ bibliography............................................................................................................................. prelude: piracy in paradise a tree to be desired to make one wise. (genesis . ) when the christian god commanded adam and eve not to eat the apples of a certain tree in the garden of eden, he imposed the first knowledge regulation. the fruits contained knowledge to which its owner claimed exclusive rights and did not give permission to anyone to make use of. being god, one would think he could have devised some access and copy protection technology to make sure his will was not disobeyed, but obviously not even a god can change the inherently public nature of information. with the storage medium in clear sight and nothing but the human‘s obedience between them and the wisdom it contained, along came the serpent, the first middleman and forefather of all marketing, and lured eve with the promise of the apple of knowledge: your eyes shall be opened and you shall have the same knowledge as he who claims exclusive rights to it. eve took it without the permission of its owner and shared it with adam. and they knew that they were naked, and they made themselves a cover from fig leaves, after, one may assume, finding out what those parts they had noticed for the first time were good for. thus the original sin of piracy was not only the necessary prerequisite for knowing good and evil, it also immediately led to the invention of sex, apparel and therefore culture. they vilify us, the scoundrels do, when there is only this difference, they rob the poor under the cover of law, forsooth, and we plunder the rich under the protection of our own courage. (captain bellamy) in „das kapital“ marx addresses an economic hen-and-egg problem: money is transformed into capital which produces surplus value which is again transformed into capital. however, accumulation of capital presupposes surplus value which presupposes capitalist production which requires the presence of large masses of capital and labour power in the hands of producers. „this whole movement,“ he writes, „seems to turn around in an erroneous circle from which we can only escape by assuming an 'original' accumulation ('previous accumulation' in adam smith) that precedes capitalist accumulation, an accumulation, which is not the result of the capitalist mode of production but its starting point. „this original accumulation plays roughly the same role in political economy as the original fall in theology. adam bit into the apple, and thus sin came onto humankind. its origin is explained by telling it as anecdote from the past.” the original accumulation takes two distinct forms. in the bourgeois struggle against the old feudal system it refers to the separation of the producer from the means of production, the expropriation of the farmers from their means of subsistence. in the process that takes its classical form in england large masses of people were suddenly and forcefully torn from the land and thrown onto the labour market as 'free' proletarians. 'free' very much in the sense of marx, : (my translation) janis joplin of nothing left to loose, of having nothing left to sell but their own skin. the second form started with the colonisation of the globe. „the discovery of gold and silver in america, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the east indies, the turning of africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalised the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production. these idyllic proceedings are the chief moments of original accumulation.“ in our post-colonial times one might assume that these are anecdotes of the past. a look at a world map teaches us that certainly with respect to intellectual capital the process is still ongoing. the map based on estimated data from shows earnings from copyrights and patents. it dramatically visualises the unequal distribution of the benefits of the global “intellectual property” system. over half ( %, us$ billion) of the value of all royalty and license fees paid in were received in one territory: the united states. large proportions of these fees were also received in western european countries and in japan. this does not mean, of course, that no music, art or medical knowledge is being created in latin america or africa. it does mean that the profits from the exploitation of this creativity flow to the north. piracy while the phenomenon might be as old as humankind, the word is not. before certain illicit acts with respect to knowledge came to be called ‚piracy,‘ techniques of seafaring had to be ibid.: http://www.worldmapper.org/display.php?selected= . #permission pending. illustration : worldmapper.org: world by royalties. territory size shows the proportion of worldwide earnings (in purchasing power parity) from royalties and license fees that are earned there. invented. we owe the word, like so many other things, to the greeks (peirates, peiratikos). through latin ‚pirata, piraticus‘ it entered the roman languages. in the th century ‚pirate‘ was used for a kind of ship. by the th century the word firmly connoted a robber at sea, a free-booting bandit, an outlaw and a rebel, also a kind of guerilla fighting for his or her country with somewhat less gentlemanly methods than the etiquette of warfare demanded, privateers plundering the enemy‘s lands with or without the approval of their worldly and otherworldly lords and at their own profit. etymology points to a number of words in close proximity, like ‚buccaneer,‘ ‚corsair,‘ ‚filibuster‘ and 'yankee.' pirates played a role in plundering the colonies, especially those of other powers. in the th century the word also took on an anti-colonial meaning. a key document is jose rizal‘s anti- nation-forming novel el filibusterismo ( ). in the introduction to his translation into english, leon ma. guerrero quotes from a letter by rizal to his friend, the austrian anthropologist blumentritt: „the word filibusterismo is very little known in the philippines. the masses do not know it yet. i heard is for the first time in when the tragic executions took place. i still remember the panic that this word evoked. our father forbade us to say it... the manila newspapers and the spaniards use this word to describe those whom they want to render suspect of revolutionary activities. the educated filipinos fear its scope: it does not have the meaning of pirate; it means rather a dangerous patriot who will soon be on the gallows, or else a conceited fellow.“ guerrero adds that it seemed to him that the title of the novel filibusterismo „can only be translated for the present generation as ‚subversion‘ if it is to be correctly understood as a non-conformist attitude of mind, as an overt attempt to overthrow an established order of society.“ before one could speak of ‚copyright piracy,‘ obviously, copyright had to be invented in the first place. but when it was it did not take long, in fact, it seems that ‚copyright‘ and ‚piracy‘ emerged simultaneously. a dictionary from gives as the first meaning the conventional ‚sea-robber‘ and in second place: „any robber; particularly a bookseller who seizes the copies of other men.“ in this sense, for example, david hume, in his letter on the law of copyright in , speaks of a possible „pyrated edition“ of his essays. a recent addition to the phenomenology of piracy is biopiracy. it refers to the taking and exploitation of the knowledge of natural resources of indigenous peoples of the south by s. various historical dictionaries on piracy: http://www.geocities.com/tokyo/garden/ /english.htm not to forget the famous female pirates (see http://www.beaglebay.com/womenpirateslist.htm). rizal : xi. the „tragic executions“ that took place in february of , was that of three priests for their alleged role in the anti-cololinal uprising in cavete. ibid. a dictionary of the english language by samuel johnson, a.m. - london: w. strahan, , http://www.geocities.com/tokyo/garden/ /english.htm hume . pharmaceutical corporations in the north. today the historic pirates at sea and, through appropriation by their contemporary descendants in the digital age, also the data-pirates and hackers have taken on a positive image, signifying the power of the underdog, using superior skills to turning techniques and technologies developed by the rich and mighty against them, communities of outlaws taking from the rich sharing equally among themselves, living risky, celebrating wild parties, having fun, dying young. pirates are a popular model of identification for the forces of contestation. they are so popular indeed, that disney regularly cashes in on them, thereby reinforcing the power of the image. the movie „pirates of the caribbean “ helped the corporation double its earnings in the first quarter of the business year / . the movie was a success in spite of massive interventions by studio bosses in order to minimise risks. for their idea of family wholesomeness and mass-compatibility, what director gore verbinski and anti-star johnny depp were creating was a figure too stinking dirty, gay and alcoholic. depp threatened to quit over these interferences into his creative work but the studio did not dare fire him because the first sequel had earned them million us$. the movie was, as a matter of course, immediately available from street-vendors across the globe and on the net. this did not prevent disney from increasing its annual profits by percent to . billion us$. one may then ask how much harm piracy actually caused and how much it contributed to the success of the “pirates.” the same corporations that on-screen teach the young that pirates are cool, in the press and in the political arena depict copyright piracy as the worst evil of our age. now that „piracy“ has become an ambivalent, somewhat old-fashioned, even cute kind of metaphor, the copyrights industry mobilises stronger images. they increasingly evoke a linkage between copyright infringement and organised crime and even terrorism. hakim bey ( ) aka peter lamborn wilson emphatically wrote about „pirate utopias,“ „islands in the net“ (after bruce sterling‘s novel) or, most famously „temporary autonomous zones“. the chaos computer club (http://www.ccc.de) that had seen the light of the public one year before bey‘s text is waving a flag with the signé of the german then still public post and telecom service, a postal horn, subtly altered into skull and crossbones (http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/bild:ccc piratetent.jpg). hackers and data-pirates were the heroes formulated in the cyberpunk sifi novels of sterling, william gibson and neal stephenson. for a current mix of robin hood, rebellion, outcasts and copyright infringement, see e.g. the pyrate punx: http://www.pyratepunx.net. see also the kingdom of piracy: http://kop.fact.co.uk der gegendarsteller, die weltwoche, ausgabe / , http://www.weltwoche.ch/artikel/? assetid= &categoryid= talking about imminent dangers of terrorism in south america, frank c. urbancic, principal deputy co- ordinator for counterterrorism in the u.s. department of state, said in the committee on international relations of the u.s. house of representatives in september : „hizballah supporters and sympathisers are also involved in a number of illegal activities, including smuggling, drug and arms trafficking, money laundering, fraud, intellectual property piracy, and other transnational crime.“ (http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/intlrel/hfa . /hfa _ .htm# , p. .) terrorist link to copyright piracy alleged. counterfeit dvds and cigarettes may be funding terrorists, cnet, may , , http://news.com.com/terrorist+link+to+copyright+piracy+alleged/ - _ - .html; terrorism by copyright infringement?, september th, , http://interactionlaw.com/wordpress/ / / /terrorism-by-copyright-infringement/; course materials for „political economy of terrorism“ at northern arizona university, http://dana.ucc.nau.edu/~lmo /politicaleconomy/politicaleconomyterrorism.htm piracy thus appears to be the dark side of media economy. it is parasitic to creativity and supposedly harms industry, creative people and consumers alike. on a national level it refers to a state of not yet being fully civilised. but is the reverse side of things, is the parasite, the noise, the garbage, the pirate really a desideratum of order, its exception, something not yet quite cleaned up, not quite under control of the system, or is it one of its constitutive genetic forces, asks philosopher and historian of science michel serres. his answer: „no system without parasite.“ in serres‘ seminal analysis the parasite operates on the lines of communications and transportation. he intercepts goods and information. he establishes himself as an intermediary wherever he finds an incline of either. for the system he fulfils a productive function by opening channels between regions that are not linked otherwise. he brings information to audiences who are excluded from it. he also takes his toll, although, how much harm to economic interests he actually causes is contested. he sets up a temporary autonomous zone in the interstices of power. „the producer is concerned with content, the parasite with position. he who cares about position will always beat him who cares about content.” to sum up: communication systems and parasite, shipping and naval piracy, copyright and its infringement are systemically, intrinsically linked. they cannot be separated. from a public policy point of view therefore eradication of piracy (just as that of drugs) cannot be a meaningful goal. it must rather strive to strike a balance between its benefits and its harms. the public debate is dominated by the arguments for its harm. this paper therefore focusses on the benefits of piracy. pirate nations if copyright pirates are indeed part and parcel of any market for creative goods, what is their function? can their distribution networks be utilised for legitimate content? can pirates turn into creators? can a situation of systematic piracy be sustained at all? would creativity not simply cease or go elsewhere? in the absence of legal copyrights what strategies do creatives and the exploiters of their works develop to protect their interests? in order to approach these questions we will look at three cases. first we will look at the united states of america during the th century during which the systematic illegal importation of technologies and the reprinting of foreign books that only received copyright protection in played a crucial role in turning it from a developing country into the leading industrial and culture industry nation. in the second case, the nigerian film industry provides us with one of the most fascinating larkin : volker grassmuck & christian unverzagt, das müll-system, suhrkamp, ffm serres : e.g. that there is no negative effect by file-sharing on sales of music has been shown consistently by independent empirical academic research starting from oberholzer and strumpf‘s paper in to bhattacharjee et al.‘s study on the dynamics of music album life-cycle in . serres : from-piracy-rags-to-popular-culture-riches stories of our times. piracy here functions as a crucial factor in the original accumulation of capital, infrastructure and skills for legitimate media business. in the s, it kick-started a film industry that today is considered to be the third-largest after hollywood and bollywood. and finally we will take a brief look at tecnobrega, a genre of popular dance music in the north of brazil that by utilising the pirate infrastructure of duplication facilities, distributors and street vendors has also created an impressive media market. the united states of america: books after declaring itself independent from the english colonial motherland, the usa was a poor underdeveloped country on the periphery of the world. during the th century it transformed itself into a leading industrial power. how did the usa do it, asks fordham university historian doron ben-atar, and he points to the phrase “yankee ingenuity.” "yankee" originates from the flemish word “janke” for smuggler, pirate. in his ground-breaking study trade secrets ben-atar shows how the usa laid the foundation for its success by systematically resorting to piracy. „in the span of seventy years an agricultural republic with some household manufactures that had more in common with the middle ages than with the industrial world transformed itself into a world leader of cutting-edge industrial technology. american machines and the ‚american system of manufacturing,‘ as the british press called it, became models for worldwide imitation. like modern developing nations, early in its history the united states violated intellectual property laws of rivals in order to catch up technologically. integration into the international community required that the government of the united states distance itself from such rogue operations. in the process the united states had come full circle. the fledgling republic, once committed to technology piracy, had become the primary technology exporter in the world. the years of piracy upon which the new status was founded, however, were erased from the national memory. the intellectual debt to imported and pirated technology did not turn the united states into the champion of free exchange of mechanical know-how. as the technology began to flow eastward across the atlantic, the united states emerged as the world‘s foremost advocate of extending intellectual property to the international sphere.“ ben-atar's piracy study focusses on technology, a field in which the u.s. early on was internationally competitive, leading to a strong domestic patent system and to the u.s. taking a leadership role in international patent conventions. the piracy strategy is even more pronounced in copyright where domestic laws were weak and the u.s. did not join the core international treaty until more than one hundred years after its promulgation. in the th century, massachusetts was the only american province that gave some recognition to the principle of copyright. in january connecticut‘s general assembly enacted a copyright law stating that „every author should be secured in receiving the profits that may http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=yankee ben-atar : the first international patent convention was held in austria in , at the suggestion of the united states which at the time was already granting equal rights to foreign patentees. ibid.: arise from the sale of his works, and such security may encourage men of learning.“ on its urging, the continental congress established a committee on this matter that led to congress in may of that year recommending that the states pass copyright laws granting a fourteen- year ownership of books written by citizens of the united states. „the resolution explicitly denied protection to foreign authors, thus encouraging the unauthorised reprinting of mostly british authors in north america.“ it was only in that the usa allowed foreign authors to obtain copyright protection if they met certain conditions. economist zorina khan conducted empirical research on the effects of this policy. her conclusion: “the results suggest that the united states benefited from copyright piracy and that its intellectual property regime was endogenous to the level of economic development.” khan cites several researchers who argue that laws and enforcement mechanisms for the protection of intellectual property rights are relevant to the needs of already developed countries, “whereas newly industrialising societies (at least initially) may not benefit from their adoption or may need to tailor patent and copyright polices to fit their own specific circumstances.” to approach this issue one would have to estimate, says khan, both static welfare gains from infringement in developing societies versus the costs to the owners of copyright, as well as dynamic effects of infringements in these countries. the latter would have to consider the costs of imitation and of adapting pirated material to a different environment, the role of learning by doing and the extent to which comparative advantage builds on cumulative innovation. reliable current data on piracy dynamics for such an estimation are not available. instead khan takes the key era of protectionist u.s. american economic growth, from through when federal copyright statutes explicitly condoned piracy of foreign works, as a natural experiment, basing her research on copyright registrations, biographical information on authors, market data of publishing companies and copyright lawsuits. let us now look at the media environment she describes from the viewpoints of the different parties involved. “the reading public appears to have gained from the lack of copyright which increased access to foreign works. american authors and the public were able to obtain foreign books at prices that were lower than in european markets, and this aided the expansion of a mass market and economies of scale in publishing in the united states.” in other words, piracy was instrumental in originally establishing the infrastructure on top of which later on a legitimate media market for both domestic and foreign works developed. strategies in markets for creative goods in the absence of copyright the way publishers of foreign authors dealt with the situation is most instructive because ibid.: f. for the “manufacturing clauses” on which protection was conditioned see khan : . kahn : referring to work by c. fink and k. e. maskus, w. p. alford and s. vaidhyanathan (khan : ). ibid.: ibid.: today's copyright maximalists would make us believe that in the absence of copyright protection no sustainable market could develop. a publisher, even if he does not have to pay royalties, needs to make a large fixed investment that he cannot recouped if the sales of the book are low due to competing publishers printing the same book. unrestricted competition would also lead us to expect prices to be driven down to marginal cost. to avoid such ruinous competition publishers developed several strategies such as being first in the market, forming cartels and fixing prices, price discrimination and informal customs- based copyrights. “the first producer could saturate the market and others would suffer from their excess inventories. in the early years of the nineteenth century firms engaged in publication races in order to be the first in the market with popular books such as the works of sir walter scott. a waverley novel could be reprinted within twenty four hours through a gang system where the book was divided among as many as a dozen printers working at full capacity.” a consequence of such races was poor quality and a greater likelihood of mistakes and deliberate alterations. sloppy proof-reading, printing and binding, abridgements and errata not included seem to have been common. in this sense piracy harmed the readers. but khan notes that this tendency was countered by publishers building a reputation for quality. on an increasingly demanding market price discrimination by quality became an option that outweighed speed. but speed did remain crucial. in order to get new titles from england first, publishers employed agents to send them to the u.s. they also started to buy early proof sheets to get an advantage over competitors. in order to secure early sheets, publishers made significant payments to foreign authors in the form of royalties or lump sums. e.g. the publishing firm ticknor and fields (the precursor of houghton mifflin) sent several unsolicited payments over the years to tennyson out of profits on his poetry reprints. “such payments ... were recognised by reputable publishers as 'copyrights,'” even though they were not enforceable at law. in this way foreign authors did get remunerated by the pirates. they also resorted to mobilising the public opinion against piracy of their books. e.g. charles dickens during his lectures and readings in the u.s. bitterly complained about the practice. challenging their reputation might have been another incentive for u.s. publishers to obtain authorisation. dickens in fact, was very skilful in playing u.s. publishers off against each other, with as many as four companies paying him large sums for the claim to be his sole u.s. representative.” collusion among competitors was another strategy employed by the publishers to reduce risk and establish what khan calls artificial or synthetic copyrights. in england publishers of works in the public domain, such as those by shakespeare and fielding, had formed strictly ibid.: e.g. carey & lea’s edition of sir walter scott's the pirate (orig. ) omitted an entire chapter (ibid.: f.) ibid.: ibid. ibid.: regulated cartels in order to share the risk of recouping investments. “the unstable publication races in the united states similarly settled down during the s to collusive standards that were termed 'trade custom' or 'courtesy of the trade.' publishing houses were acknowledged to have the exclusive right to reprint specific authors. ... in the case of new authors, the first publisher to receive the item or the first to list the work in a trade publication was deemed to have the right to exclude other reprinters. firms that violated these rules were punished or at least threatened with punishment.” what that punishment consisted of does not become clear. khan cites thackeray who after the rights to his books were adopted by harper’s publishing company in new york declared that “there's no danger now of their being pirated in this country [the united states], the harper's being the chief buccaneers, & the perfect terror of all their brethren in these seas.” these 'synthetic copyrights' were transferred and sold among booksellers and publishers through contracts that were honoured even in the absence of legal protection. khan cites a court case between two publishing firms over such synthetic right to charles dickens' works that indicates how vested a right it had become. the court denied the claim arguing that this custom is very far from a property title which courts can protect from invasion. “it may be an advantage to the party enjoying it for the time being, but its protection rests in the voluntary and unconstrained forbearance of the trade.” “the trade,” one may assume, was not as rigid a social formation as the medieval guild but as a community of producers it was nevertheless able to enforce contractual rights of exclusion through soft law mechanisms such as public ostracism. thus, these informal copyrights decreased uncertainty, enabled publishers to recoup their fixed costs and avoided wasteful duplication. khan concludes: “in short, publishers were able to achieve some degree of appropriation through industry structure rather than through government-mandated monopolies. ” this extra-legal system ensured payments to foreign authors as well. they also directly and indirectly benefited from the original accumulation of media infrastructure through piracy, i.e. the expansion of the market and increase in the literary and academic population in the usa. they discovered that they could turn their piracy-aided popularity into astonishing earnings from lectures and readings. this shift from a product- to a service-based economy can be seen in many areas where copyright law plays no or only a marginal role, such as in free software, free music or, as we shall see, in nigerian video films. if copyright-free foreign authors and their u.s. publishers were able to establish a beneficial and sustainable media environment for themselves and u.s. readers, what about native u.s. “the congers created divisible property in books that they traded, such as a one hundred and sixtieth share in samuel johnson’s dictionary that was sold for £ in .” (ibid.: ) ibid.: f. ibid. ibid.: “dickens was able to parlay his popularity among readers of his pirated works into a heightened demand for complementary fee-based lectures. his u.s. reading tour of - comprised appearances that earned the author the astonishing sum of $ , in total receipts.” (ibid.: f.) authors? those most strongly in favour of protecting foreign copyrights in the usa argued that dumping and unfair competition by cheap foreign works harmed the development of domestic literature and deterred u.s. citizens from choosing authorship as a career in the first place. the key issue here is the limited substitutability of information goods. non-fiction books had to be adapted or completely rewritten to be appropriate for an american market. thus from an early period on geology, geography, history, grammars, readers, schoolbooks and juvenile texts were predominantly written by u.s. authors. fiction was indeed at first dominated by foreign authors. between and , two thirds of all authors of fiction best-sellers were foreign. this changed after the s with the entrance of such authors as james fenimore cooper, henry wadsworth longfellow, nathaniel hawthorne and r. h. dana. the category of fiction writers grew from . percent before to . percent by the s. if cheap foreign books indeed had had the claimed harmful effect on native authors one would expect a marked increase in u.s. authorship only after . instead khan finds a rather gradual decline of foreign authorship until by the early twentieth century americans comprised the majority of best-selling authors in this country. in fact, the assumption that books by foreign authors without copyright protection were cheaper than those by protected u.s. authors could not be supported by khan's research. her “results suggest that, after controlling for the type of publication, the cost of the work, and other objective factors, the prices of american books were lower than prices of foreign books.” she explains this by publishers perceiving u.s. books to be of lower quality and demand therefore being less. this is again an effect of imperfect substitutability between foreign and local products. did u.s. authors gain any advantage from the fact that they in contrast to foreign authors could enforce their copyrights in court? ”the growth in actual litigation was minimal until the s, suggesting that infringement of domestic authors was within manageable proportions.” one can assume that again the informal norms of the trade discussed above were more important than the law. also authors' bargaining position vis-à-vis publishers depends only marginally on the law. many of the earlier books were published at author’s risk, or on commission. “in the s, reputable authors received an average of percent, and between to percent. however, there was wide variation in contracts for unknown authors.” thus the economic position of authors was not much different from today where there is much stronger protection. if there was significant benefit and no objectifiable harm, the question arrises why the usa in implemented foreign copyright protection at all. ben-atar sees the strive for legitimacy as a crucial factor. there was widespread international condemnation of the u.s. refusal to recognise copyrights of foreigners. the movement toward reciprocal recognition of ibid.: ibid.: ibid.: ibid.: ibid.: copyrights led to the bern convention of that accorded national treatment to foreign copyright holders. the usa did not join the debate, did not sign the berne convention until more than one hundred years later and even encouraged the widespread appropriation of european literature by imposing tariffs on imported books that ranged as high as percent. the century-long struggle for reciprocal copyright inside the usa was driven by u.s. authors with international reputation, by some universities and by european authors like charles dickens. on the opposing side were publishers, printers, typographers, bookbinders, and paper producers. in khan's analysis the decisive factor for the change of law was the gradual evolution of u.s. culture that resulted in internationally competitive literary products and shifted the trade balance. “once the u.s. had developed its own native stock of literary and cultural capital that was valued in the market place, it voluntarily had an incentive to recognise international copyrights.” khan's conclusion: “in sum, the u.s. experience during the nineteenth century suggests that appropriate intellectual property institutions are not independent of the level of economic and social development.” taking a broader look at media history one has to add that the state of development of a given media technology is another decisive factor. lawrence lessig draws the line of original accumulation of media infrastructure through piracy on into the th century. „if ‚piracy‘ means using the creative property of others without their permission – if ‚if value, then right‘ is true – then the history of the content industry is a history of piracy. every important sector of ‚big media‘ today – film, records, radio, and cable tv – was born of a kind of piracy so defined.“ after the phonograph had been invented the record companies took the music from its composers; when radio started the stations in turn took the music recordings; and when cable tv started its operators took television programmes, in all three cases without permission or payment. in all theses cases, as lessig recounts, eventually a legal solution was found: compulsory licenses for music recordings and cable tv, and collective management for radio. at this point the usa was not a developing nation any longer, nevertheless each emerging media system benefited from an original period of piracy that in the case of cable tv lasted for almost thirty years. as ben-atar had remarked, the united states has now come full circle: from pirate nation to primary exporter of ip with % of global copyright and patent revenues being realised there and foreign sales of the u.s. copyright industries larger than that of any other industry sector. after originally not recognising copyrights of other countries' citizens it is now the driving force in compelling developing countries to adopt its own level of copyright regulations through wipo, wto, bilateral trade agreements and unilateral measures under special . ibid.: ibid.: ibid.: ibid. lessig : according to stephen e. siwek, copyright industries in the u.s. economy: the report, commissioned by the international intellectual property alliance (iipa), http://www.iipa.com/pdf/ _siwek_full.pdf after the u.s. copyright industry in the early s failed to establish new copyright legislation for the nigeria: video films in many parts of the world, media piracy is not a pathology of the circulation of media forms but its prerequisite. in many places, piracy is the only means by which certain media -- usually foreign -- are available. and in countries like nigeria, the technological constraints that fuel pirate media provide the industrial template through which other, nonpirate media are reproduced, disseminated, and consumed. (brian larkin ) with the exception of a few early yoruba- and hausa-videos, in all three production centres most of the capital needed for this industry as well as the professional expertise was accumulated during the oil boom with the illicit mass importation of foreign films in the framework of a complex system based on trust and international trade networks. ... out of something looking at first glance rather destructive can thus grow something new and creative. (daniel künzler ) nigeria gained independence from great britain in . movies had been introduced during colonial rule ( - ). british and u.s. american companies were projecting them at first from trucks, then building cinemas, and shooting films in nigeria as well. native film- making was pioneered in the s by theatre directors like hubert ogunde and ola balogun. in contrast to the french policy that nurtured cultural production in its former colonies in west africa, there was no support by the u.k. for film-making in nigeria. the cinemas were dominated by movies from the usa, uk, india, china and japan. government tried to build a domestic movie industry, but the nigerian film corporation (nfc), a national institution under the information ministry established in by the administration of general olusegun obasanjo became an personal fiefdom of bureaucrats. cost-intensive celluloid production remained minimal. the first television station in all of africa was established in nigeria in the late s. the postcolonial government bore the large and controversial investment in tv stations as a digital realm at home, it went to wipo initiating the wipo internet treaties of that were then implemented in the usa as the digital millennium copyright act. since wipo does not have an enforcement mechanism, the u.s. then forum-shifted to the wto. (sell ) larkin : künzler : http://www.nigfilmcorp.org/ nathan by the mid- s fewer than titles had been produced (adesanya in haynes : ). there is to this day a small number of african art-house directors whose movies are shown almost exclusively at international festivals but not on the continent itself (larkin ). ch. igwe : and aluko's timeline (http://www.ngex.com/personalities/voices/baluko .htm) mention , africine gives as the year of the first tv signal (http://www.africine.org/? menu=fichedist&no= ). symbolic means to establish its authority. in the nigerian television authority was established and a single federal system was formed out of the regional networks. producing tv series on mm film was expensive. legal regulations limited foreign content. this encouraged the televising of theatre productions. in the s when there was a station in every nigerian state, television properly began. the second generation of filmmakers like amaka igwe, tunde kelani, and zeb and chico ejiro were already shooting on video. still, most of what was shown on tv was u.s. american fare. „by when the national film festival was held for the first time our film industry score sheet was moderate – about english films, five hausa films, yoruba and one igbo film.“ while the early celluloid film tradition had all but disappeared, a lively culture of story- telling, travelling theatre and popular literature as well as television became formative factors in the video film industry of the s. another crucial ingredient was the reproduction and distribution infrastructure of piracy. in support of the anti-apartheid struggle in south-africa, the nigerian government exerted pressure on foreign companies that had relationships with the apartheid regime. this went together with an attempt to gain nigerian control over the country‘s assets and infrastructure which led to the indigenisation decree of . among other foreign assets, about cinema houses under foreign ownership were nationalised. because assets of members of the motion picture association of america (mpaa) had been expropriated, mpaa stopped the legal distribution of hollywood films to nigeria in . after this exclusion from official distribution, the availability of hollywood films in nigeria actually increased thanks to piracy. the oil crisis of came to the aid of nigeria which was then the fifth largest oil producer in the world. the country and some of its consumers became wealthy. when in victor company of japan introduced the analogue vhs technology, video cassette recorders became a widely desired status symbol. also television stations started to produce their programmes on beta-cam video at about that time. by , the oil-boom was over, the economy collapsed, the currency was devalued. under the regimes that followed, the security situation deteriorated so that people did not dare go out at night and came to prefer home-bound entertainment. as a consequence, the cinemas had to close, many of them were converted into christian churches. sales and rental of pirated video films filled the gap. there was a copyright law modelled after that of the u.k. but essentially no enforcement. when the international monetary fund (imf) came to the http://www.africine.org/?menu=fichedist&no= aderinokun haynes in haynes : during the s travelling theatre troupes started using film projections to visualise effects of magic. performances were also broadcast on tv. during the economic crisis, filmed performances came to replace live stage shows. with the emergence of video technology, this came to replace the expensive mm film. in , travelling theatre groups started to sell video films of their performances for private consumption as well. at that time video productions became independent of theatre plays. (künzler : - ) aderinokun larkin : f. igwe : f.; künzler : the first copyright act was issued in . it was repealed by the copyright decree of (http://www.wipo.int/clea/docs_new/en/ng/ng en.html) rescue it imposed a structural adjustment programme (sap) that came into effect in and involved, as usually, removing subsidies from public services, devaluing the naira, and privatising public infrastructure, including that of the television authority. this policy increased the level of poverty throughout the country. „sap introduced a pervasive social dislocation which hasn't been fully accounted for, such that film-making, film exhibition, in fact, the entire system of cultural production – music, live theatre, book publishing, and so on – totally collapsed.“ multinational advertisers and investors started to dominate tv production. it was during that time that the duplication and distribution infrastructure for pirated movies and music was fully established, and it was as a direct result of the imf policy. at this point nigeria was disconnected from the official global economy and turned into an important node in the equally global, parallel network of the unofficial economy, allegedly becoming the largest market for pirated goods in africa. information on piracy is, of course, inveterately unreliable, but the research by cultural anthropologist brian larkin on the video culture in northern nigeria reveals some of its workings. the source copies of hollywood and bollywood movies usually originate from inside the industry. they are sent to asia or the middle east where they are subtitled and duplicated onto vhs cassettes, vcds and recently onto dvds which are then distributed mainly within the developing world. in the s films from india and the usa came to kano, the economic centre of northern nigeria, through dubai and beirut with subtitles in arabic and english and openly displaying advertising for the companies doing the copying. with the emergence of the vcd the duplication business shifted to optical disc plants in pakistan and china. often within days after – and sometimes even before – the film‘s official release in its home market, master copies are shipped to kano in the islamic north or lagos in the predominantly christian south where they are copied onto the cassettes to be sold. being excluded from official distribution, piracy thus allows nigerians to participate in global audio-visual culture. in the kano market indian and hollywood films, hausa tv dramas and islamic religious cassettes are the most popular items, the latter supposedly sold with the consent of the artists, so that legal and illegal copying takes place in the same facilities. in kano, wholesalers buy their supplies that they sell in other cities in northern nigeria and in neighbouring countries with hausa-speaking populations. at the end of the chain are itinerant peddlers selling the tapes in the streets, reaching even the nomads. as a communications channel these video and audio cassettes reach further than broadcast media, therefore both government uses it at times to spread political messages as well as contestational voices who use these small media to escape government censorship. the main buyers of video films are married women from the middle class who watch them at new nigerian cinema: an interview with akin adesokan, january, , http://www.indiana.edu/~bfca/events/akininterview.html künzler : ; igwe : larkin ( : ) cites the u.s. state department as source, mentioning an estimate that suggests that up to percent of the nigerian gdp is derived from this shadow economy, making it, in percentage terms, the largest such economy in the world, matched only by thailand. larkin : , ff. chad, cameroon, benin, ghana and the sudan. larkin : larkin in haynes : home. this creates what larkin calls a ‚privatised public sphere‘ that is particularly important for women in the islamic north who are excluded from public screenings. videos can also be rented. people who cannot afford vcrs or vcd players frequent video clubs where films are shown on tv sets or video projectors. the first generation of digital consumer technology for movies came to the market in with the video-cd that became especially popular in asia, followed by the dvd in . digital discs replaced vhs in the developed markets. as an indirect effect of the digital revolution the previous generation of analogue vhs technology was pushed down to a level affordable to the world‘s poor. on the production side, analogue and then consumer-grade dv cameras and pcs with pirated editing software likewise dramatically reduced costs compared to producing on celluloid. by the early s piracy had achieved the original accumulation of media capital and infrastructure. the groundwork was laid for the emergence of a video film industry that was termed nollywood and today is supposed to be the third largest in the world after hollywood and nollywood. origin of nollywood most sources name the consumer electronics retailer kenneth nnebue in onitsha and director chris obi-rapu as the founding fathers of nollywood. in , nnebue had produced a yoruba video for a mere , naira (ca. € ) earning him a fortune. a year later, as urban legend has it, he was faced with a large stock of blank video cassettes that he had bought in taiwan. he figured that he could significantly increase sales if he recorded something onto them. so he reinvested the profits from his first movie and produced another one called living in bondage. it is the story of a man in lagos who is promised great wealth by a magic cult if he sacrifices his wife. after the ritual murder he begins to prosper. but the spirit of his wife haunts him and drives him mad. this story is not only instructive for the cultural universe of nigeria with its tension between village and city life, the hope for a magic shortcut to wealth and the final exorcism in a pentecostal church, but also rich in implications for the industry that this pioneering movie has spawned. shot in igbo, living in bondage sold , copies within days. it was later subtitled in english and eventually sold around , copies. from then on nnebue continued larkin : ; künzler : the claim is not uncontested (s. i started nollywood. interview with alade aromire, september , , http://nigeriamovies.net/news/news .php). even the nigerian television authority also claims „its place as the initiator and forerunner of nollywood.“ (http://www.bobtvinteractive.com/portal/ /? cmd=news&id= ) while there were earlier film productions, it is safe to say that the success of living in bondage triggered many to try to repeat it (s. i am the father of nollywood. interview with chris obi- rapu, friday, june , , http://www.sunnewsonline.com/webpages/features/showtime/ /june/ /showtime- - - - .htm). aje ni iya mi (künzler : ; haynes and okome in haynes : ) künzler : ; igwe : for a more extensive synopsis s. haynes and okome in haynes : producing video films in english and most igbo producers followed suit opening a much wider market than that for yoruba and hausa productions. markets for consumer electronics in lagos and onitsha emerged as the centres for igbo video production. while it is evident that it is easier to sell value-added, pre-recorded cassettes than blank ones, it is less clear why nnebue did not simply copy popular foreign movies onto them. what made him switch sides from film pirate to film producer and inadvertently to midwife of nollywood? was it the urge to foster national culture or more selfish economic incentives? was the profit margin on his movie so phenomenal that he could hope to earn more from creating an original work than from copying that of others? charles igwe is a banker by training and now a film-producer. together with his wife amaka igwe he runs the african film and television program market, he provides financial consultations for parties interested in investing in the motion picture industry, runs a replication plant, and one of the biggest distribution companies in nigeria. his explanation for the success of living in bondage: „it was a story being told by our people to our people. that was key!“ igwe implies that an audience starved for local cultural expressions made the returns on investment into an original nigerian film larger than that into a master-copy of an indian or u.s. american movie. duplication and marketing costs are the same for both, but while foreign films are still readily available years after the start of nollywood, their relative market share has dropped due to the massive popularity of nigerian products. living in bondage had demonstrated a huge untapped demand. nollywood filmmaking started out fast and cheap. most feature-length films are shot in less than two weeks and with a budget starting from several hundred euros. after budgets escalated to several million naira (several ten thousand euro) but market saturation led to a decrease. today the average is estimated at between € , and € , . there are no bank loans available for filmmakers. often merchants of vcrs and cassettes imported from taiwan or korea put up the money to increase the attractiveness of their goods. after the start-up phase, producers now often finance their next film with revenues from previous productions. producers also ask marketers to advance them loans on the next product. increasingly money is also coming in through sponsoring and product placements. swiss sociologist daniel künzler assumes that there is also some money-laundering by drug dealers, advanced fee-fraudsters and other dubious businessmen. films are shot directly on video, in the beginning on analogue beta-cam, then on dv. with the capital accumulated, producers today can afford the same high-definition equipment that their colleagues in the west are using. the material is then edited and mastered on pc-based best of the best television programmes market (bobtv), held annually in the nigerian capital abuja (http://www.bobtvinteractive.com/). igwe : künzler ( : ) gives an average of two million naira (€ , ) in . ukpabio : künzler : . both larkin and künzler call advanced fee fraud aka nigerian scam one of nigeria‘s main currency earners (künzler : ; larkin : ) igwe : systems. scriptwriters, actors, cameramen are all paid up-front. once the product is finished, everybody in the creative process has been paid. the finished movie is then transferred onto vhs cassettes which are sold for € . . an estimated breakdown of the price shows that two thirds is for the blank tape, percent for the film production, leaving a net profit of € . . recently the market has started to shift to optical discs with players spreading among the urban middle-class. for producers, this entails a more expensive process and greater risk. if a retailer copied a movie onto , vhs tapes and sold only half of them, he would simply record another film onto the left-over tapes until all had gone. but vcds are not reusable in case a retailer had overestimated demand. a set of two vcds is needed to hold a ninety minute movie which costs € . to produce and retails for € . . all figures relating to nollywood are unreliable but various sources based on the number of films reviewed by the national film and video censors board (nfvcb) indicate that production has been rising explosively. allegedly in , nigerian films were reviewed by the nfvcb. in the number was and in more than , films produced in nigeria were submitted to the nfvcb, compared to produced that year in india and in the usa. new movies are released every monday in the four principle wholesale markets lagos, onitsha, aba and kano. a few weeks earlier, the producer has put the trailers of the new releases onto national tv so audience demand has been created when the product arrives in the the shops and market stalls. for the largest market in lagos, a number of sixty new titles per week is given for . one third of the sales price goes to the producer, one third to the distributor and the final third covers the marketing costs. producers make their money during the initial sale before the pirates fill in the remaining demand. the buyers come from all over the country. typically they are still consumer electronics dealers with offices in all the main markets. they serve as wholesalers from whom retailers across the country come to buy. from the retail points, sellers take the tapes in baskets to the even with the spread of optical disc players vhs is still the widely preferred medium because a defective tape will have dropouts but still play, whereas a vcd with a scratch will often not play at all. igwe : igwe : larkin ( : ) calls statistics on nigeria „simulacral.“ the size of the gdp or even of the population is simply not known. http://www.nfvcb.gov.ng/statistics.php; künzler . the actual number is higher because not all movies produced in nigeria are submitted for review. numbers for india and usa from cahiers du cinéma, atlas du cinéma, . igwe : nathan streets peddling them to people in their cars during the perpetual traffic jam of the big cities. sales figures vary widely. while for the early s average figures of , copies were given, ten years later due to market saturation and increased competition including by pirates, an average film is said to sell , to , copies, and a top seller several hundred thousand. igbo films produced in english or with english subtitles have the largest circulation, while yoruba and hausa produce primarily for their language audiences. for these figures would yield revenues of between € , and several million euro per film. according to igwe the value of the local core-market in was four billion dollars, excluding business in the west, and excluding business related to nollywood magazines and music. the economist estimated the value of the films sold outside the wholesale centres at about the same as the legal sales. this money and that from films sold in other african countries mostly goes to pirates. igwe added that that should be multiplied by twenty taking into account the „supply problem“, i.e. piracy. the television market is another source of revenue for nollywood producers. the south- african direct satellite network multichoice established a channel dedicated to africa called africa magic. it started out with exclusively nigerian content. within three months it was the most watched channel in africa. this in turn creates demand by terrestrial tv stations. „african television stations didn’t have much of a choice. to run a tv station you had to go to paramount and buy content. it was the only place to buy content in the world. then this nigerian thing showed up and people love it, and it’s cheaper than everything else. it is culturally relevant, and they are not endangering their culture by watching nigerian movies because we share commonalities, we share value systems.“ the early boom period of nollywood is over. the market is consolidating and professionalising. in the beginning, very few people in the industry had formal training. often the same person would write the script, produce, direct and play one of the roles in the movie. from , task specialisation and training increased. professional associations for film producers, directors, camera-men and distributors like the kano cassette sellers recording and co-operative society ltd. have been established. there are a number of specialised video magazines, festivals like the abuja international film festival and the african movie academy awards (amaa), and trade fairs like the annual best of the best african film haynes and okome in haynes : künzler : . : f. nollywood dreams. nigeria's film industry, the economist, july , http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=e _snngddj igwe : http://www.africamagic.co.za/; igwe : . aderinokun ( ) indicates the number of subscribers in march at . million in africa, europe and the middle east. rupert murdoch‘s british pay-television bskyb followed with nigerian programming. igwe : künzler : http://www.nffo.org/ http://www.ama-awards.com/ the african movie academy that is presumably behind the award was founded by lawyer peace anyiam-fiberesima exclusively to stage the glamorous award ceremony (s. dorothee wenner who was a member of the jury of the amaa in , das andere afrika, tagesspiegel and tv programmes market. the international recognition is increasing as well. in , nollywood was featured at international film festivals like the ones in berlin and in rotterdam. politics is starting to recognise the potential of the film industry for the country. nigeria's president olusegun obasanjo mentioned the film industry in his budget speech and in appointed a panel to devise ways to intervene in the industry to help it grow further. the hope is that as a job creator and income earner it could one day match the oil industry, and as a cultural ambassador it could project an image of nigeria that attracts tourists. according to the nfvcb, about a million people are working in the nigerian film industry, half of them in production, half in distribution, which would make it the second largest employer in the country after agriculture and before the oil industry. whatever that actual production, sales and employment figures, it is evident that nollywood has become a major industry. strategies in markets for creative goods in the absence of copyright a film industry that has its roots in piracy must itself expect to fall victim to it. „after a start- up financing by people involved in media piracy, the production is now mainly financed by the revenues generated.“ domestic video producers now have something to lose. one of the main culprits mentioned by most people in the business are the video clubs. in the beginning of nollywood consumer electronics retailers who were either themselves film producers or kept business ties with them were the main outlets for video films. igwe mentions that they had not responded fast enough to a changing market. the video clubs have taken over as the main outlets for pirate sales and rentals of copies they themselves produce. „this has created a lot of stress in the distribution system in nigeria.“ „piracy is an ambivalent phenomenon in countries like nigeria. it is widely feared by indigenous film- and music makers as destructive of the small profits they make by way of intellectual property. it has had disastrous effects on indigenous music makers and contributes substantially to the erosion of the industry as a whole. yet at the same time, many of these same people consume pirate media both privately and professionally.“ the nigerian video film industry employes many of the same strategies as the book industry . . , http://archiv.tagesspiegel.de/archiv/ . . / .asp). http://www.bobtvinteractive.com/ the economist, op. cit. künzler calls that figure exaggerated ( : ). a french film festival that in featured nollywood gave a figure of , people working in the sector ( . festival international du film d‘amiens , http://www.filmfestamiens.org/archives/ _pano_nigeria.html) künzler : igwe : larkin : in th century usa to deal with a market for creative goods in the absence of copyright. the main strategy is speed in distribution. new films earn their money in the first few days until the pirates catch up. hence igwe calls piracy „a supply problem.“ demand has been created for a new movie, but if not enough copies are available or not at an affordable price, the pirates fill the gap. the response of the industry is to expand duplication capacities in order to be able to release new products in numbers that fill the demand, and to decentralise distribution so that new releases are available everywhere across the country. the shift from vhs to optical discs and from cd burners to pressing plants is considered crucial by igwe for this strategy. according to him in mid- , there were optical disc plants in nigeria, and he expected the number to rise to seventy plants by the end of that year. in order to gain control of the retail sector, igwe together with his wife, film producer and director amaka igwe, set up tmc boxoffice to supply and distribute movies and music on discs through several thousand branded shops across nigeria and beyond. according to their market estimate out of a population of million, about % have the economic resources to purchase and enjoy nigerian movies and music. while long-term relations with retail stores might indeed improve returns on the products supplied to them, with % of the population not able to afford nollywood movies, there remains a huge potential for continued piracy. what the igwes are doing on their own might also be achieved by cartellisation of the industry. this requires a trade community that honours nonlegal contracts and agreements. this exists to a degree in the islamic north. transactions between producers and marketers here are made on a commission basis. while in the wholesale markets in the south, the distributor pays the film producer up-front for the copies he takes, in kano according to larkin no money is paid to the producer until the film has been sold. this leads him to speak of „a complex balance of credit and trust.“ it was also here that one of the first trade associations was formed. after the promulgation of shari‘a in kano state in , a ban of videos was discussed. in response filmmakers organised in the kano state filmmakers association in order to negotiate with the government as an interest group. also the kano cassette sellers co-operative attempts a self- regulation, e.g. by restricting the number of films released per month. in other parts of the country cartellisation is less successful. when producers‘ associations in the south tried to deal with glut by limiting output for a time they found that it did not work because „copy cats make this self-limitation impossible to work.“ also filmmaker ukpabio complains: “bringing people to form a particular professional body is very difficult here. there are always breakaways.” igwe : . in comparison, in south africa there were five cds plants in operation. production facilities for dvds were being built as well, among others by igwe himself. http://www.bobtvinteractive.com/tmc/ larkin : larkin : larkin : künzler : ukpabio : the video film industry is characterised between an uneasy relation between the producers and the distributors who control the market. there have been struggles over their respective share of risk and profit. larkin mentions that on at least one occasion, producers organised in the kano state filmmakers association threatened to boycott distributors in order to increase the price of their products. in other cases producers try to cut out the middlemen altogether and get control of more of the chain of exploitation. the large distributors like infinity merchants often invest in the production of the films they carry, thereby claiming the copyright on the finished product. says igwe: „a company like mine, we own all of our system. so from everything we produce, we are guaranteed that we’ll receive or % of our revenues all the way down. the thing is to keep control of what you are doing.“ price discrimination by added value and quality is another important strategy employed. producers shrink-wrap cassettes and discs to prove it is an original copy, thus allowing them to build a reputation among consumers who may then decide whether to go for the cheaper but possibly defective pirate product or the original quality copy. they also include raffle tickets to encourage people to buy the genuine product. a peculiar system has emerged in several nigerian markets where producers do not sell the finished products to wholesalers but a master copy of the film and several thousand printed covers for the tapes. the distributor then replicates the copies to be sold. the high quality of the original jacket prints make the products distinguishable at first glance from low-quality pirate reprints. says filmmaker ukpabio: “i carefully select where i print my jackets. i make an agreement with the man in charge, and after that anywhere i see the jackets of my video films, i hold him responsible. ... and i also allow him keep the photo-films that we use in producing the jackets because without the original photo-films, pirates may find it difficult to do a good job of pirating the video film covers.” „intellectual property is vested not so much in the tape, which is the prerogative of the distributor, but in the jacket, which is created and controlled by the filmmakers themselves.“ this is a remarkable case where the older, gutenbergian media technology is less piracy-prone than the electronic, analogue or digital, carrier of the actual information. we have seen that foreign authors in th century usa earned significant amounts from readings and lectures. similarly nigerian film producers shift from product to performance. larkin mentionsthat “videomakers often try to recoupe their expenses by arranging screenings at cinema halls all over the north before releasing the video for general sale.” the remaining cinema halls in nigeria have become unsavoury places. with the success of nollywood there is now a movement to restore them and build new ones. up to new halls were expected to operate in . these high-priced multiplexes constructed by a ibid.: larkin : nathan igwe : nathan ukpabio : larkin : larkin in haynes : the economist, op. cit.; haynes and okome in haynes : . multinational corporation cater primarily to the elites preferring imported films. in this way also foreign film companies that had ceased distribution to nigeria now benefit from the nigerian film boom that piracy has helped to create. finally just as in the u.s. example, the nigerian video film industry increasingly calls on government to increase copyright enforcement. „we have possession of our markets now and i think the government has now come to realize that there is real value in protecting that body of work and providing a system that allows who creates things to exploit what they have created profitably.“ the nigerian copyright commission is the key government agency in this area. it employs ‚awareness raising‘ by creating slogans like "pirates, pack and go" (ppg) and producing anti-piracy trailers showing special squads arresting pirates that are screened in video parlours and cinemas. in president olusegun obasanjo himself launched the strategic action against piracy (strap) as a demonstration of this administration's commitment to the eradication of piracy. in january of , loretta njoku, then acting director general of the ncc mentioned a number of raids conducted mostly in lagos, leading to the confiscation of dvds, cds, software and books worth several hundred million naira each. but she also said that the pirates have become more sophisticated and their locations more prestigious, implying that people in high social strata are involved which makes them difficult to touch. this clearly indicates that piracy is not going to go away soon. why in nigeria? pirated foreign movies created the demand for vcrs and television sets. this led to the original accumulation of capital by electronics dealers like nnebue that they could invest in film production. piracy also established the networks of duplication and distribution that the nigerian video film producers could then use. and it developed a market in the most populous african country with the economy of scale that was ready to soak up domestic video films. in a country where a third of the population is illiterate, films provide an important bridge between oral culture and contemporary media culture. this situation, of course, is not unlike that in most developing countries. the question then arises why nigeria is one of the rare cases to have brought forth a strong domestic film industry. bollywood developed at the beginning of the th century in synch with the western film industry. the audio-visual production in countries like brazil and egypt is based on television. in ghana, in fact, video film production started even earlier than in nigeria, in the late s. the circumstances were very similar to the ones on nigeria, with a strong theatre tradition and an extensive pirate market. films produced in ghana are in english allowing a wide circulation, and they were so popular as to replace foreign films. different from nigeria, government has even been promoting the industry. censorship seems to be stricter in ghana, künzler : . see e.g. silverbird cinemas in a fashionable shopping-mall in lagos (http://www.silverbirdcinemas.com/aboutus.php) igwe : künzler : http://www.nigcopyright.org/strap.htm justin akpovi-esade, pirates, pack and go! copyright commission sign [sic] new song, online nigeria daily news, january , , http://nm.onlinenigeria.com/templates/?a= &z= but not so strict as to explain why a „ghollywood“ has not yet emerged. one preliminary explanation is that the ghanaian production seems to have been overwhelmed by the flood- tide of nigerian films. from about two dozen ghanaian producers, making about fifty films a year, by there were only about ten active producers left. even import restrictions against nigerian films were attempted but failed. according to jonathan haynes, the decisive factor for the nigerian success was the same that led to the rise of hollywood after world war i: economies of scale. „like america, nigeria has a huge domestic market. (nigerian producers complain that their average sales have fallen to , copies, but ghanaians sell a quarter as many.) a relatively large market permits relatively large budgets, which lead to relatively higher production values – better equipment, better acting from more professional actors, fancier sets and special effects, etc. relatively higher production values mean it is easier to export, which leads to more profits and still higher production values, and soon one film industry can afford car chases while the other is stuck with domestic melodramas filmed in modest homes. what originally was a minor difference in quality becomes an unbridgeable gulf.“ another important factor was the nearly complete lack of local audio-visual production. in other countries with a similar mix of ingredients there is an existing if small film and tv industry with film schools, public funding, international co-productions, film-festivals, professional organisations, and an active presence of production companies from the global north. to some degree this meets the hunger for local creative expressions. pirates therefore have no incentive to invest in filmmaking. filmmakers experience the same empowerment by digital technology to produce low-budget works as their colleagues in nigeria but they have less of an incentive to try to ‚reform‘ the pirate infrastructure so as to yield returns because they have a chance of income from the official market, public funding, the art circuit and niches like the ngo market. media-technological timing certainly also played a role. all other factors being equal, without the historic shift from mm celluloid to lower-cost video production equipment the development of a native nigerian film industry would have been unthinkable. while the emergence of nollywood remains somewhat of a mystery, the unique combination of a pirate-based technical infrastructure for film distribution and consumption, economy of scale and the nearly complete lack of native content decisively set nigeria apart from other developing countries. brazil: tecnobrega as a last example for the beneficial effects of piracy on creative production we now take a brief look at a music culture in belém, the capital of the north-brazilian state of pará. tecnobrega is electronic dance music that just like reggae and hiphop has emerged from the periphery of society and traditional market. in the beginning it was excluded from radio and künzler : wenner jonathan haynes, "nollywood": what's in a name?, the guardian, july , , http://www.odili.net/news/source/ /jul/ / .html still has no chance to ever get produced by a major record company. thus it had to find a distribution channel open to this music innovation: street vendors who otherwise sell pirate music or video cds. tecnobrega is dance music played at aparelhagens, sound system parties taking place in the poor outskirts of belém, the biggest of which attract more than five thousand people every weekend. “aparelhagem” refers to the sound system equipment, the group of musicians and djs operating it and the party itself. technology is at the core of the aparelhagem phenomenon. they started in the s. rubi from the largest aparelhagem tupinamba who is approaching and is still with the scene says the parties were always huge with lots of lighting. in the s, tv walls were the main attraction. in the s technology escalated. the bass speakers became so strong that vinyl and even cd players would jump so the djs had to switch to laptops. today a party without lasers, hydraulic stage, smoke machines and other special effects will simply not attract an audience. there are about aparelhagens of all sizes in belem. the small ones play in bars or in the streets. sometimes businessmen invest in the creation of a new sound-system. the tecnobrega musicians record their music in a studio. the genre mixes a s drum box beat with elements of the cheesy popular music of pará called brega and with pretty much any other kind of music past and present that the musician happens to like. it goes without saying that the rights for these samples are not cleared with their owners. in many cases the same person composes and records the music and performs it as a dj during the party. he then gives the master recording to the street vendors, either directly or to intermediaries who compile collections of songs, replicate the discs and then provide the street vendors with their goods. legitimate and illegal music cds are equally sold at r$ (€ ). no revenues from sales are flowing back to the artists. composers and musicians do not explicitly release their works under a free license, but wide distribution is welcome as advertising for the live performances where tecnobrega artists earn their living. the relation between musicians and vendors is genuinely convivial. the party organisers hire the aparelhagens who set up their own equipment and play the show. organisers make their money from the entrance fee and from selling drinks and merchandise like t-shirts. the bands also sell their own cds and dvds at the parties, sometimes also live recordings of the set the audience has just heard, at a premium price. more than new cds are released in that way every year writes ronaldo lemos, the director of the center for technology & society at the fundação getulio vargas law school in rio de janeiro. „during the interviews conducted by the open business project, some artists mentioned that they had previously tried to market their music through traditional channels, and they know that it has become impossible to make money through recording contracts and cd sales in today’s market. the open business tecnobrega research indicates that % of all artists on the scene have never had any contact with record companies.“ tecnobrega has become a significant economic factor in the poor state of pará, moving about personal communication, november . lemos : lemos : us$ million a month through belem's economy, according to the study directed by lemos. the main strategy of dealing with an environment without copyright enforcement in this case is performance over product. this is complemented by price discrimination where the discs sold at the parties by the bands themselves have a added experience value over comparable products sold by the pirates. legalising small-scale physical copyright piracy the point is not to give the people in the third world more but to steal less from them. (jean ziegler, empire of shame) to summarise my arguments so far: i started from the premise that copyright piracy is intrinsically linked with media markets and that therefore public policy must strive to strike a balance between its benefits and its harms. my goal was then to work out the beneficial effects of piracy for various parties involved. as the examples of book publishing of foreign woks in th century usa, of the development of the nigerian video film industry and the north brazilian dance music sector have shown the benefits are significant. piracy allows audiences who are reached by advertising for global culture products but cannot afford them to participate in the global information society. the buyers are not ideological. if their options are to see a movie through pirate means or not see it at all, the choice will be easy. readers in the u.s. got access to foreign books, viewers in nigeria to foreign films, listeners in brazil to a wide range of music, and all eventually were able to perceive a wealth of native expressions whose emergence was aided by piracy. publishers and producers were able to benefit from the original accumulation of media capital, infrastructure and market achieved by piracy. they managed to create a market for creative goods in the absence of (enforceable) copyright law. the strategies they employed include a race to be first on the market, price discrimination by quality and added value, cartellisation and trade rules, and performance over product. such mechanisms of informal copyright have recently gained considerable interest in the academic debate. native authors as well benefit from the infrastructure and the economy of scale achieved by piracy. the connection between reception and creation of cultural works is worth further exploration. while the link between reading and writing any media format is obvious in the 'brega' sound turning industry on its ear, cnn, october , http://edition.cnn.com/ /tech/ / /brazil.tecnobrega.ap/index.html?eref=ib_technology fauchart & von hippel , loshin . another example is television formats which in germany are not protectable by copyright but are nevertheless traded as if they were property (see bgh, urteil vom . . ; ger. az.: - i zr / , http://juris.bundesgerichtshof.de/cgi-bin/rechtsprechung/document.py? gericht=bgh&art=en&nr= &pos= &anz= ; press release on this decision: http://juris.bundesgerichtshof.de/cgi-bin/rechtsprechung/document.py? gericht=bgh&art=en&anz= &pos= &nr= &linked=pm&blank= . it is also remarkable in this context that the highest profit margins in book publishing today are derived from reprints of out-of- copyright classics. process of enculturation in general, more empirical evidence is needed in the context of piracy. lawrence liang, head of the alternative law forum bangalore, has observed that the changing dynamics in pirate markets in china and india has recently led to the availability of films not only from hollywood but from other cultures, independent films, art-house, documentaries and experimental films. this in turn has inspired thousands of people in china to line up to join art schools. he cites a chinese curator saying: “when you can buy tarkovsky for a dollar, you will obviously produce many more artists”. liang's conclusion: “it is only a matter of time before young people inspired by the new cinema that they see via the grey market fancy taking a shot at becoming the next jonathan caouette.” this is, in fact, was has happened in nigeria. both creatives and audiences have a desire for local cultural expressions that is excluded from official media. as charles igwe had explained the success of the first nollywood movie: it was a story „being told by our people to our people. ... what is most important is that movies aren’t just business, they are cultural expression.“ the observation of the crucial role of local demand for local expression disproves the idea of a global levelling of differences through dispersion of hegemonic culture industry products. there is certainly a flow of u.s. american, indian, european, japanese, and chinese movies and music that reaches the most remote corners of the planet. but it leaves something to be desired. there is a genius loci, that cannot be absorbed in globality, a linkage of place, language, ethnicity, religion, stories, songs that is permeable to outside influences but creates a density of interactions out of which new cultural forms are born, forms for which there is no space either in multinational culture industry nor in its pirate double and that are able to bring forth and sustain a local environment for cultural expression. foreign authors were able to obtain payments from the u.s. printers. foreign film companies are now able to derive profits from nigeria after multiplexes for the middle-class are emerging from the film boom that nollywood has created. foreign bands playing in brazil could, just as their tecnobrega colleagues, utilize the street vendor networks for advertising their shows. for the pirates themselves, of course, piracy is profitable. pirates are not ideological. they are business people like any others. they take whatever opportunity arises to match demand with supply, following a purely economic logic. they could not care less whether they are selling hollywood or nollywood movies, microsoft or free software. if street vendors were not marginalised by illegality cooperations could develop for the distribution of wikipedia, aids information and other educational materials. from a public policy perspective, nurturing cultural innovation and diversity is a value by itself. major economic growthh approaching that of the largest industry – in nigeria liang igwe : what they do not do is marketing. they do not create demand beyond the immediate presentation of what they have to offer. they do not have to. the original provider of the information has always already done that. media activists in sao paulo were talking to street vendors to get them to sell free software (personal communication, alexandre freire, / ). in ethopia there was a campaign launched by musicians who are harmed by piracy to get street vendors to differentiate between foreign and domestic content playing out nationalist sentiments (personal communication, eddan katz, / ). nollywood is said to be second to the oil industry, in belèm tecnobrega is said to be second to the rubber industry – is anotherpositivee factor. piracy itself and the original creative expression it supports creates jobs, and even if the pirate do not pay taxes, by spending their earnings they do contribute to the overall economy. on the negative side of piracy the main problems arise from the fact that the activity is illegal, and therefore more profitable than if it were not. the claim that piracy attracts organised crime seems plausible. this means that people in money laundering, the trade in arms, drugs and trafficking in human beings get involved in copyright infringement. this introduces a culture of violence and sets up new forms of serfdom, especially of the street vendors. illegality draws police repression onto piracy. the street vendors are the most exposed and vulnerable link in the system. they are most affected by the raids. if they receive their goods from organised crime groups on commission, confiscating their goods only serves to drive them further into slavery. they are also the most dispensable for the piracy trade. even if they are imprisoned, there are numerous others to fill their place. the big guys in the big business of piracy, just like in any other business, rarely if ever get caught. if copyright piracy has such significant advantages for access to knowledge and creative works as well as for creativity and innovation, and the negative sides arise from its illegality – why not simply legalise it? a remarkable precedent of drawing a line between activities deemed tolerable by society and those that cause serious harm is the de facto if not de jure legalisation of soft drugs in the netherlands. the pragmatic policy rational behind it is that when a wide-spread practice cannot be eradicated it should be permitted and controlled rather than continuing attempts to suppress it. where it ever was the case that hard and soft drugs were dealt in the same scene, the official sanctioning of marihuana (plus a realistic and meaningful policy towards users and importers of hard drugs) effectively served to separate the two. it also creates legal and taxed jobs in coffee shops and youth centres and, not the least, a tourist attraction. the same can be seen with respect to prostitution. where it is legal, sex service work is removed from the culture of violence and slavery that illegality breeds and becomes a regular profession with rights and entitlements and duties like paying taxes. „in fact, the easier it is to copy music, the less of a threat piracy will become. when piracy gets easier, professional pirates have less to offer. the only ‚pirates‘ left will be fans. the real question should not be, ‚how can i keep my fans from hearing my music for free?‘ it should be, ‚how can i best make money from my fans?‘“ (jaron lanier, piracy is your friend, ) legalising small-scale physical reproduction and sales of works without permission from and compensation to their creators would have the same beneficial effects. if anybody who can afford consumer-grade copying equipment would be permitted to sell copies, piracy would become unattractive to organised crime. especially if there is the slightest chance of some drug policy alliance: the netherlands, http://www.drugpolicy.org/global/drugpolicyby/westerneurop/thenetherlan/ truth to the claim that copyright infringement funds terrorism then certainly drastic and novel measures like legalising piracy are called for. it would remove power relations and violence in the business. it would create respectable jobs, offering a real service to audiences, even if street vendors would not start keeping books and paying taxes overnight. one could imagine people taking out grameen-style micro-loans to buy two vcrs or a cd burner and start a family replication business. their micro- marketing would reach audiences who have never been served with information and culture goods before, taking them as far as no commercial distribution network was able to or cared to reach. it would be in their self-interest to do micro-market research to ensure that their information services would meet the needs of their local customers, again something no commercial mass marketing could ever achieve. most of all such a replication and distribution infrastructure would provide a fertile ground for the emergence of new original forms of creative expression. as khan and lessig have indicated the relation between pirate and non-pirate business models depends on economic and social development and the state of development of a given media technology. one can therefore expect de-criminalised piracy to be naturally transitional. with a growing middle-class the number of people who can afford books, music and movies at a price that includes remuneration of the artists and their service-providers rises. if not out of respect for the creatives, they would buy the official product because they want the full set of features that burned vcds lack, they will want a booklet and not just a photocopied cover, and rather than in the streets they will want to buy in the stylish atmosphere of a shopping mall. this self-selection by consumers is at the base of the price- discrimination by quality, reputation and added value found in all three cases discussed. furthermore, once original forms of creative expression arise aided by the infrastructure of legalised piracy their actors will likely start calling for a meaningful level of copyright protection. this was the case in both in the u.s. and the nigerian examples but so far there is no indication for such calls from the brazilian tecnobrega world where money is earned not by sales of product but purely by performances. if creators feel that they are harmed by one form of piracy or other they voluntarily have an incentive to call for and recognize an adequate level of copyright. this situation would be very different from today where strong copyright rules are imposed on developing countries from outside. it is also possible that a stable situation arises where the poor by means of legalised piracy serve the poor while the middle- and upper-class sustain the production of creative works. you will have noticed that the proposal for legalising piracy does not imply abolishing copyright altogether and it contains three caveats. it refers to copyright matter only. needless to emphasise that the issues are very different for medicine, car parts and other forms of non- copyright counterfeit products. second, it refers to physical piracy in the form of books, analogue tapes and optical discs that can be replicated with readily available technology and that is a relevant means for providing access to knowledge until the internet becomes widely available. with the internet the issues become quit different and call for different solutions alford ( ) argues that taiwan has successfully integrated international intellectual property laws because these rules were endogenously adopted as a result of internally-generated domestic political and economic changes. he contrasts these policies to china, where western institutions were externally imposed with little regard for the local culture and conditions. outside the scope of this paper. the third caveat is that legalisation should be restricted to small-scale piracy. where to draw the line between small and not so small-scale? for optical discs there is a clear difference between burning and pressing. while the former uses consumer technology the latter requires industrial plants and capital investments on an industrial scale attracting organised crime. while there are millions of burners in nigeria there are only four mastering facilities and optical disc plants. these should be fairly easy to control. also cleanroom technology, stampers and raw materials required for the process could be controlled at source. could it be justified? assuming that legalising small-scale physical copyright piracy would be beneficial could it be justified? lessig has clearly pointed out that the record industry, radio and cable tv originated in piracy. but when discussing commercial piracy he unambiguously opposes it. while in case of those forms of piracy he finds defendable he devotes several pages exploring origins and individual cases, weighting arguments of both sides, here he spends not even seven lines on laying out what commercial piracy is. he refers to businesses especially in asia and eastern europe that without permission take other people‘s copyright protected content, copy it and sell it, and he simply quotes the recording and the movie industry with the billions of dollars they claim to be losing that way every year. he does not differentiate between small- and large-scale piracy and summarily declares: „this piracy is wrong.“ he does make somewhat of an attempt to discuss three justifications offered in defence of piracy. „we could, for example, remind ourselves that for the first one hundred years of the american republic, america did not honour foreign copyrights.we were born, in this sense, a pirate nation. it might therefore seem hypocritical for us to insist so strongly that other developing nations treat as wrong what we, for the first hundred years of our existence, treated as right.“ this observation is crucial to every debate on copyrights and development but strangely enough lessig‘s refutation is strictly formalistic. technically, he writes, the american law at that time did not ban the taking of foreign works while the laws in asian countries do ban it today. he even goes on: „true, these local rules have, in effect, been imposed upon these countries.“ again, a fact that every realistic evaluation of the copyright environment has to critically take into account. lessig has been involved in law reforms in east european countries after the end of the cold war, so he has seen first hand the forms of coercion applied to sovereign states. still his response is strictly formalistic: „if a country is to be treated as a sovereign, however, then its laws are its laws regardless of their source.“ he does mention the flexibilities in international copyright law, and writes: „in my view, lessig suggests that “we should be securing income to artists while we allow the market to secure the most efficient way to promote and distribute content.” ( : ). for a proposal on a flat-rate compensation for legalised peer-to-peer file-sharing see also grassmuck . according to the iipa report on nigeria, http://www.iipa.com/rbc/ / spec nigeria.pdf lessig : ibid. ibid.: more developing nations should take advantage of that opportunity,“ but only to continue: „but when they don’t, then their laws should be respected.“ international treaties like trips do grant some small manoeuvring space to developing and least developed nations but lessig makes it very clear that in his opinion „local rules“ may not deviate too far from the global, one-size-fits-all rules imposed by his nation: „no country can be part of the world economy and choose not to protect copyright internationally.we may have been born a pirate nation, but we will not allow any other nation to have a similar childhood.“ ben-atar said this on this issue: „when i say, america is the first original pirate of technology, ... they say: but there were no international agreements then, so it was ok. these are good arguments to lawyers, but they sound disingenuous to me. it's like the immigrant who comes off the boat and says those after me are really bad, let's not allow them in.“ the second argument in defence of piracy lessig discusses is that it does not harm the copyright industry. „the chinese who get access to american cds at cents a copy are not people who would have bought those american cds at $ a copy. so no one really has any less money than they otherwise would have had.“ he does grant some truth to this statement but again wipes it off with a formal argument: „however, although copyright is a property right of a very special sort, it is a property right.“ and as with every property right, the owner gets to decide. therefore piracy is wrong „even if the wrong does no harm.“ he even mentions the principle of balance in property rights but at this point only in the form of a condition: „if we have a property system, and that system is properly balanced to the technology of a time, then it is wrong to take property without the permission of a property owner. that is exactly what ‚property‘ means.“ what exactly ‚property‘ means and what constitutes this evasive quality of a 'proper balance' is at the heart of lessig‘s work. but here he does not raise the questions and takes the dogmatic answers of the law for granted. the final argument he discusses is that piracy actually helps the copyright owner. chinese stealing windows become dependent on microsoft and over time will buy the software. economic research provides quite a bit of evidence to support this rational. lessig‘s response is the same as to the previous argument: it is property and therefore only microsoft gets to decide. lessig‘s conclusion on commercial piracy opens the way for other forms of infringement that he does find defensible: „this kind of piracy is rampant and just plain wrong. it doesn’t transform the content it steals; it doesn’t transform the market it competes in. it merely gives someone access to something that the law says he should not have.“ at this he moves on to the „many kinds of ‚piracy‘ [that] are useful and productive.“ his foremost example of this „piracy“ (now placed in between quotation marks) is peer-to-peer sharing. his approach here is very different than in his discussion of commercial piracy. „we must determine whether and how much peer-to-peer sharing harms before we know how ibid. ibid.: f. ben-atar, personal communication, . . . ibid.: ibid.: , emphasis added ibid.: strongly the law should seek to either prevent it or find an alternative to assure the author of his profit.“ where before he did not admit economic arguments – actual harm is irrelevant because property is property –, here he takes it as his starting point. where before he took the law and its balancedness as given in order to condemn piracy, here he asks what the law should do in order to strike the right balance. „for ( ) like the original hollywood, peer-to-peer sharing escapes an overly controlling industry; and ( ) like the original recording industry, it simply exploits a new way of distributing content; but ( ) unlike cable tv, no one is selling the content that is shared on peer-to-peer services. these differences distinguish peer-to-peer sharing from true piracy. they should push us to find a way to protect artists while enabling this sharing to survive.“ let us test our three example cases against these criteria: ( ) the mpaa had stopped all legal distribution to nigeria. even if consumers were ready and able to pay the price they would have asked, hollywood movies were simply not available. therefore piracy clearly served to escape an overly controlling industry. the same argument holds that lessig gives for works shared in peer-to-peer networks that are no longer sold by their rights holders: „this is still technically a violation of copyright, though because the copyright owner is not selling the content anymore, the economic harm is zero.“ ( ) dubbing vhs tapes and selling them in the streets might not have been a new way of distributing content per se but it was certainly new for nigeria, and it brought content to people that was not accessible otherwise. different from peer-to-peer sharing one could not even argue that a copy bought in the street is a lost sale in the store. more important, the infrastructure for distributing pirate videos created the incentive to produce new works, not transformed works like fan dubs or mash-ups, but original works, a whole new genre and a whole new industry. does this positive cultural and economic effect justify the original sin of piracy from which it was born? ( ) like cable tv, the vhs cassettes available in the streets of lagos and the tecnobrega recordings in belém are indeed sold. but is it really the content that is sold or rather the service of duplicating and making it available? competition drives prices in pirate markets down close to marginal cost, i.e. to little more than the price of a blank tape. in germany, beneficiaries of the private copying exception can ask a library to make copies for them, for which the library copy shop asks a fee. it does not sell the content, it sells the service. indeed, cable tv operators argued that they were not selling the content but the service of making content available. lessig himself mentions used book and record stores that do make money ibid.: f. compare e.g. this statement to the arguments in principle that lessig brought against commercial piracy: „if the record companies sold more records through sampling than they lost through substitution, then sharing networks would actually benefit music companies on balance. they would therefore have little static reason to resist them.“ (ibid.: ) ibid.: ibid.: from the content they sell without paying the author. and also some providers of peer-to-peer services are making money, either through advertising or through subscriptions. true, the bulk of transfers in peer-to-peer networks is done not by commercial enterprises but by individuals who contribute their own resources (hardware, bandwidth). the same can be said of small-scale piracy, i.e. individuals who own two vhs recorders or a disc burner with which they produce a small number of copies that they sell for the price of the recordable medium plus a fee for their service. „thus, consistent with the tradition that gave us hollywood, radio, the recording industry, and cable tv, the question we should be asking about file sharing is how best to preserve its benefits while minimizing (to the extent possible) the wrongful harm it causes artists. the question is one of balance. the law should seek that balance, and that balance will be found only with time.“ while agreeing with lessig on industrial-scale piracy, this paper is attempting to find answers to theses questions with respect to small-scale piracy. the main arguments in its favour have already been presented. two questions remain to asked. why should authors or rather the copyright industries from the north be made to pay this kind of development assistance? this raises the counter question: why should their products be treated any different than local creative works like tecnobrega music or nollywood movies? the national treatment principle stipulated in the berne convention should mean that robby williams must compete with tupinamba in the same national environment on local terms. in fact it is made to mean that u.s. national law is forced onto every sovereign state on the planet. one could point to the u.s. itself that until by not recognising foreign copyrights unilaterally claimed development assistance from european nations. in the mid- th century britain officially instituted an expropriation of its domestic authors as a form of intellectual development help for its colonies. one could generally mention the centuries‘ long plunder of the south, a guilt for which the north is now repaying with the best (and unfortunately also the worst) it has to offer: information, knowledge, culture. in fact, those who are screaming the loudest likely have the least to lose. as our examples have shown: people in the u.s. most of all wanted to read u.s. authors, people in nigeria primarily want to watch nigerian movies, people in brazil primarily want to listen to music rooted in their own culture. and finally: could it be done? no and yes. most countries have bound themselves to international instruments like the berne convention and trips that would prevent them from permitting piracy. the dutch example again points to a solution. the netherlands are lessig : „works originating in one of the contracting states (that is, works the author of which is a national of such a state or works which were first published in such a state) must be given the same protection in each of the other contracting states as the latter grants to the works of its own nationals (principle of "national treatment")“ http://www.wipo.int/treaties/en/ip/berne/summary_berne.html “britain administered a two-tiered international intellectual property system that attempted to address the needs of its colonies. in britain passed the foreign reprints act which allowed colonies to import the works of british authors without copyright protection, and also allowed legal price discrimination with significantly lower prices for overseas editions.” (khan : ) the berne convention in its appendix does contain special provisions regarding developing. under narrowly confined conditions it grants exceptions to the rights of reproduction and translation of literary works and audio-visual fixations but only for use in connection with systematic instructional activities and providing a just compensation to the owner of those rights member of the international drug control treaties. therefore it keeps its anti-drug laws on the books while limiting enforcement to certain offences. technically cannabis is still illegal but factually the country benefits from its decriminalisation. a similar arrangement could be found for de-criminalising small-scale piracy. the comparison to drugs remains instructive. in march the bolivian coca commission that was deliberating proposals for the new bolivian constitution decided to seek a ban on the use of the word ‚coca‘ by a multinational soft-drink company. bolivia is not allowed to market its leaves and herbal teas. bolivian coca farmers were pointing to national cultural tradition, a principle that is carrying much weight in the debate over global harmonisation of copyrights. bolivians use coca as medicine and in religious ceremonies and want to have the significance of the holy leaf written into the constitution as a „renewable, economic and strategical crop resource.“ bolivia‘s president evo morales had already announced that coca growing will be extended in from , to , hectares. for the former head of the union of coca farmers, cocaine consumption is a problem of the industrialised nations, and that is where it should be solved. „for us, coca is part of the culture and the national identity.“ in the same sense every current and former developing country could convincingly argue that piracy is part of its tradition and the problem that industrialised nations have with it should be solved there. legalising small-scale piracy would achieve a short-term relief for street vendors from the effects of criminalisation, a mid-term effect of establishing an infrastructure of media distribution that the market has fails to create in nigeria and in many other developing countries, and a long-term effect of nurturing domestic cultural production that can then serve to convert the pirate networks and compete in the international arena on truly equal terms with the cultural products of the north. bibliography aderinokun, tayo, the economics of nigerian film, art and business, in: africa update, vol. xi, issue (spring ): the nigerian film industry, http://www.ccsu.edu/afstudy/upd - .html alford, to steal a book is an elegant offense: intellectual property law in chinese civilization, stanford, california: stanford university press, ben-atar, doron, trade secrets. intellectual piracy and the origins of american industrial power, yale university press, bey, hakim, the temporary autonomous zone, , http://www.hermetic.com/bey/taz .html (http://www.wipo.int/treaties/en/ip/berne/trtdocs_wo .html) coca quandary for hard-up bolivia, bbc, april , http://news.bbc.co.uk/ /hi/world/americas/ .stm bhattacharjee, sudip, ram d. gopal, kaveepan lertwachara and james r. marsden, stochastic dynamics of music album lifecycle: an analysis of the new market landscape, international journal of human-computer studies archive, vol. , ( ), january , fauchart, emmanuelle and eric von hippel, norms-based intellectual property systems: the case of french chefs, mit sloan working paper - , january , http://ssrn.com/abstract= grassmuck, volker, recent copyright trends on the internet, intercommunication magazine tokyo , http://waste.informatik.hu-berlin.de/grassmuck/texts/ - - _icc- mag_flatrate.pdf haynes, jonathan (ed.), nigerian video films, ohio university center for international studies hume, david, letter lxxiii. the law of copyright, spring of , http://oll.libertyfund.org/texts/hume /letterstostrahan/htmls/ _pt _letters .ht ml#lf-bk lt igwe, charles, the nigerian film industry, presentation at the seminar „the rise of people‘s cinema, may , cts of fgv, rio de janeiro, p. , http://www.culturalivre.org.br/images/stories/nigerianfilmsctslink% % % .pdf khan, b. zorina, “does copyright piracy pay? the effects of u.s. international copyright laws on the market for books, - ", department of economics, bowdoin college, and national bureau of economic research, https://www.law.ucla.edu/docs/khan__copyright_piracy_jle_ .pdf künzler, daniel, the nigerian video industry as an example of import substitution. paper presented at the sociological institute of the university of bergen (norway), october , , http://www.suz.unizh.ch/kuenzler/grey/bergen .pdf lanier, jaron, piracy is your friend, the new york times, may , , reprinted in: sarai reader : public domain, larkin, brian, video awudjo! popular video film in the aff/ny festival, , http://www.africanfilmny.org/network/news/rlarkin.html larkin, brian, degraded images, distorted sounds: nigerian video and the infrastructure of piracy, in: public culture , ( ): – , duke university press lemos, ronaldo, from legal commons to social commons: brazil and the cultural industry in the st century, centre for brazilian studies, university of oxford, working paper , , http://www.brazil.ox.ac.uk/workingpapers/r.% lemos .pdf lessig, lawrence, free culture, the penguin press, new york, liang, lawrence, pirate aesthetics, in: magazine of the steirischer herbst festival, graz , http://www.altlawforum.org/publications/pirate loshin, jacob, secrets revealed: how magicians protect intellectual property without law, yale law school, july , , http://papers.ssrn.com/abstract_id= marx, karl, das kapital, bd. i, siebenter abschnitt, vierundzwanzigestes kapitel: die sogenannte ursprüngliche akkumulation, london , http://www.mlwerke.de/me/me /me _ .htm nathan, jeremy, no-budget nigeria, filmmaker magazine, fall , http://www.filmmakermagazine.com/fall /features/no_budget_nigeria.php oberholzer, felix and koleman strumpf, the effect of file sharing on record sales an empirical analysis, march , http://www.unc.edu/~cigar/papers/filesharing_march .pdf rizal, jose, el filibusterismo, guerrero publishing, manila sell, susan k., private power, public law. the globalization of intellectual property rights, cambridge university press serres, michel, der parasit, suhrkamp, franfurt/m. ukpabio, helen, interview by onookome okome, postcolonial text, nollywood: west african cinema, vol , no ( ) http://journals.sfu.ca/pocol/index.php/pct/article/view/ / ziegler, jean, empire of shame, editions fayard, paris and bertelsmann, munich prelude: piracy in paradise piracy pirate nations the united states of america: books strategies in markets for creative goods in the absence of copyright nigeria: video films origin of nollywood strategies in markets for creative goods in the absence of copyright why in nigeria? brazil: tecnobrega legalising small-scale physical copyright piracy could it be justified? bibliography .qxd editorial diabetes spectrum volume , number , great is the art of beginning, but greater is the art of ending. —henry wadsworth longfellow as i take the helm as editor of diabetes spectrum, i would be remiss if i did not first take a moment to thank and congratulate belinda childs and her team of associate editors. for the past years, they have done an outstanding job bringing those of us who practice in the diabetes arena a journal filled with the latest research translated into practical applications for clinical use. the passion they bring to diabetes care was evident with each issue they published. congratulations to them all on a job more than well done. it is an honor— albeit a daunting one—to follow in their footsteps. i have no doubt we will see each of their names in future issues of diabetes spectrum, for in the way of the american diabetes association (ada), no volunteer is allowed to fade away. we hope they will take opportunities to serve as guest editors and write articles and guest editorials for many years to come. it is my privilege to be the new edi- tor of diabetes spectrum. it is also my great fortune to be able to work with such an able editorial team. the new associate editors were hand-picked for their passion, dedication, knowledge, and desire to improve the lives of peo- ple with diabetes. i would be lying if i did not tell you that, selfishly, they were also chosen because they adhere to deadlines! the work each of us does with the ada has personal as well as profes- sional meaning. i was years old when my mother was diagnosed with diabetes. she already knew what the devastation of living with diabetes could be; her mother also had diabetes. my mother died in , just at the start of the diabetes control and complication trial (dcct). this was before blood glucose monitors were really available and before the impor- tance of good blood glucose control was understood. it was rare that a hemoglobin a c measurement was obtained. instead, the gold standard was measurement of fasting blood glucose. only a few oral agents and insulins were on the market. no one understood the importance of the team approach. patients were rarely, if ever, included in the development of their own care plans. our knowledge of diabetes and diabetes care was just emerging. often, i think of what a higher quality of life my mother would have had with all that we know about diabetes today. i entered the diabetes health care force in as a nurse practitioner, primarily to help with human insulin research trials and the dcct. i thought i would work a few years, have a baby or two, and move on. little did i know that i would be caught up in such a powerful and exciting time for diabetes care. i could never have imagined how much we would learn about diabetes or how crucial it would be for us to translate that knowledge into prac- tice. nor could i have ever guessed how significant a role my patients would play in my ability to under- stand diabetes from their first-hand viewpoint. the diabetes care community is different from other chronic care models. it is one of the few health care models that uses all of the vari- ous health care team members based on the needs of the person with dia- betes. it is also one of the few models that recognizes the need for patients and their families to be part of the team, if not to lead the team. because of this unique model, it is vital that the educational needs of all team members be met. the ada, always a leader in diabetes care, publishes numerous journals for this reason. over the years, through the dedica- tion of many, diabetes spectrum has emerged to meet the needs of the health care team. in the more than years that i have been involved in diabetes care, our knowledge of diabetes and the best practices for its care and treat- ment has grown and changed signifi- cantly. however, the disease contin- ues to challenge all who are touched by it. during the years of our term, it is my hope that this editorial team will continue the tradition of former edito- rial teams of providing a forum for critical information to enhance our readers’ clinical skills, with the ulti- mate goal of improving outcomes for people with diabetes. continuing the tradition davida f. kruger, msn, aprn-bc, bc-adm, editor the challenge of american folklore to the humanities humanities article the challenge of american folklore to the humanities simon j. bronner school of humanities, american studies program, the pennsylvania state university, middletown, pa - , usa; sbronner@psu.edu received: november ; accepted: february ; published: february abstract: american folklore consists of traditional knowledge and cultural practices engaged by inhabitants of the united states below canada and above mexico. american folklorists were influenced by nineteenth-century european humanistic scholarship that identified in traditional stories, songs, and speech among lower class peasants an artistic quality and claim to cultural nationalism. the united states, however, appeared to lack a peasant class and shared racial and ethnic stock associated in european perceptions with the production of folklore. the united states was a relatively young nation, compared to the ancient legacies of european kingdoms, and geographically the country’s boundaries had moved since its inception to include an assortment of landscapes and peoples. popularly, folklore in the united states is rhetorically used to refer to the veracity, and significance, of cultural knowledge in an uncertain, rapidly changing, individualistic society. it frequently refers to the expressions of this knowledge in story, song, speech, custom, and craft as meaningful for what it conveys and enacts about tradition in a future-oriented country. the essay provides the argument that folklore studies in the united states challenge euro-centered humanistic legacies by emphasizing patterns associated with the american experience that are ( ) democratic, ( ) vernacular, and ( ) incipient. keywords: folklore; folklorist; folkloristics; tradition; folktale; folksong; legend; joke; narrative; performance; practice theory; speech; ritual; rites of passage; internet; romantic nationalism; united states . introduction and thesis in , an international cast of folklorists including many from the united states descended upon london for the second international folk-lore congress, thus institutionalizing the term describing the broad subject area of traditional knowledge and practices as “folklore” (cocchiara , pp. – ). the americans faced a problem having their stories and songs accepted by their european colleagues as bona fide folklore worthy of aesthetic appreciation and scholarly analysis. the americans did not boast a corpus of marvelous tales comparable to the grimms’ märchen, poetic work measuring up to the grand epics and sagas celebrated in scandinavia, or ancient myths in the classical tradition of the greeks and romans. to be sure, the young republic had a diverse indigenous population who were credited with possessing myths and distinct belief systems. yet american scholars working to justify a national identity struggled to show that a national culture composed of settlers from various old world cultures was more than a diluted derivative of european immigration. by the end of the nineteenth century, that immigration reached massive proportions and appeared to transform the nation into a multi-lingual industrial, multi-racial, urban power. nonetheless, the united states purportedly lacked a peasant class and homogeneous racial and ethnic stock associated in european perceptions with the production of folklore. the united states was a relatively young nation, compared to the ancient legacies of european kingdoms, and geographically the country’s boundaries had moved since its inception to include an assortment of landscapes and peoples. humanities , , ; doi: . /h www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities http://www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities http://www.mdpi.com http://dx.doi.org/ . /h http://www.mdpi.com/journal/humanities humanities , , of if the americans felt that their grassroots traditions had been belittled by the representatives of older cultural legacies of europe and the civilizations further east of india and china, they also faced derision for their relative lack of fine arts. europeans portrayed americans as boorish and in need of european refinement with help from tastes for romantic literature, poetry, drama, and painting. the few institutions of higher learning and academies for advancement of the arts in north america paled in comparison to revered centers of learning such as oxford, cambridge, paris, and berlin. indeed, american historian daniel boorstin has claimed that the united states began as a “modern culture which skipped the aristocratic phase.” he wrote that “we have been without that deep bifurcation into high and low, which was the starting point of the national cultures of western europe” that set the tone for humanistic study (boorstin , p. ). related to the idea of a class-based bifurcation of culture in western europe where ideas of folklore arose is a geography of urban centers featuring a vibrant intellectual life. “almost every [european] country has had its paris, its mecca of culture, where one could sit and be at the center of things,” boorstin ( , p. ) observed. in the united states, however, emerging scholars often searched for ideas in the vernacular experience of the everyman and woman on the move. they brought various traditions with them from the old world and hybridized them with other sources to create a distinctive new world mix. if not lodged in ivory towers of renowned academies, the american scholar sought wisdom from the pragmatic experience of establishing a new nation, and attendant culture, characterized by regional and ethnic diversity at the grassroots. writers looking for cultural revelations were forced to see practices in action across paths of migration from various ports of entry into broad inland regions. these writers, many of whom called themselves folklorists, provided challenges to the predominant elitist conceptualizations of the humanities, and the cultures of which they were a part. in this essay, i trace the challenge of folklore studies to the eurocentric concept humanities from the nineteenth century to the present. i argue that the significant patterns of american humanistic thought informed by folklore through the period of scholarly development from the nineteenth century to the twenty-first century have been: . democratic. in keeping with the ideal of the united states as the first modern democracy, folklore-minded humanists established a cultural study that would be diverse, rather than seeking romantic nationalism, by representing the participation in national culture of various groups. that is not to say that americans thought all these groups to be equal, and a task for many folklore-minded humanists was to recognize inequities by giving attention to groups facing domination or not given credit for their artistic, and therefore intellectual, capabilities. folklorists showed artistry and tradition, and therefore claims to cultural integration, in the traditions of often marginalized groups. in the absence of a peasant class, the “american concept of folklore” that emerged by the mid-twentieth century featured an elastic, plural notion of group (dundes ). . vernacular. because of attention by leading american folklorists to the separation, interaction, and hybridization of various groups in the production of practices viewed, and heard, as “tradition,” folklore studies emphasized the “folk,” or social aspect, in folklore. it was vernacular in the sense of often being localized, even if connected to apparently global, antecedent traditions. as studies evolved, the goal of identifying community with folkloric evidence extended to different situations as mobile social frames for the emergence of folklore (bronner , pp. – ). the separation of the humanities from social sciences therefore often came into question, since folklorists were concerned for social contexts as well as texts of culture. those texts in a vernacular-centered perspective were analyzed for connections to everyday culture rather than a canon of work known by a learned or refined person. . incipient. the european humanistic tradition was built upon reverence for ancient civilization and learning of the classics. to be sure, american higher education emphasized this tradition to the mid-twentieth century, but affecting scholarship was a movement of american studies reflecting a developing “modern” american culture. as the united states proclaimed itself a new humanities , , of nation that diverged from its sources in europe and africa, so did folklore presented as american reflect an incipient contemporaneous quality. it was in process. that is, it was developing and constantly being created anew, theory held, in the context of peculiar historical and geographic conditions. american folklorists certainly found evidence of intact transplanted customs but they specially pointed to traditions that emerged with american characteristics. folklorists challenged the ancient foundation of the humanities by noting how american traditions observed as they were practiced reflected a forward-looking, inventive nation. . the social grounding and organization of american folklore from the organization of the american folklore society in , folklorists in the united states in answer to their european colleagues defined their purview along ethnic lines: surviving “old english” ballads, tales, and speech; african american traditions in the south; native american myths and tales; and border material from french canada and mexico (newell b; see also (abrahams ; bell ; bronner , pp. – )). as with their european colleagues, they imagined that folklore in the wake of mass industrialization and urbanization needed documentation before disappearing. the organizer of the society william wells newell defined folklore by its “character of oral tradition” rather than by its nationalistic roots. as he explained, “lore must be understood as the complement of literature, as embracing all human knowledge handed down by word of mouth and preserved without the use of writing” (newell a). newell’s rhetoric along ethnic lines of “folklore in america” avoided the issue of the emergence of national lore that would have been signified by “american folklore.” his delineation of groups implied at once the dominance of the british inheritance and the multiple racial-geographical influences on the formation of the united states. following the evolutionary thinking inspired by charles darwin that “higher forms can only be comprehended by the help of the lower forms, out of which they grew,” newell posed basic questions as to whether lore in america arose independently from old world and native sources or from emerging streams of tradition in the new world: “what is the reason of the many coincidences between old world mythologies and the legends of the new world? do they result from the common procedure of human imagination? or did the currents of an early tradition flow also through the american continent?” (newell , p. ). the distinctions for investigation on the continent were racial or historical; the task of collection was to recover literary remnants surviving in north america. the analysis he suggested was oriented toward reconstructing a natural history of civilization that could explain the evolution of cultural forms from savage to civilized society. newell’s push for america as a setting for collecting “fast-vanishing remains” of ethnic expressions did not go far enough to chart a national culture for his fellow cambridge, massachusetts, product charles montgomery skinner ( – ). skinner was one of a rising generation of americanists who connected the protection of culture with the conservation of nature. other prominent figures included george bird grinnell (editor of forest and stream and author of pawnee hero stories and folk-tales [ ] ) and henry wharton shoemaker (newspaper editor, author of pennsylvania mountain stories [ ], and later the nation’s first official state folklorist), and both of them had literary as well as progressive political interests. they shared a view of the americanizing influences of the land; mixing and living in the awe-inspiring environment, diverse settlers were certain to gain a new identity called american. even if america lacked an ancient mythopoeic age, they argued, the distinctive, diverse landscape—its wilderness, plains, rivers, and mountains—inspires legend and a spiritual connection of americans to their natural edenic environment (bronner ; evans ; grinnell [ ] ). the threat to this link was unrestrained industrialization, and skinner witnessed its effect as a journalist for the brooklyn daily eagle in the late nineteenth century. he read in legends of the land a cultural grounding for americans, a common bond among them despite their social diversity. mining printed sources, he called his first popular collection myths and legends of our own land (skinner ) (see also dorson b). the addition of “own” created a double meaning of the land as nature and nation. although he included aboriginal legends as part of humanities , , of “our . . . land,” his volumes implied that the indigenous lore had been channeled into the cultural identity of a new composite american. the folkloristic americanists had as a supporting voice president theodore roosevelt ( – ) who believed that the soil, and the grounding it represented for the flowering of american civilization, were nowhere more evident than in folklore. enamored with the west and the hardy rejuvenating values it generated, roosevelt while in the white house ( – ) was especially taken with the effort of texas folklorist john lomax ( – ) to collect cowboy songs (porterfield , pp. , – ). the president became excited at the prospect of the material being elevated to the status of the ancient european sagas he admired so much as a student of classics (roosevelt a). he also was astute in realizing that these sagas became national symbols as well as sources of literature as they persisted through oral tradition. as a nationalist political leader, he had been looking for a mythology for america that would be “different from all of the peoples of europe, but akin to all” (roosevelt b, p. ). although noting the special connection of the united states to england because of a shared language, he considered american culture to be unique because of “new surroundings, and the new [racial and ethnic] strains in our blood interact on one another in such fashion that our national type must certainly be new” (roosevelt b, p. ). the pioneer experience in the expanse of the west, he thought, loosened old ethnic and regional ties and reconstructed them into a “medley” sounding an enlivened american identity. in the oral tradition of cowboy songs resonating with high mountains, grand rivers, and vast plains of the frontier and rugged characters on bold adventures, roosevelt heard keynotes stirring his robust national type. more than the pietistic new england puritan or the passive midland yeoman farmer, the cowboy represented the legacy of the frontiersman who in roosevelt’s eyes was the exemplary heroic figure responsible for the racial triumph of subduing the inferior “savage red man.” he called the conquest of the indians in the west “the great epic feat in the history of our race” (roosevelt , p. ; see also (gerstle , p. )). reacting to the perception of cowboy songs by ballad professors and public alike as crude and valueless, lomax originally wanted to call his book cowboy songs of the mexican border to raise connections to sir walter scott’s minstrelsy of the scottish border ( ) (porterfield , p. ). one can read the epic comparison in lomax’s romantic characterization of the cowboy as a literary folk type: “dauntless, reckless, without the unearthly purity of sir galahad though as gentle to a pure woman as king arthur, he is truly a knight of the twentieth century.” (lomax , p. xxxix). in response to those in “so-called polite society” who were repelled by the american cowboy’s crudity, lomax claimed a “homeric” quality to the frontiersman’s unfettered poetic style. he admired the cowboy’s democratic freedom of expression, his earthy artistry, his unabashed outspokenness from the “impulses of his heart” (lomax , p. xxx). intoning the american soil, lomax declared that the songs “sprung up as quietly and mysteriously as does the grass on the plains” (lomax , p. xxv). roosevelt helped romanticize the image of the cowboy as america’s folk hero with an endorsement of “the real importance to preserve permanently this unwritten ballad literature of the back country and the frontier” as representing “our own national soul” (lomax , pp. vii-viii). again sounding the nationalistic keynote of “our own,” roosevelt extolled the “appeal to the people of all our country” from the example of expressive and earthy cowboy lore, if not a poetic peasant class. taking this cue, lomax called his second volume of american ballads and folk songs our singing country (lomax and lomax ). it included material from lumberjacks, teamsters, railroaders, hobos, miners, and southern farmers in addition to cowboys and with its subtitle of american ballads and folk songs described the living traditions collectively as distinctively american rather than “vanishing remains” of folklore found in america. other americanists resisted taking a path of touting the gritty lore of the frontier experience to follow in the footsteps of european romantic nationalism. in philadelphia, a chapter of the american folklore society appeared more concerned with charting america’s multicultural mix and the emergence of new community traditions. reflecting the spirit of william penn’s “holy experiment” of pluralism and tolerance, the philadelphia society’s guide to local collectors stressed folklore more broadly than relics of “oral tradition” and viewed it as more representative of america’s humanities , , of diverse contemporary cultural tapestry than the academic evidence of classical history and literature. the guide offered folklore as “the collective sum of the knowledge, beliefs, stories, customs, manners, dialects, expressions, and usages of a community which are peculiar to itself, and which, taken together, constitute its individuality when compared with other communities.” its approach was to consider the separation of “every community . . . from its neighbors by numerous peculiarities, which, though they may at first seem trivial, exert in their mass a powerful influence on the life of the individual and the history of people in the aggregate, or the ‘folk’” (philadelphia chapter of the american folklore society [ ] , p. ). the communities that it charted for collection were the “anglo-american,” “africo-american,” and “local foreign,” comprising the chinese “quarter,” italian “quarter,” german “quarter,” international sailors, and “gipsies.” the chapter sketched out its driving principle of explaining how these separate communities maintained their distinctiveness while having a national identity. folklore was to them “an aid to the just appreciation of the various elements which go to make up a nation” (philadelphia chapter of the american folklore society [ ] , p. ). along these lines, lee j. vance writing before the start of the twentieth century in the popular magazine forum on “the study of folklore,” argued that the united states diverged from other national humanistic legacies by providing a living laboratory for investigating multicultural progress. “our folk-lore is highly composite,” he wrote, “resulting from the great tides of immigration which have rolled over our shores and formed our present strange commingling of races” (vance – , p. ; see also (dundes )). later social movements beyond immigration spurred folklorists to further atomize the use of folklore as adaptation to myriad social situations that one encounters in modern life. in so doing, folklore was not restricted to a lower level, past epoch of society, or oral communication. folklore in this view resulted from social interactions in which practices—including gestural and material–identified a connection among participants and provided them a sense of tradition. the emphasis on identity gained from social interaction and expressed through folklore meant that mobile individuals could belong to many groups simultaneously and those groups were not limited to certain types associated with an ideal community. indeed, a research question that american folklorists were particularly interested in was how folklore created the group rather than merely reflecting it. folklorists such as alan dundes, jay mechling, michael owen jones, and elliott oring presented corporate secretaries, organized boy scouts, factory and office workers, and friends and couples as folk groups in the midst of mass society, respectively, to represent american folklore as much as romanticized, isolated cowboys (dundes and pagter ; mechling ; jones ; oring ). these folklorists designated social categories involving folkloric production that can be temporary, overlapping, and emergent in someone’s life. folklore in this view is continually emergent, and collection is therefore not about recovery of perishable, canonical texts but instead involves recording the processes by which folk practices arise in a variety of changing contexts. although often downplaying the “essential” americanness of this behavior, the approach developed largely in the united states built on the openness and mobility of american capitalist society, the image of a vast diversity of settings and groups in city as well as country (and suburbs), and the perception of individual freedom of expression and movement in a modern democracy. in the remainder of this essay, i chart in more detail the different avenues for representing folklore of the united states: ( ) folklore as a reflection of native and indigenous cultures, ( ) folklore as a sign of transplantation and adaptation from the old world, ( ) folklore as a force in the development of city, state, region, and nation, and ( ) folklore as process in everyday and ceremonial life. the sequence follows an historical outline of american folklore scholarship. it reflects the centrality of the main questions or problems posed beginning in the seventeenth century. in each of these sections, i discuss the ways that the main issues folklorists took up affected the content and categories of folklore as “american” as well as informed the explanations for folklore’s role and function within american scenes. i contend that these issues and the growing disciplinary identity of folklorists through the twentieth century posed profound challenges to prevailing elitist trends of the classical humanities , , of humanities and influenced the evolving democratization of expressive culture and its scholarship in the twenty-first century. . . folklore as a reflection of native and indigenous cultures probably the first public realization of folklore in what is now the united states came after distribution of roger williams’s a key into the language of america ( ). his title implied that the natives were american by their indigeneity and they were folkloric because of the difference they exotically displayed from the european settlers, who williams assumed constituted a normative culture. conceived as a dictionary to foster communication with the narragansett natives surrounding the puritan settlement after he left the colony to form the providence plantation in , williams added to a translation of terms observations of the use of phrases and terms in customs and rituals. for example, to the word kíhtuckquaw for a marriageable virgin, williams noted that the natives identify them “by a bashfull falling downe of their haire over their eyes” (williams , p. ). he indicates the general name they call themselves translating to what he calls “folke” or broadly “people” (williams , p. ). as to the question of the natives’ origin, williams gives a belief narrative in their own words of having “sprung and growne up in that very place, like the very trees of the wildernesse” (williams , p. ). he reports mythological beliefs comparable, he writes, to the english narratives of adam and noah and refers to origin myths of earth’s creation by the “great god cawtantowwit” (williams , p. ). although asserting that the natives were indigenous to the region, he contemplated the etymological legend held by settlers that the narragansett were one of the lost tribes of israel by noting that they possess words “to hold affinitie with the hebrew. secondly, they constantly anoint their heads as the jewes did. thirdly, they give dowries for their wives, as the jewes did” (williams , p. ). furthering the biblical metaphor, he considered the english gentiles dwelling in the tents of shem (the jews) and therefore the english should be sympathetic and morally respect their civil rights (williams , p. ). in writing of their “religion, customes, manners, etc.,” he found their lore to be complex and worthy of respect. curiosity about native languages sparked considerations of their use in narratives and songs into the nineteenth century. the uncovering of myths, songs, and tales by non-native collectors was important in american society because of its suggestion of an oral artistry tied to complex religious systems (see heckewelder [ ] ). prominent among such figures presenting native lore to the american public was henry rowe schoolcraft ( – ). while serving as a united states indian agent in michigan in , he married jane johnston, a woman of ojibwa background who came to be known as the first known native american literary writer, and learned the native language. captivated by her native culture, he gathered folk songs and stories in the original language from his wife’s family and then expanded beyond them to collect material on numerous tribes. the schoolcrafts established as an outlet for this material the magazine the muzziniegan or literary voyager ( – ), often considered the first serial publication in america of ethnological and folkloristic material (bremer ; clements ). disrupting views of the natives as savage and backward, schoolcraft wrote that native “oral stories are, generally, very extravagant, often of an allegorical character, and sometimes they even aim at instruction. they are the true presentments of the indian mind, and show more than any other species of inquiry, or research, their opinions and beliefs on life, death and immortality” (schoolcraft [ ] , p. ). famed american poet henry wadsworth longfellow ( – ) took notice of schoolcraft’s sources and composed “the song of hiawatha” ( ) based upon stories of an ojibwa trickster figure manabozho (or nanabozho) (thompson ; schramm ; osborn and osborn ; davis ). while longfellow envisioned the story as an epic for america, lacking among the literature the long subtitle of his book with a reference to customs and manners was, or, an help to the language of the natives in that part of america, called new-england. together, with briefe observations of the customes, manners and whorships, etc. of the aforesaid natives, in peace and warre, in life and death. on all which are added spirituall observations, generall and particular by the authour, of chiefe and special use upon (upon all occasions,) to all the english inhabiting those parts; yet pleasant and profitable to the view of all men. humanities , , of of the european settlers, schoolcraft referred to the ojibwa narratives more modestly as part of native “cabin lore” consisting of songs, tales, and myth told in domestic rather than ritual settings. schoolcraft noticed aspects of a folk hero cycle in the figure’s miraculous birth and performance of what he called “the most extravagant and heroic feats” (schoolcraft [ ] , p. ). for example, he related the belief that manabozho came from mythical parentage. his grandmother was reputedly the daughter of the moon. a rival tricked her toward a grapevine swing by a lake, and then pitched her into the water and she fell through to the earth (schoolcraft [ ] , p. ). schoolcraft noticed similarities in other tribes, and although he noted “peculiarities” of customs in each group, he posited a cultural connection among native americans as a result of migrations and interchanges from the southwest to the northeast. other observers thought a more likely source was in asia from migrations across the bering strait and down into the continent (schoolcraft [ ] , pp. – . see also (brownell , pp. – ; kennedy )). they looked for evidence of similarities to southwestern folklore in narratives and customs collected from groups such as the chukchi of northeastern asia and chinese further south (dixon ; ives ; laughlin ; maccurdy ). in this view, the european settlers constituted the latest migration of people and culture into the huge, mysterious expanse known as north america and they had as much right to the land, if not more so, as the previous inhabitants. the status of native american lore claimed by some folklorists as indigenous, unique among the world’s mythologies, and as worthy of social and literary adulation entered earlier into debates among american leaders about the representation of the new republic. some members of the revolutionary generation thought that the lack of a mythology, and a distancing from the native culture of indians, was a virtue for a country seeking in historian richard slotkin’s words, “to be liberated from the dead hand of the past and become the scene of a new departure in human affairs” (slotkin , p. ). other early nationalists advocated for native american lore to be integrated into the symbolism of the united states as a sign of its distinctive cultural legacy, and future manifest destiny (fleming ). conceived by writer james fenimore cooper as a vernacular “leatherstocking” or pioneer figure, the new american incorporating folklore of the native idealized harmony with nature and an adventurous free spirit (smith , pp. – ). indeed, even before the revolution until the early nineteenth century, the image of the “indian princess” graced illustrations of the emerging country, before transforming into a greek goddess representative of a new classical civilization (fleming ). although folklorists and writers reveled in the newfound mythology of native americans, detractors such as classicist hubert m. skinner ( – ) argued that “the mythology of ancient america is meager, and is generally of little importance in its relation to literature and art [especially to classical roman and greek works], though it possesses considerable interest in connection with geographical names and local traditions” (skinner , p. ). another argument since the outbreak of “indian wars” in colonial new england in the second half of the seventeenth century was waged in emergent folk narratives. colonists published legendary accounts of women captured by bloodthirsty “pagan savages” that stirred hatred, and elimination, of the natives, while tracts by travelers noted their spiritual, benevolent nature evident in elaborate songs and stories. the colonists’ tracts followed different mythological references before and after the wars (slotkin , pp. – ). previously, writers depicted english colonization following the plot of the biblical exodus story with the new world emerging as the promised land. the captivity narratives used the “lost people” legend of babylonian captivity with exile from a corrupted england in place of the land of israel. in these new narratives, the indians as natural beings were depraved creatures who could not be turned to god or government. french writer alexis de tocqueville in his major tome democracy in america (tocqueville [ ] ) noted that the narratives influenced settlers to hold natives in an “inferior position in the land where they dwell” and have them suffer “the effects of tyranny” (tocqueville [ ] , p. ). horatio hale, who followed schoolcraft with folkloristic studies of native myths, vouched for native american morality by arguing that the indians were no more war-like than the europeans. humanities , , of he wrote “the persistent desire for peace, pursued for centuries in federal union, and in alliances and treaties with other nations, has been manifested by few as steadily as by the countrymen of hiawatha.” (hale , p. ) he even drew comparisons to the deeply spiritual as well as artistic renderings of their mythology by affirming that “the sentiment of universal brotherhood, which directed their polity, has never been so fully developed in any branch of the aryan race, unless it may be found incorporated in the religious quietism of buddha and his followers” (hale , p. ). for some writers, the connection of mythology to an ancient history made a claim for native americans as an ethical civilization. an important text from the viewpoint of a native american was david cusick’s sketches of ancient history of the six nations ( ) written by tuscarora artist david cusick (c. –c. ). it included edifying myths for the creation of the universe and the “great island, now north america” (cusick , p. ). cusick referred to the northeast iroquois confederacy with familiar terms of civilization such as “kingdom” and “nations” (see kalter ). francis la flesche ( – ) became the first professional native american folklorist in the bureau of american ethnology at the smithsonian institution (alexander ; alexander ; parins and littlefield ). working closely with president of the american folklore society (afs) alice c. fletcher ( – , president of the afs in ), on the omaha culture into which he was born on a reservation, he focused on the distinctive aspects of rituals, songs, and stories within the tribe (la flesche ; fletcher and flesche ). he dispelled notions of natives as simple children of nature and illuminated the highly complex systems of tradition at work. he and fletcher argued for the diversity rather than unity of native american cultures in the united states, as was evident in comparative fieldwork they conducted with the nearby osage. in an essay, “who was the medicine man?” for the journal of american folklore in , he criticized missionaries many of whom wrote on the folklore of the native americans by declaring “the idea commonly entertained by the white race that they alone possess the knowledge of a god has influenced the mind of all those of that race who have come in contact with the indians . . . so, when they happened to see the indians worshipping according to their own peculiar customs , using forms, ceremonies, and symbols that were strange, they said, ‘poor creatures, they are worshipping the devil!’ when in truth the indians never knew a personal devil until he was solemnly and religiously introduced by the teachers” ( , ). he also railed against many white ethnologists, who presented the myths and rituals they collected appear “childish or as foolish” (la flesche , p. ). these were principles that franz boas as mentor to many budding folklorists and anthropologists at columbia university and editor of the journal of american folklore applied in insisting on the historical particularism of each group and understanding of narratives in the language in which it is performed (boas ; boas . see also (darnell )). in the twentieth century, a governmentally sponsored salvage project was apparent to record stories, songs, crafts, and rituals from native americans because of the assumption that tribal culture had largely vanished. the bureau of american ethnology in the smithsonian institution assigned fieldworkers to record remnants of folk tales and songs from native elders. more interventionist were indian boarding schools established by the bureau of indian affairs to “americanize” native children. in addition, missionaries continued to convert indians to christianity and discourage native folk practices that presented rival folk religious beliefs. thus anthropologist alfred kroeber of the university of california, berkeley, created a national sensation when he declared a member of the yahi tribe he named ishi (for “man” in the yana language) the “last wild indian” in america. he recorded folk stories and songs from him with the implication that all subsequent collections of folklore represented the dominance of euro-american culture (kroeber ; sackman ). however, folklorists such as barre toelken, adopted by a navajo family in , found a persistence of folklore and adaptation of new traditions that he analyzed in terms of identity maintenance within, and apart, from a larger american society (toelken ). in addition to recording texts comparable to those in nineteenth-century anthologies usually amassed from elders, folklorists also considered uses by children of belief systems of social control such as the “skin-walker” (a witch-like figure who shift into animal form), performance styles and structured communication humanities , , of (such as the reliance on four episodes rather than three in european narratives) underlying emergent lore such as jokes and legends, and pan-indian expressions and contexts for folkloric practice such as powwows (brady ; browner ; cunningham ; green ; jackson ). in these studies, scholars reminded readers that native american lore remained in the living tradition of the united states. reversing the lens on white society, folklorists also drew attention to rhetorical uses of native american figures and supposed “indian legends” in contemporary contexts such as college campuses that supposedly were built upon hunting or burial grounds of indians and summer camps that drew upon the natural metaphor of indians to connect campers to awareness of non-technological life (green ; tucker a, pp. – ). a post-modern phenomenon also attracting scrutiny with implications for american cultural identity breaking with the oppressive or colonial past was the appropriation by euro-americans of native american folklore to shape hybrid spiritual traditions within religious movements variously called new age, new religion, and neo-shamanism (wernitznig ). folklorists note the influence of popular texts such as black elk speaks ( ) written by a non-native concerning an oglala lakota medicine man and the teachings of don juan ( ) concerning an apprentice’s experience with a yaqui shaman (black elk [ ] ; castaneda ). in both cases, folklorists questioned the authentic textualization of the narratives integrated into new age movements and opened up anew issues of presentation (and translation) raised by the grimms (demallie ; mille ; junquera ; on textualization, see (clements , pp. – ; honko )). biographical approaches to active contemporary bearers of tradition such as barre toelken’s “consultant” (rather than the more passive, and less authoritarian sounding noun “informant” used by many fieldworkers) supplemented earlier campaigns to inventory native texts with life-story recording (francis ; radin [ ] ; toelken ; see also (titon ; workman )). the movements tend to emphasize universal symbols evident in native american mythologies, although folklorists typically examine the localized cultural contexts in which they appear. rather than dismiss the new age movements, however, several folklorists have considered the application of native american folklore in social movements as evidence of a long process of cultural exchange and appropriation since roger williams’s dictionary appeared and drew attention to the complex political relationships between natives and settlers. . . folklore as a sign of transplantation and adaptation from the old world while americans of european descent understood through various popular anthologies the association of indians with indigenous tradition, in the rising cities of new york and philadelphia they primarily mused on the creation of a national culture out of the mix of various immigrant groups from europe. influential on this development was john fanning watson ( – ). in annals of philadelphia and pennsylvania in the olden time ( ), watson found what he called “traditionary lore” (including local legends, customs, and beliefs) that in his view arose from the settlement experience rather from transplantation from europe (watson [ ] , p. ; watson , : ). even the germans who came in large numbers to philadelphia in the eighteenth century, and formed their own communities, watson observed, created a new world hybrid in a dialect and lore that was distinct from their roots in germany while blacks showed little evidence of their african tribal origins (watson , : – ). his comments were part of an ongoing debate not only to issues of an americanizing process out of the mixing of different national ancestries abut also about the resistance to enslavement and oppression of african americans through the retention of their traditional practices. instead of arguing for turning back industrialization, watson’s hope was for maintaining continuity with the spiritual values of the past as american society underwent material changes (watson , : – , see also (vaux et al. )). fearing for the loss of this oral tradition in the wake of further modernization, he called for its immediate recovery and for creating for america what sir walter scott had accomplished for scotland with his folklore collections and the literature it inspired (watson , : – ). understandably, washington irving, who was tapping the lode of humanities , , of folklore around his upstate new york home to produce an american literature, applauded watson’s call. irving invoked a grounding metaphor to support him: “he is doing an important service to his country, by multiplying the local association of ideas, and the strong but invisible ties of the mind and of the heart which bind the native to the paternal soil” (watson , :vi–vii). the “native” for irving, however, was the european settler. watson’s argument for applying the techniques of scott to a new environment such as the united states was that america had gone through as many changes in a generation as europe had in hundreds of years. he wrote, “a single life in this rapidly growing country witnesses such changes in the progress of society, and in the embellishments of the arts, as would require a term of centuries to witness in full grown europe” (watson , pp. vi–vii). sharing the stage with schoolcraft at a ceremony in philadelphia to honor william penn’s establishment of religious tolerance in his “holy experiment,” watson related stories handed down to european-american residents of philadelphia about long-gone, ghostly indians. he could not find myths to equal those in schoolcraft’s collection, but he offered beliefs, sayings, and stories that he said represented the formation of a new society out of the mixed multitude of immigrants who came to philadelphia. he felt he had to defend this material, since to his eye, and ear, it lacked the exoticism, artistry, or antiquity of european folk literature, especially its fairy tales and epics. the americanness of folklore was most evident in the response of legendry for historic personages and the diverse flora, fauna, and landscape features of the country (watson , : ). for the founder of the american folklore society william wells newell ( – ), dominance of the “old english” inheritance in the united states was especially evident in children’s games. his thesis was that while these traditional games were disappearing in the british isles, they thrived in the environment of the united states and came to characterize american play. he explained that “the influence of print is here practically nothing; and a rhyme used in the sports of american children almost always varies from the form of the same game in great britain, when such now exists” (newell [ ] , p. ). aware of the great influx of immigrants from eastern and southern europe, he observed that they assimilated to the english-based normative culture. he wrote that “the children of these immigrants attend the public school, that might engine of equalization; their language has seldom more than a trace of accent, and they adopt from schoolmates local formulas for games, differing more or less from those which their parents used on the other side of the sea” (newell [ ] , p. ). he referred to immigrant children who speak german in their homes, and play games from “the fatherland” among themselves, but in contact with english-speaking children, they resort to a common repertoire of english-derived games, including “london bridge is falling down,” “follow the leader,” and “ring around the rosie” (newell [ ] , p. ). challenging this view, children’s folklore specialists pointed out strong non-english traditions in african-american ring and clapping games (“loop de loo,” “there’s a brown girl in the ring,” “hambone,” “juba”), pennsylvania-german ball games (‘corner ball”), and chinese divination and gambling games (dominoes, backgammon, dice) (brown ; culin ; culin ; jones and hawes ). yet these were ethnic groups that had been isolated either because of segregation or settlement patterns. a similar thesis held for balladry. folklorists maintained that british folk ballads persisted longer and showed wider variation in the united states than in the british isles, especially in isolated mountain regions such as the appalachians and the ozarks primarily populated by settlers of british background. american-born olive dame campbell ( – ) and englishman cecil sharp ( – ) sparked a song-collecting fervor to uncover this hidden trove with the publication of english folk songs from the southern appalachians ( ). campbell and sharp reported ballads performed widely in the appalachian region such as “barbara allen,” “lord randall,” and “fair margaret and sweet william” that harvard professor francis james child had assumed were extinct (sharp and campbell [ ] ). there were differences in the american corpus, however. repertoires tended to take away aristocratic references and singers tended to downplay supernatural content. the existence of the british ballads, collectors found, was not just an appalachia and ozark humanities , , of mountain regional phenomenon. “child ballads” so named after the delineation of types in the literature professor’s the english and scottish popular ballads (child [ – ] , vols.) were reported from maine to florida and new york to california in the twentieth century. a number of twentieth-century folklore projects sought, on the one hand, to document non-english folksong repertoires to demonstrate the persistence of ethnic cultures in america and, on the other, identify songs that emerged on american soil to show that the american folk repertoire was not all derivative. among the emergent singing traditions that indicated cultural resistance to assimilation were mexican corridos in the southwest, pennsylvania german secular songs, creole and cajun songs of louisiana, and yiddish folk songs (rubin ; buffington ; paredes ; spottswood ; vernon ; saxe ; mlotek and slobin ; sánchez ). folklorist george malcolm laws ( – ) devised an index of “native american ballads” including lomax’s cowboy songs (laws a “cowboy’s lament”and b “sweet betsy from pike”) and war sagas (laws a “paul jones’s victory” and “brave wolfe,” laws a “battle of new orleans”) (laws ). he added other robust categories for ballads of lumberjacks, sailors, outlaws, murder, and disasters. the only ethnic category was for african americans. it included distinctive american folk songs, many of which entered into popular culture, such as “stagolee” (or “stackolee”), “john henry,” and “railroad bill”. the significance of the index beyond its classification system was the announcement of a large body of incipient traditions that could be called distinctively american. this body of work was relative to the emphasis in folksong scholarship on the older british corpus of song. laws often took sides in arguments over the identification of some songs as american or british. an example is the song “little mohea” (h ) about a sailor who is tempted by the lure of mohea, an “indian lass.” he tells her that he is committed to his “true love” across the sea. upon his arrival he finds that this love has been unfaithful and he longs for mohea (also mohee). laws lists it as an american ballad, citing philips barry’s theory that it was originally a story of romance between a frontiersman and a native maiden and then the scene changed when it became a sea song with the hawaiian island of maui (cf. mohea) as a setting. laws acknowledges folklorist george lyman kittredge’s assertion that the song derived from a british broadside with the presumption that the print source predated the american version, but barry argued that the american ballad inspired the british broadside (laws , p. ). beyond the academic argument over the song’s genesis are the stakes in the debate of legitimizing a distinct rather than derivative folk tradition that arose from the peculiar conditions of the american experience. if child ballads could thrive in american settings, american folklorists asked, could there also be a related trove of old world märchen waiting to be unearthed? folklorists indeed found versions in appalachia and the ozarks of well-known european tale types such as “bluebeard’s hidden chamber” (atu ) and “the youth who wanted to learn what fear is” (atu ). the wonder-tale material could also be heard beyond the isolated mountaineer homes, however. the sorcerer’s apprentice (atu ) and snow white (atu ) headed a collection of stories taken from pennsylvania germans in the s (brendle and troxell , pp. – ). folklorists excitedly reported a variant of snow white as “snow bella” among louisiana cajuns, and in new england and new york they located old world stories of fairies and “little people” from descendant of irish immigrants (mccarthy , pp. – , – ). out west, folklorists recorded narratives incorporating “the princess who cannot solve the riddle” (atu ) from mexican-americans, and “the dragon slayer” (atu ) and “the clever precepts” (atu ) from settlers of old european stock (de caro , pp. – , – ). for surveys of the british folk ballad in north america, see (coffin ; dugaw ; laws ; pound ; scarborough ). for historiography of the ballad collecting movement, see (spencer ; wilgus ). the song is also indexed in robert waltz’s ballad index as lh and he lists an extensive list of sources: http://www. fresnostate.edu/folklore/ballads/lh .html. the roud folksong index lists it as no. : http://www.vwml.org/search/ search-roud-indexes. see also (fife and redden ); “little mohea” is discussed on pp. – . atu (aarne-thompson-uther) numbers refer to the standard reference used by folklorists to designate international tale types: (uther ). for versions from appalachia and the ozarks, see ““how toodie fixed old grunt” (atu bluebeard) and “the boy that never seen a fraid” (atu the youth who never learned fear) in (de caro , pp. – , – ). http://www.fresnostate.edu/folklore/ballads/lh .html http://www.fresnostate.edu/folklore/ballads/lh .html http://www.vwml.org/search/search-roud-indexes http://www.vwml.org/search/search-roud-indexes humanities , , of the most noticeable catch in the american folklorist’s net was a slew of “jack tales,” many provided by the hicks and harmon families in north carolina called by folklorist carl lindahl, “the nation’s most celebrated storytelling family” (lindahl , pp. – ; see also (isbell ; mccarthy )). the hickses came from england and the harmons from germany in the eighteenth century. in subsequent generations into the twenty-first century, the stories of a boy-hero named jack who outwits giants, witches, and demons were among the most memorable and lasting. in the twentieth century, a number of popular books such as richard chase’s the jack tales ( ) and complementary recordings spread notice of the tales as an american expression primarily associated with white southerners (chase ; chase ; shipley ; davis ; haley ; perdue ; perdue ). although the story of “jack and the beanstalk (giant)” (atu a) is most popularly known, a great number of variations spun around the character emerged. a story attached to the performance of ray hicks ( – ), called by lindahl “the most famous traditional storyteller in america,” went by the name of “jack and the robbers” (atu a). it involved a boy who confronted by robbers who want to kill him has his life spared by pointing out to the robbers that “i ain’t got nothing, all my little rags is all. i’m just a poor little humble boy” (lindahl , p. ). the robbers offer to let him go if he steals three animals, which he does, and then gets paid by the thieves. unlike european narratives in which the boy’s test is stealing from an aristocrat, in hicks’s version it is a farmer. although coming from european tradition, the indigent, scrappy jack became an american stock figure and a hicks favorite because of his overcoming challenges out on his own. he appeared to epitomize the rugged, resourceful individual who triumphs over larger forces that challenge doubt him (lindahl , pp. – ). another set of narratives, sometimes set as marvel tales, sometimes as legends, center on the search for treasure (de caro , pp. – ; dobie ; granger ; moore ). whether hidden because of fabled pirates, eccentric misers, or lost mines, the stories frequently end with the treasure eluding the seekers. sometimes the treasure has a curse attached or disaster befalls the treasure-hunters. folklorist alan dundes drew a contrast between treasure narratives in the united states and those reported in mexico to make a point about the way that stories reflected, or reinforced, american values (dundes ; see also (foster )). he noted that mexican collections had an outcome of the treasure being found, often to explain the source of a community member’s rise in social status. dundes posited that these patterns could be called “folk ideas” that constitute different worldviews. the mexican pattern indicates an “image of limited good,” an outlook of fatalism related to the lack of social mobility. if someone is able to rise in status, community members imagine that it was as a result of coming into good fortune through luck. dundes interpreted the american narrative of not finding treasure reflects as an “image of unlimited good.” this folk idea expresses the individualistic, optimistic view that wealth is expandable and therefore people can increase their social status by working for it. an american proverb that expresses this idea is “work hard and you shall be rewarded.” seeking the treasure, or hoping for luck, in this american worldview, is discouraged; individuals should be able, expressed proverbially, to “pick themselves up by their own bootstraps,” “if at first they don’t succeed, try, try, again,” and “the more practice they have, the luckier they get.” the pattern of finding of treasure in folktales of the united states did not mean that supposedly pragmatic americans did not value, or have beliefs about, luck. the pervasiveness of lucky numbers such as , and the unlucky , in contrast to fortune attributed to eight in chinese culture (but four is considered unlucky in chinese because it is homophonous with the word for “death”), for example, attest to the persistence of distinctive western-derived belief systems in the united states. considering the rise of customs surrounding mid-life crisis at the age of forty in the united states in the twentieth century, anthropologist stanley brandes ( ) thought that the idea of forty as a significant quantity representing the end of life, had roots in biblical religions of the middle east which set as the number of years wandering in the wilderness and number of days and nights during the great flood, among other references. the number, or age of forty, was not statistically a mid-life point in the united states but had been culturally constructed as a special number multiplying four with its symbolism of being more than enough (three represented completeness) and ten as an official quantity. alan dundes humanities , , of also viewed a special status of the number three in american culture, not only in folktales for the typical number of episodes, but also in folk speech (“third time’s a charm,” “three rs,: reading, ‘riting, and ‘rithmetic,” and “three on a match”) and as a basis of design (aba, or bilateral symmetry in british-american houses and gravestones) (dundes , pp. – ). he found that this base concept was not universal; the morphology of many native american narratives featured four episodes, and asian tales featured five. one interpretation of the emphasis on trichotomy in american culture is that it reflects the human body (head and shoulders) with the implication of expansive human dominion in contrast to the symbolism of four as all the cardinal points (asian cosmology adds a fifth location in the self) (bronner , pp. – ). an american belief in expansiveness is evident in the association of “tall tales” (known colloquially as whoppers, windies, or lyin’ tales) with oral and visual traditions in the united states (baughman and holaday ; blair ; clough ; de caro , pp. – ; dorson ; lindahl , pp. – ; loomis ; siporin ). a european tradition of comical tales referred to hyperbolic feats of a baron munchausen as sportsman and soldier (see bynum ; kareem ). in the united states, tall tales include stories of ordinary folks who because they live on the frontier describe astounding phenomena matter-of-factly, provide exaggerated accounts of fishing and hunting exploits, serve up anecdotes of “real characters” who fool their gullible audience, and relate narratives of comical demigods associated with intrepid enterprises in the expanding west. in some localities, this recognizable form of storytelling, as well as its associated attributes, are celebrated in “liars’ contests” (biebuyck-goetz ; kahn ; lindahl , pp. – ). sometimes stories might be told using the contest to frame a competitive streak, characteristic of, or mocking, an american “nothing is impossible” attitude (and emphasis on speed in doing it). for example, folklorist herbert halpert reported a story from a young warrant officer who set up the story by saying “well, there were two men arguing about how fast they were and to prove his point one of them said he went out to the well to draw a bucket of water.” the trouble was that “as he started away from the well, the bottom of the bucket dropped out.” “no problem,” he said unaffectedly. “he ran to his house, got another bucket and caught the water before it hit the ground.” and the other fellow? he said that he had been out hunting. the narrator explained that “he shot a deer and skinned and dressed it and had it hanging up in his meat house at home before the bullet left the end of the gun” (de caro , p. ). performance of the stories often appear humorous and suggest a literalization of the phrase “the sky’s the limit.” they also can belie the hardscrabble conditions of settlers who had giant aspirations but struggled mightily. when visualized, the tall tale style is evident in doctored postcards and posters that show a giant vegetable, fish, or insect being carried by ordinary farmers with the caption “how we do things around here” (rubin and williams ; welsch ). or fantastic creatures such as the jackalope (a jackrabbit with antelope horns) would be pictured and occasionally mounted as a joke in restaurants and hotels. its imagery often invites a story along the lines of a tall tale or a “practical joke” (colloquially known as the “put-on”) (dorson , pp. – ; marsh , pp. – ). such fantastic chimerical beasts in “these here parts,” cueing folk speech, announce that the western environment produces strange, unprecedented sights and the dominant image of hybridization in the animal is typical of the social process for human residents. americans often festooned heroes with tall tales in addition to miraculous origin legends. folklorist richard dorson claimed that the real-life davy crockett ( – ) set the stage for the irreverent character of ringtailed roarers who were admired in tall tales and composed an american mythopoeic “heroic age” during america’s westward expansion into the frontier (dorson ; see also (dorson )). exaggerated as “half bear, half alligator,” crockett supposedly bragged that with a smile he could charm a raccoon down from a tree, but on one occasion he mistook a knothole for the creature’s eye and grinned all the bark off (dorson , p. ). tellers of crockett tall tales often spun the stigmatized vernacular of the backwoodsman into a positive, even celebrated trait, and in the process perhaps satirized the attitude of snooty europeans or stuffy easterners toward the humanities , , of crude american everyman. crockett was revered for emerging victorious in a wrestling match with a mammoth bear and loving his faithful dog teazer, who could throw a buffalo (dorson , p. ). in the twentieth century, characters from the worlds of industry, sport, music, crime, and military displaced the pioneer subjects of tall tales. texas oil drillers heralded gib morgan ( – ) a modern-day munchausen who performed miraculous feats of drilling and displayed a lust for life (boatright ; dorson , pp. – ). texas folklorist mody boatright documented at least fifty distinct tale types attributed to morgan, including his account of patching up a dog who was split by charging into a sapling splinter. morgan put him back together with two legs up and two legs down which thrilled the hound no end because he could outrun any rabbit in the valley by turning cartwheels (boatright , pp. – ; see also (dorson , p. )). the twentieth century was also the era of literary folk heroes who might have a basis in folk tradition but who took a popular culture turn in newspaper columns, books, comics, and advertisements. dorson dismissed the national rage for stories of lumbering titan paul bunyan and his blue ox babe as “fakelore” invented by logging company writers and used during world war ii in propaganda to stir militaristic nationalism (bronner ; dorson a, pp. – ; dorson , pp. – ; fox ; stekert ). questions have also arisen for others of his ilk such as pecos bill (remarkable southwest texas cowboy), joe magarac (extraordinary pittsburgh steelworker), and febold feboldson (giant swedish american sodbuster) (fishwick ; gilley and burnett ; sheviak and anderson ). yet a case has been made into the twenty-first century for legendary strongmen and strongwomen attached to locally known characters who provide the material for humorous tall tales and awe-inspiring legends with themes of the extent of human limitations in a technological world (bronner b). renowned in both song and story, the african-american hero john henry (laws i ; roud folksong no. ) is a study in the projection of anxieties about machines replacing humans in addition to undertones of the racialized, and therefore stigmatized, laborer expressed in american folklore in addition to projecting the often stereotyped image of the hypermasculine black man. other larger-than-life african american figures such as john hardy (laws i ; roud folksong no. ), bad lee brown (laws i ; roud folksong no. ), and stagolee (laws i ; roud folksong no. ) were narrated as anti-hero badmen (bryant ; roberts ). their motifs of confident defiance, fatalism, and resignation to violence appeared in narrative poetry identified by african-american tellers as toasts that purportedly inspired rap and hip-hop lyrics of the twenty-first century (bronner ; orejuela , pp. – ). according to many music historians, stagolee (also known as stagger lee and stackolee) in toast, story, and song is especially influential (brown ; middleton ; polenberg ). with considerable bravado, performers relate his story of an unrepentant badman who shoots his old friend billy lyons because he beat him in a gambling game. cecil brown claims that as a secular oral performance of the streets contrasting with the black preacher, “stagolee has influenced a new art form in rap music and hip-hop. as an invisible hero, stagolee is an image of a man who can find dignity in his own country, which seeks to disgrace him” (brown , p. ; middleton ). brown adds the theme of human limitation in an industrial world by observing “he is an allegory of the oral black man who traveled from the mechanical world and now lives in an electronic information world” (brown , p. ). often related in the first person, stag (raising images of an independent “buck”) is sure to fall but before he does lashes out violently at billy and everyone else: “yeah, i’m stagger lee, and you better get down on your knees and slobber my head/’cause if you don’t you’re sure to be dead/billy dropped down and slobbered on his head, but stag filled him full of lead” (brown , p. ; wepman et al. , pp. – ). the badman figure is a contrast to, or evolution from, the african-american trickster tales made famous by white journalist joel chandler harris in the nineteenth century (bickley ; bickley ; brookes ; chase ; bickley and keenan ; brasch ). after the popularization of his stories related by a fictional southern plantation storyteller uncle remus, folklorists found evidence of brer rabbit trickster tales throughout the black south along with cognate figures such as aunt nancy and traced them to african antecedents (light ; baer ). besides inviting interpretations of the tales as animal parables indicating the use of cunning by the oppressed rabbit to escape, the animal humanities , , of stories raised questions about the evidence of the tales of africanisms persisting in the south despite the suppression of african culture. folklorists made connections of the stories with west african trickster tales of anansi the spider (probably the antecedent of the homophonous “aunt nancy” character in black folktales of the caribbean and carolina coast) (backus ; piersen ; bascom ; roberts ). attracting close attention was the iconic “tar baby story” (atu ) involving a baby doll composed of tar made by brer fox who is antagonistic to the rabbit (baer , pp. – ). the rabbit approaches the tar-baby, and angered on hearing no response, punches and kicks the doll. the rabbit gets stuck and is helpless before the fox who grabs him. the trickster rabbit uses reverse psychology on the fox by pleading with him not to fling him into the briar patch. convinced by the rabbit that landing in the briar patch is the most painful option for the rabbit, the fox heaves him there, only to find that the rabbit is at home in thickets and is able to escape. although most studies cite an african origin, folklorists have also hypothesized a genesis in india and iran, and possible influences from cherokee, meso-american, and caribbean narratives (baer , pp. – . see also (cline ; espinosa ; nickels ; taylor )). regardless of its derivation, the animal stories were associated with southern african-american culture and the black trickster character made appearances in later jests on the theme of “john and ole marster” and toasts such as “shine and the titanic” and the “signifying monkey” (abrahams , pp. – ; dorson , pp. – ; jackson , pp. – ; oster ; roberts , pp. – ). similar questions about the persistence of ethnic folk forms addressing relationships of the minority with the majority population in the united states have swirled around the mexican-american norteño corrido (northern ballad). often traced to medieval romances set in ballad form, corridos about folk heroes and legendary events with political overtones in the contested border region of the american southwest circulated widely in oral tradition among mexican-americans. mexican-american folklorist américo paredes found special significance to songs and stories of gregorio cortez ( – ) born on the mexican side of the border but raised in texas (paredes ). “el corrido de gregorio cortez” first circulated orally in the early twentieth century and continued to be sung into the twenty-first century. according to the legend that inspired the ballad, cortez was unjustly accused of horse theft by a gringo sheriff and violence erupted when the law moved in to arrest him. a long chase ensued that added to cortez’s mystique as possessing extraordinary strength and perseverance. stories circulated that he had walked miles, ridden more than , all the while being pursued by posses of men. eventually cortez was caught and put on trial. he was acquitted for the murder of one sheriff but not the other. he was sentenced to life in prison, but when pardoned by the governor, his mexican-american admirers interpreted the events as a triumph of justice for oppressed mexicans at the hands of gringos in the border region. indeed, the corrido form calls for a moral lesson and farewell from the singer after giving a salutation and relating the story. although corridos became commercialized by recording companies and broadcast on television and radio, many folklorists point out that the folk process is still evident in an evolution of the folk hero corrido into the “narcocorrido” (mcdowell ; morrison ; wald ). emerging in the s, the narcocorrido features the traditional tripartite corrido structure of salutation, description of events, and moral lesson to relate legends of fabled drug smugglers and dealers and their brazen exploits. folklorists listen for circulating motifs in the lyrical content within the context of shared folk performance styles. for example, in when drug lord joaquin “el chapo” guzman escaped from mexico’s most secure prison, songs quickly circulated outside of media outlets that portrayed him as a robin-hood figure, rags to riches mythology, his braggadocio in declaring that the authorities could not keep him, and his vanity, or cunning, in escaping without messing up his hair (martinez et al. ). ambivalence could be heard in the moralizing typical of the genre, including questioning the power, and obsession, with having more money than one could possibly use. as with other popular expressions of ethnic groups with a persistent community presence, folk aspects are couched within an older tradition and the content compared with earlier themes, often to bring out the resistance to assimilation and hybridization with other traditions within the massified american experience. humanities , , of . . folklore as a force in the development of city, state, region, and nation a folkloristic challenge to the humanistic idea that the united states epitomizes a unified mass culture marked by the mobility of residents and a social placelessness is in its persistent, evolving regional and community traditions. with advances in communication and transportation technology in the late nineteenth century, many industrialists predicted dissipation of regional differences in favor of a national homogeneity with a standard language and lore. some historians thought that american cultural, if not ethical, standards in the post-civil-war era emanated from new england with its attendant puritan values. others believed that rapid urbanization in the late nineteenth century suggested a national cosmopolitanism that pushed out folk cultures from america’s rural heartlands and embraced novelty rather than tradition. yet another movement protested the cultural politics implied in the analogy of folk is to rural as popular is to urban. cities, they argued, harbor distinctive expressive traditions and attachments to neighborhood cultural identities that increasingly defined the populist spirit of the united states through the twentieth century. a major approach to america’s cultural identity rooted in diverse paths of diffusion was folklorist macedward leach’s historico-geographic thesis that american folk cultural regions arose from colonial settlement in major eastern ports of entry (leach ). he delineated “five centers of folk culture” that resulted from european colonization: new england, with boston at the center; the new york region with new york city at the center; pennsylvania-delaware with philadelphia at the center; the tidewater south with baltimore and charleston at the center; and the deep south and river country with new orleans at the center” (leach , p. ). in each of these places, different ethnic influences combined to form a cultural hybrid that differed from its separate old world sources. he used the examples of localized slang and dialect that writers drew upon to create “local color” literature as evidence of attachment to folk regional identity. folklorist henry glassie elaborated upon this idea by tracing the diffusion of rural folk architecture on the landscape of the eastern united states to provide evidence of the cultural significance of american regions (glassie ). although pennsylvania constituted the last “cultural hearth” to form, he thought it was the most important because it fanned north and south, as well as west, and greatly influenced with its diverse roots of english, german, and irish traditions the formation of the great expanse of the midwest. he attributed the iconic american “log cabin” to german construction techniques and its rapid spread in the south and midwest to adaptation to the wooded american landscape and the migration from pennsylvania down into appalachia. with regional formation, residents recognized a constellation of traditions representing distinctive identities, and often outlooks. glassie and others suggested that southern and new england, or yankee, social affiliations are particularly strong, and concern for folk cultural continuity and preservation are as a result also prevalent in those locations (zelinsky ; gastil ; meinig ; fischer ). folk cultural boundaries become less clear past the mississippi river, but nonetheless community and regional traditions give residents what folklorists refer to as a “sense of place,” or belonging to a community, in contrast to feelings of placelessness in a mass culture. to be sure, ideas of space in the vast west differed from the cultural landscapes in the east. migration patterns changed as settlers were discouraged by the rough conditions of the arid and mountainous west (meinig ; meinig ). besides the identification of a southwest border region heavily influenced by hispanic and native american culture, folklorists and cultural geographers have also recognized the “mormon culture region” centered in utah and covering parts of surrounding states (dorson ; eliason ; francaviglia ; meinig ; yorgason ). its name reflects the predominant population in the area belonging to the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, but non-religious cultural practices have been considered as indicative of regional folklore. an example is “creative dating” involving elaborate invitations for dates and creative responses in kind. the invitations often use clever puns and other folk speech play and jokes (eliason ; young ). another is the celebration of pioneer day on july. it is an official state holiday in utah on the occasion of the entrance of brigham young and his mormon pioneers into the salt lake valley in . in modern day practice, the holiday observed humanities , , of inside and outside of utah includes parades (involving the re-enactment of entering the region by handcart), rodeos, historical pageants, and fireworks displays aligning the region as the heart of the west (eliason ; olsen ). festivals showcasing local traditions are especially important in marking claims of cities, and their neighborhood communities, to distinctiveness. new orleans’s mardi gras festival dating at least to the eighteenth century might be best known nationally. related to the catholic shrovetide practice of a public carnival, the new orleans mardi gras has evolved into a multicultural tourist event that with parades and balls, and especially the “meeting of the courts” between the “krewes” of rex and comus (social clubs that work all year round to produce costumes, parades, and balls for carnival season), represents a distinctive creolized cosmopolitan identity (abrahams ; kinser ; lindahl and ware ; roberts ; spitzer ; stanonis , pp. – ; turner ). festivals do not need to be centuries old to serve this function. in baltimore, maryland, a grassroots movement in the hamden section of the city created honfest in to celebrate folk speech and image associated with the area that many writers, and civic leaders, had stigmatized. the slang term “hon” (short for “honey”), organizers declared, is a traditional term of endearment in the working-class “bawlmer” dialect of the city. it also epitomized a comical folk type associated with big hair, teardrop eyeglasses, and excessive cosmetics and costume jewelry. the urban festival has been a way for residents to spill into the streets and display their collective culture. although festivals are not restricted to urban areas, in the united states, many events that involve reveling and parading, organized and spontaneous, have been associated with cities (puglia ). many traditional festivals such as new york city’s annual feast of san gennaro (staged since ), known colloquially as the little italy festival, and chicago’s st. patrick’s day festival when the chicago river turns an emerald green (begun officially in ), have ethnic connections and develop into citywide celebrations (ford et al. ; kennedy ; malpezzi and clements , pp. – ). the festivals typically incorporate traditional foods, music, and games associated with the group and by extension is emblematic of the city. the expressive genre that in folk parlance is most associated with the american city is the “urban legend.” many folklorists prefer terms such as “contemporary,” “modern,” or “belief” legend to indicate that the settings for, and content of, legend telling are not solely an urban phenomenon (mullen ; brunvand ; bennett and smith ; ellis ; tangherlini ; pettit ; dégh ; brunvand ; brunvand ; de vos ). yet in addition to general categorizations of this kind of legend to include cautionary stories of danger (aids mary and harry stories warning of the consequences of casual sex) and reports of strange events (a hitchhiker who mysteriously disappears and is found to be a young woman who died on the night the driver picks her up), tellers of urban legends often refer to phenomena relating anxiety over modernization that is epitomized by the city (bennett and smith ; fine ). most definitions include references to stories set in the present or recent past, and relate unusual, shocking, or mysterious occurrences, with the added feature of sounding, or having been reported, as true. more than offering a report of something that happened, many legend performances invite commentary about the story’s verisimilitude and often, an implicit troubling ethical or social issue. although these contemporary legends have been shown to be globally diffused, many belief legends have been associated with peculiar american circumstances. iconic is the legend of menacing alligators or mutating super-alligators overtaking new york city’s dark sewers as a result of residents flushing down a toilet the animals they originally obtained as small cuddly pets (bennett and smith ; brunvand , pp. – ; coleman ; ingemark ). the story can be interpreted as a projection of anxiety about animals representing an ancient species being brought into the unnatural city. sometimes the telling can be a commentary on the deleterious effects of tourism and the commodification of animals (cf. the “mexican pet” legend of a tourist in mexico who brings home to the united states what she thinks is a small dog, but turns out to be a dying sewer rat), or symbolically associating the city with its sewers as a location of rot and danger beneath the glitzy surface (cf., belief that there are as many rats as people in humanities , , of a city, or ten cockroaches for every person) (bennett and smith ; brunvand ; mikkelson ). new york city as a historic, iconic city renowned for both the lights of broadway and allure of arts as well as notorious for crime and filth is the most frequent setting for the story, although folklorists have also found similar stories told about paris (bennett and smith , pp. – ; see also (cody ; wachs )). these different settings for similar plots raise questions about whether the stories arose independently or are connected as migratory, transnational narratives. in the latter case, folklorists identify the local variations as “oikotypes” (from the greek oikos for ecology) that respond to particular environments (abrahams ; clements ; cochrane ; sydow ). folklorist richard dorson hypothesized that legends, especially more historic ones, are important in inculcating national identity in a nation-state such as the united states that had been formed relatively recently compared to the kingdoms of europe with their ancient legacies (dorson a, pp. – ). he argued that while community and regional folklore roots many residents in their localities, their connection to one another across these spaces is maintained through legendry that concerns, in his words, “the special historical conditions” of the united states broadly as a nation-state. he identified themes around which nationalistic historical legends arise: colonization, westward movement, aborigines and slaves, patriotism and democracy, immigration, industrialization, and mass culture. that is not to say that the united states is unique in possessing these themes, but its frontier experience, rapidity of its immigration and industrialization during the post-civil-war period, and revolutionary legacy combine in folklore to suggest a distinctive, even exceptional, national identity (dorson a, pp. – ). he cited the legend of casey jones, for example, as a classic heroic narrative attached to railroading and the industrial period in the united states (dorson , pp. – ; see also (cohen )). the image of the railroad fits the conceptualization of the united states as expansive. further, the creation of a transcontinental railroad with a historic meeting of railroad tracks from east and west in utah conveys a sense of its importance to nationalism, and even the folk idea of manifest destiny (divinely inspired for the nation to stretch as an empire from the atlantic to the pacific) (dorson a, pp. – ). the casey jones legend, expressed in song as well as narrative by blacks and whites, is based on the real-life events of railroad engineer jonathan luther jones ( – ) who early on the foggy morning of april , , outside canton, mississippi, sacrificed his life for his crew and passengers by alertly grabbing for the brakes before his cannonball express slammed into the caboose of a stalled freight train. headlines about his heroism and conflicting reports about the causes of the wreck and jones’s death fueled legends and songs about the incident that passed on into oral tradition. perhaps best known is “the ballad of casey jones” (roud folksong no. ) credited to african american engine-wiper wallace saunders who befriended jones. found in many variations, the song follows a familiar ballad structure with a “come all ye” opening: “come all you rounders if you want to hear, the story of a brave engineer, casey jones was the rounder’s name” (dorson , p. ). devoted to the rails, casey jones is immortalized with his last words: “casey said just before he died, ‘there are two more roads i would like to ride, the northern pacific and the santa fe.” in addition to exemplifying devotion to duty and the quick bold thinking of the railroad engineer, the song, according to dorson, transcends regional loyalties through the railroad and venerates the industrial future of the nation (dorson , p. ; see also (cohen )). one indication of the nationalist industrial symbolism that the song assumed is an often-performed parody credited to renowned labor activist joe hill who contributed “casey jones—the union scab.” it reinterpreted the legendary events in the context of a nationwide walkout of railway employees in the illinois central shopmen’s strike of and was sung as a union folk song for years to come: the workers said to casey, “won’t you help us win this strike?” but casey said, “let me alone, you’d better take a hike” well casey’s wheezy engine ran right off the worn out track and casey hit the river with an awful crack. (alderson ) humanities , , of the union song brings out another frequent pattern in american culture of folklore not only offering voices of unity but also cries of dissent. folklorist john greenway pointed out strategies for symbolically using traditional content familiar to listeners to draw attention to social protest movements (greenway ). during the civil rights movement, black spirituals were used rhetorically to express powerful statements of social change. greenway observed that in the south, union songs often changed the lyrics of gospel hymns with “i” to “we” and “god” to “cio” (congress of industrial organizations) (greenway , p. ). parodies of popular songs and children’s rhymes frequently enter into folklore and on picket lines signs alter proverbs to show a different spin on conventional wisdom (greenway , pp. – ; orr and ohno ). this tradition of dissenting alteration has extended into digital communication in visual as well as verbal forms. although social media is associated with global communication, many of the folklorized messages (also referred to as “memes”) invoke nationalistic references set against digitally altered photographs of historic national icons abraham lincoln, george washington, benjamin franklin, and more contemporary figures such as donald trump, hillary clinton, and barack obama (blank ; bronner ; duffy et al. ; oring ). . . folklore as processes in everyday life in another challenge to the prevalent “classical” textual perspective of the humanities, many american folklorists contemplating the effects of technology and modernization on tradition considered paramount the documentation of the process by which cultural expressions were produced. with the realization that people in their social interactions produce new folklore as well as invoke it in different forms—material and written as well as oral—folklorists sought to identify folklore in new realities of modern everyday life marked by technological mediation. in this theoretical perspective, individuals encounter multiple situations in the course of a day and relate to the setting and people in it with “performances” that engage folk behavior. saying the greeting “how are you?” is standard in social encounters in the united states. it might appear routine (characterized with the folk term of “small talk”), but the responses of “hunky dory,” “just ducky (peachy, dandy),” “fair to middling, mostly middling,” “couldn’t be better,” “can’t complain,” “still among the living,” “still breathing (standing, living),” “fine as a frog’s hair,” “fine as a frog’s hair and twice as fuzzy,” “not dead yet,” and “old enough to know better, and you?” often ritually signal a special social connection between the speakers/texters. further the practice contextualizes connotative meaning characteristic of a folkloric frame of action (such as reference to aging, anxiety/”troubles,” lifestyle choices, medical inquiries, friendship or family relations, and insider, localized knowledge) (coupland et al. ; coupland et al. ; rings ; wright ). people learn what kinds of performances are appropriate by understanding the different contexts or frames that contain social interaction. in line with this ethnographic shift, folklorist dan ben-amos called for replacing previous definitions of folklore as oral tradition or the knowledge of semi-literate or rural isolated societies with the social interactional concept of “artistic communication in small groups” (ben-amos ). ben-amos’s definition emphasized in keeping with an american concept of folklore the malleable, emergent nature of traditions according to the manifold social situations of daily life. thus questions of ethnic, regional, and national folklore shifted from the characteristic genres and types within those rubrics to the situations that foster folklore and the individuals who are likely to create folklore in those frames (paredes and bauman [ ] ). in the united states, examples of such contexts that signal distinctive folk processes include college campuses, summer camps, and slumber parties. college campuses might appear surprising as a folkloric context because students typically reside there for a short time (four years as a period that is symbolically abundant) and are involved in academic learning. with a lack of rites of passage from youth to adulthood in american society, as discussed earlier in this essay, roger williams’s dictionary inspired folkloristic work on native americans (see, for example, heckewelder [ ] ), and so, too, did an early guide to college student slang produce commentaries on the humanities , , of the college experience is often viewed as a transitional status, as well as age, from childhood to adulthood. as a result, the identity of the student appears to be total, socially communitarian in dormitory complexes, and confined to a distinct landscape. the cultural challenge in this environment is often to create social bonds among students arriving from diverse backgrounds. on many campuses, the process begins with rituals that strip first-year students of their “home” identities and integrate them into campus culture. at small colleges, there may be events that pit one class against another in competition. at hope college in holland, michigan, for example, the “pull” is a tug-of-war between first and second-year students, tugging a six-hundred-foot, twelve-hundred-pound hawser rope. the experience encourages bonding with one’s class and engagement in a task collaboratively. students learn slang and customs of the campus that they associate with a cultural identity. the social relationships might lead to sharing of legends typical of college students nationwide about anxieties of coming of age, including sexual choices, effects of drugs and alcohol, and dealing independently with authority (bronner a, pp. – ). with more than , day and resident camps attended by over eleven million children in the united states, the summer camp is a frequent context for folkloric performances before students get to college (mechling ). often emphasizing an experience with nature as a reaction to modern technology and urbanization, the camps frequently have legends of a bogey-man kind of figure lurking in the woods. the name and origin of the figure vary; it might include ghosts of native american chiefs because of the association with the first inhabitants of the woods, monstrous chimerical animals, or deranged hulking men. the process of creation appears similar in this context; tellers caution listeners to stay out of the woods or surroundings or else this figure will take them away. the cautionary tales have an obvious connection to “boogie-men” who lurk in the dark and serve to keep children from straying away from home. the stories of camp are more elaborate but serve similar functions of social control (leary ; widdowson ; green ; ellis ; furst ). the slumber party is often considered a special american context appealing to preteen and adolescent girls. attendees spend the night at a host’s house with minimal parental intervention. typical events in this social frame are legendary exchanges and participation in supernatural rituals or games. although younger children are thought to be more “superstitious” because of a lack of rational awareness, older youths usually engage in folk magical practices and show interest in ghosts and supernatural phenomena. folklorists have theorized that these practices result from questioning during adolescence of the boundaries between life and death (freed ; tucker ; tucker ). adolescents feel invulnerable and vulnerable at the same time and their awareness of death, despite possessing youthful vitality, is apparent. they became aware of teen suicide and use narratives to question motivations for such extreme responses to stress. at parties they might summon the dead through the use of ouija boards and séances (bronner , pp. – ; freed ; ellis , pp. – ; ellis , pp. – ). they might also test their youthful powers by levitating their friends, often with the chant “light as a feather, stiff as a board” (tucker ; tucker b). performances of modern legends about bizarre occurrences frequently conclude with invitations to listeners to comment and discuss through the folkloric frame their veracity and the age-related issues of being alone and independent, dealing with mortal danger, and engaging in sex (brunvand , pp. – ; fine ; greenberg ; whatley and henken ). a context that emerges after youth begin driving automobiles is “legend trips” to verify supernatural legends, often in isolated locations. a frequent phenomenon to test is of “gravity hills” that push a car upward even though the brake is on (baker , p. ; lindahl ). they might go as a group to settings of “spook lights” and creepy cemeteries to dare one another to overcome their fears (bird ; ellis ; ellis ; meley ; prizer ; tucker a, pp. – ). in the folklore of students as a special folk group: benjamin homer hall, a collection of college words and customs, originally published in (see hall [ ] ). ( rpt., detroit: gale, ). see also (dorson ; baker ; toelken ; tucker a; tucker ). humanities , , of digital era, youths take videos of their adventures and post them for others to comment on the core of belief (kinsella ; tucker ; tucker ). they engage in telling what folklorists call “personal narratives” that relate individual experiences within american structural and stylistic expectations of the “good story.” often events that spark the personal narrative as a folkloric frame are family sagas, workplace dramas, scary situations, social faux pas, supernatural or miraculous experiences (“memorates” in folkloristic terminology), and sexual encounters (boatright ; braid ; de caro ; dégh and vázsonyi ; fine ; honko ; pentikainen ; robinson ; sebba-elran ; stahl ; sweterlitsch ; tucker ; wilson ; zeitlin et al. ). because much of digital communication in the twenty-first century is not “face to face interaction” characteristic of what analog folklorists referred to as a performative frame of folklore, many analysts reserved performance analysis for communication of verbal art in small group situations, and referred more broadly to folk practices to cover the kinds of expressive processes that could be called traditional (bronner , ). the folkloristic finding was that the internet as a symbol of mass culture does not displace folk culture. instead, as a user-driven medium it provided new platforms for folkloric exchange and in many cases mediation of traditional knowledge into social networks rather than face-to-face groups. these platforms are often assumed to be global in reach, but they often make use of traditional knowledge and social conduits that are concentrated in the united states. in addition to finding unique manifestations of folk behavior in cyber-environments such as hackers injecting legendary characters (e.g., “the white lady of perion” in maplestory video games based upon “white lady” lovers’ lane legends), “creepypastas” and collective creations (horror-related legends posted around the internet such as the slender man and ted the caver), virus hoaxes ( e.g., goodtimes, dance of the pope, and an internet flower for you), viral “memes” (grumpy cat, u mad bro, but that’s none of my business), the comparative microfunctions of communicative topics in analog and digital culture provide material for analysis of joking, legend tripping, and ritualizing off- and on-line (frank ; kinsella ; ellis ; blank ; boyer ; chess and newsom ; peck ; henriksen ). with these expressions in mind, a revised definition of folklore emerged to cover analog and digital as well as historic and contemporary culture of “traditional knowledge put into, and drawing from, practice” (bronner ). knowledge or lore is perceived or constructed as traditional, characteristically through its repetition and variation, and connotative evocation of precedent. it can be viewed as distinct from, although, sometimes integrated into, the notion of popular culture as fixed in form and commercialized (folklore can also be “popular” and broad-based beyond the small group or subculture). reference to the actions of “put into and drawing from” suggests the framing of connotative, purposeful enactments as an adaptation from precedent or an outcome of repeatable behavior. this outcome can be material and social as well as verbal. it can be constructed by and enacted for the individual. popularly, folklore in the united states can be rhetorically used to refer to the verisimilitude, and significance, of cultural knowledge in an uncertain, individualistic world. indeed, a folklore-centered humanities breaks down divisions between high and low, local and global, and individual and society. continuing to challenge versions of the humanities in classical terms, folklore refers to the expressions of this knowledge in story, song, speech, custom, and craft as meaningful for what it conveys and enacts about tradition in a future-oriented society. that tradition in the united states is old and new, national and regional, transnational and ethnic, persistent and vanishing, continuous and changing, special and everyday, and always expressive and connotative. conflicts of interest: the author declares no conflict of interest. references abrahams, roger d. . folklore in culture: notes toward an analytic method. texas studies in literature and language : – . humanities , , of abrahams, roger d. . deep down in the jungle: negro narrative folklore form the streets of philadelphia. chicago: aldine. abrahams, roger d. . rough sincerities: william wells newell and the discovery of folklore in late- th century america. in folk roots, new roots: folklore in american life. edited by jane s. becker and barbara franco. lexington: museum of our national heritage, pp. – . abrahams, roger d. . blues for new orleans: mardi gras and america’s creole soul. philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press. alexander, hartley b. . francis la flesche. american anthropologist : – . 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http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /. introduction and thesis the social grounding and organization of american folklore folklore as a reflection of native and indigenous cultures folklore as a sign of transplantation and adaptation from the old world folklore as a force in the development of city, state, region, and nation folklore as processes in everyday life references university of alberta letting go: how newly-graduated registered nurses in western canada decide to exit the nursing profession by kathryn michelle chachula a thesis submitted to the faculty of graduate studies and research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of master of nursing faculty of nursing © kathryn michelle chachula spring edmonton, alberta permission is hereby granted to the university of alberta libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the university of alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. the author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author’s prior written permission. dedication for nurses everywhere, never cease to persevere & to new graduates entering the nursing profession who could not find their way, this work is for you you can be the change you wish to see in the world mahatma gandhi abstract the canadian nurses association predicts the nursing shortage will rise to an estimated , registered nurses (rns) by the year . further compounding this issue is the approximate - % of nursing graduates who will change nursing roles or exit the profession within two years of practice. using the glaserian grounded theory method, the purpose of this study was to examine the basic psychosocial process labelled letting go involved in how newly-graduated rns in western canada arrive at the decision to exit the nursing profession within five years of entry into the workforce through semi-structured interviews. the study findings revealed the following themes: navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace; negotiating social relationships, hierarchies, and troublesome behaviours; facing fears, traumas and challenges; and weighing competing rewards and tensions. this study adds to a growing body of knowledge to understand new rn attrition from the profession. acknowledgement i would like to acknowledge numerous individuals who guided and supported me throughout my master’s studies at the university of alberta. firstly, i offer my sincerest gratitude to my thesis supervisor, dr. florence myrick, who continuously pushed the boundaries of my thinking and writing. also, your enthusiasm for teaching, mentoring, and scholarship is infectious and invigorating. i feel privileged having worked with you and to have received your guidance during my studies. i would also like to extend my gratitude to my thesis committee members dr. olive yonge and dr. randolph wimmer, without you, this study would not be possible. thank you sincerely for your warm and thoughtful direction. for my classmates, mentors and professors, i will not forget our discussions, both inside and out of the classroom, as well as in the corridors and hallways of the edmonton clinic health academy. you made my experiences remarkable at the university of alberta. i acknowledge the financial support received throughout my master’s studies: the foundation for registered nurses of manitoba, university hospital foundation - ruth a. van dusen nursing scholarship, olive yonge teaching and learning scholarship, queen elizabeth ii graduate scholarship, dr. rene mcelroy day scholarship in nursing, the university of alberta faculty of nursing, alberta enterprise and advanced education, uah class of september , and the mu sigma chapter of sigma theta tau international. a special thank you is in order for my family who cheered me on in many different ways. matt, your unwavering support, encouragement, and technological prowess significantly contributed to my success while studying afar in alberta. to my parents, terry and brenda, you instilled in me an appreciation for education and nursing work, to which both pose a lifetime of limitless opportunity. table of contents chapter : introduction and background ................................................ problem and significance ............................................................................................... motivation ....................................................................................................................... research objective ......................................................................................................... guiding research questions ........................................................................................... thesis structure .............................................................................................................. chapter : current state of knowledge ..................................................... level of job satisfaction ................................................................................................. exhaustion and burnout .................................................................................................. quality of practice environment ................................................................................... chapter : study design ...................................................................................... historical foundations of grounded theory ................................................................ symbolic interactionism ............................................................................................... purpose of study ........................................................................................................... guiding research questions ......................................................................................... sample selection ........................................................................................................... recruitment of participants ........................................................................................... demographic description of participants ..................................................................... concurrent data collection and analysis ..................................................................... substantive coding ................................................................................................... open coding. ......................................................................................................... selective coding. ................................................................................................... theoretical coding................................................................................................. memoing ................................................................................................................... journaling .................................................................................................................. mechanisms to ensure for rigour ................................................................................ ethical considerations .................................................................................................. limitations .................................................................................................................... dissemination strategies ............................................................................................... chapter : findings and discussion: letting go ..................................... negotiating social relationships, hierarchies and troublesome behaviours .............. abiding student-teacher relationships ................................................................... dampening the spirit. ............................................................................................ fanning the flame.................................................................................................. being confronted with paternalism .......................................................................... dampening the spirit. ............................................................................................ fanning the flame.................................................................................................. encountering hierarchal and horizontal violence ................................................... dampening the spirit. ............................................................................................ feeling unwelcome and undervalued. ............................................................... yielding to humiliation and hostility. ................................................................ fanning the flame.................................................................................................. facing fears, traumas and challenges ......................................................................... persevering ................................................................................................................ dampening the spirit. ............................................................................................ not feeling prepared. ........................................................................................ context based learning (cbl). ................................................................... disconnecting between classroom and clinical. ............................................ predisposing personality characteristics. ...................................................... fanning the flame.................................................................................................. dealing with fears and anxieties ............................................................................. dampening the spirit. ............................................................................................ practicing newly-learned skills. ........................................................................ fear of making errors. ...................................................................................... feeling traumatized. ......................................................................................... dealing with emotional pressures. .................................................................... fanning the flame.................................................................................................. weighing competing rewards and tensions ............................................................. wearing out ............................................................................................................ losing the joy of nursing. ................................................................................... realizing it will not get better. ............................................................................ deciding to leave ................................................................................................... no regret. ............................................................................................................ final participant reflection ........................................................................................ chapter : implications and recommendations .................................. references ............................................................................................................... appendix a: search methods ........................................................................... appendix b: quality appraisal of studies ............................................... appendix c: syntheses of articles .............................................................. appendix d: demographic form ..................................................................... appendix e: sample poster ................................................................................ appendix f: interview guide ............................................................................ appendix g: notification of ethical approval .................................... appendix h: information letter ................................................................... appendix i: consent form .................................................................................. list of tables table . participant characteristics...................................................................... list of figures figure . florence nightingale as the lady with the lamp.................................... figure . the fading flame: letting go............................................................... figure . weighing competing rewards and tensions...................................... chapter : introduction and background the image of the nurse has long been associated with florence nightingale, the lady with a lamp (butterworth, - ). please refer to figure . florence nightingale as the lady with the lamp below. butterworth’s illustration immortalized her image in an oil canvas painting whilst nightingale used an oil lamp to complete her night rounds. figure . florence nightingale as the lady with the lamp in addition, the poem, santa filomena written by henry wadsworth longfellow ( ) describes the presence of florence nightingale who carried her lamp through dark, dreary, and often gloomy hospitals to visit and provide care for permission to use image granted from wellcome library, london england – /oct/ wounded soldiers during the crimean war, thus uplifting their spirits. with the looming registered nurse (rn) shortage in canada and world-wide, coupled with the exit of newly-graduated nurses from the workforce, we must consider the strength of nightingale’s flame to illuminate the future of the nursing profession. engaging in a study to examine the process of newly-graduated rns who have left the nursing profession is timely and relevant. it is my hope that engaging in this study will provide insights for nurse preparation, curricular reform, and knowledge regarding the current clinical culture to address new rn attrition upon entry-to-practice. the reasons why a newly-graduated rn exits the nursing profession within the current health care climate are unclear. in , marlene kramer first posed the question, ‘why do nurses leave nursing?’ surprisingly, few canadian studies have been conducted on this topic since that time. there have been many changes in health care delivery and in the education of rns since kramer’s theory was first disseminated. men have entered nursing and nursing education has transformed by moving from hospital-based training to baccalaureate and graduate level education (canadian institute for health information [cihi], ). hospitals have adopted business models replacing the head nurse role, resulting in what some researchers describe as the fragmentation of health care (coburn, ; coleman, ; king & o’toole-gerard, ). patient acuity has also increased resulting in greater workplace demands, paperwork, turnover, overtime, and burnout (reineck & furino, ). also, for the first time in history, four different generations which include the silents, baby boomers, generation xs, and millennials comprise the workforce (foley, myrick, & yonge, ). there have been significant changes in health care delivery models since kramer’s work was first published. nearly four decades have passed and nurses continue to exit the nursing profession although the reasons for this phenomenon in the st century are not clearly established. boychuk-duchscher ( a) has extended the work of kramer in her theory of transition shock. this theory emphasizes the transition experience of newly-graduated nurses upon entry into clinical practice with a focus on new rns who stay within the nursing profession. however, neither kramer nor boychuk- duchscher have explored the experience of new rns who exit the profession of nursing in today’s current health care climate. problem and significance despite efforts to address the rn shortage in canada, the canadian nurses association predicts that this shortage will continue to rise to approximately , rns by the year (canadian nurses association [cna], ). it is unclear how many newly-graduated nurses are deciding to leave the profession in canada due to a lack of data collection and reporting on this occurrence. canadian data collected between and estimate the exit rate of rns under the age of varied between . - . % with an estimated mean of % exiting the nursing profession (canadian institute for health information [cihi], ). it is important to note that this data does not differentiate between nurses who have exited permanently, temporarily, or who have moved between jurisdictional boundaries or countries. also, with the introduction of university level after-degree programs in canadian universities, many new registrants are over the age of and do not fall into the less than age exit category. various countries have commenced collating data specific to new nurses who exit the nursing profession. in the united states, - % of new nursing graduates will change employment roles or exit the profession of nursing within two to three years of practice as a nurse (american association of colleges of nursing [aacn], ); boychuk-duchscher, b). new zealand estimates approximately % of new graduates leave the nursing profession (new zealand nurses organisation, ). an australian report indicates % of new graduates leave after months of employment (armstrong, ). in a large european study entitled nurses’ early exit study (next) funded by the european union, researchers found . % of new nurses left the profession with as few as . % exiting in italy and as many as . % leaving nursing in germany (hasselhorn, müller, tackenberg, ). these findings reveal a significant global issue concerning new rn attrition from the profession. new graduate exit from the profession places further constraints with regard to a global climate of fiscal deficits, financial pressures, increasing patient acuity, and aging populations in canada and internationally. an increased severity in the nursing shortage results in reduced patient care and poor health outcomes (twigg, duffield, thompson, & rapley, ). for these reasons, further examination of the factors associated with new rn exit from the profession of nursing is warranted in canada. motivation in my tenure as a nurse, i have considered leaving nursing twice. the first instance occurred during my second year of study as a baccalaureate nursing student. i was challenged by my instructors to embody a traditional image of the nurse, an image that was in opposition to my personal appearance. the decision to leave weighed on my conscience as to whether or not i should continue within a profession that rests its professionalism so heavily on appearances alone. with great hesitation, i conformed to the requisite image, and subsequently was successful in my studies as a student nurse. all the while, i never forgot the power that my instructors held over me with their ideals of nursing professionalism and the pressure to conform to my classmates. the second instance occurred within one year of entering the workforce. i found that i was employed in an acute setting that i would now consider an inappropriate placement for a new nursing graduate. i was distressed at witnessing great disrespect between nurses, a situation which challenged my perception of nurses being caring and compassionate for others. dissatisfaction with the work environment, an ‘every man for himself’ mentality, and an exodus of senior staff to other hospital areas resulted in a lack of mentorship for newly- graduated rns that included me. day after day i questioned, is this how it is supposed to be? and, if this oppressive climate is going to continue, do i really want to remain part of this profession? subsequently, i took a three-month leave of absence to consider my options. in the end, i decided to stay, but i never forgot my experience as i pursued work in other areas of nursing, throughout my graduate studies, and as a nurse educator. as i move forward exploring this topic as a nurse educator, it is clear to me that nursing students require not only support, but encouragement to succeed in the nursing profession. this study allowed me to understand first-hand what was needed to help the newly-graduated rns who left the nursing profession to thrive as novice practitioners. throughout this study i have made many reflections: the seed is planted; at times the seed is nourished, and despite the elements, thrives. other times the seed is left to starve and struggles to survive. the stalk unsupported, the flower cannot bloom; or the leaves become shorn, frayed by gloom. without the hope of seizing the changing elements, a loss of control – the blossom slowly fades. returning to the earth, the seed rests assured. what was once deterred, will thrive, be determined, and will rise once more. (k. chachula) as part of utilizing glaser’s grounded theory method, it was important to explore my own assumptions regarding the reasons why newly-graduated rns might choose to leave the nursing profession. is it possible that my experience as a new rn continues within the incoming millennial generation nurses? perhaps new rns are leaving related to workplace injuries? or, being a female-dominated profession, are new rns leaving to have children and start families? if so, it is possible that these nurses might return to the workforce after a period of time that is associated with their children starting elementary school. a review of the literature revealed a paucity of knowledge concerned with the reasons why new nurses leave the nursing profession. research objective throughout this study, i seek to explore the factors and basic psychosocial process involved in the decision of newly-graduated rns who permanently exit the nursing profession. guiding research questions ) what is the basic social process involved in the decision of newly- graduated rns to permanently exit the nursing profession? ) what contributory factors (internal and external) influence the newly- graduated rn to permanently exit practice? ) what are the precursors to permanent exit from the nursing profession? thesis structure i have organized this thesis into five chapters. in the first chapter, i provide an introduction, background, and overview of goals regarding my thesis research. in the second chapter, i present the current state of knowledge through the conduction of a literature review concerning new nurse exit from the profession. in chapter three, i discuss the study design which employs the glaserian grounded theory method. the research findings and accompanying discussion are revealed in chapter four. in chapter five, implications and recommendations are summarized regarding the study findings, which are followed by the study’s appendices. chapter : current state of knowledge a literature search was conducted to identify published studies that examined new rn exit from the profession. searched databases included medical literature analysis and retrieval system online (medline), cumulative index to nursing and allied health literature (cinahl), and health policy reference centre. search terms included newly graduated nurse, new nurse, novice nurse and retention, intention to quit, intent to leave, and attrition. a total of articles were identified after duplicates were removed. please refer to appendix a to view the search methods which include the search string, inclusion and exclusion criteria, as well as other search details. the majority of studies identified in the literature search examined the lateral movement of newly-graduated nurses but neglected to adequately address new rn exit from the profession. therefore, the findings from the six studies included for review required careful interpretation to distinguish data which measured lateral movement or position changes of rns, as opposed to findings relating to an rn’s intentions to leave the profession. please refer to appendix b to view the quality appraisal of the five studies and appendix c to view a synthesis of the studies included for review. three key themes were identified in the literature relating to new rn exit from the profession. these included level of job satisfaction, exhaustion and burnout, and the quality of the practice environment. educational preparation specific to new rn exit from the nursing profession was limited within the literature. level of job satisfaction newly graduated nurses who experience dissatisfaction within the workplace are likely to seek alternative employment (parry, ). conversely, high workplace satisfaction is correlated with intentions to stay in a current position (suzuki, tagaya, ota, nagasawa, matsuura, & sato, ). low levels of organizational commitment and affective commitment to the profession “are antecedents of intention to change professions ... interestingly, the relationship between job satisfaction and intention to change professions are not direct” (parry, , p. ). the relationship between job satisfaction and intention to leave the profession remains unclear in the nursing literature. without conducting a specific study or series of studies central to the newly-graduated rn who exits the nursing profession, these factors and their associated relationships will remain unclear. exhaustion and burnout exhaustion and burnout are common themes documented throughout nursing literature. they are often attributed to a nurse’s intentions to change job roles; however these themes are seldom related to novice nurses entering the clinical practice environment. a study conducted by suzuki et al. ( ) provided an extensive review of factors effecting turnover in newly-graduated japanese nurses using a repeated-measures design. the study included detailed reporting of study participants, data collection points, and findings resulting in a score of / on the methodological index for non-randomized studies (minors) scale. see appendix b: quality appraisal of studies for details. suzuki et al. ( ) found that maslach burnout inventory scores were statistically significantly higher in newly-graduated japanese nurses in those who quit their jobs when compared to new graduates who stayed within their current position. increasing levels of burnout, physical exhaustion, and mental exhaustion throughout the first year of practice were statistically significant contributors for job turnover. new graduates who entered practice environments feeling burnout were more likely to leave their position after a period of approximately to months after practice-entry. nine point seven percent of participants indicated they wished to leave the profession (suzuki et al., ). in a swedish longitudinal study, rudman and gustavsson ( ) found that “during the first three years of practice, every fifth nurse is at some point ‘burned out’, and for the majority of novice nurses, the second year of practice seems especially stressful” (p. ). furthermore, the researchers reported that approximately % of graduates experienced a significant increase in burnout during their second year of entry into the workforce. rudman and gustavsson ( ) reported a significant relationship between study participants with high and increasing levels of burnout reported with intention to leave the profession. considering these findings, there remains a gap in the literature that fully explores the experience that motivates a newly-graduated nurse from intention to leave the profession to actual exit from nursing. mackusick and minick ( ) also identified fatigue and exhaustion as a key theme in their phenomenological study. this study was appraised using the critical appraisal skills program (casp) qualitative research tool resulting in a mixed final score. of the ten questions on the appraisal tool, only five were adequately reported. while mackusick and minick’s study has a clear purpose with appropriate methodology and research design, it is somewhat misleading. the researchers describe clinical nursing as “providing direct patient care in the hospital setting” (mackusick & minick, , p. ). it is widely known that nursing work takes place in a variety of settings that involves direct patient care outside of the hospital environment including outpatient clinics, hospices, primary care networks, client homes, and long term care facilities (buhler-wilkerson, ; every, ; munn, ). the definition provided by the researchers limits the scope to examine ‘why nurses leave’ if only hospital environments are considered. the outcome of the study participants is also not totally clear in the study conducted by mackusick and minick ( ). specifically, the study reveals that only three out of the participants actually left the nursing profession. interestingly, all three were new nursing graduates who exited the profession after one to two years upon entry-to-practice. two study participants reported having to find alternative work as a result of their experiences. the reader is left to wonder what happened to the five remaining participants. taking that into account, the researchers clearly presented exhaustion and burnout as a central theme. the participants in the mackusick and minick ( ) study who described exhaustion referred to experiencing its effects for six months before quitting their positions. importantly, self-described exhausted participants did not exit the nursing profession in the study; instead, nurses moved laterally into alternative positions. these findings suggest the potential for newly-graduated rns to exit the nursing profession in the presence of exhaustion and burnout. further study of this phenomenon is needed to fully understand the relationship between exhaustion and burnout on exit from the profession as opposed to turnover intentions in new rns. quality of practice environment the quality of the practice environment is a significant indicator of a nurse’s intentions to stay or leave a position and contributes to an rn’s decision to exit the nursing profession. in a study conducted by lavoie-tremblay, paquet, and marchionni ( ) in quebec, canada, the researchers employed a descriptive correlational design to examine “the intent to quit among new nurses from generation y” (p. ). the study was appraised using the minors tool and received a score of / . the authors conducted and reported their study with a high level of clarity. the aim was clearly stated following the literature review which adequately captured concepts by prevalent researchers defining generations x and y (boychuk-duchscher & cowin, ). the authors reported a % survey response rate where they clearly established that the nursing work environment is a factor related to nurse turnover and retention. specifically, lavoie-tremblay et al. ( ) found that nurses who provided low scores on ability to participate in hospital affairs, ability to provide quality care, and engage in poor nurse-physician relationships were more likely to leave their jobs in the province of quebec, canada. those with severely low scores indicated their intent to leave the profession. parry ( ) asserts that intention to change employer is significantly related to the intention to leave the profession in an australian study which examined newly-graduated rns. these studies, however, do not reveal the process or the factors of what occurs between the times a newly graduated nurse has intentions to leave the profession to actively exiting from practice. newly-graduated rns frequently face horizontal or lateral violence from their co-workers and hierarchical bullying from managers and physicians (vessey, demarco & difazio, ). the presence of horizontal and hierarchal violence is a serious determinant of a newly-graduated rn’s decision to exit practice. for example, in mackusick and minick’s study ( ), the three newly graduated nurses who permanently exited the nursing profession reported experiencing verbal, physical, and sexual abuse. while negative practice environments influence an rn’s decision to leave their position, it may not necessarily lead all newly-graduated rns to exit from the profession. it is important to make a clear distinction between intent to change position and intent to change profession. the outcome for each concept results in a different pathway wherein the nurse who changes roles, continues to practice nursing as opposed to those who exit practice permanently. there are many studies in which job turnover is examined (de gieter, hofmans, & pepermans, ) whereas few have examined nurses who have chosen to leave the nursing profession other than for retirement purposes or disciplinary action (nooney, unruh, & yore, ). we cannot safely assume that the reasons newly- graduated rns are leaving the nursing profession are the same as those who decide to change positions without a specific study to examine this phenomenon. therefore, conducting a grounded theory study which examines the basic social psychological process involved in determining how newly-graduated rns arrive at the decision to exit the nursing profession within five years of entry into the workforce is warranted. chapter : study design this study was conducted using classic, glaserian grounded theory. grounded theory is a qualitative research method that examines a basic psychosocial process (loiselle, profetto-mcgrath, polit, & beck, ). the historical foundations of grounded theory are described as well as symbolic interactionism, the philosophical underpinning of grounded theory. the purpose of the study and the guiding research questions are re-iterated, and the sampling and recruitment strategies are described. methods for data collection and analysis are outlined, followed by the study’s mechanisms to ensure for rigour. historical foundations of grounded theory grounded theory was developed by the sociologists barney glaser and anslem strauss in the mid- s (streubert & carpenter, ). glaser and strauss published this new method in their book entitled the discovery of grounded theory ( ) wherein the researchers explored hospitalized, dying patients. the purpose of grounded theory is to develop a middle-range theory that delineates a basic social problem or process (glaser, ). the basic psychosocial process is characterized by at least two stages which occur and change over time. furthermore, the process may or may not be perceived by the person experiencing the phenomenon, but can be perceived by others (glaser, ). streubert and carpenter state that basic psychosocial processes “transcend time and place without regard to culture, race or place” ( , p. ). grounded theory utilizes an inductive approach to theory development that is ‘grounded’ in the research data or evidence from which the theory is generated (streubert & carpenter, ). importantly, the grounded theory method is widely used and accepted within nursing research (artinian, giske & cone, ; streubert & carpenter, ). grounded theory was later modified by strauss in collaboration with his graduate student, juliet corbin. this modified approach was published in their book entitled basics of qualitative research (strauss & corbin, ). glaser strongly opposed the book’s publication which resulted in a divide between the classic, glaserian grounded theory and straussian grounded theory methods (glaser, ). proponents of straussian grounded theory aim to describe concepts and their relationships, whereas glaserian grounded theory seeks to discover an emerging theory (glaser, ). straussian grounded theory advocates for a thorough literature review, whereas glaserian grounded theory is opposed (streubert & carpenter, ). another difference between each method lie within how data is coded. glaser utilizes substantive coding (open and selective) and theoretical coding, whereas strauss uses open, axial, and selective coding (loiselle et al., ). straussian grounded theory also requires an explicit research question as opposed to glaserian grounded theory where a specific research question is not needed. symbolic interactionism as a philosophical underpinning, grounded theory is rooted in symbolic interactionism which seeks to understand how behaviour and meaning are associated with particular social symbols or a social process (aldiabat & le navenec, ). from this philosophical standpoint, the ‘self’’, ‘me’, and ‘i’ are socially constructed by others (mead, ). in elaboration of these concepts, mead ( ) asserts that the ‘self’ is comprised of ‘i’ and ‘me’. the notion of ‘i’ interprets the inner self, whereas the notion of ‘me’ is defined and reflected by the external ‘other’. cooley ( ) originally referred to this notion as the ‘looking- glass self’’ wherein the perception of oneself is dependent upon the thoughts and actions of others through social interaction. merton’s social theory and social structure ( ) further elaborate on these sociological constructs adding the dimension of socialization. merton ( ) illustrates that individuals internalize their roles within a social system resulting in acceptance or conformity of the society or institution’s goals. conversely, dysfunction, maladjustment, or rebellion could also result from socialization. theories that draw upon symbolic interactionism are inductively generated and rooted in sociological philosophy, hence the basis for the strong relationship between grounded theory and symbolic interactionism (aldiabat & le navenec, ). purpose of study the purpose of this study was to explore the basic psychosocial process involved in the decision of newly-graduated rns to permanently exit the nursing profession. glaserian grounded theory is an appropriate method to determine how factors influence a newly-graduated nurse to permanently exit nursing practice. guiding research questions ) what is the basic psychosocial process involved in the decision of newly-graduated rns to permanently exit the nursing profession? ) what contributory factors (internal and external) influence the newly- graduated rn to permanently exit practice? ) what are the precursors to permanent exit from the nursing profession? sample selection purposive, convenience, and theoretical sampling were used for recruitment into the study. participant inclusion criteria consisted of newly- graduated rns who chose to exit the nursing profession within five years of entry-to-practice. participants are graduates from a canadian university institution living in western canada and were taking steps to leave the nursing profession. individuals were excluded who left the nursing profession after more than five years of entry-to-practice, as well as those who exited related to retirement purposes, or due to disciplinary action. midwives, diploma-educated rns, licensed practical nurses (lpns), and college-level graduates were also excluded as the canadian nurses association has advocated for nation-wide baccalaureate entry-to-practice (cna, ). please refer to appendix d to view the demographic form. recruitment of participants after ethics approval was obtained, participants were recruited by means of a poster, email, and facebook campaign calling for participants. posters were placed within various buildings and departments throughout two academic institutions in western canada. posters were also placed in public areas within eight hospitals and health care facilities in a large western canadian city. refer to appendix e to view the sample poster. an email calling for participants was posted on four faculty listserves throughout a large academic institution in western canada with the intention of capturing nursing alumni who returned to study in alternate career paths. emails were also sent to nursing alumni who graduated between the years - through one academic institution. a request to email nursing alumni at a separate academic institution in western canada was unsuccessful due to a lack of space in an online alumni newsletter. participants were not recruited through provincial rn regulating bodies due to fiscal constraints. the total number of participants was determined by achieving data saturation. demographic description of participants eight individuals ranging in ages to years participated in the study. seven participants were female and one was male. only one participant self- identified as being part of a visible minority. no participants had children or independents. half of study participants were married or were partnered with a significant other. while the majority of participants worked within one or two practice areas, one participant was employed in four different specialized areas before deciding to exit the nursing profession. seven participants decided to exit the nursing profession or are pursuing studies that will result in a different career path that does not include nursing work. participant characteristics are summarized below in table . participant characteristics. table . participant characteristics variable n % age (years) range = - mean = . standard deviation = . sex male . female . married or significant other yes . no . children or independents yes no self-identify as visible minority yes . no . areas of practice upon workforce entry mental health . labour & delivery . critical care/specialized area a,b community health full time status yes c . no . years of practice as rn range = - mean = . standard deviation = . new career path education law . midwifery . research . global health . undetermined notes: a specialized areas consisted of emergency department, intensive care unit, and oncology. b most participants held employment in one area of nursing. however, one participant worked in four different specialized areas. c one participant’s work hours were reduced unexpectedly to part time after gaining full time employment. for theoretical sampling purposes, one participant who decided to maintain her nursing license was recruited into the study. however, it should be clarified that this individual is not required to maintain a nursing license in her current job, she does not provide direct nursing care, and has no intentions of returning to bedside practice. therefore she qualified as an appropriate participant for this study. all participants originated from western canada and practiced as rns in the provinces of british columbia, alberta, and manitoba. concurrent data collection and analysis data were collected through semi-structured interviews that were audio recorded and transcribed per verbatim for data analysis. transcriptions were ‘cleaned’ by me, the primary researcher, removing any identifying information. the initial interview allowed participants to freely describe their experiences related to exit from the nursing profession. an interview guide was developed to prompt participants if there was difficulty explaining or recalling their perspectives. please refer to appendix f to view the sample interview guide. subsequent interviews utilized theoretical sampling and semi-structured questions that related to emerging categories within the data to generate a model. approval was gained to interview each participant up to three times. participants were interviewed twice, for approximately one hour at a location of the participant’s choosing. the shortest interview was only minutes while the longest interviewed spanned three hours in length. a total of interviews were conducted. all but one participant responded to a request for a second interview to review the preliminary findings. data collection and analysis occurred simultaneously wherein interview data were analyzed systematically, line-by-line, using glaser’s constant comparative approach (glaser, ). data were ‘fractured’ through two types of coding: substantive codes and theoretical codes to discover the core variable (glaser, ; glaser, ) that highlighted the experience of the newly- graduated rns who were in the process of permanently exiting practice labelled letting go. according to glaser ( ), drawing upon substantive and theoretical codes result in a theory that fits the data. substantive coding “substantive codes are the conceptual meanings given by generating categories and their properties, which conceptually sum up the patterns found in the substantive incidents in the field” (glaser, , p. ). substantive coding consists of two types of coding; open and selective. substantive codes in this study comprised: (a) navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace; (b) negotiating social relationships, hierarchies and troublesome behaviours; (c) facing fears, traumas and challenges; and (d) weighing competing rewards and tensions. open coding. open coding is the initial stage of constant comparison analysis. during this initial phase, data were broken down into incidents, and compared for similarities and differences, allowing concepts, categories of concepts, and the properties of each concept to emerge until saturation was achieved. glaser ( ) encourages the researcher to open code in the margin of the transcript or field note, next to the indicator. this was completed on all transcribed interviews throughout the study. glaser ( ) identifies several rules for open coding that were followed in the conduction of this study. glaser ( ) advises the researcher to begin by asking themselves a series of questions such as: what is this data a study of? what category does this incident indicate? what is actually happening in the data? what is the basic psychosocial process or problem faced by the participant? in this level of coding, the researcher (a) analyzes the data line-by-line; (b) does their own coding; (c) always interrupts coding to memo which involves theorizing and writing an idea about codes and their relationships; (d) stays within the confines of the substantive area and field of study, therefore, this study was focused within the nursing profession; and (e) should not assume the analytic relevance of any demographic variable until it emerges as being relevant in the data. this advice was drawn upon throughout all study activities. glaser ( ) identifies two levels of open coding. the first level includes in vivo coding which adopts language used by the participant to identify codes and their relevant categories. one such in-vivo code generated in the study emerged as realizing it will not get better. the second level of coding includes sociological constructs which are identified by the researcher to broaden in vivo codes into categories. identification of the core category, letting go, signified the end of open coding and shifted to selective coding to generate the substantive theory or model (glaser, ; glaser, ; loiselle et al., ). selective coding. selective coding limits data analysis to one core variable, which is often the basic psychosocial process. throughout the concurrent data collection and analysis process, both open and selective coding were utilized simultaneously to shape and structure the emerging core variable, letting go. in accordance with glaser’s ( ) eleven criteria regarding the core category, letting go was therefore: (a) central; (b) recurred frequently in the data; (c) took more time to saturate than other categories; (d) related and easily connected with other categories; (e) it was clear with grabbing implications; (f) it had carry-through and relevance; (g) it was variable and readily modifiable; (h) it was a dimension of the problem; (i) the core category fit the data; (j) had explanatory power; and lastly, (k) it evolved from theoretical coding. a combination of substantive and theoretical coding was employed. theoretical coding. “theoretical codes are the conceptual models of relationship that are discovered to relate the substantive codes to each theoretically” (glaser, , p. ). theoretical codes connected the identified concepts and explicated the relationships between identified substantive categories to generate the theory or model. theoretical codes wove the fractured codes back together, providing integrative scope and new perspectives (glaser, ). an example of a theoretical code that emerged was wearing out. this theoretical code emerged from theoretical constructs within the maslach burnout inventory (maslach, jackson, leiter, & schaufeli, ), thoroughly discussed in chapter four (findings) of the thesis. memoing extensive memos were noted and sorted regarding important concepts that were discovered through the data. a memo is a sentence, paragraph, or a few pages which function to conceptualize and construct the emerging theory that is central to the core category and the basic social process (glaser, ). memoing forces the researcher to re-think and re-work global categories to become more specific to the emerging theory (glaser, ). glaser ( ) identifies four goals of memo writing: (a) to develop ideas that raise data to a conceptual level, identify properties of each category, hypothesize connections between categories and their properties, integrate connections with clusters of other categories to generate theory, and locate the emerging theory with other theories; (b) to write with complete freedom to release the memo without concern for grammar; (c) to create a memo fund or listing of analytical ideas to generate a rich and dense theory; and (d) to create memos that are highly sortable wherein the central category or property of the memo is highlighted or underlined, allowing the memos to be copied or sorted without losing the original idea. furthermore, glaser ( ) advises not to memo in the margins of field notes, as this reduces the memo’s sortability, therefore memos were completed on coloured pages that were kept separately from the interview data. the use of model-building whilst memoing was the most successful strategy to delineate the emerging model throughout data collection and analysis. glaser ( ) identifies twelve rules for writing memos that were adhered to during the conduction of this study. these rules include: (a) keep memos and data separate; (b) always interrupt data coding or recording to write a memo; (c) the researcher can force a memo by starting to write on a code; (d) do not be afraid to modify memos as growth and realizations occur; (e) keep a list of the emergent codes readily available; (f) if too many memos on different codes are similar, compare codes for differences that are being missed between the two codes; (g) problematic digressions should be followed through on a conceptual, not logical elaboration basis, for the purpose of theoretical sampling or for indicating an area for future research; (h) run the memos open as long as resources allow to develop the rich diversity; (i) write conceptually about the substantive codes as they are theoretically coded without referring to the original participant; (j) if the researcher has two burning ideas, write the ideas up one at a time; (k) indicate in memos “saturation” when the category is saturated; and (l) no matter how well memoing is working, be flexible with memoing techniques. throughout the memoing process, many codes and categories were shifted, reviewed, discussed, journalled, integrated and/or collapsed into larger categories, re-iterated, and redrawn to develop the emerging model in accordance with glaser’s grounded theory method. journaling importantly, glaser ( ) advises researchers to enter the field with an open mind and to learn from the participants as opposed to drawing on what is already known about the phenomenon. both memoing and journaling serve to keep the researcher open to ideas and possibilities related to the substantive and conceptual areas (glaser, ). this basic tenet served as a foundation during the data collection and analysis process. being that the literature is crowded with themes that include burnout, bullying, and horizontal violence, a journal was kept by the researcher throughout all research activities to limit any preconceived ideas regarding the area of study (glaser, ). this activity kept my mind open and true to the data as opposed to referring to my own experience or published knowledge in nursing literature. mechanisms to ensure for rigour the resulting model met four criteria outlined by glaser ( ; ). the four criteria include: (a) the theory will fit the experiences and data collected from the participants; (b) the theory will work in explaining the social process and behaviour of the participants; (c) the theory will have relevance if the theory both fits and works regarding the identified categories, as well as explain, predict and interpret what was and what will happen in the area of substantive inquiry; and (d) the theory will accommodate concepts and properties as new data emerges, referred to as modifiability. in achieving the above named criteria, the theory had both parsimony and scope which are “two prime criteria of good scientific inducted theory” (glaser, , p. ). in addition, mechanisms to ensure for rigour in qualitative research include dependability, credibility, confirmability, and transferability or fittingness (lincoln & guba, ). techniques to ensure rigour included investigator triangulation, member checks, as well as audit and decision trails. investigator triangulation is known as the use of more than one researcher to collect, analyze, or interpret a set of data adding to the dependability of the research (loiselle et al., ). hence, my supervisor reviewed the cleaned, coded interviews to add to the study’s rigour. lincoln and guba ( ) refer to ‘member checks’ as a fundamental technique for establishing credibility of qualitative data which was achieved during secondary interviews with participants. furthermore, data were analyzed concurrently with the data collection process not only to align with the glaserian grounded theory method, but to clarify and confirm emerging categories with participants to add rigour to the study. numerous participant quotations are included in the fourth thesis chapter as findings. this adds to the confirmability of the study findings (lincoln & guba, ). an audit and decision trail was also constructed. loiselle et al. ( ) define an audit trail as a “systematic collection of documentation that allows an independent auditor to arrive at similar conclusions about the data” (p. ) thus adding to the trustworthiness and confirmability of the data. likewise, a decision trail “articulates the researchers’ decision rules for categorizing data and making inferences in the analysis” (loiselle et al., , p. ). additionally, adhering to glaser’s four criteria of fit, work, relevance, and modifiability (glaser, ; glaser, ) has added to the study’s transferability or fittingness to outside contexts. ethical considerations ethical approval was sought and granted from the university ethics committee (see appendix g to view the approval letter). an information letter and consent form was provided to each participant prior to data collection (please refer to appendices h and i). i answered any questions about the study and obtained written consent from those interested in participating in the study. participants were made aware that taking part in this study would not affect the participant’s job, current standing as a registered nurse, current professional status, or have any effect upon academic courses in which the participant was currently enrolled or may choose to partake in future studies. participants were free to withdraw any and all data at any time during the data collection phase of the study. within one week of the interview, the participant received a copy of their transcript to review the data for errors, clarify statements, or retract data from the interview transcript. at the completion of the data collection phase, all participants were notified that the data collection phase was closing. this provided participants a final opportunity to review their transcripts regarding any data they wanted removed from the study. transcripts were anonymized by the researcher, did not contain any identifying information, and any electronic data were password protected and/or encrypted. only the researcher and research supervisor responsible for the oversight of coding had access to the ‘cleaned’ interview transcripts. pseudonyms were assigned to participants to ensure for confidentiality and to protect their identity. transcripts will be kept in a locked, secure location for a minimum of five years on completion of the study as the data may be used for future research upon ethical approval of a secondary analysis. owing to the sensitive nature of the topic, the participants’ mental health was considered throughout the interview/data collection process. the only exception to the promise of safeguarding the participants’ identity was that the researcher was legally obligated to report any intentions of harm to oneself or others. this was stated clearly on the information letter prior to the initial interview. although some participants were emotional and verbalized difficulty sharing their perspectives and reflections at times during data collection, no interventions were required. limitations potential limitations of this study include the sampling and recruitment strategy. convenience and purposive sampling may exclude participants who fit the inclusion criteria but are not aware of the opportunity to participate and share their experience with the researcher. it was not feasible to recruit potential participants through the provincial regulatory nursing body by placing a call for participants. furthermore, to place advertisements in nursing journals and local newspapers was beyond the fiscal capabilities of the primary researcher and research supervisor as this study received no funding. therefore, the researcher was limited to localized potential participants and those with email access to listserves through a large western academic institution due to fiscal restrictions. the scope of this study was limited to the nursing profession. the researcher recognizes that the educational practices and experiential learning components within the nursing profession are reflective of the educational practices of many other professions that include but are not limited to physicians, social work, dental hygiene, physiotherapy, occupational therapy, teachers, speech language pathologists, and pharmacists, among others. this study focused on the nursing profession; however, the implications of the study may have relevance for other practice-based professions. dissemination strategies there is a diversity of options available to disseminate the findings of this research study which include journal publications, conferences, and non- traditional methods. this thesis will become accessible through the university of alberta and the online database, proquest theses and dissertations. publication within a nursing journal will be a primary mechanism for dissemination. journals that will be considered for publication include the canadian nurse, the international journal for nursing education scholarship, the journal of nursing education, nurse education today, and the journal for nurses in staff development, among others. research findings will be disseminated at conferences locally, nationally and internationally. specifically, i presented at the international institute for qualitative methodology: qualitative health conference in halifax, nova scotia in october, . i also presented the findings of this research at the margaret scott wright research day, a conference supported by the university of alberta’s faculty of nursing in november, . the attendees of this conference consist primarily of nursing faculty and students, to whom this research is highly applicable. conferences hosted by the western and northern region canadian association of schools of nursing (wnrcasn), canadian association of schools of nursing (casn), canadian nurses association (cna), international council of nurses (icn), and sigma theta tau international (stti) will also be regarded. non-traditional methods for dissemination will be considered which include web-blogs, you tube videos, and twitter. chapter : findings and discussion: letting go through the use of glaser’s grounded theory method, a basic psychosocial process described as letting go was generated which captured the dynamic involved in the decision of newly-graduated nurses to exit professional nursing practice. letting go is illustrated as a fading flame depicted below in figure . the fading flame: letting go. the image of the fading flame echoes the image of florence nightingale, the lady with a lamp, (longfellow, ; butterworth, ), and symbolizes the fading internal light of nursing within those who have decided to exit the nursing profession. the process of letting go for participants was a journey fraught not only with challenges, but also insights, rewards, and perceptions into nursing education and subsequently with becoming a nurse. letting go can be likened to kübler- ross’ ( ) theory on grief as a five-stage process wherein an individual feels a sense of denial and isolation, anger, bargaining, and depression, followed by acceptance at which point an individual comes to terms with loss. these stages of loss were outwardly present in two participants in which the process to exit nursing was akin to “grieving.” a sense of loss was perceived by participants who questioned the decision whether to stay or leave nursing practice as they persevered in spite of many challenges. as one participant stated, leaving nursing will be “less of a struggle” (blaize) now that she is pursuing an alternate career pathway. one participant stated it was a “cathartic experience” (kindle) to discuss what prompted her decision to leave nursing. figure . the fading flame: letting go navigating constraints of the healthcare system & workplace negotiating social relationships, hierarchies & troublesome behaviours facing fears, traumas & challenges weighing competing rewards & tensions (not) adjusting to workload (not) adapting to shiftwork contending with reactivity of the healthcare system manoeuvring within the healthcare system abiding student-teacher relationships being confronted with paternalism encountering hierarchal & horizontal violence: feeling unwelcome & undervalued yielding to humiliation & hostility persevering not feeling prepared: difficulties with context based learning disconnecting between classroom & clinical personality characteristics dealing with fears & anxieties feeling traumatized wearing out: losing the joy of nursing realizing it will not get better deciding to leave: no regret reasonable patient- nurse ratios fatigue mitigation in the workplace opportunities for life- long learning meaningful orientation interprofessional teamwork emancipation being welcomed, valued, respected & accepted emotional support & debriefing caring & friendly atmosphere constructive feedback emotional intelligence transformational & authentic leadership substantive category: dampening the spirit: fanning the flame: le tt in g g o letting go letting go le ttin g g o for others, letting go provided a sense of self-actualization knowing that they “made the right choice [to leave] nursing behind” (aura) and to move on from nursing work. self-actualization is an individual’s process toward self- fulfilment (maslow, ). through engaging in self-actualization, participants gave themselves “permission to let go” of nursing (ember) without the fear of “becom[ing] trapped because they are afraid to let go” (ashley). arriving at the decision to exit nursing practice allowed participants to rest-assured with the accompanying “freedom” (ember) and sense of “relief” (aura) in their choice to exit the nursing profession. integral to the core variable were four substantive categories that emerged from the basic psychosocial process, letting go. owing to the sensitive nature of qualitative research, the content of the substantive categories naturally overlap (foley, ). this overlapping relates to the interconnectedness with regard to how a single experience has implications for other substantive categories in the process of newly-graduated nurses who decide to exit the nursing profession. these categories include: (a) navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace; (b) negotiating social relationships, hierarchies and troublesome behaviours; (c) facing fears, traumas and challenges; and (d) weighing competing rewards and tensions. the final substantive category, weighing competing rewards and tensions involves active engagement in evaluating conflicting contextual elements encountered in nursing practice. this evaluation is comprised of weighing tensions, described as dampening the spirit, and positive rewards garnished from nursing practice, referred to as fanning the flame in the previous three substantive categories in deciding whether or not to stay in the nursing profession. to further explain, dampening the spirit emotes the dampened spirit and sense of loss each participant endured throughout the basic psychosocial process of letting go. this process involved the loss of identity as described by burke and stets ( ) in their theory of identity formation. more specifically, participants increasingly dissociated from establishing a role identity as a nurse in relation to the absence of support, de-validation, and lack of legitimization in securing a nursing identity. this process is attributed to the lack of intrinsic and extrinsic rewards specific to the nursing identity in conflict. dampening the spirit comprises oppressive tensions specific to each substantive category as participants exited practice. conversely, fanning the flame is characterized by positive, reassuring rewards that mitigate wanting to exit the nursing profession. strategies and recommendations to circumvent exit from the profession are discussed, as well as comments from participants in the study. a summary of recommendations to mitigate exit from the profession is provided following discussion of the major substantive categories. as a result of this process, participants ultimately decided to leave nursing practice. we will first explore navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace. navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace today, we live in a market-driven, globalized society, reflected by neo- liberalist and capitalist business venture. the market has permeated government functions, education, the health care system, and many others throughout north america and globally (hedges, ). in this multi-layered substantive category identified as navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace, participants experienced a variety of constraints upon entering the health care system and workplace. boychuk-duchscher ( a) argues newly-graduated nurses must learn to navigate the health care environment through high workloads and increasing patient acuity to successfully transition from student nurse to novice practitioner. navigating within the system and workplace was influenced by many factors. participants described working in a health care system that is “backed up everywhere,” “strained,” “rigid,” and “non-responsive” (ember). participants discovered a learning curve to operate within the “bureaucracy” and feeling “stifled” in their practice as a nurse (ashley). kindle and others described poor “working conditions,” “high patient loads,” and a climate of “cutbacks.” researchers acknowledge the health care system is a rigidly structured entity that does not permit system changes easily (hendy & barlow, ). reflected in navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace, many difficulties arose relating to (not) adjusting to workload, (not) adapting to shiftwork, grappling with the reactivity of the healthcare system, and manoeuvring within the healthcare system and workplace. (not) adjusting to workload dampening the spirit. nurses and other health care providers have not been impervious to the marketization of health care and the changes within the health care system that have resulted. as an effect of capitalist business models, some authors argue that health care delivery has been transformed into a fragmented model of care (coburn, ; coleman, ) and a ‘do more with less’ mentality. this notion was reflected by blaize regarding her role as a nurse in which she commented: for the most part, i really like my job. i like nursing. my reason to leave nursing isn’t because i’m a nurse; i think it’s a frustrating climate to work in. i think it’s a frustrating industry to work in, i think it’s frustrating for patients, i think it’s frustrating families, and it’s frustrating for staff. because we are expected to do more with less. kindle said, “i felt like when you were on the unit, you had to go go go constantly, and if you were late with something, it was like all hell was breaking loose. it was like the worst thing in the world.” in most work environments, participants described ‘doing more with less’ manifested as having increased patient-nurse ratios in hospital environments and the number of clients nurses are responsible for in community settings. aura stated: the patient-nurse ratio. that’s my biggest pet peeve about the health care system is the patient-nurse ratios. even in [critical care], it’s supposed to be one-to-one. but a lot of time it’s two-to-one. and i don’t think that if a patient is sick enough to be in the icu they should have one nurse to two patients. dawn was unequivocal when she stated “i found the workload difficult to manage” she also found it “physically challenging because of the workload.” the expectations for nurses to provide holistic care while being responsible for acutely ill patients and increased patient-loads have contributed to dissatisfaction, absenteeism, burnout, and poor psychological well-being within the nursing workforce (burke, ). according to kelly ( ), “hospitals are now built to ‘cure’ diseases rather than to ‘care’...” (p. ). cole iterated that it was difficult to look “at a person as a whole rather than the task.” aura expressed a similar sentiment while working as a nursing student: you get taught that you should spend time with your patient, and that you shouldn’t walk away, and you should take the time to get to know them, and all that stuff. but when you go out there ... in the medicine and surgery areas, you have an obscene amount of patients. and you are just running your entire shift. another participant further elaborated how the workload affected her ability to provide the high-level of care expected of her during nursing school and subsequently as a nurse. she stated: nurses are overworked; they have so much to do in so little time ... i think the vast majority of people go into nursing thinking that they are going to be doing compassionate care. and they do want to improve the health of people and do what they can to provide comfort and empathy to their clients. but when you have a slate of five clients and they all need quite a lot of attention, it’s really hard to build up that therapeutic relationship. and in nursing school, they always talk about building that rapport, build that relationship, active empathy, active compassion. but in reality, when you’re that overworked, it’s actually really hard to do those kinds of things ... because our health care system is the way it is, and we are understaffed for registered nurses. it’s just, you really can’t nurse in the florence nightingale model of nursing. (ashley) boychuk-duchscher warns newly-graduated nurses are “are at risk of buckling under the strain of workload expectations” ( b, new graduate transition context section, para. ) as they transition into the workforce which is reflective of the experiences of participants in this study. this was represented by ember’s comment. she stated: you are the first person that work gets put upon if there are cut-backs, or layoffs, or someone gets sick, or anything. you’re just a mule in the healthcare system and you carry the weight ... it’s very depressing because you don’t have the time to do it, you don’t have the energy, and what becomes important when you have a huge string of patients that you have to look after is, it changes very quickly from what you would like to do ideally, versus what it is you’re actually capable of doing without burning yourself out in a matter of a few years. banks and bailey ( ) report “high level of stress related to responsibility and high workloads paired with minimum pay compound the effects of reality shock of nurses new to the field” (p. ). a national survey jointly conducted by the cna and the registered nurses’ association of ontario (rnao) issued a statement warning of the rising incidence of nurse fatigue. more specifically, they state “fatigue is largely due to the relentless heavy workloads of nurses with ever-increasing cognitive, psychosocial and physical work demands” (cna & rnao, , p. ). furthermore, “many [nurses] tend to pay more attention to the needs of their patients and colleagues rather than to their own needs” (cna & rnao, , p. ). these statements are reflective of the experiences of the participants in this study who often provided nursing care with little resources and expectations to work overtime hours. as ember emoted “the way i wanted to do it [carry out nursing work] was not sustainable for me. but it was never the actual patient care that pushed me over, it was the system. it’s working in the system.” cole stated “when an emergency happens right at the end of a double shift ... you don’t have the time or energy, or love, really, to give to what you’re doing.” these participants’ comments highlight the consequences of high workloads with little to no resources resulting in the push to exit the nursing profession. fanning the flame. due to the efforts made by provincial nursing regulatory bodies and the cna, there is an increasing awareness being disseminated regarding the negative effects of workload on nurses and the health care system. these organizations have developed solutions to mitigate and to prevent the exodus of nurses from the profession. these strategies include securing adequate funding to prevent staff shortages and an increased workload, developing policy standards to mitigate fatigue, advocating for healthy work environments that includes fatigue management strategies in nursing education programmes, and encouraging nurses to self-monitor for fatigue in the work environment by declining work assignments with regard to fitness to practice and safety (cna & rnao, ). although many of the newly-graduated nurses i interviewed had difficulty managing the workload, rae described feeling prepared for the realities of the workload a nurse carries. she stated: my mom is a nurse. since i was a kid, i’ve always known the job is busy and stressful, and you’re running around, and i’ve always known those things. i kind of knew going into it was i was getting into. rae added “i was very fortunate to be on a unit that was well staffed, and they were quite firm about how many patients we could have.” likewise, cole’s mother was also a nurse. however, he described his experience with regard to the workload as being surprising as if he was “going in blind;” despite knowing what his mother did as a nurse. in western australia and in the american state of california, hospitals have been mandated to set limits on the nurse-patient ratio leading to increased satisfaction in workload amongst licensed nursing staff (donaldson, bolton, aydin, brown, elashoff, & sandhu, ; twigg & duffield, ). these participants raised other issues that they encountered in the workforce relating to having to adapt to shiftwork. (not) adapting to shiftwork dampening the spirit. in order to adapt to the disruption caused by shiftwork, new graduates must learn to develop a reasonable level of tolerance to accommodate a rotating schedule (west, ahern, byrnes, & kwanten, ). according to clare and van loon ( ) many new graduates underestimate the impact of full time work upon entry into the workforce. participants described their personal, social sacrifices they made to accommodate a rotating schedule. this was reflected in many of the comments made by participants in the study. blaize stated, “i see my work family more often than i see my real family.” aura reflected her perspective: i worked days and nights, and it was killing me. the switching, the nights, ugh it was just awful ... i had a hard time with shiftwork. i prefer to have either days or nights but not both. but i didn’t want to work only days because it’s hour shifts, and that would be hard. i’m not exactly a morning person [chuckles]. i didn’t want to work only nights because again, it’s hour shifts and you feel like you just live [at work], and then you sleep all day, and you’re kind of like a vampire. you never see your friends. she continued: i think i’m a really social person and i need that social aspect of my life. and i think that’s probably the biggest thing that drives me in terms of career choices. i need to be able to have that social aspect. (aura) west et al. ( ) suggest that new graduates have a lower level of tolerance to disruptions in social life caused by shiftwork and rotating schedules. the impact of shiftwork was also described by another participant who reported not being able to keep a regular schedule. i found shiftwork very taxing. and i found it really hard to stay connected to the rest of the world, when i don’t even know what day of the week it is. and i can’t go to a regularly scheduled yoga class because i don’t have a monday to friday schedule. (kindle) another participant reflected: i don’t really know if i have the personality to cope with a really rotating schedule. i would like to get something with permanent days, or permanent nights. those kinds of jobs are few and far between in nursing. (cole) ashley stated the lifestyle of nurses is “very unhealthy – all the shiftwork, not getting to spend a lot of time with your family. i think that’s the case for many nurses – definitely not all, but a few. and yeah, i don’t enjoy the shiftwork.” rae reflected a stronger aversion when adapting to shiftwork while still attending nursing school stating that “clinicals were brutal. getting up at five in the morning and going to clinical ... getting into scrubs, and i hated nursing so much ... i just remember driving there, and [thinking to self], oh my god. i hate this.” these participants understood that nursing work often occurs within rotating shifts; however engaging in shiftwork was another matter. ryle ( ) suggested the difference between ‘knowing how and knowing that.’ to elaborate, the practice of engaging in shiftwork, or ‘knowing how’ was a challenging prospect for new graduates as opposed to simply ‘knowing that’ nurses work in rotating schedules. cole reflected “i didn’t know i couldn’t deal with shiftwork until i had got into nursing, really.” interestingly, he further added that “we are millennials, so we’re hyper-educated and kind of entitled ... maybe i’m a little entitled thinking i don’t have to work shiftwork, and i don’t have to put up with all the things i have to.” the millennial generation, also referred to as generation y, are perceived and stereotyped in the public purview as being needy, entitled, and disloyal (thomspon & gregory, ). the pew research centre ( ) argues that the search for work-life balance that began in generation x has been accentuated in the subsequent millennial generation. thompson and gregory ( ) state “the same generation that is criticizing millennials is responsible for shaping who they are today” (p. ). further adding to the millennial debacle is the frequency in which millennials are known to change employment roles. according to an american study conducted by the pew research centre ( ), approximately % of employed millennials report that it is ‘very’ or ‘somewhat likely’ they will change careers sometime in their working life. while “nearly six-in-ten employed millennials say they already have switched careers at least once” (pew research centre, , p. ). it is likely that the nursing profession is not immune to the movement of millennials into and out of the profession. however, despite the job and career movement characteristics of the millennial generation, those within the nursing profession are encountering additional pressures and physical challenges that are intrinsic to the adjustment to shiftwork, thus adding to the push to leave the profession. dawn described the physical challenges she encountered adjusting to night shifts upon entry into the workforce. she stated “a lot of nurses get the opportunity to combine their breaks and sleep on nights. that wasn’t possible where i worked, it never happened. it felt physically horrible to work, and unsafe to work all night.” she added: i just felt exhausted having to be up all night. working your whole shift, by am you feel like you want to die ... i used to sleep all day after my night shifts and it didn’t matter [chuckles]. i was still tired. i definitely preferred day shifts because i felt bad on night shifts. and i felt like i was very tired, and i knew for sure that i was slower, that my reactions were slower ... i would notice that i would make a lot of mistakes that i wouldn’t even see. the exhaustion dawn encountered was not an issue of feeling entitled, rather one of fatigue. the definition of fatigue proposed by the cna and rnao is described as a state in which the nurse’s physical and cognitive ability becomes impaired involving physical and psychological features such as emotional exhaustion, compassion fatigue and sleepiness that persist, despite obtaining periods of rest (cna & rnao, ). in a small survey conducted by the new zealand nurses organisation ( ), approximately % of young nurses reported wanting to leave the nursing profession related to poor rostering and a dislike for shiftwork. fanning the flame. one participant was able to adapt to shiftwork by avoiding it altogether. after graduating from nursing school, rae secured a nursing position that was a straight evening shift without having to rotate between days and nights. rae stated “i don’t think i’d want to do that for my life, i don’t think i’d want to do shiftwork. it just worked out well that i did the evening shift when i was working [as a nurse].” this raises a key question when recruiting new graduates into workforce positions. perhaps employers should consider a schedule for new graduates that limit a rotating schedule in the first year of practice as an rn. west et al. ( ) propose numerous strategies to mitigate the effects of shiftwork including learning how to manage an effective sleep and work schedule. this process involves new graduate self-scheduling, and “socializing rather than supporting” new graduates into shiftwork (p. ). west et al. ( ) also suggest new graduates ought to learn how to negotiate with management if a particular shift is not suitable for the social requirements of the new graduate. thompson and gregory ( ) propose a different strategy, one that involves encouraging managers to engage millennials at least once per month to provide them with feedback in their practice. the authors purport that “millennials have learned to expect feedback” and that managers should see this want as “a willingness to learn and do a better job” (thompson & gregory, , p. ). meeting with the millennial would provide an avenue to strengthen the relationship of the new graduate with the workplace. this approach would allow the manager to support the new graduate confronted with any difficulties that arise with regard to adjusting to the workplace, shiftwork, and the health care system itself. grappling with the reactivity of the health care system dampening the spirit. participants described how the health care system is based too heavily on a medical model of care and ought to be proactive rather than reactive. according to cna ( b), current primary care methods are overwhelmed and unsustainable within a medical model of health care delivery. in the current health care system, physicians often operate within a medical model of curing. nurses are not educated to cure, rather to promote and optimize health as per the principles of primary health care (phc) in canada. nurses teach and engage individuals, families, and communities to live well with disease, as well as to prevent injury and illness. nursing activities are supposed to occur under the auspice of the phc model of delivery; however that has not been the case with many participants in this study. phc includes five interrelated tenets: accessibility, public participation, health promotion and illness prevention, appropriate technology, intersectoral and interdisciplinary communication (college and association of registered nurses of alberta [carna], ). nursing was conceptualized at the centre of this model (reutter & ogilvie, ). however, there is incongruence between what nursing students are taught and the way the health care system operates. as ember described, “my nursing education did not prepare me for practice very well at all. i think there’s such a huge gap between what you are taught, what you should do, and what actually happens in the hospital setting.” one participant expressed disappointment in how the health care system functions when she stated, “we are really good at looking at the medical side of things ... but we are less good at understanding those cultural, sociological, and anthropological influences that are intrinsic to the way that health works” (ashley). she further elaborated: i’m a huge proponent of proactive rather than reactionary medicine and healthcare. our current political system doesn’t put enough emphasis on that ... because we are quite lacking in preventative care ... we need to stop using healthcare as a band-aid solution and we need to start focusing on why people are getting sick, who’s getting sick, the disparities in healthcare ... to me, that is at the core of what nursing should be, working with a vulnerable population to identify what their risks are in a harm reduction framework. that is the real essence of what healthcare is. it’s looking at coping mechanisms, and it’s looking at harmful health practices, and trying to navigate between the two. (ashley) another participant confirmed the medical model-based nature of the health care system in her comment: if what we are actually striving for is better health, we are actually causing worse health, in the big picture. but it’s like we don’t look at the big picture. we do everything on a reactive basis not on a proactive basis. and i found that frustrating. (kindle) interestingly, laschinger, finegan, and wilk ( ) report that new graduates experience more fulfilling and empowering workplaces that draw upon a nursing foundation of care as opposed to one that draws upon a medical model of care. as ember stated: we focus so much more on giving medications, skills, and physical assessments. i found that patients physically feel better when you just talk to them, and learn a little bit about them, and how they feel ... do they understand the healthcare team? stuff like that. and those so-called soft skills are really not encouraged, promoted, or valued very much at all. and my experience has been that they are very valuable. and that’s something that i’m not willing to give up. these newly-graduated nurses are educated to uphold the principles of phc, yet encounter a health care system that does not reflect phc’s core principles of health promotion and illness prevention. when attempting to engage in nursing practice that is not in alignment with phc principles and are medical-focused, ember reflected “healthcare is such a huge monstrous machine that it’s almost prohibitive to change. and we would all somehow collectively rather keep working in a broken system than try to get over the task of changing it.” in the s and s, many nurses lost their jobs in the wake of health care reform and budget cuts (burke, ; dingel-stewart & lacoste, ). it is unfortunate that this trend continues. the current economic climate, ripe with fiscal deficits, has pressured managers in the health care system to cut costs thus adding to the reactive nature of the healthcare system. in the province of alberta, registered nurses were ‘cut’ in march of with the intention to replace these individuals with lesser-skilled staff in effort to save costs (mertz, ) resulting in untoward consequences between health professionals. blaize remarked: they make it seem like we cost so much money and the reason why the health care system is being buried into the ground is because of nursing and only nursing. and that is the attitude that many nurses feel... it pits registered nurses, against licensed practical nurses, against health care aides ... it creates animosity within the hospital, and within health care disciplines. so it’s a frustrating industry to work in [whispering voice]. blaize’s frustration with regard to the replacement of rns with less skilled staff was highly “insulting” to her. the reactionary effects of health care cuts have serious implications for newly-graduated nurses seeking to establish themselves within the nursing profession. blaize urged for “a better working relationship with our superiors, whether it be your managers, your management team, or [the provincial health board] themselves” to decrease the “animosity” felt between stakeholders of the health care system. without improved communication between managers, provincial health boards, nurses, and the public, canada risks losing more newly-graduated nurses from the profession. fanning the flame. to date, the cna has lobbied governments, developed partnerships with physicians (cna, a), and encourages collaborative practice between all health professional groups within canada’s public health care system (walker, olson, & tytler, ). the cna’s national expert commission delineates key priorities for change as the nursing profession moves forward in promoting health and wellness within canada’s health care system. chief among these priorities is shifting health care delivery to perceive an individual as a whole rather than the sum of their parts and contextual health issues (cna, ). furthermore, the commission emphasizes educating health professionals as competent practitioners and capable leaders who can navigate patients and their families through the health care system. in keeping with the principles of phc, the commission advocates for transferring health care delivery outside the realm of hospitals to encourage individuals to live well at home and in the community (cna, ). as a means to shift power back to new graduates striving to navigate the health care system, it would behoove employers and nursing unions to provide new graduates with committee membership opportunities thus promoting their active involvement in decision making. the inclusion of the new graduate would thus provide the novice practitioner with an authentic voice through opportunities for involvement into workplace affairs as a means for retention (lavoie-tremblay et al., ) and occupational commitment (parry, ). as well, nursing unions can also play a role in engaging newly-graduated nurses in resolving workplace issues and utilizing effective communication strategies with employers and managers to mitigate exit from the profession. manoeuvring within the health care system dampening the spirit. many participants were confronted with various difficulties in learning how to maneuver within the rules of the workplace and union with regard to scheduling, requesting leave of absences (loas), seniority, taking vacation, and having adequate orientation. ember felt discouraged by “all the nitty-gritty rules [of the union] that affect everybody” with particular regard to the perceived mobility available within the nursing profession. ember elaborated: one of the things that i think is really promoted in nursing, and in nursing school as well, is that you have a lot of mobility ... if you end up in a place that you don’t like, you can always move around. and i found that once i started working, that’s actually not true because of the way that most nursing positions are unionized. hiring is based on seniority. and so, it’s very [sigh] difficult to move from one area to another. because if you don’t have any experience in a particular area, chances are actually quite low that you will get in. these participants relay a sense of powerlessness akin to foucault’s notion of power relations (foucault, ) with regard to demanding obedience to institutionalized rules while operating within the health care system. upon an attempt at manoeuvring within the system, these graduates were met with resistance from those who held power and dominion over them thus “clos[ing] the door on all possibilities” (foucault, , p. ). the rules regarding seniority affected one participant’s ability to maneuver within the health care system to secure a nursing position. kindle stated: there was a nursing freeze on. so for a while, all of the positions available were only open to employees who already had jobs within the system ... i knew that when i graduated, i decided that i couldn’t work in a hospital. i just felt that that environment was very stressful and it wasn’t something that i was really passionate about. i wanted to be in health promotion, or health education, or public health. and i had applied for some public health positions but no one would look at me seriously because i didn’t have enough hospital nursing experience yet ... so i just kind of felt that i didn’t have any other options in nursing left, really. given the current economic climate, ritter ( ) reports the misconception that there is no longer a nursing shortage which has resulted in fewer new graduates finding employment. the idea that “the world is your oyster, you can do anything and everything” (aura) may no longer be applicable to newly-graduated nurses with respect to the hiring processes currently taking place within the health care system and current economic climate. issues relating to seniority were also identified by participants in relation to taking vacation time. as part of the millennial generation, these newly- graduated nurses are seeking flexibility to manage a work-life-balance and gain educational opportunities (boychuk-duchscher & cowin, ). the following statements capture this perspective: i don’t like to exist on other people’s timelines. i really enjoy doing work when i can do it at my own pace. i like freedom and flexibility ... i wanted to have a bit more flexibility with my hours. i also had a hard time asking for vacation. because i was so new to [the area] and there were so many senior nurses there, i never got my vacation time approved. also, not even because of seniority but because of staff shortages, i never got my vacation time approved. for example i would submit for five days, like a stretch of five days. and they would approve the first day and the third day. so it’s like, well what’s the point of that? ... it’s just, i don’t know, it’s not for me. (aura) similarly, another participant reported: the culture was such that unpaid leaves [of absences] were never approved. as a full-time employee, i was often switched off of days of statutory holidays where i was scheduled to work because they just wanted to have the bare minimum staff ... some things would’ve made me stay longer [in nursing] or been more conflicted about leaving, was if my management at the hospital i worked at was very supportive of the things like leaves [of absences] and didn’t do the kinds of things they did around scheduling. (dawn) hutchinson, vickers, jackson, and wilkes ( ) propose that those in authority use existing institutional structures to engage in hierarchal and horizontal violence. for example, a charge nurse might use the nurse assignment schedule to routinely assign a targeted nurse to heavy-care patients with the intent to deplete the nurse physically and psychologically until they leave their position. notably, brewer, kovner, yingrengreung, and djukic ( ) report that a lack of flexibility in scheduling adds to the new graduate’s intention to leave a current position. in a similar vein, kindle became disheartened from nursing when trying to take educational loas within her position in order to carry out her nursing role safely and effectively. she explained to her manager, “i need some continuing education to learn.” unfortunately with budget cutbacks, she was met with resistance from her manager who was not able to accommodate her request that would have supported her in the workplace. kindle further explained to her manager: i’m not going to be able to continue my work because i can’t do it in these conditions. and she told me, ‘well, we don’t have the funding for this. we can’t change this. that’s how it’s going to be.’ so i told her, well, i guess i can’t continue. according to clare and van loon ( ), the provision of continuing education opportunities assist the new graduate in their transition from student to novice nurse in the workplace. education and life-long learning are core values within the millennial generation (boychuk-duchscher & cowin, ). it is unfortunate that these newly-graduated nurses did not feel supported in their roles as rns to take loas or vacation time to allow a sufficient break from the workplace setting. being unable to maneuver within the system or gain the support she needed, kindle left the nursing profession. according to a canadian federation of nurses unions (cfnu) study, allocation of vacation by seniority was not always a fair process (wortsman & crupi, ). similar findings were noted in this study that is in alignment with foucault’s assertions on power ( ). one participant voiced frustrations with scheduling and loas: our contract says they [managers] may not unreasonably deny vacation or an education request. they can’t unreasonably deny you. so if you apply for an education day six months out and they deny you the next week, how is that not unreasonably denied, have you not tried to fill that spot with a casual staff or part-time staff member? ... they do that with everybody ... [also] if i want an ad hoc vacation, i cannot have it. there’s not a single day from now [july] until may [next year] that i can ask for off, because the [staffing] numbers aren’t good enough ... you don’t get holidays in the summer for the first years, so don’t even bother. (blaize) the cfnu issued a report stating “[millennials] are not interested in the concept of ‘paying your dues’: rather they want to be valued for their contribution and their potential ... they just want and expect to be included in decision-making, team development and life-long learning” (wortsman & crupi, , p. ). it is, therefore, important for managers and senior staff within the health care system to better understand the values that the incoming generation of nurses hold for themselves and of their co-workers upon entry into the workforce, and vice-versa. fanning the flame. clare and van loon ( ) emphasize providing new graduates with support, assistance, and a quality orientation while they adjust and adapt within their role as a nurse. dawn described how “crucial” it was to be properly oriented to her nursing role and the workplace as a new graduate. a direct outcome of her orientation provided her with a sense of feeling “confident to work.” she added, “if you want a new grad to be successful in her job you have to support her. and it means that she probably needs a lot of training coming out of nursing school.” to accomplish this, newly-graduated nurses require a good, working relationship with their manager in which the new graduate feels supported in their role as a nurse and orientation to the workplace which is meaningful. as kindle stated: you hear complaints from managers everywhere that they don’t like to invest their time and energy in orientation and training when new nurses just leave within a year anyway. and that’s true, and i understand that perspective. but any job i’ve had as a nurse, i’ve never had any great orientation [chuckles]. that’s never ever happened. you just fly by the seat of your pants. to mitigate the impetus to exit the profession, new graduates who left the nursing profession indicated their need to have an adequate orientation, opportunities for learning, and a manageable workload where they had resources at their disposal to carry out their roles safely and effectively. wong and cummings ( ) found that “supportive leader behavior and trust in management are necessary for staff to be willing to voice concerns and offer suggestions to improve the workplace and patient care” (p. ). managerial support can subsequently mitigate the stressors experienced within nursing related to patient acuity, workplace demands, paperwork, turnover, overtime, and burnout (reineck & furino, ). rae stated having a supportive charge nurse and nurse educator “makes a huge difference.” she elaborated: they were busy sometimes and couldn’t help, but if they had extra time they would love to just take you and teach you things, or help you with a question. it was nice to have that. conversely, rae continued: sometimes you were working on a shift with people who were less eager to help, but you just kind of knew as to who was good, would give you good instruction, and who was not so good. this comment brings us to the next major substantive category in the study which explores negotiating social relationships, hierarchies, and troublesome behaviours. negotiating social relationships, hierarchies and troublesome behaviours in this study, the difficulties of newly-graduated nurses with regard to navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace coupled with negative social relationships, hierarchal social frameworks, and troublesome behaviours within the nursing profession, were found to heavily influence participants’ decision to exit the nursing profession. clare and van loon ( ) report “when tiredness, exhaustion, and isolation were compounded with negative feedback and bullying, the balance tipped and almost all graduates began to contemplate leaving nursing ( %)” (p. ). to contend with the reality of such an environment, often identified as oppressive, newly-graduated nurses are instead choosing to leave their positions (de gieter, hofmans, & pepermans, ; lavoie-tremblay et al., ). according to freire ( ), an oppressive experience becomes internalized within those who encounter its detrimental effects. this process ultimately results in the oppressed becoming the oppressors (freire, ) which would account for the spill-over of repression and oppressive modes of thinking and behaviour that are present in the nursing workplace that comprise ‘troublesome behaviours’. diekelmann ( ) reflects that “it seems ironic that we work hard to create caring environments for our patients but not for ourselves as clinicians, teachers, and students” (p. ). manifestation of oppressive behaviour is troublesome within the nursing profession, as its consequences can be far-reaching. oppressed group behaviour in nursing was originally delineated by susan roberts in . roberts attributes such behaviour to oppressive societal forces. building on freire’s assertions ( ), roberts ( ) suggests that a subordinated group develops an increasing sense of self-hatred, diminished self- esteem, and decreased assertiveness as the oppressed internalizes the behavioral impact of the oppressor. because the oppressed individual cannot retaliate against their oppressor, hostility against other members of the oppressed group ensues. perpetuation of oppression ultimately precipitates a vicious cycle. subsequently, bullying and incivility indicative of oppressed group behaviour manifest in hierarchal and horizontal violence within the nursing workforce. newly-graduated and experienced nurses are routinely encountering horizontal or lateral violence from their co-workers and hierarchical bullying from physicians and managers (vessey, demarco & difazio, ). horizontal and hierarchal violence is comprised of behaviours with the intent to hurt that include sabotage, intimidation, manipulation, alienation, as well as verbal, emotional, physical and sexual abuse (craig & kupperschmidt, ;thomas, ; thomas & burk, ). the workplace bullying institute ( ) defines bullying as ‘repeated, health-harming mistreatment’ that includes verbal abuse, verbal and non-verbal behaviours that are humiliating, threatening, or intimidating, as well as work interference that includes sabotage. bullying is characterized by negative behaviours that accumulate over time (hutchinson, vickers, jackson, & wilkes, ). it is estimated that as many as - % of nurses have experienced bullying behaviours during their careers (ditmer, ; hutchinson, wilkes, jackson, & vickers, ; lewis, ). experiences with hierarchal and horizontal violence were evident throughout all participants’ experiences spanning from their years as student nurses and subsequently as new rns. study participants recounted biding their time within oppressive student-teacher relationships, being confronted with paternalism, and encountering horizontal and hierarchal violence amongst nurses which resulted in feeling unwelcome and undervalued, as well as having to yield to humiliation and hostility in the workplace. abiding student-teacher relationships dampening the spirit. the oxford dictionary ( ) defines ‘to abide’ as to accept or act in accordance with a rule. inherent in the student-teacher relationship are hierarchal rules governing interactions. in referring to their nursing school experience, participants made several comments with regard to the presence of a hierarchal relationship between themselves and their professors or instructors. hence, students would ‘bide their time’ until this hierarchal relationship was terminated at the conclusion of their educational program. the hierarchal relationship between participants and their instructors was evident in the following statements: i found that my clinical instructors were often very hard on the students or on me anyways. and i think i wasn’t really prepared for that coming out of high school ... they always sort of held it [success] out of your reach. you never really got that real positive feedback when you had done something really well. it was always sort of tempered like, ‘well, you need to work on this’, and that kind of thing. so i think i kind of got discouraged. (kindle) coming from the social sciences and the arts where you have really small classes, you go out for coffee with your instructors. on friday afternoons, your professor would come with you to the campus bar for beer... i never felt like that in nursing. i never felt like i could have anything that was even less than formal, i could never really get there... i felt that there was a real a gap between professors and students. (ashley) the gap ashley speaks of relates to the hierarchy and power structure between students and teachers. in opposition to this power structure, myrick and tamlyn ( ) advocate for an emancipatory approach to pedagogy, one that is free from oppression. however, adding to the presence of a perceived hierarchy between participants and teachers, many participants reported their professors’ and instructors’ lack of respect for them as students. a lack of respect was evident in the following statements by dawn: the tone of instruction from the instructors and the faculty was challenging ... speaking to students in lecturing formats in a condescending way, there was a lot of threats if you didn’t attend lectures ... we were threatened in more than one lecture that we wouldn’t pass ... i had an instructor address the class and state that he hoped he never got sick because he wouldn’t want any of us to be his nurse... i reported that to the dean and i don’t think anything ever came of it. dawn continued: the person who was leading our program at the time, her way of communicating with the group was very much akin to someone teaching a junior high class. and it just did not work. and it’s kind of hard to explain what that was, but it was like a basic lack of respect. and not really seeing us as adults and future nurses, but rather as like these women’s children. similarly, two participants reported: it’s a disastrous program. when students gave feedback, and we’re not talking about a group of students who are just out of high school, but a group of mature students – i mean the average age of the student was probably . students who are married, who have families, who all have previous work experience, and they are questioning – as they have a right to, and to be threatened, and told that we’re just troublemakers. and that we’ll never get our rn if we put down any more negative comments on the course evaluation. that’s not right. i would have never believed that people in a position of power in a caring profession would treat students who are vulnerable in that way. unless i had been there that day and heard it with my own ears, i would never have believed that that could have happened. but it did. (ember) there wasn’t a lot of respect for the fact that we were all adults. you know, a lot of us had families, spouses, children, etc, were still working in other jobs, had transferred careers. they [professors] neglected that aspect of our personalities, as students. i was a little upset by that, a little let down by that. (ashley) the above examples depict a far departure from student-centred education models adopted in nursing curricula since the launch of the curriculum revolution in the s that centres upon student empowerment (bevis, ). the teacher- centred examples provided above portray a behaviourist learning paradigm that empowers the teacher and affords the student little latitude for compromise. the primary focus of behaviourism is mastery of skills and ‘training’ frequently to exclusion of critical thinking (lisko & o’dell, ) and praxis (bevis, ). behaviourist learning theory was originally developed by johann friedrich herbart ( ) in the late th century. of course, behaviorism as we know it in modern times was not drawn upon in nursing education until the early s by ralph winfred tyler (bevis, ; finder, ). tyler developed an educational model in which learning is organized into operationalized, specific, measurable, and observable behavioural objectives to guide education and evaluate learner performance (shane & shane, ). more specifically, “if behavior has not changed, learning has not taken place” (bevis, , p. ). the behaviourist paradigm for curriculum development and education has become deeply entrenched within nursing education (bevis, ; sellers, ). overall, a behaviourist approach can result in a fragmented, authoritarian, and oppressive learning atmosphere evident in participants’ remarks that does not contribute to a safe and trusting learning environment. fanning the flame. behaviourist, teacher-centred learning models have given way to emancipatory, humanist, and student-centred approaches that include constructivism (mezirow, ). constructivism stems from the work of such philosophers as kant, nietzsche, and as recently as donald schön (candy, ; peters ; schön, ). constructivism is based upon the philosophy that knowledge and learning are co-constructed rather than acquired (mezirow, ). furthermore, it is the construction of meaning and knowledge regarding an experience that is individually or co-created (appleton & king, ; mezirow, ), and draws upon reflection (schön, ; williams, ) in order for learning to occur. concepts within this philosophical viewpoint include collaboration, constructive feedback, scaffolding, and coaching that occurs between the student and teacher, as well as between peers (bean, ). as one participant stated, “i really liked my [clinical instructors], they were all really knowledgeable and really supportive. really had our interests at heart ... they were very conscious of the fact that they wanted to guide us rather than show us, or tell us” (ashley). kindle advised: a lot of learning happens when you are able to talk about what you’ve done, and be able to ask questions ... i think that’s so critical because it’s how people feel about expressing themselves. if you create an environment where people feel safe to express themselves, then they will. but if you make people feel guilty, or like they haven’t done enough, or they’re not smart enough, or they didn’t perform well enough, then people just shut up and they stop expressing themselves. and they feel scared. and i think that that happens too much in nursing. similarly, dawn stated the best instructors “were kind and approachable and created an environment where you felt safe to ask questions ... [they wouldn’t make you] feel like you weren’t very smart or that you should already know this.” the permeation of emancipatory, humanist, and constructivist models of education bolster confidence within students and new graduates thereby creating a welcoming relationship between students and their teachers. clinical practice areas also require saturation of these principles and philosophies of emancipation to counter the effects of oppression and paternalism. being confronted with paternalism dampening the spirit. it is well known that for over a century the nursing profession has evolved from under hierarchal and suppressive forces. nursing has endured not only health care reform under managerialist business models and capitalist forces, but also paternalistic relationships; specifically, the traditional, hierarchal relationships between male physicians and female nurses. the doctor’s handmaiden is a description of the nurse that has been difficult to shed given the evolution of nursing practice out of hospital-based institutions and into university settings (cihi, ). it is unfortunate that this stereotype continues to be perpetuated within the nursing profession. as one participant stated: i remember particularly being taught by someone in nursing school who was like, ‘the role of the nurse is like being a wife in that you have to anticipate the needs of the doctors, just like you would your husband. and make him think that it was his own idea.’ and i remember people were laughing at that and i was just sitting there going oh my god, i do not want to be anticipating the needs of someone who is superior to me. (dawn) dawn further reflected: i remember discounting nursing because i did not want to be in such a subordinate position where i would take orders from people ... i think i always wanted to work in something where i could be the person making decisions about people’s [care] in conjunction with clients, and planning for their care in a more full way. as a result of dawn’s experiential process, she left the nursing profession to pursue a pathway that would provide “more autonomy, more responsibility, better remuneration, and more variety.” another participant commented: the interaction between the nurses and the doctors, that’s something that we never ever learned as students. we were told many times that nursing is not just being the doctor’s helper. and the nursing profession is one that stands on its own and we all need to be dedicated to elevating it ... a lot of doctors are not easy to work with. and it’s very difficult when you want to do more, you want to work to your highest capabilities, you want to increase your knowledge, and you want to become an expert in your field. (ember) many described being “yelled at” (aura), criticized, and “intimidated” (dawn) by physicians. kindle described her relationship with her female manager who was also a physician. she stated: there were often nurses who felt like physicians didn’t treat them well. i can actually attest to that in my own experience... my manager was a doctor. i would probably say that was the reason why left that particular job. and in doing so i left the profession... i felt that i was constantly blamed for things that happened that weren’t necessarily my fault. and i didn’t really feel like i was never given any positive feedback, or any recognition, or support for anything. but just always sort of like – almost belittled, really. i felt like it was a real abuse of power in the position that she was in. and kind of treating me like she could just walk all over me. kindle continued: i felt really intimidated by her, like actually scared. i would go into meetings with her and my heart would just start pounding, and i would just feel like, i just didn’t know how to cope with talking with her, that kind of thing. so i decided that i would put in writing my concerns for her, because when i confronted her, she just yelled at me. and i would just kind of back down. through held back tears, kindle further reflected that “you kind of try to block these things from your memory so that you can move on.” the power physicians hold over nurses continues to exert itself upon the nursing profession as identified by participants in this study. in one place of employment during blaize’s tenure as a nurse, she commented regarding the lack of “peer-to-peer” between nurses and physicians, only the presence of a hierarchy. she stated: there was a hierarchy. so it was physicians, and then about steps down the ladder there was nurses. there was no peer-to-peer ... there’s not as much job satisfaction i don’t think. because they [nurses] are not treated as an equal. (blaize) findings from lavoie-tremblay et al. ( ) reveal a statistically significant relationship in nurses who had poor relations with physicians in the workplace with the intention to quit the nursing profession. this finding is evident arising from the recollections of the participants in this study. ember shared: i’ve had a couple of experiences where i was put-down by a physician in front of a patient. and being humiliated that way, and belittled, i know some nurses say it happens to everybody and that’s just the way it is, but again, over time, i’ve just developed less and less tolerance for that. i don’t accept that, it doesn’t have to be that way. why are people not being held accountable for that behavior? it’s totally uncalled for. and that’s in every setting; it doesn’t matter whether it’s healthcare or anything. there’s mature, responsible ways to deal with things, and there’s other ways. and just because you are a physician doesn’t mean you can treat people that way, and in front of the patient? that’s inexcusable. cole questioned the very essence of advocating on behalf of a psychiatric patient with regard to a medication change when “the psychiatrist looked at me and he said please do your job and let me do mine.” cole remarked that “we care more about the doctors and we value them more highly than we do ourselves and that would not happen in another profession.” fanning the flame. nursing students and subsequently, newly-graduated nurses ought to understand that nursing practice can be highly autonomous, yet occurs within integrated inter-professional teams to deliver high quality care in many different practice environments beyond the hospital setting. nursing practice has transformed and is no longer limited to the hospital environment, nor is nursing practice only for women. furthermore, nursing practice occurs in partnership with physicians and certainly not in their servitude. current inter- professional curricula reflect this evolution of practice (accreditation of interprofessional health education [aiphe], ). as one participant reflected: i have had very positive relationships with physicians, specifically at [an inner-city clinic]. extremely attentive, very empathetic, [the physicians] really understand the importance of an interdisciplinary-collaborative team... i’ve had very positive experiences personally, and i know that i’m probably the exception to the rule. (ashley) likewise, rae commented, “the relationships between the physicians and nurses were phenomenal [in the specialized area] ... they [the physicians] worked so much with the nurses that it was such a good cohesive relationship.” these participants’ reflections highlight that having positive and respectful work relationships with physicians is possible. thomas ( ) recommends health care providers better understand gender differences as more men enter nursing practice and more women become physicians. for many, however, hierarchal and horizontal violence still appears to maintain its grasp within the nursing profession (vessey et al., ). encountering hierarchal and horizontal violence dampening the spirit. the nursing literature is replete with examples that describe horizontal or lateral violence, and hierarchal violence within the nursing workforce (ditmer, ; hutchinson, wilkes, jackson, & vickers, ; lewis, ). horizontal violence is characterized by demeaning actions that are overt or covert in nature that occur between nurses at the same hierarchal level within an organization; whereas, hierarchal violence within nursing occurs between nurses at differing levels within the hierarchal structure of an organization (thomas & burk, ). author, phyllis chesler ( ), recounts in her work that women are guilty perpetrators of incivility towards other women. chesler ( ) purports that this incivility amongst women occurs within a complex dynamic, rooted not only in oppressed behaviours, but also in learned behaviours from childhood. this dynamic generates patriarchal thinking within the female perpetrator and manifests in actions committed against other women that take the form of gossip, slander, exclusion, humiliation, and hostility. these behaviours were evident within this study and are well documented within nursing research, perhaps because nursing is a female-dominated profession (hutchinson et al., ). the process of encountering these behaviours resulted in participants feeling unwelcome and undervalued. participants also described yielding to humiliation and hostility. feeling unwelcome and undervalued. being the recipient of and witnessing horizontal and hierarchal violence amongst nurses included incidents of gossip, withholding skills, and other exclusionary behaviours that made participants feel unwelcome and undervalued in the clinical areas. aura reported, “that’s the problem with the nursing profession, is that it’s full of women ... i think they get really catty, gossipy. they just stop being considerate of each other’s feelings.” ember stated, “it was a climate of gossiping and back stabbing.” one participant described how gossip was used in the workplace as a source of power over others when someone was not well-liked by the group: people were like, ‘did you see what she did? did you see that it was terrible! and oh my gosh, we could have had a huge problem with this! and oh, it could have been so unsafe!’ there was a bit of that if someone was targeted as not being liked. (rae) ashley also reported witnessing gossip in the workplace: on two units that i was on, i did notice that there was a fair amount of gossip. a fair amount of talk behind another nurse’s back. you know, it’s very unprofessional and it’s very inappropriate in the workplace ... i was really disappointed. because i think that nursing has a bit of a reputation for that. and i was really hoping that those myths would be dispelled. and so to see that there was basis for those stereotypes was really disappointing to me. and especially because i didn’t want to associate myself with the field if that was the true case. ember summarized the consequences of horizontal and hierarchal violence in the following way: i never had the experience before, of being in a group of only women. and seeing them exhibit all of those stereotypical qualities or characteristics... different dominant personalities started to come to the top of the group and control other people, you did see them kind of feeding off of each other. the power came from the gossiping and putting other people down. and just doing anything you could to make sure that you didn’t get thrown under the bus. because it could happen from anywhere. from one of your instructors, one of the nurses on the floor, from one of the people in your carpool group. that after a while you felt like you just couldn’t trust anybody. the occurrence of gossip in the work environment conveys a highly unwelcoming atmosphere to students and newly-graduated nurses. chesler ( ) accounts for behaviours that include gossip as emanating from women who have low self- esteem, poor efficacy, and a lack of optimism that correlate with the conclusions made by roberts ( ). furthermore, she describes that women will often surround themselves with “members” to increase their foundations of power (chesler, , p. ). this behaviour is exemplified by the following incident described by one participant: [critical care] nurses tend to do the whole wolfpack thing to the nurses who come from other areas ... there’s always one person that gets picked on basically, and there’s always a group of nurses that pick on that one person... [it’s like] being the little goat in the middle, basically. (aura) the troublesome behaviours described above within the nursing profession have detrimental effects upon the incoming generation of nurses. specifically, upon encountering horizontal violence in the workplace, ashley felt the need to distance herself from the nursing profession, thus adding to the push to exit the profession. these behaviours not only erode the professional image of the nurse, degrade patient outcomes and impact trust amongst the health care team (cowles, ), but also diminishes confidence, self-esteem, and creates oppression in the newly-graduated nurse (mckenna, naumai, poole, & coverdale, ; myrick, phelan, barlow, sawa, rogers, & hurlock, ). participants also reported exclusionary behaviours that impacted a welcoming atmosphere. rae found that some of the nurses with whom she was paired as a student were not nurturing and had no patience for students. she stated some nurses “did not share their thoughts with you.” they would “just expect you to figure it out and tag along ... as for not welcoming, it’s not talking with you, not being communicative with you that makes a difference.” kindle described unwelcoming behaviour in nurses as: not really smiling, often not saying hi in the morning, and just a lot of negative language – sighing ... negative comments, pessimistic attitudes i would find towards the work environment in general ... i started my first clinical when i was only years old. i think you are not expecting that when you were that age either, it’s your first contact with the real work environment kind of thing. so it’s kind of hard to adjust to that and to kind of stay positive yourself. ashley encountered nurses who “were really rude to [students] or delegated them to do the really low-level skilled tasks.” she further stated, “even in our third, fourth, fifth semester of nursing, they [students] would still be changing bedpans and making beds, rather than actually doing clinical skills.” similarly, ember reported: [nurses] would deliberately send us students on the worst possible tasks. and keep the more complicated skills away from us that we actually needed to learn. so if we knew a patient had something coming up like an iv start, or tubing change, or a complicated dressing change, or a drain removal, or something like that, we would say, okay i’m ready, i want to do this.’ ‘no, so-and-so in room five needs to be taken off the toilet.’ and then they would force us to do that so that we wouldn’t get the experience that we needed. ember further reported, “they [nurses] would do really passive aggressive things. for example, if we would go in the day before to do our research, they would deliberately hoard the patient’s chart so that we can’t access them.” the above examples highlight the power differential between student and novice nurses to well-established nurses in the workplace, thus adding to perceived ‘tensions’ within the work environment. blaize attributed her understanding of power differentials and tension as follows: i see nurses getting frustrated with students whether they be students [on their final practicum] or new grads ... they just become unwilling to teach ... they become less helpful ... their demeanor changes ... you’ll see them roll their eyes, or maybe you’ll see them get exasperated like – sighs, when explaining [something] for the th time ... you can feel the tension. cole also reported feeling “tension between nurses and nurses” while working as a newly-graduated nurse. according to horowitz ( ), individuals reciprocate behaviours. more specifically, if a person emits a hostile dominant behavior thereby evoking a returned hostile submissive behavior in the other, hostile behaviours are potentiated adding to a perceived tension between individuals. this tension may be eased if a hostile dominant behavior is reciprocated by a friendly submissive behavior, in this case, submissive behaviours demonstrated by a student or newly-graduated nurse. many participants referred to the hierarchal structure present within clinical practice environments. ember reported being able to sense the “hierarchy of nurses that went by either seniority or the most dominant personalities. and it really was like a pecking order. and i came in at the bottom” when in the clinical practice environment. likewise, ashley noted being at the “bottom rung of the ladder.” she stated: you are a student nurse, you are on their territory, they’ve taken you in, they have consented to having you there and you are meant to be learning. you really are the bottom rung of the ladder. and so it’s just, if you were to say anything, or if you were to butt heads with a superior, with your buddy nurse or another nurse, then it could be seen as just really disrespectful. they have the ability to make your experience on the unit really unsatisfying or really difficult if they wanted to ... we just had to focus on the work that we were actually doing and try to block out the rest of it. in order to belong, levett-jones and lathlean ( ) report student learners use silence, compliance, and conformity rather than advocating for their own needs rather than risk alienation and rejection. as strategies to fit in, levett-jones and lathlean ( ) report learners will “keep a low profile” and “not ask too many questions” to fit in (p. ). this tactic was used by blaize who stated her desire to “fly under the radar” in her practice as a nurse. some participants attributed exclusionary behaviour in nurses as stemming from having to prove themselves as a valuable member of the team before being accepted into the group. blaize explained: nobody trusted the fact that i had five years of experience working in that area ... like it didn’t matter that i’d spent five years and i had all the same skills that they had, it didn’t matter because i was new [to that hospital]. so i mean, it took me a while to kind of break into the ‘friends’ group. but once i was there everyone was super nice, but i guess it just takes a while. and i guess you have to prove yourself. ember recounted: there is this idea in nursing that you have to suffer to prove that you are worthy of being there. or that you have to endure a certain amount of hardship. and that’s just considered to be a rite of passage. and to some extent that’s true in every new job because it’s hard when you are learning, people don’t know you, they don’t necessarily trust you, and you do kind of have to prove that you’re worthwhile. and i understand that. but, it goes way too far in nursing, way too far. how can you expect people to look after others when you treat them that way? and i remember distinctly, many times, going into a patient’s room and being almost in tears myself and thinking, i had to pull it together to look after this person. thomas ( ) reports it is unfortunate that horizontal and hierarchal violence are seen as a ‘rite of passage’ within the nursing workforce. these behaviours negate the caring and compassionate values held at the centre of nursing practice. ember reflected it would be “nice having a team that welcomes somebody new instead of feeling like you are a burden that people didn’t want to deal with.” she continued, “or that people have a bit more patience if you are just learning, rather than just getting frustrated and yelling at you.” one participant described seeing a different form of exclusionary behaviour in the workplace. she explained: there were some bedside nurses who brought up something not being done on shift by a certain nurse ... and then the other nurses in the same [area] had decided not to do it for this nurse when she was on break. and they had specifically – the line they had used specifically was, ‘let her drown’ ... why would you want to go to work if you think your coworkers are out to sabotage you? (aura) contrary to the above examples, clare and van loon ( ) emphasize that being welcomed, valued, accepted and supported are essential elements for positive transition from student nurse to new rn. the lack of professionalism and trust stemming from negative behaviours has severe consequences for newly-graduated nurses gaining entry into the profession. for example, mckenna et al. ( ) found that one-in-three newly-graduated nurses considered leaving nursing because of humiliating incidents. yielding to humiliation and hostility. increasingly detrimental to newly- graduated nurses in the workplace are incidents regarding humiliation and hostility perpetrated by other nurses that include criticizing and accusatory verbal and non-verbal language. participants reflected being “criticized” (cole), “blamed” (ember), demeaned, humiliated, and “laughed at” (ember) in the clinical practice environment. dawn reflected that troublesome and criticizing behaviours “always” stemmed from “nurses who were in a position of authority over me and other people.” she explained, “i had an incident with her [a charge nurse] where she asked me to do something i thought was unsafe, and i said no. and she just tore strip off me in front of the patient. i got really upset.” another participant felt chastised by nurses and her clinical instructors. kindle stated: i was always made to feel like i wasn’t good enough. like it was my fault if i didn’t know something, you know? it was never like, ‘did somebody show you how to do this yet? okay, then i’ll show you how to do it.’ it was always, ‘you don’t know how to do this?! why did you come to clinical unprepared?! why didn’t you do your research?!’ or, you know, ‘you don’t know what this adapter is?!’ and i just felt like you couldn’t win no matter how much time you invested, no matter how much research you did, there was always going to be something you didn’t know. and as soon as you didn’t know it, somebody was going to chastise you for not knowing. being blamed, chastised, and criticized is degrading and erodes confidence (craig & kupperschmidt, ) in students and newly-graduated nurses. rae recounted: i remember having one awful little nurse that i was buddied with. i had done my assessment, and missed that this person had a yeast infection. i had never seen a yeast infection. i had no idea what it looked like. and she yelled me. she said, ‘why didn’t you see this? you didn’t give the medication, it was prn for that!’ and i cried. it was awful ... i remember being so traumatized by that day... but that day [thinking to self], oh, i hate this! i just want to go home. similarly, dawn described feeling criticized and targeted by the charge nurse on her unit. she stated: the challenging part of my work was the unit dynamics with the other nurses. particularly with the nurse who was almost always in charge who was part of my team on my rotation. i did feel like she picked on the more junior nurses of which i was one ... this nurse would criticize you if you were too slow with a task ... she would complain about other nurses at the desk to other nurses. if you resisted your assignment at all ... she would make your life miserable. dawn further reflected that “she [the charge nurse] was so, so unpleasant that i really wanted to leave.” dawn ultimately left her position, and in doing so, left the nursing profession to pursue another career pathway. the increasing nursing shortage requires changes be made in nursing management styles and in the work environment to make conditions more favourable toward achieving nurse satisfaction and nurses’ intent to stay within the profession. quality practice environments in which teamwork, communication, and trust are valued, have been found to foster nurses’ job satisfaction and commitment to the organization in which they are employed (bobbio, bellan, & manganelli, ; laschinger & finegan, ). in another vein, ember felt like a scapegoat for other nurses throughout nursing school and subsequently as a nurse. she commented: as a student, you would always feel that you would be blamed no matter what went on ... it was very black-and-white that it was your fault and that was the end of it. and as a student, because you are vulnerable and you don’t [exhales], you just don’t stand up for yourself as much as you could or maybe you should. and then working as an rn, it’s a very similar culture. if you don’t have a relationship of trust with your coworkers or with your manager, there is still that fear that if something goes wrong i’m going to be blamed. these comments highlight the disparity in power and vulnerability of student nurses and newly-graduated nurses in the practice environment. these vulnerable individuals “often remain silent out of fear and embarrassment” (thomas, , p. ) and retaliation (ditmer, ). according to hutchinson et al. ( ), humiliation and belittling contribute to dissatisfaction and poor psychological health, evident in participants who have left the nursing profession. another participant explained her perspective of being humiliated after making a drug error as an undergraduate student employee. aura stated: there was an error made and i felt awful ... at the time the nurse educator, instead of pulling me aside and being like, okay you made this error. here is what we’re going to do to deal with it, here’s how we do error reporting on this unit. it was like, ‘how come you don’t know this [voice stern]?! this could have been so much worse! you have to go tell the patient!’... so i’m standing there in the middle of this unit and crying hysterically until she finally pulled me into her office where this conversation continued. and then my buddy nurse had come in there and said ‘well, she is supposed to know that by now. you know, she’s gone through this many years of school and besides, it’s o’clock so it’s time for me to go home.’ so then, she left. aura continued: the next morning i was pulled aside by a different nurse who had told me that the patient’s family was worried about me. they kept asking about me, instead of their loved one. because they had seen this whole thing go down in the hallway, and they were so worried about me because they felt so awful that this had happened. and that i was treated that way. she went on to say: the hierarchy and how things can work in this type of environment, and how other nurses can make you feel really bad when you are kind of in a vulnerable position, where you still lack knowledge because you haven’t completed your education yet. i feel like that experience could’ve been handled so differently by the educator. because i think that i was freaking out enough, for everyone on that unit, there didn’t need to be a freak out from her. the process occurring here is not only distressing for the victim, but extends to witnesses of the event, specifically, the patient and their family. ditmer ( ) reports that quality patient care and safety are compromised in a negative practice environment exemplified in the above participant comments. another participant exclaimed, “patients can tell if they are being taken care of by a team doesn’t get along, if there’s lots of stress. they hear nurses gossiping, of course they do” (ember). as we can see from the findings of this study, the consequences of allowing horizontal and hierarchal violence to continue in the workplace can be far reaching. ashley, another participant, reported that these troublesome behaviours are “disenfranchising” and “disappointing” for nursing students and newly-graduated nurses. she stated: i think people go into nursing because there is that feeling that you want to help people, you want to make a difference. and to have that marred and muddied by these very petty-type things, like the gossip and eye rolling, is really disenfranchising. you enter the professional workforce with the intention that i’m going to treat others with respect and i’m going to in turn get respect from others. and so to have those behaviors play out, is i think [sigh], it really makes the nurses who are really astounding, and doing excellent work, and being immensely professional, it reflects poorly upon them as well. and that to me, was really disappointing. i couldn’t really trust the other nurses. i couldn’t really navigate who was quote- unquote a good nurse, or who was not a good nurse. because you just feel that it’s disenfranchising and it’s also scary that you are not working in a climate of trust, which you would expect in a professional environment. the findings presented in this study are in keeping with other international studies that explore horizontal and hierarchal violence in the nursing literature. more specifically, with regard to themes of feeling vulnerable, powerless, not valued, and experiencing both a lack of respect and humiliation in both australia (curtis, bowen, & reid, ) and the united kingdom (randle, ). it is important to note that horizontal violence is not only present within the nursing workforce but other helping professions that include social work, education, and medicine (myrick et al., ). however, craig and kupperschmidt ( ) report horizontal violence is highest in the health care workforce, namely, within the nursing profession. the comments made by participants in this study offer us many ‘lessons to be learned.’ firstly, we are reminded that students and newly-graduated nurses are a vulnerable group who require a supportive atmosphere. all health care professions are responsible for creating a friendly atmosphere comprised of teamwork, respect, and inclusivity, as well as one that is free of verbal and non- verbal behaviours that comprise hierarchal and horizontal violence. secondly, these behaviours have no place in professional health care environments and in learning environments that include university settings. thirdly, education and clinical settings require strategies and measures to not only stop these behaviours from occurring, but prevent their occurrence altogether. fanning the flame. as a means to prevent hierarchal and horizontal violence, “nurses need to develop a positive identity as a critical step in breaking out of the cycle of oppression, towards systematic change in the power structures that create oppression” (hutchinson et al., , p. ). newly-graduated nurses will look to experienced nurses for support and direction in their practice (mckinney, ). bandura’s social cognitive theory ( ) delineates that human behaviour is learned by observation. if the behaviour being role modeled is one of incivility, horizontal, and hierarchal violence, it is detrimental to the incoming generation of nurses. if nurses are not engaging in respectful, collegial collaboration within and outside the nursing profession, we risk perpetuating the cycle of horizontal violence in the nursing student and newly-graduated nurse who enters in our stead. newly-graduated nurses are the future of the profession. providing this group with tools and strategies while in nursing school will provide a foundation to effectively combat horizontal and hierarchal violence in all practice environments (curtis et al., ). nursing curricula can be modified to provide students with opportunities and strategies to confront unethical behaviour, horizontal, and hierarchal violence in the workplace. this can be achieved through classes and workshops that utilize positive communication and role play to engage in respectful confrontation to resolve conflict prior to workplace entry. griffin ( ) concludes that the use of cognitive-behavioural techniques in nursing education is effective to confront abusive behaviour in the practice environment. other suggestions in the literature include assertiveness and confidence training for new graduates (daiski, ). thomas ( ) proposes numerous strategies to combat hierarchal and horizontal violence in the workplace. change can begin with a shift in attitude toward student nurses and new graduates entering the workforce toward one of inclusivity and respect. collaboration between schools of nursing and employers in the workforce is also needed to convey realistic expectations of students and new nurses entering clinical practice environments. thomas ( ) encourages the use of communication tools such as sbar: situation, background, assessment, and response to facilitate communication between health professionals and prevent errors from occurring in the workplace. other strategies include transition programming and nurse residency placements to assist newly-graduated nurses (boychuk-duchscher, a) in navigating the healthcare system and to more easily negotiate social relationships in the workplace. adopting policies and procedures for reporting and dealing with troublesome behaviours in the workplace are also needed (longo, ). we must consider the negative effects of workload, overtime, inappropriate staffing mixes, and limited resources when establishing positive work environments for all health professionals in clinical practice environments (bobbio, et al., ; laschinger & finegan, ; ritter, ). “organizational leaders need to be responsive to abusive behavior in the workplace in order to foster a positive workplace environment” (kisamore, jawahar, liguori, mharapara, & stone, , p. ). managers and health care leaders in clinical practice environments require practical knowledge on how to de-escalate and resolve conflict within the work environment that can be obtained from seminars specializing in conflict resolution and management. the nursing profession will continue to witness new graduate exit from the profession if negative behaviours contributing to negative practice environments are not addressed with appropriate leadership skills to resolve conflict. left unchecked, the financial and social cost of these behaviours is immeasurable. the average cost of nurse turnover in canada is estimated at $ , . (o'brien- pallas, griffin, shamian, buchan, duffield, hughes, laschinger, north, & stone, ). one participant stated that being privy to and enduring these behaviours “set me up for a lot of psychological stress and moral stress” (ember). more consideration must be paid to the challenges students and newly-graduated nurses face as they enter the workforce. this process will be explored more fully in the next substantive category facing fears, traumas and challenges. facing fears, traumas and challenges participants were found to face and endure many challenges on their journey as nursing students and subsequently as new rns as they entered the workforce arena. some challenges have already been explored in the previous substantive categories, navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace and negotiating social relationships, hierarchies and troublesome behaviours. participants reflected on the process with regard to persevering through nursing school which included not feeling prepared and dealing with fears, anxieties, and emotional pressures. combating traumas and critical incidents also emerged as themes from participant interviews. persevering dampening the spirit. all participants conveyed a sense of perseverance through challenges they encountered, specifically, with regard to completing nursing school. they stated that they “forged ahead” (ember), their goal was to “just get through” (rae), “stick it out” (aura) and, as one participant reported, “i wanted to do well. i wanted to succeed” (blaize). interestingly, many verbalized their dislike for the nursing profession as nursing students, yet chose to continue with the nursing degree. aura stated: i didn’t enjoy them [clinicals] too much... this is the point where i started realizing that i don’t know what i’m doing here... i started thinking to myself, i’m not sure if i should be in this profession. but at the time i kept telling myself, well, this is just a phase. you know, you just have to get used to it. rae admitted: as a nursing student i was just trying to get by and do the best i could. i didn’t love what i was doing ... i just needed to get through, and do the best i could, i just didn’t enjoy it ... i had been an a and b student all my life, and then i got c’s in nursing school. but that was because i didn’t really care that much, which was really too bad. so really, i was just trying to get through and get by. rae further reflected: i’ve never not finished, or failed at anything in my life. i’m one of those people that just has to do it right ... if i would have failed something [in nursing school], i would have been mortified ... if i had failed a practicum there’s no way that i would have ever come back ... that would have definitely dissuaded me from finishing. in a similar vein, dawn stated: i had been a fairly average nursing student when i had had excellent grades in my bachelor of arts. i was on the honor roll and then coming into nursing, i got like % on everything no matter how much work i put into my assignments. so, it felt a bit demoralizing that i hadn’t achieved academically what i thought i should. this notion of getting through relates to the strong sense of internal motivation reflected in study participants. aura stated, “i didn’t want to drop out in the middle [of nursing school] ... it’s going to look good on a resume whether or not i actually work as a bedside nurse ... it says you can make a four-year commitment to something.” similarly, ember described: it was cold outside and i was crying, and i just thought to myself, i would do anything if i could just quit right now. i hate this. i just hate it. how can something that started out being so positive turn out like this? it just doesn’t seem right ... i guess i learned the value of pride. because it was such a small class, and such a small hospital, i didn’t want to give them [the instructors] the satisfaction of me quitting. so i still showed up every day. likewise, rae recounted: i was a strong internal motivation type person, and i wanted to get to the end... there was no doubt in my mind i was not going to get through it. i was always going to get through it, just how to be happy and survive. from the above comment, it is evident that despite being motivated to complete nursing school, it ‘took a toll’ on participants’ mental health to complete their degree. the presence of dislike for nursing work while enrolled in nursing school could possibly be a precursor to nurse exit from the profession. all participants reported the challenging nature of their undergraduate nursing programs. one participant summarized “nursing is so intense for those four years... [because] you have to know what you are doing... if you don’t, you are going to get to clinical and you are going to be floundering” (rae). other participants reported difficulty with the “demanding pace of the program” (ember) and described the program as “rigourous” (kindle) with “a heavy course load” (ashley). kindle further elaborated upon her nursing program. she stated: it was a very challenging program academically. and also challenging because you are taking classes at the same time that you are taking clinicals. so you are juggling homework, and studying, and being prepared for your classes at the same time as being in that work environment and negotiating your relationships there and what not, and waking up early to go to clinicals because they started at am. participants with previous degrees were asked to compare nursing with other educational programs. one responded that nursing school was “the most challenging years of my life... my peers certainly said that nursing was way more difficult than all of their previous degrees put together” (cole). likewise, rae stated: education is way easier. i don’t want to say that to an education teacher who goes straight into education, but comparing the two, nursing was harder for sure ... education, it still takes a lot of time, but it wasn’t as much as a rigorous program as nursing was. one participant reported, “being a nursing student is hell. it was just, it was absolutely the worst time in my life” (ember). not feeling prepared. the challenges in which the participants of this study engaged while attending nursing school and subsequently as newly- graduated nurses were found to be attributed primarily to three factors: (a) the process of engaging in a context based learning (cbl) curriculum; (b) the perceived disconnection between the classroom and the clinical environment; and (c) the participants’ self-described personality characteristics. context based learning (cbl). one challenge of note participants reported was being educated in a cbl classroom, also referred to as problem based learning (pbl). the pbl model was developed at mcmaster university (barrows & tamblyn, ). pbl approaches have become increasingly prevalent within nursing education curricula as the ‘new frontier’ for the preparation of nurses (chikotas, ; peters, ). this particular educational model is thought to allow increased creativity, critical thinking, and acquisition of knowledge through the act of group problem solving (barrows & tamblyn, ; eugene, ), as opposed to lecture and teacher-centred behaviourist models. arguably, the co-operative approach utilized in pbl resembles the clinical practice environment wherein interprofessional teamwork occurs (eugene, ). while two participants “saw value in cbl” (ashley & blaize), many preferred lecture-style. as one participant reported: i like lecture style, i like to be able to take my own notes, approach the instructors, so-on-and-so-forth, as opposed to relying on fellow students to teach me things. that made me really paranoid as to the quality of my education and what i’d be paying for exactly. (aura) similarly, rae stated, “i like lecture. i like having information that is concrete and then going to practice it after.” another participant remarked that cbl did not teach her “how to think through decisions, and how to prioritize ... but then again, we didn’t have any guidance on how to do it. and that was the idea [behind cbl], you figured it out on your own” (kindle). one participant indicated, “it was like the blind leading the blind for problem-based learning” (dawn). ember reflected: thank god i knew how to [teach myself]. because we had no teaching, we had no actual passing on of knowledge. it was all self-taught because ... that was the style of learning that was cbl. i know that there’s lots of research that says cbl works, and i suspect it does work if you do it properly. but cbl doesn’t mean you leave a group of students to figure out a problem and you just walk away, and say if you have any questions email me. that’s not cbl, that is being totally irresponsible. and i remember so many of us saying why are we even paying for this? who is getting paid? this is a joke! this is an absolute joke! other participants also verbalized the lack of guidance from professors in the cbl classroom. when asked to describe cbl, one participant went so far as to report “i hated cbl” (rae). while the cbl educational style may be constructivist in nature and reflective of the clinical practice environment, for many participants, it was not a favourable method to learn about nursing practice. owing to the premise that knowledge is co-constructed in cbl, the teacher must be able to facilitate discussion and foster an inclusive learning environment (mezirow, ). one participant reported that “for people that are quiet or just aren’t confident ... [cbl] may not be the ideal learning environment” (blaize). without proper facilitation from instructors, coupled with the “palpable lack of respect from educators within the program” discussed previously in the study by dawn, a positive learning environment was not achieved and appeared to pose various challenges for study participants. disconnecting between classroom and clinical. the second factor associated with not feeling prepared relates to the perceived disconnection participants described between the university and the clinical practice setting. ember stated, “my nursing education did not prepare me for practice very well at all. i think there’s such a huge gap between what you are taught and what you should do, and what actually happens in the hospital setting.” nurse researchers and educators have indicated the idealistic nature of nursing education which contradicts the reality of the clinical practice environment (allen, ; clare, a; clare, b; eggertson, ). this sentiment was reflected in the following comments made by participants with regard to learning nursing skills. cole stated: the tutors thought that they were brought in to teach us how to do these [nursing] skills. and once we had these skills, the rest would sort of take care of itself. and i think that’s where everything fell short for me because the rest didn’t take care of itself. you know, i didn’t feel prepared. similarly, kindle reported: i found i wasn’t really that prepared going into clinical, because we would have a lab going simultaneously with the clinical. but often you would get there and you would have to perform skills that you hadn’t yet learned to do in your lab. ashley stated: we would have one lab a week to learn all the skills. and then we would get to the unit and we still didn’t really know what we were doing. i think that’s just the nature of the beast. aside from technological advances, and having a standardized patient, or one of the mannequin patients in every room, it’s really hard to practice inserting an iv on not a real hand. ashley further reflected: nursing education, it is what it is. it’s just to get you through, and get you into the field. and it really felt like that. it really felt like they [professors] were just giving us the information that we needed to know and sending us along on our way. dawn reported: the program i was in was fairly theoretically heavy and not as heavy on skills. i think it would have been more useful to have more specific instruction on nursing skills ... and focusing on specific decision-making patterns ... i think as a new nurse it’s really useful to use those kinds of flow patterns of thinking to make decisions about care. one participant stated, “i was on a very specialized unit, nursing school could never have prepared me for the unit that i was on” (rae). to counter this occurrence, some canadian nursing schools, for example, are offering certificates in specializations such as oncology to better prepare new graduates for entry into the workforce (eggertson, ). predisposing personality characteristics. the third factor associated with challenges experienced throughout the basic psychosocial process of letting go refers to participants’ self-described personality type of ‘being sensitive’. ‘being sensitive’ derives from the latin word sentire which means ‘to feel’ (sayers & de vries, ). according to aron ( ) approximately - % of the population have a sensitive personality type which pre-disposes the individual to become ‘easily overwhelmed’ in highly stimulating environments. aron ( ) posits that sensitive personality types want to be noticed for their hard work, are affected by others’ mood, and prefer work environments that are quiet and calm. interestingly, when participants were asked to describe their personality, several participants self-described as ‘being sensitive.’ note that participants did not complete a personality-sorter questionnaire to objectively determine their personality type. however, the following quotations strongly depict ‘being sensitive’ (aron, ). ember described being introverted and its inherent challenges as a member of the nursing profession. she stated: one of the things i’ve learned throughout nursing school and practicing as an rn is that, we all have different strengths. and one thing in nursing that’s really unpopular, that i never would have guessed, is being introverted. and i don’t know why people tend to equate being introverted with being weak, or being not very smart, or having nothing to contribute, or anything like that. because that’s not true. ember further described being influenced by a negative practice environment and others’ mood. she reflected: those things take a toll. it’s like you’re walking into a sponge and all day you’re saturated in negativity, anger, anxiety, and fear. not necessarily that you feel that, but when it’s all around you, it’s very hard not to pick it up in your mentality ... after a while, it starts creeping into your mind. ember concluded that being exposed to a negative practice environment while in the workforce “often brought out the worst in me ... it’s not right if you see yourself changing.” this comment reinforces how those with sensitive personality types can be affected by the work environment. dawn also described herself as a “quiet person.” she further elaborated: i’m a quiet person. people tend not to notice me. i was kind of invisible throughout most of my placements and throughout most of the program ... i didn’t feel like people, the physicians, or clients saw me very much, or really noticed the work i was doing. i didn’t receive a lot of thanks for my work directly from management, or my charge nurse, or the physician, or the patient. this comment emphasizes the need for those with sensitive personality types to be recognized for their contribution in the work environment. similarly, kindle also described herself as “a hard worker” who further stated: i’m a sensitive person. but i think i also have enough inner strength that i can handle criticism, and it’s not that i wanted the [nursing] program to be easy or that i wanted people to just tell me how great i was all the time. i wanted to know how i could get better, and i wanted to feel like it was actually obtainable. fanning the flame. constructive feedback from faculty, managers, and nurse educators can mitigate these challenges identified by those of a ‘sensitive’ personality type. constructive feedback reinforces appropriate behaviour, contributes to professional development, and can assist learners and new nurses to reach their goals (kabotoff, ). one participant not only described himself as being sensitive and a “global learner” but additionally stated, “i was an anxious nursing student” (cole). therefore, further adding to the above challenges inherent in being sensitive, is dealing with fears and anxieties encountered in the clinical setting. dealing with fears and anxieties dampening the spirit. nursing students and experienced nurses alike must cope with stressful and anxiety-producing events in their practice. for students and newly-graduated nurses, this process can comprise of practicing newly-learned skills in clinical practice environments, fear of making errors, feeling traumatized and dealing with emotional pressures. practicing newly-learned skills. participants verbalized feeling “nervous” (rae), “scared” (cole), and “overwhelmed” (ashley) when performing skills in the clinical environment for the first time. rae stated: it’s a scary thing having to do all of these things when you were and years old. going in, trying to do your assessments and dressing changes, and all that stuff you are doing for the first time. i remember the first ostomy. it’s really scary. you think you are going to mess up and it’s just one of those stressful things that all you want to do is get through the shift, do the best you can, and go go go and feel that stress for so many hours. then go home exhausted and go do more patient research, and i don’t know, it was brutal. ashley reflected: the nurses that you are buddied with don’t want to give you more than you can handle ... sometimes you get lost between feeling overwhelmed and feeling useless ... i just thought of the actual clinical experiences as a means to an end. you know, i’ll just grin and bear it for now, do my clinical pre-work, do my best when i’m on the floor, and just wait for the experiences to come to a close. cole reflected on the first time he carried out a male catheterization. he stated: i wasn’t expecting it to be a particularly painful sort of procedure. i wasn’t really prepared for that aspect of it... i passed out as soon as i saw blood. and the nurse was sort of critical of it. she said, ‘didn’t you know he was going to be in pain? didn’t you know there was going to be blood?’ and i hadn’t been prepared for all of those little minute realities. i felt embarrassed, i felt scared, and i was frustrated. overtly critical feedback toward novice practitioners can result in resignation from the workplace (anders, ). the dreyfus model of mentorship (benner, ) delineates five levels of proficiency as a learner acquires and develops skills which move from novice, to advanced beginner, to competent and proficient, toward expert mentee. assisting novices to become proficient, coaching and mentorship play a key role to enhance confidence through appropriate communication techniques that include empathy for the learner (redmond & sorrell, ; reilly, ). the presence of a welcoming and warm relationship between mentor and mentee, or a teacher and student allows for learning and identity development to occur. one participant advocated for a different approach. rae advised: ‘fake it till you make it’... look like you know what you are doing. even if it’s your first im [intra-muscular] injection, you put on that confidence, you go for it. i remember that really helped me ... it’s kind of how i deal with my fears. just give it a try, do the best you can, and pretend you know what you are doing when you have to do something new. fear of making errors. fear of making errors was also found to be evident in study participants. according to kim ( ), the most anxiety provoking situations learners encounter include communication with physicians, a fear of making errors, being observed by instructors, and responding to initial experiences which include practicing newly-learned skills. cole stated: i dreaded clinical shifts every single time every single time i went ... there was fear that i was going to make a mistake, and i was afraid of that because i didn’t want to fail. and there was a thought that i would fail if i had made a mistake ... i’m worried about poor patient outcomes and if i kill this patient by making a medication error, you know? i hadn’t yet developed coping skills ... what i needed in nursing school was somebody to say calm down. it’s going to be fine. nobody ever told me it was okay to make a mistake. cole further advised, “the way mistakes are handled in nursing school might be the key to keeping some of us in the profession. because i think mistakes are inevitable, we need to learn how to deal with those.” similarly, kindle stated: i’ve discovered that making mistakes in the education profession is something that is viewed as critical to learning ... it’s something the nursing profession can certainly learn from. i mean, we have to find a way to do things safely in nursing, but that fear that i felt of making a mistake, i know i was not the only one who felt that. kindle further reflected: there’s not a lot of room to grow in nursing. it feels like you have to be good at it when you graduate. you can’t just develop over time ... whether you have no years of experience or years of experience, the bar is at the same level for you. you don’t have the luxury of having a time period in which you can develop ... in nursing i often felt that no matter how much work i put in, it didn’t matter, i just wasn’t good enough for it. the unrealistic expectation for new graduates to “hit the ground running” remains within the workforce given that nursing education curricula prepares graduates for entry-level practice (cowin & hengstberger-sims, , p. ; greenwood, , p. ). the above participant comments emphasize the need for supportive feedback and mentorship for students and novice nurses to advance toward competent and proficient practice (benner, ) within a nurturing atmosphere. myrick, yonge, and billay ( ) encourage nurses in practice settings to nurture growth and potential within learners entering workforce settings. feeling traumatized. without proper access to support structures for nurses, research studies indicate nurses are at risk of developing post traumatic stress disorder (ptsd) relating to increasing complexities, demands of the workplace, and exposure to traumatic incidents that include working in critical care, emergency nursing, and in pediatric areas (adriaenssens, de gucht, maes, ; czaja, moss, & mealer, ; mealer, m., burnham, e.l., goode, c.j., rothbaum, b., & moss, m., ). note that many study participants worked in these specialized areas. participants described incidents of providing nursing care while being exposed to potentially traumatizing events. blaize reflected: did i realize that probably a reason a lot of nurses leave critical care, is from ptsd? no ... on my nd birthday, i bagged and tagged a year old girl. that’s what i did on my nd birthday... i think that’s why people have ptsd. because you spend the entire day trying to resuscitate someone exactly the same age as you, born three days before you, and you fail. and you don’t necessarily fail because you couldn’t do it, but you fail because they’re sick. like, there’s nothing you can do. dawn stated that on one of her worst days working as a nurse, “i had a baby that died after birth... i mean that’s not a good day. it’s not something you anticipate and it’s profoundly sad and scary.” she continued, “on average i worked with one family a month that was having a stillbirth or having a late-term abortion which is always sad.” similarly, aura also described a potentially traumatizing event when responding to a code. she stated: my first real big code happened ... it was very traumatizing for me... this particular case was a younger patient ... she had been responsive and posturing on one side a little bit... it looked like something from the exorcist. those were the sounds that were coming out of her ... check her pulse, nothing. jump on her, start doing cpr. teenage daughter was in the room. i’m like almost crying at this point. because it was such, [inhales sharply], like such a fast thing... we tried to resuscitate her for about ½ hours. she coded twice. we were not successful. aura further reflected on the code and decided: i just didn’t want to ever go through that again. it’s not for me. i will remember that for the rest of my life. i don’t want to have it become a part of my normal way, part of my work. another participant warned, “[when] i go home, i never want to have the weight of someone’s coffin resting on my shoulders ... because if you go home and you have doubts, that’s when it eats at you” (blaize). one participant verbalized her difficulty with being able to cope working as a nurse. she stated: i really coped on a day-to-day basis. i saw that it was too overwhelming to look too far ahead into the future and see all of the things that needed to be done. and that feeling of anxiety of what if this happens, or what if that happens? so i really just lived one day at a time. (ember) according to the dsm-v, four components are associated with the diagnosis of ptsd. they include (a) re-experiencing the event which involves prolonged psychological distress; (b) heightened arousal including sleep disturbances and hyper-vigilance; (c) avoidance which includes distressing memories, thoughts, feelings or reminders of the event; and (d) negative thoughts, mood, or feelings (american psychiatric association [apa], ). components of the dsm-v definition of ptsd are evident within participants’ comments in this study. as ember reported in the last substantive category, she experienced “psychological” and “moral stress” related to hierarchal and horizontal violence present in the workplace that is reflective of part (a) of the dsm-v definition. part (b) of the dsm-v ptsd definition refers to sleep disturbances and hyper-vigilance; these anxiety-indicators were noted in the following participant comments: in my fourth year of nursing, i really struggled with the approaching completion of my degree ... i had experienced this real fear of graduating and not knowing what i was going to do after i graduated. and then i had real insomnia. like real insomnia for what felt like weeks that i didn’t sleep at all ... because i wasn’t sure about how i was going to deal with it, and i didn’t feel ready to be a nurse ... it was very very challenging. (kindle) there were a couple of errors [by classmates] that were made in clinical classes ... that was always a very dramatic moment, nursing students would be leaving the clinical unit crying their eyes out ... that affected the milieu of our class as well, because if this can happen to one of your classmates, it could happen to one of us too. you become very hypervigilant about not making those mistakes. (cole) note the severe insomnia reported by kindle related to intrusive thought patterns and the hyper-vigilance felt by cole in their comments that could be attributed to ptsd symptomology. furthermore, part (c) of the dsm-v definition is characterized by avoidance and reminders of the event are evident in the following quotations. participants stated they would “try to block out” negative events (ashley) and “you kind of try to block these things from your memory so that you can move on” (kindle). rae was reminded of her challenges every time she dressed in her nursing uniform. she stated, “getting into scrubs, i hated nursing so much. scrubs represented to me this horrible nursing school.” negative thoughts, mood, or feelings in part (d) of the ptsd classification were evident in the following comments made by ember. she stated, “when i went to nursing school, i lost my self-esteem, i lost my confidence, i didn’t believe in what i was doing. i lost the idea that i had of what it was to be a nurse.” while the findings of this study portray a particular relevance to ptsd, the actual presence of ptsd in the participants can only be speculated without specific measures to investigate and diagnose ptsd in newly-graduated nurses who have left or plan to leave the nursing profession. dealing with emotional pressures. together with ‘feeling traumatized,’ participants also described having to deal with emotional pressures. cole reported that when emotionally drained “you don’t have the time or energy or love, really, to give to what you’re doing ... you feel ineffective in the sense that you need to remain professional for your patients. you’re not supposed to be the one that’s in crisis, they are.” kindle noted: it’s an emotional profession. you see a lot of things. you experience a lot of things that other people in society never have to deal with, right? like most people never go to a morgue, or have to bag a dead body, like these are big things to deal with ... you often bring the emotional side of things [home] with you. blaize also commented on seeing dead bodies. she stated, “i can’t even begin to count the number of people i’ve seen die, or dead bodies i’ve seen, or families i’ve – you know it i mean? and i guess that’s not a normal thing, i guess.” participants also commented on the emotional pressures and challenges present within practice environments. kindle reflected: i find education, it certainly has challenges and you still deal with people and families that have tough things going on, but it’s not life and death, it’s not as serious as nursing is. and i think that is probably just a better fit for me. blaize also described her challenge moving between patients in a critical care environment. she stated: you go from telling the family ‘i’m sorry for your loss’, to literally walking around the corner and admitting your next patient and telling them that hopefully everything’s going to be okay. you have to turnaround from two most extreme emotions possible: the family losing a loved one to the family having a loved one being admitted into intensive care. it’s like you are expected to go from one to the other and not miss a beat. similarly, dawn recounted: i found it very emotionally taxing to care for people every day, all day... to always be empathetic and patient ... it takes a lot out of you to do that every day. particularly when there are so many other stressors playing into that and your work isn’t always very valued. the above comments are indicative of not only primary exposure of traumatic stress, but secondary traumatic stress, also known as vicarious trauma (stamm, ). secondary traumatic stress derives from providing care to individuals who have been directly affected by trauma or injury, hence its prevalence within the helping professions (figley, ). as one self-described “sensitive” participant noted: i’m a person who’s very affected by my environment and by the people that i’m surrounded with. and i found that in nursing, i got sad a lot because you are always working with people that are sick, or dying, or going through something very traumatic. i had a hard time letting go of that, and not over empathizing with people. (kindle) note that secondary traumatic stress occurs in various helping professions that include child welfare workers (sprang, craig, & clark, ), educators, psychologists, firefighters, police officers, social workers, and lawyers (papovic, ). secondary traumatic stress also occurs in diverse nursing practice settings that include pediatrics, mental health, critical care, oncology, and hospice areas (beck, ; beck & gable, ). fanning the flame. nursing faculty as well as nurse educators and leaders within clinical practice environments can assist newly-graduated nurses and student nurses to cope with stress, traumatic events, and the occurrence of errors in a safe environment through debriefing, effective communication techniques, emotional intelligence (ei), and transformational leadership. a brief dyadic, early intervention can prevent onset of ptsd and trauma (des groseilliers, marchand, cordova, ruzek, & brunet, ). the authors note that negative support contributes more greatly to ptsd symptoms than the lack of support (des groseilliers et al., ), thus the importance of debriefing after critical incidents (killian, ) which can include making errors. rudolph, simon, rivard, dufresne, and raemar ( ) advocate that “mistakes are puzzles to be learned from rather than crimes to be covered up” (p. ). errors can provide opportunities for learning in a safe environment free of ridicule. furthermore, discussing mistakes openly and objectively role models professional behaviour and can ensure patient safety (rudolph et al., ). note that engaging in effective debriefing requires delivery of effective feedback and communication techniques. effective feedback comprises ongoing, timely, specific, simple, purposeful, private, valuable, and most importantly, supportive characteristics (myrick & yonge, ; myrick & yonge, ). engaging in effective feedback contributes to learner or novice confidence, motivation, self-esteem, and proficient clinical practice (clynes & raftery, ). similarly, rudolph, simon, dufresne, and raemer ( ) advocate for a debriefing and communication approach that does not ‘shame and blame’ which has ramifications resulting in humiliation and dampened motivation but rather, an approach that is non- judgmental. furthermore, nursing faculty can facilitate and shape student learning in clinical practice environments through ei and genuine concern for student well-being (allen, ploeg, & kaasalainen, ). the conceptual theory of ei was first developed by john mayer and peter salovey in in which they describe ei as “the ability to monitor one's own and others' emotions, to discriminate among them, and to use the information to guide one's thinking and actions” (mayer & salovey, , p. ). in , daniel goleman revised mayer and salovey’s theory of ei, adapting the theory to predict personal effectiveness at work and in leadership (goleman, ). goleman concludes that leaders require ei competencies that comprise emotional self-control, empathy, conflict management, and emotional self-awareness alongside the ability to energize others, network, build partnerships, and have fluent interpersonal skills (boyatzis & goleman, ; goleman, ). ei not only impacts novice learning, but positively influences patient outcomes and employee retention in the nursing workforce (smith, profetto-mcgrath, & cummings, ). in this study, participants described clinical instructors and nurse educators who adopted approaches that showed genuine concern. for example, one participant’s outlook improved after receiving support from a clinical instructor. ember stated: i had one clinical instructor who was very good. and the reason she was good was that she was totally honest when i told her how i felt. and she didn’t tell me that it wasn’t her fault, or that she couldn’t do anything, or it was beyond her control, she just said to me, i know exactly what you mean... and at least then i didn’t feel so alone. i didn’t feel like it was hopeless. that nobody understood or cared at all. ashley reflected on the anxiety she experienced the first time she performed venipuncture on a patient. however, with support, guidance, and encouragement from her tutor, she was successful. she explained: word had kind of gotten around to the students on the unit that our tutor was looking for someone to put in an iv on a patient. and i was making myself scarce... i would peek my head into the hallway and if she wasn’t there i would go into the next patient’s room and hide for a while. and so i was definitely hesitant ... but our tutor was there completely, telling me exactly what to do. and it wasn’t as scary as you anticipated it to be. it ended up being totally fine. fears and anxieties can be diminished within a supportive and non-judgmental atmosphere (rudolph et al., ). not only is ei important for faculty, management, and leaders in the health care system, nursing students with emotional competence engage in more effective coping strategies (por, barriball, fitzpatrick, & roberts, ). the authors also found that ei was greater in students with higher levels of education and age (por et al., ). interestingly, one participant commented, “i started nursing school when i was or . and i felt really glad that i wasn’t and doing that” (dawn). this comment suggests that entering nursing with previous life experience and maturity can decrease the amount of stress perceived by students entering the nursing profession. por et al. ( ) purport that teaching nursing students principles of ei can diminish the overwhelming effects of stress and anxiety. a similar finding was noted by smith et al. ( ), who found that students require emotional competence to develop effective coping practices within complex and chaotic nursing practice environments. being that stress and anxiety emanate from the clinical environment and not just internal personality characteristics, leadership styles of managers, nurse educators, and nursing faculty can also diminish challenges faced by newly- graduated nurses and nursing students. faculty and managerial adoption of transformational and/or authentic leadership styles can promote a positive work environment for newly graduated nurses as they enter the workforce. transformational practice environments ease transition of newly- graduated nurses into the workforce as evidenced by positive outcomes at magnet tm hospitals in the united states that employ transformational leadership (ancc, ; gardner, ; kramer, maguire, & brewer, ). without the tenets of fostering collaboration, building teamwork, trust, respect, and innovation emphasized in both the ancc’s framework for magnet tm hospitals, the nursing profession risks a continuance of hostile practice environments resulting in compromised patient care, nurse distress (ditmer, ), and new graduate exit from the nursing profession. weberg ( ) found there is overwhelming evidence that transformational leadership decreases burnout, diminishes exhaustion, increases nurse well-being, and improves job satisfaction. transformational leadership was first described by burns ( ) as “transcending leadership that is dynamic leadership in the sense that leaders throw themselves into a relationship with followers who feel elevated by it and become more active themselves” (p. ). bass ( ) redefined transformational leadership as “a leadership process that is systematic, consisting of purposeful and organized search for changes, systematic analysis, and the capacity to move resources from areas of lesser to greater productivity to bring about a strategic transformation” (p. ). wong ( ) defined and differentiated authentic and transformational leadership styles stating, “authentic leaders influence via their strong sense of who they are and where they stand on issues, values, and beliefs; whereas transformational leaders influence though a powerful and positive vision” (p. ). authentic and transformational leadership characteristics include “positive role modeling of honesty, integrity, and high ethical standards in the development of leader-follower relationships” (wong & cummings, , p. ). adoption of authentic and transformation leadership styles can be accomplished within the nursing profession. literature that includes the leadership challenge (kouzes & posner, ) provides the reader with a working model on how to adopt an authentic and transformative leadership style. adopting ei skills identified by goleman ( ) with the leadership skills outlined by kouzes and posner ( ) could generate a highly adaptive and transformative nursing practice environments. adoption of authentic and transformational leadership styles has the potential to sustain and meet the needs of the nursing profession, as well as potentially transform negative practice environments into positive work environments that can serve to mitigate nurse turnover and rn exit from the profession. kouzes and posner state “more than ever there is a need for leaders to inspire us to dream, to participate, and to persevere” ( , para. ). this statement holds significant weight for the nursing profession. moreover, the nursing profession ought to develop and foster resilience through positive and supportive working relationships (jackson, firtko, & edenborough, ), thereby ensuring a nursing profession that is more attractive, gratifying, and sustainable for the future. weighing competing rewards and tensions throughout the emergent process, invariably, participants were found to be weighing the positive rewards while engaging in nursing practice, with competing negative tensions. these tensions influenced their ultimate decision to exit the nursing profession and were found to have been a culmination of their encounters while nursing students and subsequently as newly-graduated nurses. in this substantive category, two subsuming categories emerged: wearing out and deciding to leave. wearing out resulted from losing the joy of nursing, thinking it will get better, and the accumulating effects of the previous three substantive categories that included: (a) navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace; (b) negotiating social relationships, hierarchies and troublesome behaviours; (c) facing fears, traumas and challenges. ultimately, participants made the decision to leave the profession and dissociate from establishing a nursing identity, thus completing the basic psychosocial process, letting go. weighing competing rewards and tensions was characterized as both a ‘tug-of-war’ and a balance in determining the decision whether to stay in the nursing profession or leave altogether. see figure . weighing competing rewards and tensions below. as one participant stated, “i don’t think i’m getting the reward from the direct patient care that i require in order to keep going...it’s sort of a push and pull...if they were to balance, i would still consider wanting to be a nurse” (cole). ember stated, “if i could find a team that i felt i belonged in, then i feel like i could just take off, and be very happy. i don’t know how to find it. and i feel so tired.” one participant weighed positives (rewards) and negatives (tensions) in her work environment and described what she would have needed to remain in nursing. kindle stated: i didn’t have any support, and i would say that [my] work environment was actually a toxic work environment ... it was very negative ... if i would have had more support, if i had been in a place where i felt like i could be given the resources that i needed to grow, i probably would have stayed. figure . weighing competing rewards and tensions according to identity theory (burke & stets, ), it is suggested that support and feedback, as well as gaining internal and external rewards are essential toward establishing identity. without this “feedback loop” (burke & stets, , p. ), weighing competing rewards & tensions wearing out deciding to leave having support & satisfaction making nursing work n a v ig a ti n g n e g o ti a ti n g f a ci n g f e a rs an individual risks disruption in identity formation through disturbances within the feedback loop. these disturbances comprise the tensions identified in the three previous substantive categories under dampening the spirit. wearing out as participants accumulated both positive rewards prompting them to stay in the nursing profession, with opposing antecedent experiences prompting them to leave, it is clear that many of them were wearing out. participants made various comments stating that they felt “ground down” (rae), “drained” (cole), felt “dragged under” (ember) and referred to “deteriorating” (ember & kindle). aura commented, “i felt like if i was going at the pace i was going, that probably in a few years’ time, i would not be able to work as a nurse at all.” cole questioned: how much longer can i do this? ... i’m anticipating that if i were to do this indefinitely, i don’t know if there would be a breakdown, or i would become physically unhealthy, or what would happen ... i’m so close to the brink. ember also questioned: why do i have to keep doing this? who says that i have to keep doing this? ... i just said to myself, you are the one who is making yourself do this. i mean, there’s a lot of circumstances that are outside of my control, and that’s true, but at the very end of all these arguments, the fact is, i am the only one who is forcing myself to go every day, and put myself through all these stresses. and so, it gave me more of a sense of empowerment. and i think as a nursing student, i had virtually all of my powers stripped. i felt so powerless. and so to have gone through all of that, and then just say to myself, you know what? i am in charge of my life. and if i say i don’t want to do this anymore, then i don’t need anyone’s permission other than my own. and i gave myself that permission. and i’ve definitely felt a lot better. wearing out was further evident in the following participant statements: i got to a point where it was just so stressful, and things were just deteriorating more and more with my manager ... i got to a point where i felt like i just had to get out of it [nursing]. and i just didn’t feel like i could keep going on with it any longer because i had been holding on for so long. (kindle) it [nursing] was like running a marathon. you know you can’t do it forever, but you just need to get to the end kind of thing... i couldn’t have kept going forever because, oh my gosh, it’s tiring. it’s like when you don’t like something, it’s really hard to get yourself going and keep yourself motivated. (rae) similarly, ember stated: i distinctly remember having this feeling that i couldn’t bounce back anymore ... at that time, it was a really fundamental shift that for the first time i felt in my physical body, there is no energy. there’s nothing to run on anymore. it’s just not there. and i realized i had [been] depleted ... that there’s nothing left ... i just needed every spare moment just to collect myself to get up the next day and do it again. and at that point i realized that this can’t be worth it. and i don’t want to be a nurse to the exclusion of everything else in my life, unless i compromise my own standards. while research indicates that as many as % of new graduates experience severe burnout associated with negative practice environments (cho, lashinger, & wong, ), it is not clear if burnout was experienced by all participants in this study. the concept of burnout is defined as “a state of exhaustion in which one is cynical about the value of one's occupation and doubtful of one's ability to perform” (maslach et al., , p. ). the maslach burnout inventory (mbi) is comprised of three components that include exhaustion, cynicism, and professional efficacy (maslach et al., ). while participants in this study displayed and described characteristics of emotional exhaustion and decreased amounts of personal efficacy, two key measures of mbi, participants did not display or describe elements of cynicism. on completion of member checks with participants, members agreed with the subsuming category wearing out, however, not all members agreed with the mbi definition of burnout. as rae explained: i was never exhausted when i was a nurse ... i’m more exhausted as a teacher than i ever was as a nurse ... i think i never hit the exhaustion point because i knew that i would find an out. i always saw education as a way to get home [return to home community] – it was my light, it was my carrot ahead of me ... so i didn’t ever feel exhausted. i knew i would find a way to get home no matter what it was. so i ended up changing fields. furthermore, participants described ‘getting out’ of nursing before they were too depleted of energy to pursue another career pathway. ember stated: how long can i keep going? and being depleted on one hand by a system that doesn’t give me what i need, versus the rewards of the patient care. and how long do i wait before i decide? i don’t want to wait until i’m so depleted that i feel like i don’t have the strength to find another job or, i don’t have the mental resources anymore to start being more creative in terms of thinking about things i can do that i would find rewarding. the process of participant experiences and descriptions are more in alignment with the theory of compassion fatigue outlined in the professional quality of life scale (proqol) (stamm, ). according to stamm ( ) compassion fatigue comprises of secondary trauma (discussed under the substantive category facing fears, traumas, and challenges) coupled with a revised definition of burnout that includes the presence of exhaustion, frustration, anger, and depression. note that cynicism is not included in this definition of burnout. opposing compassion fatigue is compassion satisfaction, gaining positive rewards through the action of helping others. participants of this study were not assessed using proqol, however, the conceptualization of the major substantive category, weighing competing rewards and tensions draws similar parallels. if an individual in the nursing profession reaps a satisfactory amount of reward to sustain helping others, it is likely the individual will remain in the nursing profession. conversely, if fatigue perpetuates, compassion fatigue may be a valuable measure in the exit of newly- graduated nurses from the profession. losing the joy of nursing. participants described the lack of rewards and a diminishing level of enjoyment in nursing as determinants of wearing out and wanting to exit the profession. some participants came to the realization that performing nursing work provided them with little enjoyment. as rae stated, “i don’t have interest in giving medications, doing assessments... i don’t think i was ever really interested in the whole nursing process. it just never really appealed to me ... it’s just not something i wanted to do my whole life.” cole also arrived at the conclusion that “the work that nurses are doing now is very technical, and no, i don’t like that stuff. no, i don’t like nursing work.” similarly, aura stated, “i didn’t like doing the morning routines, gathering the meds, getting people out of bed.” she further reflected, “i don’t think i can do this.” ashley questioned: i’m doing all this work, and i’m putting in so much energy and effort in, and just, you know, studying all the time, doing so much work, and all for what? because i’m not going to do this in the future. two participants garnered some enjoyment from the work environment and the tasks embedded in nursing practice; however they hoped the challenging aspects inherent in the three previous substantive categories would resolve. as blaize explained, “i think what i do is rewarding. some days you win some, you lose some. you often lose more than you win them in my unit.” she continued: i’m not leaving because i don’t like being a nurse. i’m leaving because i don’t like what nursing means to the public ... and to our managers. that we are expendable, that we are dispensable, that we are replaceable. that is not how you get good employee morale, and that is not how you create job satisfaction. and the only way that i can change that behavior is if i further my education so that’s what i’m going to do. this comment highlights that although blaize was able to garner rewards from direct patient care, the challenges surrounding management and working within the health care system were to outweigh the benefits of staying within the nursing profession. realizing it will not get better. for many participants, the challenges encountered in nursing school and subsequently within professional nursing practice, did not improve. participants explained how they hoped ‘things would get better’, however, without supports and rewards to ‘fan the flame,’ the push to exit the nursing profession further escalated. ember reflected: my priority was to graduate and become a nurse. and i always hoped that things would get better ... but again, as things just got worse and worse, i just wanted to graduate and get out, and never look back ... and you wonder how on earth am i ever going to do this for a living if this is how i’m handling it [the challenges] as a student. but you always think that things will get better. cole reflected on conversations between himself and his classmates. he stated: things are going to be different once we graduate. they really aren’t that different ... in many ways for me it got worse. it wasn’t any better, certainly, the things we were doing were the same, but the patient load just increased and the support that we had decreased ... there was that myth that things were going to get better once you graduated. participants expressed disappointment with regard to the lack of social and emotional support in the work environment. laschinger et al. ( ) emphasize the importance of decreasing emotional exhaustion in new graduates through civil working relationships, supportive environments, and a sense of empowerment to decrease nurse turnover and exit from the profession. deciding to leave as participants worked through weighing competing rewards and tensions, deciding to leave nursing was concluded. although participants described losing the joy in nursing as students, two participants endeavoured to work as nurses before deciding to leave. rae described her decision as follows: i needed to know for sure that it was just nursing school i didn’t like, and not the job that i didn’t like... i didn’t love the nursing aspect... i really just did not want to do that. i had hated it during nursing school; adult care just dragged me down. and i just felt that nursing was not for me. so, i decided i would go back to school, and take [a fast-tracked education] program ... and then i let my rn license lapse when i got my teaching job. similarly, aura also described trying nursing after graduating: it [nursing] is not the job for me... having gone through all of that schooling, i don’t want to be a bedside nurse. but upon graduation, i thought i might as well try it... i didn’t really like the people that i worked with ... at that point i had already kind of made up my mind and moved on, and thought i don’t want to be at the bedside. when participants were asked to describe their emotional state regarding their decision to exit, their reflections were positive. as ember explained: it’s a very special thing when you have that rapport with the patient and they open up to you. and you feel so privileged to be involved in their care. and that’s what i’ll really miss the most [tearful]...there is a very great sense of freedom that i can choose what i want to do that’s best for me. and maybe nursing is just a chapter in my life that’s going to end soon. and if that is the way it goes, then i’m okay with that. similarly, rae reported: i had worked so hard for four years of my life. but on the other side, i was able to look at it, like that was life experience. and that now i’m moving on to something else... it’s okay to let it go... it was kind of like this feeling like you’re on the edge of the cliff. and i’m like, i’m going to let this go. and here it is! this is it! i’m going to let it go... it was kind of like, one chapter closes and another opens. and it’s okay. so it was good. no regret. as participants reflected on their choice to leave nursing, many expressed no regret in their pursuit to become nurses and their subsequent decision to leave. dawn stated, “i don’t really have any regrets about leaving.” another participant noted, “i’m glad i went into the nursing program ... i learned so much, and i got so many experiences ... i miss the people and the patients i had. i don’t miss the nursing itself” (rae). ashley stated: i don’t regret the decision to go into nursing. i don’t regret finishing the degree. i don’t regret the job that i had as a nurse. but it’s just that metamorphosis... this is the chapter i’m leaving now, and i’m going on to something different – for better or for worse. final participant reflection the data generated in the substantive category weighing competing rewards and tensions revealed an invested amount of emotion and reflection as participants chose to exit the nursing profession. the knowledge generated in this study reveals a disheartening process that could have been mitigated by the presence of adequate support structures in educational institutions, workplace settings, and policy that reinforces healthy work environments (ritter, ). to summarize the process of letting go, please reflect on the following comments described by kindle as she reflected on her decision to leave the nursing profession: i am starting to be able to let go of nursing ... i still feel a combination of guilt about not continuing to practice. and i don’t know what it is exactly, maybe shame or just discontent with the fact that i’m not somehow using my nursing. and so, it is still a challenge in that way for me. i always felt with nursing, it is a really beautiful profession. and what nurses do is so critical, because we need nurses so much. she continued: i wish i could have found myself in nursing, enough to keep going with it. but as we discussed before, i just personally, i found the stress probably more than anything, just so much, that i was concerned that it would just eat me up entirely and i would become so anxious or unable to function that it just wouldn’t be worth it in that way... i’m happy now because i’m also in a profession where i feel like i can make a meaningful contribution that reflects my skills and personality a little better. but it’s still something that i would probably say that i grieve a little bit. the loss of that. and the fact that i didn’t feel that i had the support that i needed to make it through that time as a beginning nurse, and to really feel like i could find a meaningful career in nursing. chapter : implications and recommendations numerous strategies and recommendations to mitigate newly-graduated nurses from exiting the profession have been discussed in this study under fanning the flame. the strategies to circumvent the exit of nurses from the profession are reflected in the nursing literature, and in this study, also emerged from participants. these strategies were related to each substantive category: navigating constraints of the healthcare system and workplace, negotiating social relationships, hierarchies and troublesome behaviours, and facing fears, traumas and challenges. the basic psychosocial process of letting go that emerged from the data in this study has implications for educational institutions, workplace settings, and policy that reinforce healthy work environments (ritter, ). in becoming aware of the factors associated with the basic psychosocial process of letting go, this process can be interrupted to prevent the further exodus of nurses from the profession. upon being asked to consider what advice participants in this study might have for nursing students entering the profession, participants offered their own recommendations. rae stated: sticking it out makes you a tougher person ... the best advice is that no matter how frustrated or hard it is, just get through it. and then work for a little bit just to have the experience ... i needed to know for sure that it was just nursing school i didn’t like, and not the job that i didn’t like. and i would say just get through, anyone can get through if you can just work hard enough, and put in the time and lack of sleep, and do the best you can. and i think you should try before you should decide not to do it. aura cautioned, “i think everything that you get taught in school is like some sort of crazy ideal. and that nothing happens like that in the real world.” cole recommended “find a way to spend time with nurses before starting nursing school.” blaize advised to be aware of the ‘trade-offs’ being a nurse. she stated: you think as a student that making $ , is good money, but what you trade off physically, mentally, and emotionally, is half the compensation right there. you miss birthdays, you work every other christmas, if your husband is a teacher, he gets the whole summer off, you don’t. getting time off in the summer is not going to happen. and that nursing overall, you get out of it what you put into it ... pick an area that you like. other advice for nursing students from participants included pursuing your passion. as kindle described: i would tell them [nursing students] to try and figure out early on in their degree what area of nursing it is that they are passionate about. because i think that it’s important, it’s such a big field, and there’s so many different areas you can work in, it’s important to know what it is that interests you so that you can set up your final practicum in that area ... and be able to find employment there later on. ember recommended students who are considering nursing to “get feedback from graduates [of the program you are considering], don’t go by what they say on their website, don’t even go by what the professors tell you, get feedback from people who’ve actually lived through the experience.” another participant stated: it’s [nursing is] a huge amount of work, it’s really difficult. and it’s not something to be taken lightly ... when you are a registered nurse working on the unit you are, in charge of people’s lives. and you do need to have a high level of education and a high level of skill. so expect the program to be challenging. and another piece of advice would be that when you get to clinical, you won’t be prepared ... go into clinical on the first day and say, i don’t know how to do every skill, and that’s okay. (ashley) one participant also offered advice for nursing faculty. kindle advised faculty to allow their students to pursue their passion: i felt like throughout my degree, i was sort of told that i had to work in medicine when i graduated. and when i graduated, that was the only way to build my career at all as a nurse... it’s better for the nursing faculty to take advantage of the abilities of the students, and the interest that they bring, so they can harvest those, and do something useful with them. nursing education is the first point-of-entry into the profession for many nursing students. achieving greater professional satisfaction and increasing nurses’ intent to stay can be attained through caring teacher-student relationships that reflect the caring and compassionate values fostered within the nursing profession. this includes nurturing novice learners through emancipatory pedagogy, role modeling, providing constructive feedback and engaging in positive communication techniques to ensure successful development of newly- graduated nurses (benner, ; bevis, ; myrick et al., ; myrick & tamlyn, ). nursing educational curricula ought to embed valuable learning experiences that connect education in university settings to the clinical practice environment (eggertson, ; myrick & yonge, ). this goal can be accomplished through the adoption of simulation (jarzemsky, mccarthy, ellis, ) as a source of learning for students that reflect the clinical practice environment within the confines of university settings. other strategies include transition programming, preceptorship, and mentorship programs (olson-sitki, wendler, & forbes, ) to prepare and foster positive socialization for new graduates entering the workforce. this must include adequate supports that comprise individual assistance through feedback and positive communication techniques, as well as a supportive workplace environment for the novice to develop confidence, proficiency, and competency (johnstone, kanitsaki, & currie, ). to mitigate new nurses from exiting the profession, those in clinical practice environments ought to adopt transformative leadership practices. transformative leadership offers an emancipatory approach within the workplace which acts as a powerful strategy to circumvent the stressors within nursing related to patient acuity, workplace demands, paperwork, turnover, overtime, and burnout described by reineck and furino ( ). these changes can also serve to diminish hierarchal tenets that have given rise to oppressed group behaviour as well as hierarchal and horizontal violence within the nursing workforce. conditions in the work environment ought to be made more favourable through the adoption of policy and health care models that permit nurses to practice to their full scope of skills and abilities (cna, ). furthermore, with increasing patient acuity and complexity, staffing mixes and appropriate nurse- patient ratios must also be considered to permit a safe workload for newly- graduated nurses entering the workforce (duffield, roche, diers, catling-paull, & blay, ). adequate senior staffing ought to be made available to assist the novice practitioner should the need arise (johnstone et al., ). it is in nursing’s best interest to acknowledge our professional history and clarify misconceptions that demote current nursing practice. nursing has outgrown paternalism of the medical model as the public sees increasing value in primary health care, empowering the public through illness prevention to achieve healthy outcomes (cna, ). nursing practice can be highly autonomous, yet occurs within integrated inter-professional teams to deliver high quality care in many different practice environments beyond the hospital setting (aiphe, ). if such awareness is fostered and role-modeled in all practice environments, we can interrupt the process of new nurses choosing to leave the profession to ensure for a sustainable, illuminated, supportive, and invigorated profession. references accreditation of interprofessional health education. 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( ). the influence of authentic leadership behavior on trust and work outcomes of health care staff. journal of leadership studies, ( ), - . doi: . /jls workplace bullying institute. ( ). the wbi definition of workplace bullying. bellingham, wa: author. retrieved from http://www.workplacebullying.org/individuals/ problem/definition/ wortsman, a., & crupi, a. ( ). addressing issues of intergenerational diversity in the nursing workplace. ottawa, on: canadian federation of nurses unions. retrieved from http://www.nursesunions.ca/sites/ default/files/intergen.inside.en_.pdf http://www.workplacebullying.org/individuals/% problem/definition/ http://www.nursesunions.ca/sites/% default/files/intergen.inside.en_.pdf http://www.nursesunions.ca/sites/% default/files/intergen.inside.en_.pdf appendix a: search methods records were identified through the databases: medline, health policy reference centre, and cinahl. all searches were conducted using the following search string developed in partnership with the faculty librarian: (retention or retain or turnover or "intention to stay" or "intention to quit" or "intention to leave" or attrition or terminat* or "job satisfaction" or stress*) and (("new* grad*" or "new* registered") and nurs* or "new nurse*" or "novice nurse*") records after duplicates removed records screened records excluded: full-text articles assessed for eligibility full-text articles excluded: studies included in the literature review: inclusion criteria: all peer reviewed qualitative and quantitative studies from to october that examined rn exit from the profession within years of entry-to-practice. exclusion criteria: studies that examine rn turnover, retirement, midwife and senior rn exit from profession. studies that used previously unvalidated tools to measure outcome variables. appendix b: quality appraisal of studies minors tool reference: questions: total lavoie- tremblay et al. ( ). turnover intention... n/a n/a n/a / nooney et al. ( ). should i stay... n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a / parry ( ). intention to leave the profession... n/a n/a n/a / suzuki et al. ( ). factors affecting turnover of japanese nurses... n/a n/a n/a / items scored (not reported), (reported but inadequate), (reported and adequate), or n/a (not applicable). casp: qualitative research tool reference: questions: total mackusick & minick. ( ). why are nurses leaving? y y y p y n p y p p -ys -n -partial cleary et al. ( ). recent graduate nurse views... y y n y y n p p y p -ys -ns -ps items scored ‘y’ (adequately reported), ‘n’ (inadequately reported), or ‘p’ (partial) did not meet all criteria). appendix c: syntheses of articles author(s) citation design sample size sample characteristics findings cleary, m., horsfall, j., jackson, d., muthulaks- hmi, p., & hunt, g.e. ( ). recent graduate nurse views of nursing, work and leadership. journal of clinical nursing, , - . qualitative thematic analysis via qualitative interviews ▪unclear if all participants originated from singapore. ▪all participants university educated at baccalaureate level in a singapore university themes emerged: ▪skills and qualities required for positive nursing achievements (emotional, intellectual, interpersonal, and psychosocial qualities). ▪being supported after graduation (only participants reported ‘good’ transitional support in the workplace, heavy workload, prevalence of patriarchy). ▪role models/leadership in clinical setting (majority of participants reported lack of ‘constructive leadership’). ▪retention of nurses (need for ‘non-blaming culture,’ more autonomy, freedom to pursue postgraduate studies). ▪ participant resigned from nursing workforce – not clear how long individual worked as nurse. ▪ participants intended to quit current position. author(s) citation design sample size sample characteristics findings lavoie- tremblay, m., paquet, m., & marchionni, c. ( ). turnover intention among new nurses. journal for nurses in staff development, ( ), - . correlational- descriptive ▪surveys prior to entry into workforce; repeated at months into first placement using the practice environment scale of the nursing work index (pes- nwi). ▪all participants from quebec, canada. ▪ . % were female. ▪ . % were years old or younger (gen y). ▪ . % were between ages - (gen x). ▪ . % attended a college- level nursing program. ▪ . % graduated from a university nursing program. ▪ . % ( person) with master’s degree. ▪ . % worked ft, . % worked pt, % worked pt-casual. ▪ . % worked rotating shifts. ▪ % worked in a teaching hospital, . % worked in a health or social services centre, . % worked in a university hospital. ▪ % intended to quit current position. ▪ . % intended to quit profession. ▪significant correlations found in those intending to quit the profession and in all domains of pes-nwi: (nurse participation, quality care, nurse manager ability, leadership and support, collegial nurse-physician relationships). ▪there were no significant differences between new nurses in the age groups (gen y and gen x) on the intention to quit categories. author(s) citation design sample size sample characteristics findings mackusick, c.i., & minick, p. ( ). why are nurses leaving? findings from an initial qualitative study on nursing attrition. medsurg nursing, ( ), - . interpretive hermeneutic phenomenology ▪semi- structured interviews ▪purposive and snowball sampling. ▪ participant under age ; between - years; between - years. ▪ % female. ▪ % caucasian. ▪ practiced in medical- surgical areas; in critical care; in a psychiatric setting; and in labour and delivery. ▪years of practice ranged from - years. ▪ were baccalaureate prepared; with an associate degree. ▪ participants held a bachelor degree in another field. ▪ held an mba. themes emerged: ▪unfriendly workplace (lack of support, sexual harassment, verbal and physical abuse occurring from managers, co-workers, and physicians). ▪emotional distress (conflict between the wishes of patients and their families) ▪fatigue and exhaustion (physical and emotional). ▪ participants left nursing after - years of practice. ▪many participants cried during the interviews. ▪“horizontal hostility” and bullying occurred in those participants who left nursing author(s) citation design sample size sample characteristics findings nooney, j.g., unruh, l., & yore, m.m. ( ). should i stay or go? career change and labor force separation among registered nurses in the u.s. social science & medicine, , - . cross-sectional, retrospective analysis ▪data was drawn from the national sample survey of registered nurses in the united states of america. , ▪survey included nurses still practicing (did not include those who left the profession). ▪majority of participants were white ( %) and female ( %). ▪ % were married. ▪ % had children in the home. ▪attrition commences years after entry to practice with % of nurses remaining in the workforce until age . ▪the rate of nurse attrition increases between age and , and increases substantially between age and corresponding with retirement. ▪nurses with higher incomes were significantly more likely to make a career change. ▪those with an advanced practice or master’s education were less likely to make a career change. ▪nurses with children at home were . times more likely to make a career change. ▪married nurses were times more likely to leave the labour force. ▪women are much less likely to leave nursing than men. ▪nurses’ satisfaction with work environment not measured. author(s) citation design sample size sample characteristics findings parry, j. ( ). intention to leave the profession: antecedents and role in nurse turnover. journal of advanced nursing, ( ), - . repeated measures ▪surveyed prior to (or soon after) entry into the workplace and again after - months using: the blau occupation measure, job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and turnover intentions scale. ▪path analysis utilized to test a theoretical model of relationships affecting intention to change employer and profession. ▪participants were entering the rn profession during the year from queensland, australia. ▪all participants were baccalaureate prepared. ▪higher levels of affective professional commitment are related to higher levels of job satisfaction and organizational commitment. ▪lower levels of affective professional commitment are related to lower job satisfaction and organizational commitment. ▪the relationship between job satisfaction and intention to change professions is not direct. ▪organizational commitment and affective professional commitment after a period of work are antecedents of intention to change professions (they are statistically significantly and negatively related to intention to change professions). ▪job satisfaction and organizational commitment are statistically significantly and negatively related to organizational turnover intention. ▪intention to change professions is statistically significantly and positively related to intention to change employer. author(s) citation design sample size sample characteristics findings suzuki, e., tagaya, a., ota, k., nagasawa, y., matsuura, r., & sato, c. ( ). factors affecting turnover of japanese novice nurses in university hospitals in early and later years of employment. journal of nursing management, , - . repeated measures ▪novice nurses surveyed at - months & at th - th month of employment regarding: assertiveness, stressful life events, reality shock, ward assignment, wish for transfer, wish for leaving nursing, workplace satisfaction, workload, social support and coping profiles. ▪logistic regression between groups (those who quit their jobs and those who did not quit). ▪all participants japanese. ▪ % female. ▪ . % graduated from a diploma program, % with an associate degree, and % with baccalaureate preparation. ▪workplaces ranged from surgical areas ( . %), medicine ( . %), critical care ( . %), operating room ( . %), pediatrics ( . %), and others ( . %). ▪the majority of participants lived alone ( . %). ▪ . % of new grads worked in tokyo, . % practiced in other sites. ▪ % of new nurses quit jobs during first - months of employment compared to . % during the th - th months of entry-to-practice. ▪the total maslach burnout inventory score was significantly higher in ‘quitters’ than ‘non- quitters’ (no differences in scores for assertiveness and personal accomplishment). ▪ . % indicated they wished to leave profession. ▪ . % wished to change workplace. ▪significant associations for turnover in those with diploma education, working on an undesired ward, and lack of peer support during the first - months. ▪factors affecting at - months included increased workplace dissatisfaction, working at a tokyo hospital, and high levels of physical and emotional exhaustion. ▪novice nurses that depended on alcohol and medicine (measured as part of coping profile) tended to burnout more easily. ▪burnout (physical and emotional exhaustion) at baseline affected turnover at - months more so than during - months. appendix d: demographic form data indicator code/pseudonym sex male/female birth year month-year graduation date must have graduated between april - november month-year graduated with baccalaureate degree from canadian institution yes/no entry-to-practice date month-year last date worked as rn cannot have worked within months (november ) month-year type of workplace ie] medicine/post-surgical unit/pediatrics/er/icu/community full-time status yes/no how did you hear about this study: __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ do you self-identify as a visible minority:________________________________ contact information: email ________________ phone/cell___________________ skype __________ other_____________________________________________________________ additional notes: __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________ appendix e: sample poster seeking participants are you, or is someone you know, a registered nurse who has decided to leave the profession? i would like to hear about your experience as a registered nurse and how you decided to leave nursing practice. if you have graduated from a canadian university with a baccalaureate degree within the last five years and have not practiced as a nurse within the last six months, please consider participating in this study. contact kathryn chachula: - - chachula@ualberta.ca http://www.facebook.com/rnexit k a th ry n - - c h a c h u la @ u a lb e rt a .c a k a th ry n - - c h a c h u la @ u a lb e rt a .c a k a th ry n - - c h a c h u la @ u a lb e rt a .c a k a th ry n - - c h a c h u la @ u a lb e rt a .c a k a th ry n - - c h a c h u la @ u a lb e rt a .c a k a th ry n - - c h a c h u la @ u a lb e rt a .c a k a th ry n - - c h a c h u la @ u a lb e rt a .c a appendix f: interview guide in the initial interview, the following questions may be used to guide the researcher in exploring the process involved in the participant’s decision to leave the nursing profession: ) how did you arrive at your decision to leave the nursing profession? ) what would you say contributed to your decision to leave? ) how do you perceive nursing education and its preparation for nursing practice? ) in retrospect, how would you describe yourself as a nursing student? ) is there anything that you wish other nursing students knew about working as a nurse that you did not know? ) how would you describe working as a nurse? the subsequent interview(s) will be conducted to confirm or extend the interpretations drawn from the research data generated from the initial interviews. i will begin by presenting participants with an overview of the study themes: ) thinking back to our first conversation, is there anything that comes to mind that you would like to discuss or elaborate upon? do you have any additional comments as to why you decided to leave the nursing profession? ) what are your thoughts regarding the themes i have identified? do these accurately capture your perspective? ) can we review the themes together and discuss our interpretations? appendix g: notification of ethical approval date: may , study id: pro principal investigator: kathryn chachula study supervisor: a myrick study title: exploring newly-graduated registered nurses' decision to exit the profession approval expiry date: may , approved consent form: approval date approved document / / participant consent form.docx / / participant informationletter thank you for submitting the above study to the research ethics board . your application has been reviewed and approved on behalf of the committee. a renewal report must be submitted next year prior to the expiry of this approval if your study still requires ethics approval. if you do not renew on or before the renewal expiry date, you will have to re-submit an ethics application. approval by the research ethics board does not encompass authorization to access the staff, students, facilities or resources of local institutions for the purposes of the research. sincerely, dr. william dunn chair, research ethics board note: this correspondence includes an electronic signature (validation and approval via an online system). https://remo.ualberta.ca/remo/personalization/myprofile?person=com.webridge.account.person% boid% b e f cc aaa ae a b % d% d https://remo.ualberta.ca/remo/personalization/myprofile?person=com.webridge.account.person% boid% b b bfe d cec cb a a % d% d https://remo.ualberta.ca/remo/doc/ /ab g laijklchpqge iphqa /participant% consent% form.% may% .docx https://remo.ualberta.ca/remo/doc/ / ns pdouhjkl pcq gfb u /participant% information% letter.% may% .docx appendix h: information letter exploring newly graduated registered nurses’ decision to exit the profession research investigator: research supervisor: kathryn chachula rn bn florence myrick rn bn mscn phd - a – avenue - – avenue edmonton clinic health academy edmonton clinic health academy university of alberta university of alberta edmonton, ab, t g c edmonton, ab, t g c chachula@ualberta.ca flo.myrick@ualberta.ca - - - - background you have been asked to participate in this study because you are a registered nurse who has graduated from a canadian university institution within the last five years who has chosen to exit the nursing profession. you may have been nominated to participate by a friend, family member, or colleague related to a poster, email, or advertisement campaign calling for participants. purpose few studies have investigated registered nurse exit from the profession that are not related to retirement or disciplinary action. this study aims to understand the circumstances that led to your decision to exit the nursing profession. your participation may help nurse educators better prepare newly-graduated nurses through curricular reform, and provide both insights and knowledge into the current clinical culture to address new rn attrition upon entry-to-practice. the results of this study will be used in support of kathryn chachula’s master of nursing thesis. study procedures your participation is your choice. you may choose to withdraw at any time during the data collection phase of the study. should you choose to no longer participate; any data collected from your interview(s) will be destroyed. participation involves being interviewed to describe how you arrived at your decision to exit nursing to the research investigator for one hour up to three times at a location of your choice. each interview will be audio-recorded. the final interview may be used to verify data collected by the researcher. your identity will be anonymized and protected as it will not be linked to the research data or any subsequent reports. any electronic data will be password protected and/or encrypted. taking part in this study will not affect your job, your current standing as a registered nurse, your current professional status, or have any effect upon academic courses you are currently enrolled in or choose to partake in the future. data will be kept in a locked, secure location for a minimum of five years and may be used for future research upon ethical approval. possible benefits and risks participating in this study may have no direct benefits to you. however, the researcher hopes that through your participation, future nursing students may be better prepared for entry into the workplace. the researcher is aware that this topic may be sensitive in nature and respects your choice to participate. the only exception to the promise of safeguarding your identity is that the research investigator is legally obligated to report any intentions of harm to yourself or others. for crisis intervention or emotional distress, contact: health services crisis line: - - - adult mental health crisis response team: - - further information if you have any further questions regarding this study, please do not hesitate to contact the research investigator, kathryn chachula, or the research supervisor, dr. florence myrick. for questions regarding participant rights and ethical conduct of research, contact the health ethics research office at - - or the faculty of nursing research office at - - . appendix i: consent form exploring newly graduated registered nurses’ decision to exit the profession research investigator: research supervisor: kathryn chachula rn bn florence myrick rn bn mscn phd - a – avenue - – avenue edmonton clinic health academy edmonton clinic health academy university of alberta university of alberta edmonton, ab, t g c edmonton, ab, t g c chachula@ualberta.ca flo.myrick@ualberta.ca - - - - to be filled out and signed by the participant please check do you understand that you have been asked to participate in a research study? yes no have you received a copy of the information letter? yes no have you had the opportunity to ask questions and discuss the study? yes no do you understand that you are free to refuse to participate or withdraw without giving a reason during the data collection phase of this study? yes no has the issue of anonymity, confidentiality, and use of pseudonyms been explained to you? yes no do you consent to being interviewed? yes no do you consent to having the interview audio-taped? yes no do you consent to have your data reviewed at a later date? yes no do you understand who will have access to your information and interview data? yes no this study was explained to me by: date: i agree to participate in this study. signature of participant printed name date as the research investigator, i believe that the person signing this form understands what is involved in the study and has freely chosen to participate. signature of investigator printed name date * a copy of this consent form must be given to participants. european journal of american studies, - | european journal of american studies - | special issue: transnational approaches to north american regionalism migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales mathilde köstler electronic version url: http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/ doi: . /ejas. issn: - publisher european association for american studies electronic reference mathilde köstler, « migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales », european journal of american studies [online], - | , document , online since december , connection on april . url : http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/ ; doi : . /ejas. this text was automatically generated on april . creative commons license http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/ migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales mathilde köstler . introduction the history of the cajuns, the french-speaking minority living in cajun country,i or acadiana, in southwest louisiana, is a story about transnational migration which reaches years into the past. eighteenth-century acadian history, especially, features prominently in the cajuns’ collective consciousness today. in cajun country, local legend has it that when the cajuns’ ancestors, the seventeenth-century french colonists called acadians, were expelled from their homeland acadia on the east coast of canada in by british and new england forces, a swarm of lobsters accompanied them into exile and later to louisiana. boarded on ships bound for the new england colonies, france, and the caribbean, the deportees were scattered along the atlantic seaboard. according to the legend, the miserable conditions during the so-called grand dérangement(“great upheaval” in english) took such a toll on the lobsters that by the time they arrived in louisiana, they had shrunk to the size of crawfish (gutierrez ). the origin of the legend remains unknown, but its first written evidence appeared in the s when the cajun renaissance, an ethnic grassroots movement, was in full swing.ii with the booming tourist industry in louisiana promoting cajun culture, the legend was printed on souvenirs and restaurant menus, and started to circulate around southwest louisiana (gutierrez ). in contemporary louisiana, the lobster-turned-crawfish legend is still very much present as attests l’histoire de télesphore et ‘tit edvard dans le grand nord ( ), the second tale in a trilogy by cajun poet and singer-songwriter zachary richard, which also includes conte cajun: l’histoire de télesphore et de ‘tit edvard ( ) and les aventures de télesphore et ‘tit edvard au vieux pays ( ). iii likewise, cajun culture and french in louisiana seem very much alive, for the tales are written in french with cajun idioms and indicate a migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | distinct cajun perspective. they contribute to the littérature cadienne,iv a francophone cajun literary genre which emerged in the s, succeeding the cajun oral tradition and continuing the french creole literary tradition which flourished in nineteenth-century louisiana. the majority of those new francophone texts, however, are published in montreal, quebec, not in louisiana. this also applies to zachary richard’s tales, which deal with the adventures of ‘tit edvard, a crawfish, and télesphore, a turtle, from louisiana who experience various displacements and go through many adverse conditions before finding their way home. in focusing on richard’s three cajun tales, this article explores the interrelation of cajun culture and the transnational space richard creates in his tales. after a brief outline of the genesis of the cajuns and the state of francophone literature in louisiana, i will focus on the multiple representations of migration in the tales. first, i will analyze how such elements as landscape, language, and the past contribute to a cajun sense of place and belonging. significantly, two characteristics determine the cajuns’ lives today: self-assertion in a dominant society which is markedly different and a memory of the past. in emphasizing the singularity of cajun culture, the cajuns distance themselves from the omnipresent american mainstream culture. indeed, the alien surroundings and unfamiliar creatures that ‘tit edvard and télesphore face evoke a sense of otherness. also, richard’s multiple allegorical representations of the grand dérangement mirror the cajuns’ strong connection to the past and turn the tragic event into a leitmotif. i will then explore the transnational outlook of the tales. precisely because the cajuns’ experience has been one of expulsion and migration, place, culture, and the past play a crucial role as means of orientation and carriers of memory in the cajuns’ collective consciousness. at the same time, though, the characters’ exemplary tolerant attitude and adaptability convey the image of a permeable culture, a culture which blends with other cultures through a process of osmosis and relies on transnational exchanges. this is particularly evident in intertextual references to native american and african mythologies, to french literature, as well as in allusions to decisive historical events. this borrowing from both the cultural memory as well as the “memory of literature” (lachmann ) of other cultures in richard’s tales provide a good illustration of astrid erll’s concept of “traveling memories.” a specific feature of “transcultural memory,” which is “a certain research perspective… directed towards mnemonic processes unfolding across and beyond cultures” (erll ),v it draws on james clifford’s concept of “traveling cultures” to describe how memory processes are always in flux and transgress boundaries of time and space. for the purpose of this article, i propose the concept of “migrating literature.” in richard’s tales, the interrelation of literature and migration is visible on several levels: first, the texts literally “migrated” to montreal for publication purposes; second, the tales are literature about migration; and third, other “foreign” literary texts and allusions to historical events “migrated” into the tales. thus, richard’s three animal tales are a prime example of “migrating literature” and of a transnational exchange. they bring together different regions, respacializing the acadian diaspora in a geo-cultural imaginary space and undergirding the transnational connection. in reorienting the tale’s cajun space towards other countries and fixing his vision in a written form, richard ensures the continuing existence of cajun culture. i argue that this new outlook transcends general assumptions about cajun culture—engendered by its folklorization—and creates a transnational space. richard, extending the cajun space to canada and france, shows that a dynamic and evolving culture is necessary for the migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | preservation of cajun culture. most important, he deems the establishment and maintenance of the connection to the francophone world as essential for the survival of cajun culture. . stories of migration the cajuns can look back on an eventful history of wandering around the western hemisphere. this transnational migration actually started in the early seventeenth century, when french colonists from the centre-ouest region traveled to the east coast of canada, settled along the bay of fundy, and founded the colony of acadie in what is today new brunswick, nova scotia, and prince edward island. far removed from the world affairs for most of the century, they eventually became pawns in the french and indian wars between the two imperial powers great britain and france. while the french largely neglected the colony in north america, the british, despising the acadians for their french background and catholicism, coveted the fertile lands the acadians had gained from their arduous dike building. repeatedly, the acadians refused to swear an unconditional oath of allegiance to the british king, emphasizing their wish to remain neutral. this noncommittal stance earned them the name of french neutrals and finally contributed to their fateful dispersal, the grand dérangement. in , an order was issued to deport the acadians to the new england colonies, france, and the caribbean. between that year and , thousands of acadians were expelled from their homeland, separated from their families, and subjected to inhuman conditions on the deportation ships and in their lands of exile. despite the widespread scattering, the acadians’ strong communal ties kept small communities together. around a group of acadians, hearing of a land to settle where french was spoken, traveled to louisiana by way of saint domingue (today haiti) to build a new acadia. they settled along the bayous of the mississippi river and, by and by, were joined by other refuge-seeking acadians (cf. brasseaux, founding). in intermingling with other ethnic groups, they assimilated various cultural traditions of their neighbors. by the end of the nineteenth century, the acadians had become the cajuns, an ethnic group with a distinct hybrid character exemplifying the constant exchanges between the various cultures existing in louisiana for over two centuries. today, cajun culture boasts influences of french creoles (french colonists born in louisiana), spanish, native americans, african and caribbean slaves, anglo-americans, germans, and italians.vi up to the middle of the twentieth century, most americans knew the story of the acadians thanks to evangeline, an acadian literary heroine who became an american icon. the epic poem evangeline: a tale of acadie ( ),written by new england poet henry wadsworth longfellow, describes the separation of the two lovers evangeline bellefontaine and gabriel lajeunesse from grand-pré on their wedding day by british and new england forces. evangeline’s subsequent search for gabriel leads her to louisiana, to the acadians’ nouvelle acadie. the story ends with evangeline, aged and a sister of mercy, at gabriel’s deathbed in philadelphia. this acadian saga became an immediate success in both the united states and canada, and the wretched acadians, symbolizing fortitude and endurance, entered the american collective memory.vii its success notwithstanding, longfellow’s poem is anything but a truthful account of acadian history as it contains numerous inaccuracies and dissimulates historical details. and yet, this rose-colored account not only contributed to the strengthening of the migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | american national sentiment of the time; the cajuns, for want of a founding myth, also readily accepted the new england poet’s retelling of the grand dérangement and appropriated it as their own foundational story.viii apart from the attraction that the virtuous and strong acadians and saintly evangeline exercised on the american public, the myth also offered the cajuns the opportunity to distance themselves from the american foundational myth of the pilgrim fathers. and yet, with the turn of the twentieth century, the growing americanization movement began to greatly affect cajun culture. the law of , which had prohibited french in public schools, the two world wars, the discovery of oil in jennings, louisiana, and the progressive construction of an infrastructure in louisiana all contributed to the americanization of cajun country and were the main causes for the demise of french in louisiana. unable to resist the lure of the american mainstream and with it the english language, the cajuns gradually abandoned their french heritage. however, encroaching americanization was slowed down by the cajun renaissance, which coincided with other ethnic revivals in the s. this emancipation process epitomizes the cajuns’ growing awareness of their threatened culture. the positive echo cajun music received at the newport festival in was followed by a growing academic interest in cajun culture and cultural preservation efforts (cf. bernard).ix thanks to revisionist works concerning cajun history by scholars of cajun origin at the university of louisiana in lafayette, attention was drawn to the culture’s uniqueness and especially to the real events surrounding the expulsion of the acadians.x to counter untruthful and stereotypical depictions of the cajuns, historians started debunking the evangeline myth—to the profit of other myths cropping up in cajun country. against this backdrop, the lobster-turned-crawfish legend and richard’s tales can be considered not just counternarratives to the american myth of the pilgrim fathers, but also to the evangeline myth, invented by a new englander who had never been to either nova scotia or louisiana. by appropriating the counternarratives as their founding myth, the cajuns distanced themselves from american mainstream culture even further and strengthened their links to francophone canada through academic exchanges and the establishment of the acadian world congress, held for the first time in . at the same time, louisiana witnessed the emergence of such cajun poets and storytellers as the prolific cajun singer-songwriter and poet zachary richard, who engendered a literary tradition which renewed that of the nineteenth-century created by french creole authors such as sidonie de la houssaye, alfred mercier, and adrien rouquette. as a matter of fact, although richard’s original cajun tales have strangely been bypassed by scholars, they testify to the vitality of cajun culture. . (re)locating cajun culture clearly, the legend mentioned in the introduction reflects the cajuns’ identification with the region of acadiana:xi the crawfish functions as the link between the place and the people. it comes as no surprise that the metaphorical solidarity between the cajuns and the crawfish culminated in the adoption of the crawfish as the cajuns’ very own mascot, symbolizing both cajun power and ethnic pride.xii similarly, richard’s tales are grounded in cajun space: the crawfish, representing the cajuns, and the yellow-bellied turtle are typical creatures of southwest louisiana’s fauna. set in a predominantly natural environment, the tales are inscribed in the genre of regionalism as they present places migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | that have “‘escaped’ the dubious improvements of a stronger and more integrated urban society” (foote ).xiii the frequent references to such identity markers as landscape, language, and the past create an unmistakably regionalist tone which is accentuated with the change of settings to foreign places. significantly, it is the transnational wanderings and the experience of foreign cultures which help locate cajun culture. as suggested by their titles (conte cajun: l’histoire de télesphore et de ‘tit edvard, l’histoire de télesphore et ‘tit edvard dans le grand nord, and les aventures de télesphore et ‘tit edvard au vieux pays), the tales seem to trace the cajuns’ roots back to their origins: louisiana, canada, and france are the featured destinations and create a geo-cultural triangle. considering the meaningful settings as well as the overarching themes of displacement and migration, there is no doubt that the tales allegorize the cajuns’ history. besides the attachment to place, the legend and the tales stress the importance today’s cajuns ascribe to the past. the forceful dissolution of the acadian community, in particular, is one of the most prominent characteristics of the collective memory of the cajuns today. it is important to note that acadia as a region ceased to exist after the break-up of the acadian community in the mid-eighteenth century, and remains absent from official maps. still, acadia has not disappeared from discourse: through literary references and ongoing memory work such as commemorative celebrations, it has become an imaginary space—and another site of memory which connects all acadians scattered around the world. although an abstract geographical space, acadia seems to exemplify douglas reichert powell’s statement concerning “sense of place”: ‘senses’ of place and region are not so much essential qualities, imparted by singular events, practices, or topographical features, as they are ongoing debates and discourses that coalesce around particular geographical spaces. furthermore, it is by looking at those features of a place that seem, at least superficially, to be the permanent stable markers of its identity that we can begin to see the dynamic, evolving, and rhetorical qualities that create and sustain what has often been taken (reductively) to be an ineffable or ethereal, sensory property: the ‘sense of place.’ ( ) acadia today exists in cajun country and in maine in the united states; in new brunswick, nova scotia, and prince edward island in canada; in south america and the falkland islands (hodson ). it is the acadian diaspora, commemorating the grand dérangement and celebrating acadia’s imaginary continuity. xiv the “dynamic, evolving, and rhetorical qualities” powell mentions are most evident in the depiction of the expulsion in richard’s tales: the allusions to the grand dérangement and acadia develop with each unfolding tale, in different locations, from a symbolic reference to an explicit reenactment of the event. . . conte cajun: l’histoire de télesphore et de ‘tit edvard ( ) in richard’s first tale the two protagonists télesphore and ‘tit edvard are brought together during a hurricane.xv unfortunately, little, helpless ‘tit edvard has not only lost his parents, but he has also lost one of his claws. télesphore promises ‘tit edvard to help him get the claw back. they start out on an uncertain journey during which they are joined by four frogs—jean, jacques, pierre, and paul—and two grasshoppers—henri and madame la sauterelle. they find themselves in a number of dangerous situations, but are helped by other friendly animals crossing their path, such as the spider l’araignée arc-en-ciel and the alligator monsieur le coteau qui parle, a name the group gives to migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | what they think at first sight is a “speaking hill.” their encounter with l’araignée arc- en-ciel, the spider with magical powers who is supposed to solve the problem of the missing claw, is the tale’s climax. unfortunately, the spider cannot help them and the group understands that ‘tit edvard’s claw is lost for good. having failed at their endeavor, the companions return home, but not without realizing, with the help of the alligator’s wise words, that their journey has also had some benefits: not only have they forged individual identities, but they now possess a collective memory with which they can identify as a group. the regionalist tone of this first tale results from allusions to louisiana and, more specifically, cajun culture, which help construct a cajun sense of place. richard’s animal characters are inhabitants of the wetlands, the coastal marsh and swamp region in south louisiana. despite the scarce information about the exact setting, it is possible to identify the space the companions are traveling through. landscape specificities such as cheniers xvi or bayous, emblematic features of louisiana and very often linked with cajun culture, function as geo-cultural codes and give a visual picture of the spatial setting of the tale. the animals’ northward journey to find l’araignée arc-en-ciel clearly hints at an invisible force driving them to a home, distant in time and space. the direction the companions follow roughly corresponds to the direction to acadia. acadian author antonine maillet wrote about the perilous journey back to acadia in her novel pélagie-la- charette, which won the prix goncourt in . the novel’s heroine, pélagie bourg dite le blanc, is deported to georgia from where, after years of misery, she travels all the way back to acadia with her cart. not so the eight companions in richard’s tale: their northward journey remains incomplete. although it is not their intention to go back to the lands of their ancestors, they have a similar goal: to look for something lost. indeed, the cast-out acadians had lost their land and possessions, and went on a journey to find what they had lost. some of them, like pélagie, went back to canada after years of exile in the new england colonies and rebuilt their homes. others arrived in louisiana and founded a new acadia there. similarly, when the companions come back, they build edvardville. this allusion to acadian history, though slight, lays the foundation for the retellings of the grand dérangement in the other two tales. . . l’histoire de télesphore et ‘tit edvard dans le grand nord ( ) the second tale is set in the “big north,” in quebec and new brunswick, a territory unknown to télesphore and ‘tit edvard. as in the first tale, their adventure starts with a tragic event: on a peaceful fall afternoon, télesphore and ‘tit edvard are resting in the sugar cane fields when they are suddenly picked up by a harvester and catapulted on a hay bale into the atmosphere. their attempt at jumping off the bale at the right time fails, and they end up somewhere in quebec, instead of louisiana. fortunately, they are taken in by a hospitable beaver couple, mario and maria, who introduce them to the country’s—surprisingly familiar—culture. however, télesphore and ‘tit edvard feel the pull of home. with the help of rené le raton, a raccoon, and louise l’orignal, a moose, the two companions reach a city where they hope a snowplow will propel them back to louisiana. the experiment fails: télesphore and ‘tit edvard land a little further south, in new brunswick. once more, help is nearby: rose la baleine, a whale, leads them into “homardie,” the land of the lobsters, who reveal to ‘tit edvard the ancestral connection between the crawfish and the lobsters. the lobsters, unfortunately, cannot help the two migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | friends, but a swarm of ravens, on their south-bound journey, finally bring them back to louisiana. in canada, télesphore and ‘tit edvard are struck by the different climate and unfamiliar creatures. the beaver, canada’s national symbol, the moose, and the lobsters contribute to the construction of a canadian space which contrasts with the culture of the two friends. most upsetting to them is the feeling of otherness and the fact that nothing looks familiar. ‘tit edvard does not recognize the trees. all the leaves have fallen, leaving the branches naked. moreover, there are no green oak trees and no magnolias which give the louisiana landscape a touch of greenness even in the midst of winter. instead, ‘tit edvard sees black spruces and pine trees which do not resemble the big white pines of the louisiana forests. (richard, l’histoire ) no wonder that the first snow comes as a shock to them, who are used to heat and humidity. when they encounter the beaver couple mario and maria, the two friends notice a similarity to the muskrat in louisiana, although they are bigger and their tail looks different. however, soon enough the four animals bond and compare the fauna, flora, and cultural specificities of their respective countries. ‘tit edvard’s and télesphore’s canadian experience not only strengthens their sense of cajun, or louisiana identity, it also expands their horizons of knowledge. the pull north alluded to in the first tale is concretized in the second tale. set in the “big north,” the sequel focuses especially on acadian history. after the failed attempt to reach louisiana with the snowplow, ‘tit edvard and télesphore land in homardie, the land of the lobsters, which echoes the former acadie thanks to its homonymous ending and comparable setting, for it is located in new brunswick. hermance le homard, the chief of the lobsters, enlightens ‘tit edvard about his past: he is a descendant of the french lobsters! just like the acadians, who left france to live a better life in canada, the lobsters left france and arrived on the banks of northeast canada. there follows a detailed history of the lobsters, a perfect allegory of the acadian deportation—the legend of the lobsters turning into crawfish. it is worth noting that hermance calls the incident “grand déplacement” which undoubtedly constitutes a reference to the historical grand dérangement of the acadians. xvii like acadia, homardie has ceased to exist for the lobsters: “today, here… is not homardie anymore, except for in our hearts” (richard, l’histoire ). the tale then presents a double displacement: ‘tit edvard’s and télesphore’s own displacement and the reference to the dispersal of the lobsters, which parallels the grand dérangement. . . les aventures de télesphore et ‘tit edvard au vieux pays ( ) the third installment resumes the narrative about télesphore and ‘tit edvard. transferring the setting to europe—more precisely, to france—richard makes the transatlantic connection—louisiana, canada, and france—come full circle. the story opens with a tragically familiar scene: télesphore and ‘tit edvard, enjoying the first sunny days of the approaching spring in the waters of a rice field, are caught by a fishing boat and taken to france. in contrast to the previous tales, the two friends are not the only victims: they find themselves amidst a swarm of crawfish with whom they will go through a number of afflictions. jammed in the dark and foul-smelling bilge, with no food or water, the captives endure both a distressing and emotional oversea trip. after migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | landing in la rochelle, on the west coast of france, they manage to escape with the help of jacques cocorichaud, a rooster from the region of bresse. sadly, in the big commotion télesphore is left behind. the group of crawfish and jacques start an errant life in the woods until they are arrested by the “patrouille sauvage,” a wildlife patrol controlling the border between the world of the domestic animals and the world of the wild animals. the rooster is returned to the world inhabited by the domestic animals, but the crawfish have to remain in what resembles a refugee camp. they are visited by an assigned counsel, claude tomate de la beletterie, a weasel, who declares that she will find a solution to free them. since she cannot understand the crawfish, she is helped by an interpreter who turns out to be télesphore, now a political refugee and free. with her legal training, claude issues a request to have the crawfish also recognized as political refugees. in order to succeed, it is necessary to prove that the crawfish are the descendants of a group of crawfish who mysteriously disappeared from france in . télesphore goes on a long quest to find the documentation needed and returns successfully. the crawfish are finally offered sanctuary. although the group from louisiana grapples with the different cultural habits they encounter as, for example, the french custom of cheek kissing (richard, les aventures ), it is the seemingly strange language of the french animals which disconcerts them most. of course, apart from landscape and cultural habits, language is another major identity marker which contributes to creating a sense of identity. ‘tit edvard’s and télésphore’s linguistic experiences recall the debate about which french is to be promoted in louisiana: standard french or vernacular french, i.e. cajun or creole french, or other dialects? already in canada, the two animals notice the slight differences in vocabulary and accent when they hear the beavers speak french. the most notable scene, however, occurs in the third tale when the captive crawfish and télesphore, upon landing in la rochelle, meet the rooster jacques cocorichaud, representing france. an arrogant and self-centered know-it-all, he treats his fellow animals haughtily and without respect, especially when they speak french improperly. for him, there is only one correct way to speak french. in contrast, wise télesphore, a polyglot, notices that jacques’ french resembles the spoken language of the fowl in louisiana and that there is a marked difference of accents. as to the rooster, he makes no secret of his contempt for the louisiana french accent: with a disdainful look he interrupts télesphore and impertinently corrects his articulation. the turtle, who tries to contain his anger, cannot help making a statement in real louisiana dialect: “si tout quelqu’un causé pareil, li moun vini ben moins intéressant” (richard, les aventures ). jacques is at a complete loss as to what this means and télesphore readily provides a translation: “if everybody spoke the same way, the world would be less interesting” ( ).xviii the discussion between jacques and télesphore reproduces the controversy about the french language in louisiana. of course, it echoes zachary richard’s own view of cajun french and cajun culture. cultures, and languages for that matter, are in constant flux and foreign influences are a means for rejuvenation. considering the precarious state of french—cajun french is slowly, but surely disappearing—richard shows that french is alive in louisiana and that it must be preserved. richard’s narrator uses standard french, arguably to reach a wider audience, but includes such cajun idioms as “ouaouaron” or “plantin,” which are explained in a glossary at the end of each tale. richard’s tales thus present seemingly disparate cultures, for although canada and france represent difference and function as foils for louisiana, they are also mirrors migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | showing similarities with louisiana. stephanie foote notes that “[b]ecause it is a form that works to preserve local customs, local accents, and local communities, regional writing is a form about the presentation of difference” ( ; emphasis original). with each displacement, ‘tit edvard and télesphore face different cultures, but are reoriented by familiar cultural elements, as for instance the french language or animals. ultimately, the third tale develops the diasporic leitmotif even further, for it is a veritable reenactment of the acadian tragedy: together with other crawfish, ‘tit edvard and telesphore are captured and put on board a ship bound for france. they experience their very own dérangement. yet, the deportation does not exactly correspond to the real grand dérangement, for although acadian families were transported to france, they were not captured in louisiana. the reenactment of the dispersal is accompanied by the reiteration of the lobsters’ tragic fate ‘tit edvard learned from hermance in the second tale: the little crawfish uses every opportunity to tell his ancestor’s story. furthermore, the tales explore the french origins of the acadians. functions as a key date, for in that year the lobsters are said to have disappeared from france. in reality, refers to the departure of the first colonists to canada. what unites the three tales is the entangled histories of louisiana, canada, and france. a journey back in time and to the origins of the community, the narrated displacements become redemptive moments, moments for the recovery of roots. as literary texts, they “exemplify the fact that memorial dynamics do not just work in a linear or accumulative way. instead they progress through all sorts of loopings back to cultural products that are not simply media of memory (relay stations and catalysts) but also objects of recall and revision” (rigney ). interestingly, the stories still revolve around cajun culture, with louisiana acting as an anchor, but the change of settings in the tales and the historical diasporic element add a distinct transnational note. . transnational trajectories in richard’s tales migration not only strengthens the link to the home culture through the memory of landscape, language, and the past. it transforms a culture as foreign elements are incorporated. while richard’s tales are portrayals of transnational migrations, they also reveal influences from other cultures. transnationalism, according to rocío davis, is a “creative practice” which exemplifies “how cultures circulate through particular products… and become emblems of evolving ways of perceiving the united states and its cultures from within and outside the country” ( ). considering that cajun culture is primarily based on oral tradition, there is a lack of original written models cajun authors could turn to: there has been no cajun novel in french to this day. it was only in that a group of young cajun authors published the bilingual poetry collection cris sur le bayou: naissance d’une poésie cadienne. today, this collection stands for the birth of littérature cadienne. the poems express the authors’ awareness and alarm concerning the demise of french and, by extension, cajun culture. still, the collection was not published in louisiana, but in montreal, canada, as were zachary richard’s works. the fact that even richard’s most recent tale of was not published in louisiana, but in montreal, shows how hard it is for the french voice to be heard in louisiana. without doubt, the emerging genre of littérature cadienne, despite—or rather because of—the detour via canada, has become an important motor in the fight for cajun culture. the establishment of the university of louisiana at lafayette press ( ) and Éditions migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | tintamarre at centenary college ( - ), which promote the publication of french works in louisiana, was another great step towards the dissemination and preservation of french louisiana literature within the state.xix the lack of a written tradition notwithstanding cajun authors have been inspired by french and american literature and have used familiar works as templates (leroy and ancelet x-ix). also, given that louisiana presents a rich transcultural reservoir of various folktale traditions such as animal tales, magical tales, or supernatural tales (ancelet xxv), it is not surprising that richard’s tales display a certain affinity for the folktale. an innovative literary mixture, the tales disclose a transnational cajun voice. this is nowhere more evident than in the use of intertextual references. borrowings from european literary traditions, from african or native american mythologies, or allusions to particular historical events, identify the tales as transnational—and transcultural—tales. the animal characters, who speak and think like humans, inevitably recall the canonical fables by aesop (sixth century b.c.) or jean de la fontaine (seventeenth century). although not immediately related to “the ant and the grasshopper,” the character of the cicada in the first tale is a distant echo of that fable. the almost blind and slightly hard-of-hearing cicada whom the companions meet, shrugs them off with an impolite and indifferent: “i can’t help you, even if i could, i don’t want to.… leave me alone. get you gone!” (richard, conte cajun ). his tendency to trade, as we know from the fable, shines through when télesphore offers his eyes in return for showing them the way out of the oak forest. other elements recall the philosophical tale. “it is only with the heart that one can see rightly” (richard, conte cajun ) is one of télesphore’s profound observations about life and human nature. strikingly, his statement resembles the fox’s words in antoine de saint-exupéry’s petit prince which have become familiar all over the world. conte cajun resembles this latter tale in many ways, which also conveys a philosophical message, has speaking animals, and fantastic elements. with ‘tit edvard sitting high up on télesphore’s back during the whole journey, ‘tit edvard is like the little prince on his small planet. yet, conte cajun is more than an intertextual mixture of european tales: it includes references to tales of other ethnic origins as well. this hybrid nature is especially visible in the choice of characters as they unite characteristics of african and native american folktales. télesphore, for instance, can be considered a universal animal symbol since the turtle figures in mythologies of many other peoples. the turtle plays a fundamental role in native american mythology, especially in creation myths. the very beginning of conte cajun resembles such a myth when télesphore appears from the waters and takes ‘tit edvard on his back. famous in europe thanks to aesop’s fable “the tortoise and the hare,” the turtle is also reminiscent of uncle remus’s tales, of african origin and published by joel chandler harris in , in which brer terrapin, the trickster, outwits other animal characters. interestingly, the spider, an important character in african and caribbean oral traditions, holds an exceptional position in the tale. for, despite french louisiana’s obvious cultural connection with the west indies, the spider, called anansi, is unknown among cajun folktales (ancelet, edwards, and pitre ). finally, richard interweaves his narrative with events and references from other nations and cultures, which, at first glance, cannot be directly associated with cajun culture. it is especially his third tale which reveals such transnational allusions, for instance to the french context: after their escape, the group of crawfish and the rooster migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | live in the “maquis,” a term which, in world war ii, referred to a remote place where the résistants to the german occupation gathered (“maquis”). like the maquisards, the animals hide in the woods, traveling only during the night and avoiding farms. when they are caught by a wildlife patrol and brought to a refugee camp, the password one of the guards utters to enter the camp is “jean moulin.” jean moulin, a french politician during the first half of the twentieth century, entered the french national memory because of his activities as the chief of the conseil national de la résistance (“jean moulin”). it is not without reason that richard refers to world war ii: it was then that the american army realized the crucial asset of the cajuns’ linguistic abilities. in the last decades, scholars have shown a growing interest in the role of cajun gis in world war ii. they served in france, belgium, north africa, and southeast asia; others joined the resistance movement against germany. as cajun historian carl brasseaux observes: “cajun translators were as important to the american war effort as the much-acclaimed native american code talkers” (brasseaux qtd. in engelbrecht). similarly, télesphore’s abilities as interpreter—he knows both the animal and human languages—are crucial to the tale’s positive outcome, and identify him as the tales’ code talker. thus, richard highlights bilingualism as the cajuns’ consequential resource and as important identity marker. other allusions situate the tales in a postcolonial context. the very promising “a suivre...” at the end of the third tale indicates that this is not ‘tit edvard’s and télésphore’s last adventure. the crawfish and the two friends pine for their home in louisiana, but the return trip via ship in winter would prove too hazardous. it is jacques cocorichaud who presents them with a solution: the ringdoves are getting ready for their migration to africa and they are willing to take the company with them. will there be a forth tale set in africa, exploring the african influence in cajun culture? in any case, the african trajectory already exists subliminally in the trilogy, but the postcolonial context is most apparent in the last tale. indeed, ‘tit edward’s and télesphore’s wanderings from america to europe, and for that matter the cajuns’ wanderings between europe and america, are portrayals of, to use paul gilroy’s term, transatlantic routes (cf. gilroy). more specifically, the crawfish company’s passage to france on the ship does not only revisit the acadian deportation: the scene of the animals jammed in the bilge of the ship is reminiscent of the middle passage of the slave trade: on the bottom of the metal cage, they [the crawfish] are on top of each other. as to télesphore, he is stuck, his shell immobilized because the ceiling of the cage is so low. the silence is incommensurable. only the breathing sound of the crawfish is to be heard. this little, almost inaudible noise amplifies until it becomes immense, the sound echoes from the metallic walls of the cage and finally transforms itself into an enormous cacophony like the fracas of a stone avalanche. (richard, les aventures ) additionally, the cruel treatment, the heat, and the lack of fresh air contribute to the parallel. regarding the acadians and the african slaves, the circumstances of the capture, the transitional state during the passage, as well as their subsequent mistreatment suggest a comparison. in the tale, then, there is two-way traffic between the past—the grand dérangement and the middle passage—and the present—the capture of télesphore and ‘tit edvard. furthermore, when the company of crawfish escapes prison in la rochelle and takes to the woods, they start to live a “vie marron” (richard, les aventures ). marron, maroon in english, comes from cimarròn, a spanish expression for “feral animal,” a domestic animal which has returned to the wild. by extension, it migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | was used to refer to fugitive slaves during the colonial period in the american south. today, the french expression means “to live like a vagabond” (richard, les aventures ). as a matter of fact, richard aligns himself with postcolonial writers such as aimé césaire (richard, “biography”). during his years of militancy in the s, he and other young cajuns advocated what was called cadienitude, in the style of césaire’s term négritude.xxon the one hand, cadienitude stood for the preservation of the history, language, and culture of the cajuns and the sharing of the heritage of the acadian diaspora (waggoner ). on the other hand, it was a protest against the stereotyping and discrimination the cajuns had been subjected to since the end of the civil war. the concept aimed at rehabilitating the cajuns’ self-image and advocated the self-affirmation of the cajuns in order to develop a cajun identity.xxi the postcolonial background serves, then, to assert cajun identity with its francophone heritage in the midst of a dominant anglo-american society. considering the third tale’s ending, one thing seems certain: the cajun-acadian-french connection will be complemented by the african connection, offering an even more comprehensive picture of cajun culture. ‘tit edvard and télesphore will discover a new country with francophone cultures and continue to spread their knowledge about cajun culture in their function as cultural ambassadors. . conclusion it has been stated that [t]he most consistent element in cajun county may well be an uncanny ability to swim in the mainstream. the cajuns seem to have an innate understanding that culture is an ongoing process, and appear willing constantly to reinvent and renegotiate their cultural affairs on their own terms. (ancelet, edwards, and pitre xviii) this malleability of cajun culture is clearly visible in richard’s three tales. each tale reinvents the expulsion story and re-enacts the grand dérangement, and the multiple migrations and transgressions of national boundaries show the circular dynamics of both literature and memory. considering the characters’ own displacements and the references to, or mise en abîme of, an event which bears a striking resemblance to the grand dérangement, there is no doubt that the tales allegorize the acadians’ expulsion and that they are a good example of “palimpsestic itineraries of migration” (davis ). with télesphore and ‘tit edvard, the reader travels both to different places—from louisiana, to canada, to france—and also back in time—from the contemporary setting to the eighteenth and seventeenth centuries. in reenacting the past, richard’s three tales portray a geo-cultural space where the cultures of the cajuns, the french-canadians, and the french meet and display “regional writing’s strategy of protecting local identities by preserving them in literature” (foote ). in this imaginary acadian triangle of acadiana- acadia-france, the acadian diaspora is reunited. considering that “[r]egions are not so much places themselves but ways of describing relationships among places” (powell ), the concept of “migrating literature,” as explored in zachary richard’s three tales, highlights the contemporary interplay of the regional and transnational. it becomes clear that richard’s notion of francophonie is more than just the preservation of the french language and francophone culture. richard propounds a universal, humanist ideology, allowing for solving today’s social problems. this transnational humanism is also present in his cajun tales and was most recently officially migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | acknowledged by the cercle senghor richelieu which awarded richard the annual prix du cercle senghor richelieu de paris in march (“le prix du cercle”). xxiii the tales express the necessity of turning towards the wider francophone world for the preservation of cajun culture, as the links established with canada and france show. even if the connection to the local is never lost, the transnational becomes more apparent with each tale. as the tales progress, there is a certain realignment, a shift away from southwest louisiana to other places which turn out to be important because of their historical and cultural connections to cajun culture. in reinventing the tragedy of the acadians from a cajun perspective and including the lobster-turned-crawfish legend, richard participates in the dissemination and preservation of the acadian memory, and thus in the endurance of imaginary acadia. in crossing multiple boundaries, zachary richard not only strengthens the link between the two acadias, l’acadie du nord and l’acadie du sud, and france; he also creates a francophone cajun prose narrative: the echo of the tales, coming from the allegedly silent voice of francophone cajun country, bounces off canada back to louisiana. in richard’s eyes, dislocation and foreign influences are not purely unfavorable; they also entail a gain of other cultural traditions. indeed, cajun culture can only benefit from preserving its transnational outlook. bibliography “ american community survey.” u.s. census bureau – american factfinder. web. october . . ancelet, barry j. cajun and creole folktales: the french oral tradition of south louisiana. new york: garland publishing, . print. ancelet, barry j., jay edwards, and glen pitre. cajun country. jackson: u of mississippi p, . print. brasseaux, carl a. the founding of new acadia: the beginnings of acadian life in louisiana, - . baton rouge: louisiana state up, . print. —. acadian to cajun: transformation of a people, - . jackson: up of mississippi, . print. bernard, shane k. the cajuns: americanization of a people. jackson: up of mississippi, . print. davis, rocío g. the transnationalism of american culture: literature, film, and music. new york: routledge, . print. engelbrecht, marsha. “vintage virtuoso.” pat mire films. web. november . . erll, astrid. “travelling memory.” parallax . ( ): - . print. foote, stephanie. regional fictions: culture and identity in nineteenth-century american literature. madison: the u of wisconsin p, . print. migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | gilroy, paul. the black atlantic: modernity and double consciousness. cambridge: harvard up, . print. gutierrez, c. paige. cajun foodways. jackson: up of mississippi, . print. henry, jacques m., and carl l. bankston. blue collar bayou: louisiana cajuns in the new economy of ethnicity. westport, ct: praeger publishers, . print. hodson, christoper. acadian diasporas: an eighteenth-century history. oxford: oxford up, . print. “jean moulin.” larousse. web. november . . lachmann, renate. “mnemonic and intertextual aspects of literature.” cultural memory studies: an international and interdisciplinary handbook. ed. astrid erll, ansgar nünning, and sara b. young. berlin: walter de gruyter, . - . print. “le prix du cercle.” le cercle richelieu senghor. web. march . . leroy, fabrice, and barry j. ancelet. tout bec doux: the complete cajun comics of ken meaux and earl comeaux. lafayette, la: u of louisiana at lafayette p, . print. longfellow, henry wadsworth. evangeline: a tale of acadie. boston: william d. ticknor & co., . print. maillet, antonine. pélagie-la-charette. ottawa: leméac, . print. “maquis.” larousse. web. november . . powell, douglas reichert. critical regionalism: connecting politics and culture in the american landscape. chapel hill: u of north carolina p, . print. richard, zachary. “la francophonie selon zachary richard.” forum avant-garde québec. jean lapointe. yahoo! groupes québec. . web. march . . —. “biography.” zachary richard. . web. june . —. conte cajun: l’histoire de télesphore et de ‘tit edvard. montréal: Éditions des intouchables, . print. —. l’histoire de télesphore et ‘tit edvard dans le grand nord. montréal: Éditions des intouchables, . print. —. les aventures de télesphore et ‘tit edvard au vieux pays. montréal: Éditions des intouchables, . print. rigney, ann. “the dynamics of remembrance: texts between monumentality and morphing.” companion to cultural memory studies. ed. astrid erll and ansgar nünning. berlin: walter de gruyter, . - . print. waggoner, may rush gwin. “separate but equal: État présent des recherches sur la littérature francophone louisianaise.” Études francophones . / ( ): - . print. migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | notes i. “cajun” is an anglo-american corruption of “acadian,” or acadien in french, and developed in louisiana at the end of the nineteenth century through americanization. according to the american community survey of , about , louisiana residents claim to speak french, including cajun french (“ american community survey”). in contrast, the census produced estimates of over , french-speaking persons in louisiana, while the census listed , persons proficient in french. both the disappearance of the french-speaking generation as well as a new selective sampling method of the u.s. census bureau issued in are the causes of the wide discrepancy (henry and bankston - ). ii. the participation of cajun musicians at the newport festival ( - ) brought cajun music to national attention. the resulting triumph instigated the cajun renaissance which is regarded as a watershed in the cultural emancipation of the cajuns. iii. the titles’ english translations are: a cajun tale: the story of télesphore and ‘tit edvard, the story of télesphore and ‘tit edvard in the big north, and the adventures of télesphore and ‘tit edvard in the old country. since richard’s three cajun tales have not yet been translated, all translated quotations are mine. iv. several academic studies dealing with francophone texts by cajun authors use the term from the s onward. v. erll proposes to use “‘transcultural’ as an umbrella term for what in other academic contexts might be described with concepts of the transnational, diasporic, hybrid, syncretistic, postcolonial, translocal, creolized, global, or cosmopolitan” ( ). considering this issue’s transnational focus, and the transnational crossings in the tales, i opt for the use of “transnational.” i will use “transcultural” only when referring to cultural exchanges within a delimited territory, e.g. within louisiana. vi. this hybridization complicates any attempt at defining the cajun identity. generally, acadian ancestry, a catholic belief, and, to a lesser extent these days, knowledge of french, identify somebody as a cajun. vii. adaptations of evangeline and the grand dérangement proliferated in the united states, canada, and even france. in canada, the french translation of evangeline in by french- canadian pamphile le may was even more influential: it turned evangeline into a francophone founding myth for the quebecois and the canadian-acadians. viii. especially the genteel acadians venerated the acadian heroine (brasseaux, acadian ). in louisiana pouponne et balthazar: nouvelle acadienne ( ), which is a retelling of evangeline with a happier ending by the french creole writer sidonie de la houssaye, and acadian reminiscences: the true story of evangeline ( ), by felix voorhies, consolidated the myth. ix. the cajun renaissance engendered the development of the academic field of cajun studies in the s. pioneers of the study of cajun history and culture include carl a. brasseaux, barry j. ancelet, and shane k. bernard. x. considerable support also came from quebec, where historians and sociologists became interested in their “cousins” and started the louisiana project in . xi. acadiana is the official name given in to the louisiana parishes boasting mainly francophone environs. it aims at distinguishing the uniqueness of cajun culture from the anglo- american mainstream. xii. although the crawfish constitutes one of the best-known emblems of cajun culture today, it has even come to figure as the state crustacean of louisiana since , a necessary consequence of the increasing international popularity of cajun culture. migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | xiii. the tales remain vague about the exact locations and time: they are set in the present, somewhere in louisiana, canada, and france. xiv. the acadian memorial in st. martinville, the acadian museum in erath, the acadian village in lafayette as well as gatherings such as the annual festivals acadiens et créoles in lafayette, the annual international acadian festival in plaquemine, and the quinquennial acadian world congress commemorate the acadian heritage. xv. hurricanes are deeply ingrained in the louisiana memory and littérature cadienne includes numerous references to hurricanes. xvi. chênière in french, derived from chêne, meaning “oak.” the cajuns themselves consider the cheniers a symbol of the fight for their culture: the forests of oak trees growing on sand ridges along the gulf coast have to face terrible hurricanes, and devastation is not an uncommon event. xvii. déplacement is less strong than dérangement. richard might have had “displacement” in mind when writing grand déplacement. xviii. interestingly, richard’s translation into standard french reads: “si tout le monde parlait de la même façon, la culture serait appauvrie.” note the change from “moun,” meaning “world,” to “culture.” xix. french immersion programs and other such contemporary francophone writers as jean arceneaux, beverly matherne, kirby jambon, and david cheramie, all committed to the preservation of cajun culture and the french language, further strengthened this development. xx. the négritude movement was initiated in paris in the s by a group of french-speaking african and caribbean students, notably léopold sédar senghor, aimé césaire, and léon gontran damas. they championed anti-colonialism, anti-racism, the return to the roots, and a renewed pride in african heritage. xxi. cajun identity became a source of pride and gradually received a positive connotation. however, this rehabilitation was largely the result of the less radical cajun renaissance. as to cadienitude, the movement soon declined and has not been rekindled. xxii. francophonie refers to a group of countries sharing, fully or in part, the use of the french language. they are members of the international organisation of la francophonie. xxiii. this award, established in , is presented to “a person whose actions have made outstanding contributions to the international influence of the french language” (“le prix du cercle”). abstracts focusing on three cajun tales by zachary richard, this article explores the interrelation of cajun culture and the transnational space through the lens of “migrating literature.” the interrelation of literature and migration is visible on several levels: first, the texts literally “migrated” to montreal, quebec, for publication purposes; second, the tales are literature about migration; and third, other “foreign” literary texts and allusions to historical events “migrated” into the tales. considering the meaningful settings—louisiana, canada, france—as well as the overarching themes of displacement and migration, the tales reveal themselves as allegories of the cajuns’ history. bringing together different regions, the tales respatialize the acadian diaspora in a geo- cultural imaginary space and undergird the transnational connection. migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | index keywords: acadian, cajun, diaspora, francophone, memory, migrating literature, regionalism, transnationalism author mathilde kÖstler jgu mainz migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales european journal of american studies, vol , no | migrating literature: zachary richard’s cajun tales . introduction . stories of migration . (re)locating cajun culture . . conte cajun: l’histoire de télesphore et de ‘tit edvard ( ) . . l’histoire de télesphore et ‘tit edvard dans le grand nord ( ) . . les aventures de télesphore et ‘tit edvard au vieux pays ( ) . transnational trajectories in richard’s tales . conclusion wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk params is empty sys_ exception wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk no params is empty exception params is empty / / - : : if (typeof jquery === "undefined") document.write('[script type="text/javascript" src="/corehtml/pmc/jig/ . . /js/jig.min.js"][/script]'.replace(/\[/g,string.fromcharcode( )).replace(/\]/g,string.fromcharcode( ))); // // // window.name="mainwindow"; .pmc-wm {background:transparent repeat-y top left;background-image:url(/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/wm-nobrand.png);background-size: auto, contain} .print-view{display:block} page not available reason: the web page address (url) that you used may be incorrect. message id: (wp-p m- .ebi.ac.uk) time: / / : : if you need further help, please send an email to pmc. include the information from the box above in your message. otherwise, click on one of the following links to continue using pmc: search the complete pmc archive. browse the contents of a specific journal in pmc. find a specific article by its citation (journal, date, volume, first page, author or article title). http://europepmc.org/abstract/med/ opportunity, motivation and ability to learn from failures and errors: review, synthesis, and the way forward. king’s research portal doi: . /annals. . document version peer reviewed version link to publication record in king's research portal citation for published version (apa): dahlin, k. b., chuang, y., & roulet, t. j. ( ). opportunity, motivation and ability to learn from failures and errors: review, synthesis, and the way forward. academy of management annals, ( ), - . https://doi.org/ . /annals. . citing this paper please note that where the full-text provided on king's research portal is the author accepted manuscript or post-print version this may differ from the final published version. if citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. and where the final published version is provided on the research portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. general rights copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the research portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •users may download and print one copy of any publication from the research portal for the purpose of private study or research. •you may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •you may freely distribute the url identifying the publication in the research portal take down policy if you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact librarypure@kcl.ac.uk providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. download date: . apr. https://doi.org/ . /annals. . https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/publications/opportunity-motivation-and-ability-to-learn-from-failures-and-errors(efe -ea - a f- c -e d ae d ).html https://doi.org/ . /annals. . opportunity, motivation and ability to learn from failures and errors: review, synthesis, and the way forward. journal: academy of management annals manuscript id annals- - .r document type: article keywords: organizational < cognition, team < cognition, organizational < learning, group < learning, individual < learning academy of management annals opportunity, motivation and ability to learn from failures and errors: review, synthesis and ways to move forward kristina b. dahlin*, you-ta chuang** & thomas j. roulet*** * university of oxford ** york university *** king’s college london acknowledgment the authors are grateful for valuable comments and support from elizabeth george, the editor, as well as from two reviewers. the authors have also benefited from discussions with joelle evans, kristin bondesson, linda argote, matt cronin, ned welch, shitij kapur and any health care worker we encountered while working on the manuscript. abstract while organizations and individuals tend to focus on learning from success, research has shown that failure can yield crucial insights in various contexts that range from small mistakes and errors, product recalls, accidents, and medical errors, to large-scale disasters. this review of the literature identifies three mechanisms—opportunity, motivation, and ability—through which individuals, groups and organizations learn from failure, and it bridges the gaps between different levels of analysis. opportunity to learn from failure mostly takes the shape of more information about errors and failures that are generated by one’s own and others’ prior failures or near-failures. motivation to learn from failure is hindered by punitive leaders and organizations. finally, ability to learn from failure partly relies on inherent attitudes and characteristics; but can be further developed through thoughtful analysis and transfers of successful routines. our review leads us to distinguish between erroneous versus correct processes and adverse versus successful outcomes to better understand the full gamut of events that are faced by organizations. we identify the existence of noisy learning environment, where spurious successes (when erroneous processes still lead page of academy of management annals to successful outcomes) and spurious failures (when correct processes are combined with adverse outcomes) lower the opportunity to learn. considering noisy learning situations is helpful when understanding the differences between slow- and fast-learning environments. we conclude our review by identifying a number of unexplored areas we hope scholars will address to better our understanding of failure learning. introduction sometimes we may learn more from a man's errors, than from his virtues. henry wadsworth longfellow individuals and organizations repeatedly confront failures that range from small technical errors and mistakes to product breakdowns to large-scale disasters. failure can stigmatize individual and organizational reputations, and it can be extremely costly for organizations and society. failure is also more noticeable than success because negative information is more salient than positive information (ito, larsen, smith & cacioppo, ). as a consequence, individuals and organizations strongly prefer success, which makes learning from failure difficult because both the reporting of errors and other failures as well as the correct analysis and response are risky and emotionally fraught. however, learning from failures is critical for both operational performance and safety—failure learning is necessary for quality improvements and efficiency gains in production processes, and systematic failure reporting and analyses have been key for reductions in transportation accidents and adverse events in hospitals. because of failure’s significance, the research on the topic spans many fields such as psychology (cf. ellis & davidi, ; hofmann & mark, ), organizational studies (cf. reason, ; zhao & olivera, ), strategic management (cf. muehlfeld, sahib, & van witteloostuijn, ), sociology (cf. perrow, ), and health care management (cf. hoff, jameson, hannan, & flink, ; kohn, corrigan, donaldson, ). importantly, failures provide valuable learning opportunities: individuals and organizations modify their practices page of academy of management annals to prevent similar future failures and to improve performance (sitkin, ). without examining failure learning, our understanding of success learning is also inherently biased (baum & dahlin, ; denrell, ). recognizing the potential of failure to improve performance, recent studies on failure have begun to shift their focus from why and how failure occurs in organizations to how individuals and organizations do (or do not) learn from failure. failure learning has become a distinct area in the organizational learning literature, and it has attracted growing attention from scholars who seek to understand the phenomenon in various contexts such as product recalls (haunschild & rhee, ), project failure (shepherd, patzelt, & wolfe, ), bankruptcies (kim & miner, ), healthcare errors and incidents (chuang et al. ; vogus & sutcliffe, ), and accidents (baum & dahlin, ; haunschild & sullivan, ). the studies on failure learning cover multiple levels of analysis and draw from a variety of theoretical frames to understand how actors do (or do not) learn from failure. while an array of factors that affect failure learning has been identified, there is a lack of systematic integration across levels of analysis and settings; hence, the collective wisdom about how to best learn from failure is limited and fragmented. importantly, the studies on failure learning borrow much from traditional learning studies, but the links and dissimilarities are not clearly understood. studies that have attempted to combine success and failure learning lack conclusive findings and theory exploring how these events are related. to that end, there is a greater divide between traditional learning studies and failure learning studies than is currently being theorized. we conduct a review of failure learning studies and synthesize them to better understand the underlying mechanisms that influence failure learning. we apply the framework of opportunity, motivation, and ability to integrate and discuss learning factors at the individual, group, and organizational levels. specifically, opportunity represents a page of academy of management annals mechanism that provides information or sufficient time to analyze the cause-effect of failures; motivation captures different actors’ willingness to act on failure information and to engage in failure learning activity; and ability represents actors’ skills or knowledge base to change their actions based on failure information (argote, ; reinholt, pedersen & foss, ). mapping the studies of failure learning at multiple levels of analysis with this framework can generate new insights for future work. we argue that it is important to clearly separate between processes and outcomes and to acknowledge that bad processes do not always lead to failed outcomes and, conversely, that correct processes might still result in failed outcomes. a traditional focus on “successful processes—successful outcomes” versus “failed processes—failed outcomes” overlooks the fact that “successful processes—failed outcomes” and “failed processes—successful outcomes” are common. we call these last two process-outcome combinations spurious failures and spurious successes. when they are common, these combinations produce noise in traditional learning processes that negatively affects opportunity, motivation, and ability to learn. a complete understanding of process-outcome relationships in organizational learning helps to address a fundamental critical question of why we see a systematic decrease in failures in one setting, whereas in another we do not. while the risk of dying in a car accident has diminished by % over the last years, and the risk of train accidents has been reduced by % (ncsa, ; fra, ), the risk of dying from a hospital error has increased by % (binder, ; kohn, corrigan & donaldson, ). below, we begin our review by defining failures and failure learning as well as errors and error learning, followed by a review of the failure and error learning literatures at three levels of analysis, clustering mechanisms under the opportunity-motivation-ability headings. we highlight the key constructs and mechanisms that can be identified as influencing learning part of the increase is due to new definitions and better measurement of preventable hospital errors. the numbers are also challenged; however, overall it is clear that there is little to no improvement, which still demonstrates the contrast with transportation accidents. page of academy of management annals processes and outcomes. from there, we discuss how the four process-outcome combinations influence the opportunity, motivation, and ability that are associated with failure learning. finally, synthesizing and assessing the literature as a whole, we identify the research challenges in failure learning and discuss the promising research opportunities that may advance our understanding of failure learning. defining scope: failure, errors, and failure learning there is a literature on errors and another literature on failures in organizations. they are related, and many of the mechanisms and findings overlap. in fact, they often use the same definition for errors and failures, that they “deviate from expected and desired goals” (rasmussen, ; reason, ; leape, ; zhao & olivera, ; sitkin, ). the literatures do also differ since errors are incorrectly executed tasks or routines (such as a train engineer who drives a train over the speed limit or a nurse who gives the incorrect medication to a patient), while failures are undesired performance outcomes (a train accident occurring instead of the train getting from point a to point b as planned; a patient who dies after surgery instead of leaving the hospital healthier than before entering it). with regard to errors, they have been classified by rasmussen ( ) into rule-based errors (breaking a known rule), skill-based errors (making a mistake or forgetting) and knowledge-based errors (not knowing enough). another error typology is whether the error is action-based or related to decision-making (lei, naveh, & novikov, ; zhao & olivera, ). nevertheless, not all errors, mistakes or incidents necessarily lead to failure. some errors and mistakes can even produce positive outcomes, such as the discovery of new organizational processes and innovation, or be too insignificant have any impact on an event’s eventual success or failure (cannon & edmondson, ). page of academy of management annals failures may be caused by a combination of errors such as incorrectly executed routines and tasks, violations, risks, or chance factors (frese & keith, ; hofmann & frese, ). it can be avoidable or unavoidable, intentional or unintentional. it can involve human action and organizational processes and arrangements (e.g., ramanujam & goodman, ; reason, ). we define error and failure learning as the process by which individuals, groups, or organizations identify error or failure events, analyze such events to find their causes, and search for and implement solutions to prevent similar errors or failures in the future. this definition is consistent with the definitions of learning in the organizational learning literature (argote, ). the outcomes of error and failure learning can therefore include changes in understanding (huber, ), behaviors (chuang & baum, ; ginsburg et al., ; shepherd, patzelt, & wolfe, ) or performance improvement (cannon & edmondson, ; dahlin & baum, ; heimbeck, et al., ; zhao, ). we aimed to be inclusive, if not exhaustive, in identifying studies on error and failure learning and searched key management, health management and safety journals for relevant studies, focusing mostly but not exclusively on the period from year . all identified articles were sorted by their level(s) of analysis. we reviewed the learning mechanisms in the articles and categorized them according to failure learning triggers, clustering them under three headings: opportunity to learn, motivation to learn, and ability to learn. opportunity to learn from failure opportunity to learn refers to the scope of information and the time that allows actors to learn from failure events. information-based opportunity refers to the amount of information that is available about similar failure events because such events can provide information about failure causes (argote, ). time-based opportunity refers to the time that is given to page of academy of management annals actors to reflect upon failure events and to analyze the information that can be derived from the events to learn from them and the time in which to execute an action that is related to a failure learning activity (cf. carroll, ). information-based opportunities are usually studied by quantifying the amount of available information about similar failure events (number, frequency, recency), information access owing to group composition, organizational members’ networks and information diffusion inside or between organizations. by contrast, time-based opportunity refers to how much time that is available to process information and/or carrying out a task (carroll, ). information-based learning opportunities are often measured as one’s own or others’ prior experiences with similar failure events (counted as the of number of events or the number of cumulative events in previous time periods) and as how organizational structures and routines influence the diffusion of failure-learning-related information. experience and its effect on learning are the most common empirical approach, and while this was first studied in production settings that range from classic cases of airplane construction to that of liberty ship builders (wright ; thompson, ) and learning curves, which refers to the idea that cumulative experience affects performance at a decreasing rate, the experience and its effect on learning have come to be applied across levels of analysis, and used across a large number of settings—among them failure learning. two different processes convert experiences into better performance: learning-by-doing and analytical learning. learning-by-doing is mostly automatic and tacit, while analytical learning involves active decision-making that uses information about a prior event to reshape future routines (thomson, ; reason, ). failure learning theories are much more concerned with the active decision-making theory, especially on the individual and group levels, while few organizational learning curve studies separate empirical and theoretically page of academy of management annals between learning by doing and analytical learning (see lapré, mukherjee & van wassenhove, ; or sinclair, klepper & cohen, for exceptions). time-based, or temporal, learning opportunities are concerned with the amount of time that an actor has to execute a routine or to process information about a routine that has gone wrong. outside of the realm of student learning, relatively few studies have examined temporal mechanisms. exceptions in failure learning a small number of studies that analyze the impact of workload and slack (malone et al. ; lawton, et al. ) and how the speed of assimilating and analyzing relevant information affects work processes and routines (edmondson, et al. ). in addition, autonomy provides the mental and operational space that can allow individuals to prioritize their tasks, allowing them the time that they need to learn from failure (kerr, ; stern et al., ). individual and group level opportunities to learn from failure a wide range of studies have examined how information-based and time-based opportunities lead to failure learning. while some learning opportunities lead to automatic reduction of errors and failures, this concerns mainly errors such as slips and mistakes. in contrast knowledge-based errors and failures require more deliberate reflection to reduce the likelihood of repeating them (iedema et al. ). a study examining the effect cardiac surgeons’ prior experience had on learning, demonstrated that past surgery failures improved a surgeon’s future surgery outcomes (kc, staats, & gino, ). moreover, other cardiac surgeons’ failures interacted with the surgeon’s own prior failures to further improve the surgeon’s surgery outcomes. in other words, one’s own and others’ failure experiences can have a joint effect on learning: any related failure provides an opportunity to reflect on what page of academy of management annals has gone wrong and how to improve procedures. interestingly, the positive interaction effect suggest that information-based experience can have an increasing return on failure learning. temporal opportunities such as working conditions affect how experiences are converted into lower error rates. residents with greater work autonomy, that is, they “perceive that they have the freedom and discretion to plan, schedule and carry out their jobs” were found to have higher error reduction (stern et al., , p. ). task autonomy allowed the residents to reflect on errors and learn from them by making procedural changes. when the organizational climate was such that learning was encouraged, the residents took more time to reflect on work processes and errors and further reduced their own errors, thus, motivation (climate) and opportunity (time) interacted to accelerate learning (ibid.). teams play an important role in error learning (edmondson et al. ); however, when the environment is ambiguous and changing, team information processing becomes complicated, which hampers learning. individual and group levels of learning are intertwined as individual characteristics and team composition jointly determine teams’ error reporting (edmondson, ). good member coordination (baker et al. ) and common goals (tjosvold, et al. ) enable teams to benefit from the full potential of each of their members. in the same way, team stability and work processes enable the group to better process information (edmondson, ). when error information gathering activity is not a part of existing team routines (lawton, et al. ), or the team does not have enough autonomy to allow it to collect critical information (kerr, ), learning might not occur. in other words, having neither established nor improvised ways to gather failure information reduces opportunities to learn from failure experiences. group characteristics can also influence information-based learning. group diversity and intergroup linkages are two mechanisms that provide teams with access to a wide range of information which, in turn, reduce failure rates (chuang, et al., ; tucker & page of academy of management annals edmondson, ). member rotation is another way to expose teams to a greater flow of information that can enable them to better analyze problems (argote & todorova, ). in addition, the time aspect matters here—being exposed to many different but related experiences in a short amount of time benefits learning. experience also transfers across levels: group-level success experience has been found to help individual-level failure learning, which ultimately benefits the learning rate of the organization as a whole (zheng et al., ). organization-level opportunity to learn from failure in our review of the literature, it emerged that information-based opportunity is the most studied organizational learning mechanism. to summarize across the organizational opportunity studies: experience matters in most cases and across a wide array of settings; however, it does so somewhat differently in different settings and organizations. the nature of an experience event, its outcome, rareness, and complexity, influence its learning impact. a trend in organizational-level studies is to separate one’s own versus others’ experiences and to focus on in which case one matters more than the other and when (baum & dahlin, ; chuang & baum, ; kim & miner, ; madsen & desai, ; madsen, dillon & tinsley, ). prior failure events provide opportunities to learn. over time, as many problems are resolved or better managed, we would expect a diminishing return to experience, which yields a learning curve that is similar to that in production learning. in fact, there is rich empirical support that shows that learning curves have a similar shape with regard to failure reduction. train, mining, and airline accidents have been found to reduce future accident propensity on the industry and firm levels (baum & dahlin, ; desai, ; madsen, ; haunschild & rhee, ). the failure-reducing effect is strongest for recent accidents (haunschild, page of academy of management annals polidoro & chandler, ), accidents of larger magnitude, which are measured in terms of accident cost and level of injuries (madsen, ), and events of high visibility (desai, ), which are measured in terms of the media scrutiny of the accidents. there are two mechanisms that can induce organizations to learn from highly visible failures: in such cases, the information about causes and remedies is more available; however, the motivation to counteract accidents may also increase when outsiders pay more attention and reputations are at stake. when there is more press attention to an accident or a product recall, organizations invest more in activities that can reduce the risk of future accidents, such as a train line installing new track (desai, ). the effect of recency, that more recent events have greater impact than older events on failure reduction, can also have multiple explanations. for instance, there is the proposition that new routines and practices make past experiences less relevant as time passes, or, as suggested by haunschild et al. ( ), that an adverse event attracts an organization’s attention and motivates the organization to reduce the risk of future accidents; however, this motivation weakens over time as other important organizational goals take precedence. complex problems provide a greater opportunity to learn. a notable study supporting the argument that complex challenges trigger faster and more efficient learning is an investigation of british ivf clinics, which demonstrates how opportunity affects learning (stan & vermeulen, ). the key performance metric of ivf clinics is live births per treatment cycle, and a key aim is to lower the number of failed cycles. whereas private clinics could choose to accept only patients with good prognoses, which meant fewer failures, public clinics were not allowed to screen patients and therefore had higher failure rates at the start of their activities. however, working with more difficult cases enhanced the information-based learning of the public clinics, and they increased their ability to successfully treat any patient, which resulted in higher learning rates than those of private clinics. working on complex page of academy of management annals problems provided greater opportunity to find solutions to difficult problems and led to faster failure reduction across problems. the concept that complex failure situations provide richer information is in line with the finding that airlines learned more from complex accident causes than from simpler ones (haunschild and sullivan, ) and that this was especially true for specialist airlines. complex problems offered more venues for learning and counteracted simplified cause-effect analyses (e.g., simplifying failure attributions to factors that are beyond the organization’s control such as patient age in hospital cases or to pilot error in the case of airlines). whose experiences matter. not only do failures that are experienced by an individual organization provide opportunities to learn, but the failures that are experienced by other organizations provide information for learning. airlines learn both from their own and other airlines’ accidents (haunschild & sullivan, ). based on the behavioral theory of firm logic, which states that organizations are more likely to look further for better solutions when their peers outperform them, train companies that had more accidents compared to their peers were found to learn more from such peers rather than from their own accidents (baum & dahlin, ). ontario nursing home chains learned from both their own and others' businesses with respect to naming their units. the learning effect, or willingness to change was dampened when the chain had followed a strategy for a long time (chuang & baum, ). learning from near misses. it is not only failure events that provide information-based opportunities to learn, but such information can also be gleaned from events that are neither purely successful nor wholly failures (rerup, ). most attention has been given to near misses—when there is almost a failure but there are no direct negative consequences (kessels-habraken, et al. ). the opportunity to learn from near misses (especially those of others), or what is also known as latent errors (reason, ; ramanujam, ), is only page of academy of management annals possible if such actions are recorded or easily observed. kim and miner ( ) used the ratings of banks to capture whether they were close to failing and found that near failures affected learning more than actual failures did. building on industry insiders’ quotes, they found that near failures have greater informational content—whereas failed firms disappear from the industry and are forgotten, near failures remain and can tell their story and at the same time they also remind others of their survival. perhaps more importantly, near failures combine bad performance with remedies for restoring performance after a period of trouble. rather than telling a story of how to fail, they tell a story of redemption when one is close to failure. the greater informational content of the near failures means that there is a greater opportunity to learn from them. however, the reporting of near-misses and thus the information gathering process is more difficult because of the challenges in defining the scope of such events (kessels-habraken, et al. ). motivation to learn from failure motivation is the desire or willingness to act in a certain way and, in the context of error and failure learning, the desire or willingness to invest in reducing adverse event frequency. motivation to learn from failure therefore refers to the resource levels that are devoted by individuals and organizations to failure learning activity; such resources include attention and operational investments (kanfer and ackerman, ). effective learning processes require individuals and organizations to allocate cognitive resources to (i) correctly identify and analyze error and failure causes and (ii) search for and implement solutions that prevent similar errors or failures in the future. failure learning studies concerning motivation address contextual factors such as safety climate, psychological safety, leadership style and attitudes; cognitive and emotional barriers such as attribution errors (internal versus external); information processing in groups and, for organizational-level studies, factors that trigger page of academy of management annals motivation such as high visibility events and public attention. other organization-level motivation triggers include threats to ones’ reputation, social comparisons (doing worse than the competition), the recency of an event, and climate variables. individual and group level motivation to learn from failure. most individual-level studies on error and failure learning study motivational factors. in two laboratory studies, using a computer simulation task, zhao ( ) found a positive association between participants’ self-reported motivation to learn from errors and their actual failure learning. in a field study of an australian hospital, employees’ safety motivation had a positive effect on their safety participation, which was measured as behaviors that promote a safety-oriented environment (neal & griffin, ). while individual motivation affects learning behavior in both the lab and inside organizations, organizational factors affect individual motivation to learn from failure. for example, safety climate, which is defined as “perceptions of policies, procedures, and practices related to safety” (neal & griffin, ; ), plays an important role in motivating individual learning. group-level safety promotion is positively associated with individual safety motivation and safety participation in hospitals (buljac-samardzic et al., ). there are both bottom-up and top-down processes between individuals and groups that help to produce a safety climate (neal & griffin, ). group climate has been found to affect both individual motivation and individual behavior, and in a study of organizations, individuals were more likely to report accidents when supervisors enforced safety policies (probst, ). adding the organizational level of analysis, individual attitudes to safety affects organizational learning by promoting a safety climate at the group level (zohar & luria, ). individual safety motivation and engagement in failure learning activities both affect and are affected by group, managerial and organizational attitudes. page of academy of management annals motivation to learn from failure is also driven by individuals’ causal attributions concerning failures. in attribution theory, individuals cope with outcomes by making causal attributions to guide their future behaviors (ilgen and davis, ; nisbett and ross, ). causal attribution involves how an individual allocates causes for a certain outcome, which, in turn, influence his or her motivation to learn. specifically, individuals tend to attribute success to internal causes such as ability and effort, and failure to external causes such as environmental factors and luck (cf. jones & harris, ). at the same time, individuals often turn this around and attribute others’ successes to external causes and others’ failures to internal causes. such attributions affect individual motivation to engage in failure learning activity (chuang et al., ; zhao and olivera, ). attribution theory helps us to better understand the previously discussed result that surgeons’ cumulative number of successful cardiac procedures had a greater impact on their future success rate than failed procedures had, while other surgeons’ cumulative number of failed procedures significantly helped to improve a cardiac surgeon’s subsequent success rate (kc et al., ). one can argue that surgeons attributed the prior successes to their own effort and actions, while the prior failures were attributed to uncontrollable factors. thus, the surgeons assumed that there was little to learn from own failed procedures. in contrast, other surgeons’ failures were attributed to their efforts and actions, which made the focal surgeon more willing to review and learn from others’ failure causes. in a similar vein, individuals who work in teams attributed failure to actions that are taken by other individual team members rather than by the team when they experience poor team performance in a laboratory setting (naquin and tynan, ). however, this tendency decreased as subjects’ knowledge of teamwork increased. another sign that attribution biases can be alleviated is a study in which individuals were better able to make internal attributions after failing in a task when they received after-event reviews that helped them to understand what contributed to their performance (ellis, mendel, and nir, page of academy of management annals ). individuals who made more internal than external attributions improved their performance more. in a study of ceo attributions and organizational performance, salancik and meindl ( ) found an even stronger learning effect from internal attributions: when ceos attributed poor firm performance to internal causes even when the low performance was clearly caused by an external factor, their firms performed better in subsequent periods. internal attributions are clearly important for behavioral change. failures often generate strong negative emotions (paget, ) as individuals experience feelings of guilt, embarrassment or fear when they are involved in failures or make errors (edmondson, ; paget, ). negative emotions prompt individuals to become more risk averse (loewenstein et al., ), affect judgment (forgas, ), and lower engagement in failure learning. in general, failure-induced negative emotions should lower individuals’ motivation to learn. however, in a laboratory study, negative emotions were instead positively associated with the motivation to learn (zhao, ). the author explains this effect by suggesting that the strength of emotions matters, not just whether an emotion is negative, and negative emotion only affects learning above a relatively high threshold. if the strength of emotion matters, the finding that managerial error intolerance increases negative emotions suggests that managers’ attitudes can push staff into non-learning (keith & frese, ). there are individual differences in the emotional response to failure and individual differences in coping orientations that help to explain the different emotions that are generated by failure as well as differences in the motivation to learn from failure: individual affective organizational commitment—how loyal they feel towards their organizations— decreased with negative emotions about failure (shepherd et al., ); however, this link between negative emotions and failure was moderated by coping orientations when dealing page of academy of management annals with failure. negative emotions also decrease when individuals perceive that failure is a normal occurrence in their work environment (shepherd et al. ). individuals’ motivation to learn from failure is affected by psychological safety. not to be confused with safety climate, psychological safety refers to the perception that it is safe to take interpersonal and professional risks in the workplace (edmonson, ; edmonson and lei, ). psychological safety has been found to positively influence failure learning by increasing an individual’s motivation to engage in failure learning activity (reporting failures and errors; willingness to discuss possible solutions) because the fear of negative consequences to self-image, status, or career are lower when psychological safety is high (edmondson, ; tjosvold, et al. ). surveying three firms in the software, electronics and finance industries, carmeli and gittell ( ) found that psychological safety was positively associated with failure-based learning behaviors. at the group level, group norms shape learning from failure: compliance with norms motivates individuals to identify and record failures and to act to prevent them (e.g., katz- navon et al., ; vogus & sutcliffe, ; zohar, ). when studying groups in different functions in the same organization, sharing the same beliefs about how to cope with failure exerted great influence on failure learning (cannon & edmondson, ). information sharing and interpersonal relationships within groups is another key element impacting how motivated teams’ are to learn from failures. teams with cooperative rather than competitive goals learn more (tjosvold, et al. ). trust between the members of a team affects learning motivation (carmeli et al. ). comparing hospitals with similar characteristics but different failure learning rates, edmondson et al., ( ) found that team member error information sharing affected the learning rate. in a similar fashion, managerial safety practices also affect the motivation to learn—managers who demonstrate that safety is important positively affect error reduction (katz-navon et al. ). lack of information page of academy of management annals sharing depends on the routines, awareness of others’ knowledge and status dynamics within groups: a study found that slower-learning groups had team members that did not bring attention to errors since they assumed, often incorrectly, that other team members are already aware of them (cannon & edmondson, ; edmondson, et al. ). according to gersick & hackman ( ), routines are double-edged swords: on the one hand, they can prevent team members from addressing failure by reducing their motivation to learn because change would upset the routine; however, on the other hand, routines create comfort within a group and lead to a climate where group members are more comfortable sharing what went wrong. a high team workload not only decreases the opportunity to learn, it also considerably reduces team motivation to learn from failure (lawton et al. ), and it may ultimately affect the ability to change because the team might be unaware of the need to improve existing routines (edmonton, et al. ). team’s ability to manage its workload is also important, and teams that do better at his were found to improve their error rate faster (lawton, et al. ). to reduce errors and failures routines often need replacing, but renewing routines is cumbersome, with preexisting routines being obstacles to change; thus, unless there is a clear rationale for why routines must change, groups are likely to resist change and may even implement defensive strategies with respect to learning processes, for example, by shifting responsibility and finding arguments to defend failing mechanisms (hodgkinson & wright, ). workload is a time-dependent opportunity but also impacts motivation to learn since decisions that are made under time pressure may require individuals and groups to focus on a shorter-term horizon (malone et al. ). organization-level motivation to learn from failure. page of academy of management annals a majority of the studies on how motivation affects error and failure are conducted in the health care context. there is a very real concern that hospitals are not reducing their error rates and are causing patient harm at a high rate (leape, ; kohn et al., ). the focus is often on how individual motivation to report errors is affected by organizational factors. the problem of non-reporting is high (zhaou & olivera, ; ramanujam, ), which renders the analysis of error causes incomplete. the reason for an individual to not report an error that he or she made, or which was made by someone close, is often a lack of trust that responsible managers in the organization will conduct proper analyses to determine the true causes. it is a common and simple solution for organizations to blame an error on an individual (hofmann & stetzer, ; rathert & may, ). the belief that organizations prefer to blame individuals rather than to find organizational causes is supported by data: perrow ( ) reported that a re-examination of industrial accident causes where % to % were attributed to operator errors, in contrast found that operators had caused less than half of the accidents they were blamed for, or that % to % of accidents were caused by operator errors. in line with the tendency to blame the person who is closest to an error, factors that impede error reporting and analysis at the organizational level can be linked to the culture of blaming individuals rather than exploring other error causes (khatri et al., ), ward climate (lawton et al. ), whether health care work units are patient-centered (work is planned around the patient’s needs) (rathert & may, ) and that when greater distance between professional groups in health care reduces the willingness of orderlies and nurses to admit to or discuss errors with doctors (khatri et al., ). organizational climate is a determinant that trickles down to affect both group and individual-level learning from failure. motivational factors that have been studied outside health care are different. based on the behavioral theory of firms, which states that organizations are more motivated to act and page of academy of management annals change when they perform worse than they did in the past or when they perform worse than their competitors or peers (cyert & march, ), baum and dahlin ( ) found that train companies that have higher accident costs than their peers learn faster but mainly from others’ experiences. learning from others’ and not one’s own experiences might be due to poor failure performance: the organization might need external ideas of how to change behaviors. another motivation study found that when an automobile manufacturer were forced to recall products and thus its reputation was challenged, the likelihood of future recalls was lowered (haunschild & rhee, ; rhee, ). the effect in the auto recall case was curvilinear: low- and high-reputation car companies reduced recalls less than companies with medium reputations did. in a study that focused on how motivations change over time, haunschild et al. ( ) found that a recent failure (in their case, a pharmaceutical product recall) made the organization work to reduce future such events; however, as time passed, other performance metrics, such as profits, reclaimed the organization’s attention and lowered the focus on failure reduction. some findings on how attention impacts motivation contradict one another. while more media coverage after an accident motivates greater investment in infrastructure for train companies, thus reducing accident risks (desai, ); more media coverage of the near- misses involving air traffic controllers instead reduced the effect of prior near-misses on learning (desai, ). this divergence could be explained by near- misses looking alarming to outsiders since an actual failure (airline accident) would have catastrophic consequences, while organizational members, in contrast, see a near-miss as a success since an error was rectified and a failure was avoided (kessels-habraken, et al. ; dillon & tinsley, ) . ability to learn from failure page of academy of management annals ability to learn from failure concerns the capacity to identify and report failure; understanding failure leads to finding and implementing solutions to prevent future failures. individual and group level studies are concerned with training, emotional responses, shared goals and managerial style, as well as the interaction between ability and motivation. organization-level studies rarely measure directly ability but rather conclude that the unobservable variances across units or organizations are due to differences in ability. in health care, where geography makes competition between hospitals less of an issue, checklists are used for the transfer of best practices across units, which raises the ability to learn in organizations. individual- and group-level ability to learn from failure the question of how to improve individuals’ ability to learn from their errors and failure experiences has led to a series of studies that focus on comparing different training methods and the role of post-event reviews. keith and frese ( ) compared error management training, which explicitly addresses individuals who make errors during training and uses these errors as learning exercises and error avoidance training, which instead focuses on preventing participants from making errors. error management training enhanced individuals’ capacity to cope with, and generate solutions to, new problems. error management training also led to better emotion control and metacognitive activity, which in turn improved individuals’ ability to cope with new problems. individual differences interact with training method so that individuals with better cognitive ability and higher openness to experience were found to perform better during error management training than if they had received no training or only training with a focus on error avoidance situations. error management training not only provides trainees with opportunities to make errors but also to receive informative feedback; overall, these programs increase an individual’s ability to learn from page of academy of management annals failure. thus, the ability to learn from failure can be actively developed, and such training is more effective when it is paired with high motivation to learn from failure (katz-navon, et al. ). a laboratory study on how to enhance individuals’ ability to draw lessons from previous experiences found that after-event reviews of both successful and failed events had a positive impact on individual learning (ellis and davidi, ). the after-event reviews followed a similar but more extensive process than that of error management training because it also included successful events. while the participants’ mental models of failure events were richer than those of success events, the performance improvements were greater when the after-event reviews focused on both failures and successes. in a follow-up study, any type of after-event review (success, failure or both types of events) was found to lead to better performance compared with no after-event review. interestingly, for individuals who experienced successful events, the after-event reviews that focused on the failure factors that led to the greatest performance improvements had a greater impact than no reviews, reviews that focused on success factors, or on both success and failure factors (ellis et al., ). individual differences in how failure is processed has an impact on failure learning. studying three types of coping orientations: loss, restoration, and oscillation, shepherd and colleagues ( ) analyzed how these orientations affected (self-reported) learning. loss orientation refers to the explicitly processing of a failure to break the emotion that is associated with the failure (a failed project). restoration orientation refers to suppressing feelings of loss and instead proactively focusing on the tasks that arise as a consequence of the failure rather than preventing future failures. an oscillation orientation refers to moving back and forth between loss and restoration orientations. individuals who have stronger loss and oscillation orientations reported a better ability to learn from previous project failure than those with a restoration orientation. apparently, the necessary element is the capacity to page of academy of management annals emotionally disconnect from the failure, which suggests that effective learning involves managing the emotions that are evoked by a failure. an individual’s ability and motivation to learn from failures are affected by emotional states. the ability to learn is enhanced when the environment is emotionally supportive: individuals must feel comfortable applying their knowledge and acquiring new knowledge to learn from failures. an individual’s perception of psychological safety and the quality of his or her relationships with others in an organization are positively associated with failure learning (carmeli and gittell, ). high-quality relationships, which are manifested in shared goals, shared knowledge, and mutual respect, not only promote psychological safety but also enhance information processing and coordination capacity, which in turn have positive effects on the capacity to learn from failure. individuals can also encourage failure learning at the group level with a positive leadership style, which includes clear direction and effective coaching (cannon & edmondson, ; katz-navon et al., ): leadership style can motivate learning; however, it also reflects the group’s ability to learn and a leader’s ability to enhance group learning. for example, when a ceo fosters psychological trust in a top management team (between the ceo and the team, and within the team), the team is more likely to engage in failure learning and to produce high quality strategic decisions (carmeli, et al. ). because individuals in organizations are embedded in groups, studies have stressed teamwork to be an important factor for failure learning (baker, et al. ; morey, et al. ). many studies of ability involve overlapping and interactive effects between motivation and ability, and some determinants are related to both mechanisms. efficient teamwork relies on coordination and communication, which can be actively promoted (baker et al. ) using formal training to improve team collaboration (morey et al. ). ability to foster cooperative goals also triggers failure learning (tjosvold, et al. ). most ability-type page of academy of management annals factors can be taught, and they can, in turn, nurture group motivation to learn. other group- level factors that improve group learning ability are group member stability, understanding of team processes, and training to reduce attribution biases (buljac-samardzic, van woerkom, & paauwe, ; morey, et al, ; naquin & tynan, ). a process study of of how ability is developed focuses on israeli fighter crews (ron, lippschitz & popper, ). to reduce errors in flight procedures, crews not only relied on their own learning based on flying more missions and thus learning through direct observation and experience; rather, because they knew that subjective perceptions are incomplete and sometimes faulty, given the intensity and massive information processing that is required when piloting a fighter jet, after each mission the entire cadre held a debriefing. in the debriefing crews watched footage from aircraft cameras while talking through their perceptions of what had occurred. the review process allowed them to compare their perceptions with the footage, clearly see how imprecise real-time perceptions are, which helped them to make corrections, and convert subjective experiences to objective ones. the review process and the debriefing are imposed by the organization, it enhanced the teams’ abilities and also increased information-based opportunities since the debriefing sessions provided the crews with additional information. organization-level ability to learn from failure we found fewer studies on organizational-level ability than on organizational-level opportunity or motivation. a study analyzing failure reduction across clinics that use a new heart surgery method used an indirect measure of clinic ability (pisano et al., ). carefully establishing that given the same opportunity (cumulative number of procedures, which had a large impact on learning) and motivation, organizations differed in how well they converted experience into higher performance: the clinics in the study demonstrated different page of academy of management annals learning curve slopes. after ruling out other opportunity-based explanations, the conclusion was that differences across clinics must be due to (unobserved) ability. a paper argues that organizational form, whether an airline is a specialist or generalist, can influence its ability to learn from failure (haunschild and sullivan, ). generalists have a more complex organizational structure with the potential to complicate information processing and coordination, which in turn hampers learning. in the airline industry specialists compared to generalists were better able to learn from failures with heterogeneous, that is, more complex causes. similarly, smaller hospitals (more specialized), compared to large hospitals (more generalists), have been found to engage in more learning behaviors related to major adverse events and near-misses (ginsburg et al, ). more detailed measures of ability demonstrate that ability affects the absolute number of errors as well as the reduction of errors: hospitals achieve faster learning and fewer errors by implementing protocols and checklists developed from best practices across the industry (who, ; thornlow & merwin, ; thomassen et al., - ). checklists were originally introduced in aviation, where they have been partly credited with the rapid decline in accidents (clay-williams & colligan, ). hospitals with patient-centered units were better at processing and reporting errors and near misses, which suggests that the organization of work matters for an organization’s ability to manage failures (rathert & may, ). synthesis across levels of analysis a large body of literature finds that individuals, groups and organizations learn from prior failure experience. information opportunities positively affect learning rate. the richer the information, the faster the reduction in errors and failure. failure experiences generally contain more information than successful experiences (kim & miner, ). most successes are “business as usual” contributing to learning by doing and other automatic responses, thus page of academy of management annals enforcing existing routines. in contrast, failures trigger analyses and have greater potential to improve routines (stan & vermuelen, ). a lack of routines for error and failure management stops the information from passing through an organization (gersick & hackman, ; kim & miner, ). larger-magnitude, more frequent and salient errors have greater information content and, hence, learning opportunities (baum & dahlin, ; chuang & baum, ; madsen, ; desai, ). near misses also provide information about how to recover from a bad situation, which increases opportunities to learn (kim & miner, ). in general, studies find that “more is better” in regard to information-based learning opportunities; however, we would expect an overload when failures and errors are too frequent (dahlin & roulet, ). information overload that leads to limited failure learning can hamper the ability to learn from failure. accepting frequent errors due to information overload, that is, not learning from them, can also be a sign of low motivation to learn. these two factors—low ability and low motivation to learn—may be difficult to distinguish (baum & dahlin, ; dahlin & roulet, ). time-based, or temporal, learning opportunities operate in the same direction and in a similar fashion as information-based learning opportunities: a lower work load leads to fewer errors and failures since work load reduces the time that is available for learning (malone et al. ; lawton, et al. ). nevertheless, some groups are able to analyze and process information faster, taking advantage of temporal learning opportunities to enhance their future performance (edmondson, et al. ). whether temporal opportunities can trigger learning also depends on whether individuals in organizations have autonomy to process and reflect on the errors and failures that they encounter (kerr, ; stern, et al., ). to that end, organizational design (e.g., workload, task autonomy) has the potential to lead to latent failure that hampers learning opportunities. page of academy of management annals even when opportunity to learn from failure—whether information- or time-based—is high, learning may not occur. while opportunity studies are more concerned with what enables learning, motivation studies focus on why learning does not happen. conditions under which individuals attribute the causes of errors and failures to other factors, groups attribute the causes of errors and failures to factors other than the group collective, and organizations attribute the causes of errors and failures to individuals rather than organizational factors, reduce the motivation to learn, which leads to low error and failure reporting and lower learning rates (chuang et al., ; ellis et al., ; kc, staats & gino, ). a cost- benefit model that is proposed by zhou and olivera ( ) offers an overarching explanation to this problem: the unbiased reporting of errors is only expected when the perceived reporting cost is low to both an individual and his or her organization, and the perceived benefits for reporting is high to both as well as to any victim(s) who are associated with the errors. all other combinations of costs and benefits distort the motivation to report and what will be reported, which in turn affects the opportunity to learn from failure. in empirical studies, climate or psychological safety can be thought of as a reporting cost. patient-centered climate (rathert & may, ), low hierarchical distance, non-blaming cultures (kathri et al. ) and high psychological safety (tjosvold et al. ) lead to better reporting and learning. the perception of the benefits to reporting are affected by the same factors; however, this side of the explanation for failure learning is less investigated. on the organizational level, conflicting goals, often safety and profitability, affect the motivation to learn from failure: a recent failure highlights safety goals for employees; however, as time passes, the focus reverts to financial performance metrics (haunschild et al., ). this highlights the risk of taking failure reduction for granted, assuming that learning is irreversible. unless learning is embedded in physical artifacts (better brakes, a new it page of academy of management annals trading system) or it becomes a part of organizational routine, there is always the risk that error and failure rates will reverse. ability studies show that training programs and after-event analyses can improve individual and group abilities to correctly analyze situations (keith & frese, ). it is clear that such training is quite common, with checklists being used in different industries, such as aviation and health care, to enhance organizational safety work (clay-williams & colligan, ). integration across mechanisms most studies focus on one or (at most) two mechanisms, either opportunity, motivation or ability, and we know that they all matter for failure learning. we know less about how the mechanisms affect one another. while some studies have considered moderating effects (kc, et al., ; madsen & desai, ; shepherd at al., ), mediation is more seldom mentioned. if opportunity to learn sets the stage (providing information for failure analysis that can improve routines and failure responses), motivation causes actors to be willing to attend to such information, and ability is the conversion of opportunity into higher performance. what we do not clearly know is how, and whether, these three mechanisms jointly affect failure learning. theoretical arguments about how to combine the different mechanisms argue for a three-way interaction (blumberg & pringle, ; reinholt et al., ). however, it may just as well be a moderation-mediation process where the opportunity to learn interacts with the motivation to learn, and such interaction is mediated by the ability to learn, which results in failure learning. the empirical research focuses on one or two of the mechanisms, at most testing two-way interactions (for instance, how ability and motivation jointly determine learning). the notion that reality is complex is illuminated by different findings, some of page of academy of management annals which find interactions between factors, others of which find that one factor affects learning but is mediated by a second factor. motivation is thus found to affect ability, but ability also affects motivation (lawton et al., ; hofman & stetzer, ) with both paths leading to learning. further, motivation and opportunity jointly lead to learning (haunschild et al. ), opportunity affects ability, which leads to learning (stan & vermuelen, ) and opportunity and motivation interact to produce learning (baum & dahlin, ). it is clear that the interplay between the mechanisms is more complex than we originally thought, and this promises many different ways to stimulate failure learning. moving beyond the three failure learning mechanisms the papers in the review section covered both error and failure reduction. while there are many similarities between them, errors and failures are different types of events (zhao & olivera, ). errors are mistakes, slips or violations of procedures, and they might or might not lead to an adverse outcome (rasmusen, ; reason, ). failures are adverse outcomes , such as accidents, unexpected patient deaths or bankruptcies (tucker & edmondson, ). while reducing errors should reduce failures, in this section we will discuss how these two types of events have a complex relationship; through a better understanding of this relationship, we can also better understand the differences in learning rates. differentiating process and outcomes when we study failures, that is, adverse outcomes such as product recalls, accidents, bankruptcies or unexpected hospital deaths, we assume that the cause of an adverse outcome is an erroneous process. correspondingly, when we study traditional learning with successful outcomes, we assume that processes that lead up to the outcomes are correctly executed. we use the terms adverse outcomes, failures and undesirable outcomes interchangeably. page of academy of management annals questioning the strong link between the correctness of processes and outcomes, there is an increasing interest in situations in which erroneous processes can still result in good outcomes, such as near-misses (cf. kim & miner, ) and latent errors (ramanujam, ; reason, ). it is also possible, but rarely discussed, that a correct process can lead to an adverse outcome, such as a patient dying, even after well-executed surgery . we propose that to better understand failure learning we must decouple processes and outcomes, or, more precisely, independently assess whether a process is correctly performed and whether an outcome is desirable. we also argue that different settings have different frequency distributions for the process-outcome pairs and that opportunity, ability and motivation to learn from failures (and successes) depend on this distribution, which explains why lessons in failure learning in one setting can be difficult to translate to another. if we regard processes as either correct or erroneous, and outcomes as successes or failures, we end up with four possible process-outcome combinations (see table ). ———————————————————————- table to be inserted here ———————————————————————- success and failure learning. a correct process with a favorable outcome represents traditional learning in which the outcome motivates actors who continuously improve and/or exploit the process to further enhance the outcome. this is what we expect from production learning curves (box in table ). a faulty process with an undesirable outcome represents the “normal” failure learning case—an error is made, which yields a bad result (a train driver falls asleep, ignores a signal, and collides with another train; box ). the main thrust in success learning is on how to improve existing processes to enhance the number of successful operations per time unit and thus lower the cost per unit produced (argote, ; yelle, over time the number of different health interventions has greatly increased, many of which have been directed towards terminally ill patients (maile, ). page of academy of management annals ). the main thrust in failure learning is the analysis of how to improve the processes, reduce errors, and thereby lower the risk of failure or reduce the number of failed operations per time unit (or as a share of all operations) (reason, ). the assumption is that box is a good representation of failure situations: if there is a failure outcome, there must be a preceding error. as a consequence, failures should be reduced when errors are reduced, and this approach of error reduction lies behind much successful failure reduction (reason, ; van dyck et al. ). similarly, the assumption is that successful outcomes are due to an error-free process. however, there are two other possibilities in the matrix that complicate learning: the off-diagonal combinations where ( ) an error has no effect on the outcome, that is, does not lead to a failure (ramanujam, ), or ( ) when there is a failure outcome without an error that has been committed (e.g., an “act of god”). the very existence of the off-diagonal combinations weakens the link between a process as being either correct and not, and its outcome as being either successful or not. we label the off-diagonal combinations spurious successes and spurious failures. an increase in spurious events leads to noisier learning processes because the cause-effect analysis becomes more complex, which in turn introduces difficulty in learning from both successes and failures. we expect that both spurious successes and failures complicate learning in general and failure learning in particular. spurious successes and failures are likely to shift the attention of individuals and organizations away from the “true” causal-effects of failure, making failure learning challenging. because successes tend to be vastly more common than failures, we failure learning should be more sensitive to the occurrence of spurious events. spurious success. not all errors lead to bad outcomes. we expect that both the motivation and ability to learn from an erroneous process is lower when an organization experiences a spurious success, that is, there is no negative outcome (table , box ). further page of academy of management annals lowering learning ability, many process errors are unreported (and sometimes also unobserved) and unreported errors are known as latent errors (cf. ramanujam, ; reason, ). latent errors can lower failure reduction because a near-failure without an adverse outcome can strengthen an erroneous behavior.. the lower the likelihood that an error will lead to a failure, the more the error is accepted and the lower the motivation to correct the error or to learn from it is (dillon & tinsley, ; banja, ). the motivation to reduce errors is also compromised because risk perception changes when actors experience errors without negative effects (a train driver falls asleep but wakes up before missing the signal, or, if the driver misses the signal, no other train is on the line, thus, there is no collision—the conclusion is that being tired on the job is not such a dangerous thing). japanese nuclear firms did not learn from other firms’ errors without adverse outcomes when these errors were similar to non-adverse outcome errors the focal firm had experienced itself (mitsuhashi, ). this suggests that spurious success also lowers the motivation to learn from others’ errors: knowing that other firms in the industry experience similar errors without adverse consequences signals that these errors pose no real risk and thus require little attention. when latent errors start being accepted by organizational members as not leading to adverse events, we obtain what is called normalization of deviance (banja, ; vaughan, ). normalization of deviance involves accepting errors and rule breaking. deliberate rule breaking is usually a dismissal of rules that are considered to be ill-conceived or overly complex. it is a gradual process (vaughan, ) and in the majority of cases, normalized deviance has no negative outcome. normalized deviance is often exposed after a dramatic failure event leads to patient death (maxfield, grenny, patterson, mcmillan, & switzler, ), nuclear meltdown (dekker, ), spectacular trading losses (the economist, ) or the crash of a space shuttle (vaughan, ). normalized deviance means that there is an implicit or explicit page of academy of management annals agreement among organizational members to ignore certain safety procedures or regulations. one effect of normalized deviance is that it complicates cause-effect analyses when a failure strikes: it is easy for analysis to focus on the deviance behavior, which might not be the main cause of the failure. after all, some procedures or regulations are probably outdated or ineffectual and ignored for good reasons. in health care, normalized deviance often involves the violation of safety rules that impede work flow and signal a lack of trust in operators (banja, ). normalized deviance can also come from institutional logics that became dominant over time inside an industry despite their clashing with broader order values and beliefs that lie outside of the industry (roulet, ; shymko & roulet, ). despite a weak link between latent errors and failure outcomes (cf. dekker, ), some settings still exhibit strong learning under such circumstances (airline safety, automobile safety), and it would enhance learning if we can determine factors that trigger learning from latent errors. first, the human error and safety literature is focused on errors regardless of outcomes, with a clear acceptance that adverse outcomes are quite infrequent; however, despite the low probability of an error that leads to a failure, there is nevertheless a link (reason, ). when the focus is on errors rather than outcomes, both motivation and ability to learn should be enhanced. creating agencies whose mission is error detection and reduction, such as the ntsb in transportation, leads to a low tolerance for errors. some agencies have the power to close down or fine error-prone organizations with the aim of limiting such trade-offs in organizations, thus enhancing the organizations’ motivation to engage in failure reduction. organizations’ and their members’ ability to reduce errors is also improved as regulators help with cause-effect analyses and recommend or regulate safer behaviors (fra, ). spurious failures. the fourth process-outcome combination is the case where a faultless process produces an adverse outcome (table , box ). for instance, well-executed surgery page of academy of management annals can still lead to a patient dying, or correct driver behavior can produce an accident. we call this a spurious failure, and this particular outcome is problematic for failure learning for a number of reasons. a failure outcome often triggers a search for causes even if there is none. such a search risks misattributing the process as faulty, and there is a risk that the organization will replace a good routine with a worse one or make inefficient changes, and thus the ability to learn is compromised. the good-process-bad-outcome option is fairly rarely studied; however, it is likely to be frequent in complex settings where many processes co- occur and involve many different actors. because organizations are twice as likely as an impartial observer to assign blame to an operator after a failed event (perrow, ), spurious failures are risky for individuals who might be unfairly blamed for adverse outcomes when the organization looks for failure causes. thus, spurious failures can lead to lower trust and lower reporting of actual errors, which lowers the motivation to learn (hofmann & stetzer, ). health care is an obvious case where we expect frequent spurious failures because very sick patients eventually tend to die regardless of treatment. staff is acutely aware that many failures (such as death) occur for reasons that are unrelated to any procedures that they perform, and this leads them to accept bad outcomes as an unavoidable part of everyday activities. while the acceptance of adverse outcomes is necessary, there is a risk of acceptance spilling over and allowing errors and latent errors to be forgiven: because death is an expected and even unavoidable outcome for many patients, even when the cause of death is an error instead of an underlying disease and the outcome should be recorded as a failure, the high incidence of spurious failures might mean that errors are not detected. in addition, even if an error is detected, it might be ignored and therefore not corrected (kohn, corrigan & donaldson, ). in other words, normalized deviance can be affected by spurious failures as well as by spurious successes. page of academy of management annals in summary, the more frequent spurious learning and failure, or bad-good combinations, there are (boxes and ), the more difficult it is to perform a correct causal analysis. the combination of process error—good outcome is probably more common than that of the process error—bad outcome. an analysis of airline crews found that an error was made in the cockpit during a flight at least every four minutes but that very few incidents or accidents resulted (bird, ; reason, ). similarly, nurses commit errors once every hour; however, this rarely leads to bad outcomes (tucker & spear, ). in contrast, we have almost no information about how often a correct process results in an adverse outcome. learning motivation is low when the off-diagonal events are frequent, as is the opportunity to learn given the noisy information. when there are many processes that can simultaneously go wrong, attending to all potential errors becomes cumbersome and this also makes cause-effect analyses difficult. simulations are well suited to investigating these trade-offs as well as experimenting with the complexity of tasks, the number of involved parties, risk levels and how these factors affect motivation and ability to learn (cf. denrell, ). the impact of spurious successes and spurious failures on slow- and fast-learning settings noise and uncertainty in the process-outcome relationship help to explain learning-rate differences across settings. in settings with more off-diagonal outcomes (boxes and ), we expect lower learning rates since both ability and motivation to learn are lowered, and causal inferences are more difficult to draw. spurious success (box ), for example, is more likely to occur in situations in which tasks are easy and the rate of success is naturally high, while spurious failures (box ) will, by contrast, be more common when tasks are complex, the chance of making an error is high and the risk of failure is also high. in the health care sector, page of academy of management annals relatively routine procedures would be expected to lead to a higher rate of spurious success. by comparison, complex and high-risk surgical operations are more likely to lead to spurious failures. those contexts offer fewer opportunities to learn because there is less information on which to draw for further success. the learning process is also hampered by the difficulty in assessing and taking stock of ability: the more spurious failures there are, the greater the doubt about current abilities will be. we also expect that motivation to learn will be lower in settings with high rates of spurious failure and success given the ambiguity with regard to cause and effect. future research directions how can organizations best learn from errors and failures? we will suggest a number of approaches that are based on the ideas of maximizing the triad of learning mechanisms, opportunity, ability and motivation while taking into account the role of spurious failures and spurious successes. opportunity to learn from failure using multiple sources of event information and the role of regulations. what can organizations do when they experience few failures but still want to reduce future failure risk? there is an increasing emphasis in learning studies on vicarious learning in the form of organizations’ learning from similar others’ failures, successes and near-miss experiences (baum & dahlin, ; haunschild & sullivan, ; kim & miner, ; madsen & desai, ), and thus one way to increase learning opportunities is to learn from others. moreover, information about events is also provided by an array of industry stakeholders such as the press, unions, regulators, industry associations, insurance companies, equipment manufacturers, trade press and academics. all of these groups have an interest in failure page of academy of management annals reduction, and some are mandated to collect data, investigate accidents and issue recommendations. they provide information, analysis and suggestions on how to reduce failures, and some of them are very active. however, management scholars have mostly ignored these stakeholders and the role that they play in identifying, analyzing and suggesting remedies for failures. as a consequence, there is an omitted variable bias in many studies, which overestimate the effect of one’s own or others’ ability to learn from failures (dahlin & roulet, ). in addition, it would be interesting to examine the relative impact of different learning sources on failure learning to better understand stakeholder roles. we call for future studies in management to include more industry stakeholders, or at least to control for their actions to better understand the sources of learning. while policy studies are engaging with this question to study the effect on an entire industry (silbey, ; dekker, ) they rarely analyze firm-level factors. some key questions to ask when investigating the role of multiple parties are: given different learning rates across industries: are there fewer sources of learning in slow-learning settings? can a slower learning rate be explained by a lower opportunity to learn? noise also lowers opportunity to learn: if slow-learning settings are more likely to combine a high failure volume and a high spurious failure volume, is it possible that lower failure learning rates are due to the difficulty to learn from spurious failures? spurious failures create a great deal of noise, which makes cause-effect analyses complicated and makes more common failure cases (erroneous process—adverse outcome) difficult to analyze. exploring these questions can further advance our understanding of the differences in failure learning across settings. opportunity and the transfer of learning. one way to transfer best practices developed in a high-performing organization or industry to a lower-performing organization or industry is to use checklists (degani & wiener, ; thomassen, storesund, søfteland, & brattebø, ). page of academy of management annals checklists are required in aviation and their success has led to their adoption in health care. they are, for example, increasingly used in surgical procedures. checklists have been effective in accelerating learning, with more rapid failure reductions in units that use surgery checklists than in units that do not use surgery checklists (walker, reshamwalla & wilson, ). however, in a meta-analysis of checklist studies, thomassen et al. ( ) reported either improvement or no effects in the use of checklists. when some non-learning situations were more closely analyzed it was found that the checklists were not properly implemented— some surgeons have resisted their use (leape, ). checklists are also used for data collection and analysis by us transportation safety agencies, such as the national transportation safety board when they investigate accidents and has helped to reduce airline and train accidents (ntsb, ). since the transportation sector is heavily regulated, all agencies are tasked with safety interventions and trained in using systematic tools while it is not clear if enforced checklists use by external agencies would be as effective in the health care setting. maybe health care is too complex (different professional groups, hierarchical structures that complicate communication between groups, a large number of diagnostic and treatment options, complex information flow), thus requiring different tools to facilitate failure learning beyond learning on the procedural level? at the same time there are few other tools to facilitate information transfer that have been as extensively developed and whose impact is as well understood as the learning effects of checklists (leape, ). we wonder what other methods and/or tools could be used to increase learning opportunities in general and which methods and/or tools might be effective for slow-learning environments in particular. ability to learn from failure page of academy of management annals ability is the learning mechanism that is most difficult to investigate, and we find a large gap in our understanding of how to improve ability. while there are case studies that conclude that failure learning is difficult, with many factors that are used to explain when learning will not occur (cf. baumard & starbuck, ), there are fewer studies that explain high learning rates (i.e., a better ability to learn from failure). can ability to learn from failure be improved? after-event analysis and error management are ways to improve failure learning. our review revealed that psychological safety and non- hierarchical environments with good communication and coordination within and between teams also lead to more learning from errors and failures. this result then begs the question for organizations that lack good communication and have low psychological safety: how can they increase their failure learning ability? can psychological safety be promoted by the same manager who pushes the norms of non-reporting? what types of action are necessary for organizations that wish to adopt the climate and norms of more successful failure learning organizations? conversely, in organizations with good managerial support for error reporting and psychological safety, how can learning ability be further enhanced? page of academy of management annals how much of learning is automatic? how does ability evolve? some performance improvements in the learning-curve literature are virtually automatic; learning-by-doing is played out at the individual level (thompson, ), and learning-by-doing implies that individuals’ abilities increase by themselves (but plateau after fairly few experience cycles, ibid.). how important is automatic learning in the context of failure learning? we expect some types of errors to diminish as operators gain experience. for instance, car drivers lower their accident risk within the first five years of driving, and we tend to ascribe this to success experiences. however, the failure learning studies have ignored the automatic learning effect. a general assumption is that performance improvements are due to active learning attempts. one of the most studied groups in the error research is nurses (e.g., edmondson, ; tucker & spear, ); however, we see little discussion with regard to whether nurses’ error rates go down with tenure in the profession. surgeons demonstrate failure reduction over time, thus it would be surprising if we would not see the same for nurses with respect to errors. however, if the link between errors and failures is weak, the effect of professional tenure may not be a reduction in errors but a reduction in errors that result in failed outcomes, that is, in converting potential failures into near-miss events. again, considering the difference between settings, is there less room for automatic learning in slow-learning settings, thus requiring more deliberate learning for failure reduction? examining these questions is both theoretically and practically meaningful. these questions help to advance our understanding as to how different types of learning occur. the answers to these questions have implications for practices as they help to develop intervention in organizations to enhance failure learning. motivation to learn from failure page of academy of management annals scholars assume that safety and risk avoidance are central to any organization, such as airlines, mining companies, hospitals, or banks, and they often ignore that most organizations to some degree accept failure. safer practices compete with productivity-enhancing investments and since viable operations are necessary for the future of organizations, productivity is usually prioritized over the potential risk of a future failure, impacting the motivation to invest in failure reduction (haunschild et al., ). this is illustrated by airlines that experience more accidents after filing for chapter protection (abcnews, ) and by a famous quote in the freight rail industry: “uphill slow, downhill fast, freight comes first and safety last” (ahear & schick, ). low-prime-lending practices are risky behaviors that lead to short-term gains but jeopardize organizations and the banking industry. in other words, failure reduction attempts will almost always compete with other activities, which is a situation that we must acknowledge when theorizing about and investigating failure learning. in addition, some failures are seen as being unavoidable by managers, and they are relegated to productivity equations’ error terms and more or less accepted as a necessary evil rather than something to improve upon (cf. jovanovic & nyarko, ). trade- offs therefore help to explain the low motivation to reduce failure risks (haunschild et al., ). in many settings, regulators move in to change the balance, for instance, imposing fines if safety targets are not met. however, it ultimately comes down to decisions that are made by individuals and organizations on the costs that they are ready to allocate to learning and further improving their learning rate. this leads us to ask if slow-learning settings face stronger trade-offs between productivity-enhancing activities and failure reduction. motivation and the case of non-learning: is motivation the key factor in failure learning? a handful of empirical studies describe settings without failure learning even when similar events provide learning opportunities (baumol & starbuck, ; tucker & edmondson page of academy of management annals ). their findings led some scholars to question if it failure learning is generally to be expected at all (baumold & starbuck, ). analyzing these studies, we find that they describe situations with low motivation to learn (baumold & starbuck, ; eggers & song, ), limited opportunity to learn in combination with low motivation to solve underlying problems (tucker & edmondson, ) and potentially an inability to learn due to low motivation (eggers & song, ). a conclusion is that failure learning is difficult since is only likely to happen when all three mechanisms are sufficiently activated, and that motivation is a necessary condition for deliberate learning. in an in-depth case study of a large european telecom firm that suffered strategic failures with no learning, baumol & starbuck ( ) describe lack of systematic reporting about failed projects, lack of interest in better understanding what went wrong and managers making external attributions to explain away bad outcomes caused by internal factors. the authors find opportunity but low-to-no motivation to learn, which in the end resulted in no learning. low motivation involved managers expecting that admitting failure would have negative career ramifications and possibly also harm the organization (many projects were imposed by external stake-holders and the firm was publicly listed). applying zhao & olivera’s ( ) cost-benefit reasoning, the cost to the individual managers was high, the benefit to the organization not clear and, hence, low motivation to report was to be expected. we find a similar argument around individuals using external attributions rather than changing their own behaviour among chinese serial entrepreneurs (eggers & song, ). entrepreneurs with failed start-ups were less likely to alter the way they structured their companies than were entrepreneurs with successful start-ups. rather, they pursued the same firm strategies and structures when launching a new venture which, in turn, increased the risk for failure. they preferred a new industrial setting which made the authors conclude that this inability to learn is in line with self-serving attribution theory: using external attributions to page of academy of management annals avoid altering ones’ method of working is an individual-level defense mechanism demonstrating both lack of motivation and inability to learn. in contrast, entrepreneurs with successful ventures who stayed in the same industry kept enjoying more success. tucker and edmondson ( ) report high incidences of errors without organizational-level learning in a study of nine hospitals known for nursing excellence. front line nurses that constantly saw patients were confronted with many problems, such as errors and mistakes made by others, when executing their tasks. surprisingly, the nurses’ error learning was low despite their skill and motivation. the reason for low error learning is that the nurses solved the problems themselves on an ad hoc basis since they rarely had time to deal with the underlying causes. as a consequence, the same errors were repeatedly made and failure rates remained high. the insight from this study is that the nurses were highly motivated to execute their work, got a confidence boost in effectively managing problems created by others, and had little time to provide feedback to the organization. this is both a story of lack of motivation that emphasizes that the motivation in question is about addressing underlying problems caused by others, and that the support structure did not offer sufficient opportunity to get to the root cause of the problems, both in terms of managerial support but also the lack of time-based opportunity to analyze errors and come up with solutions to reduce their recurrence. across these three non-learning cases motivation plays different roles: ego protection, career protection, protecting the organization and focus on other parts of the job than error, or problem reduction. in what way besides motivation do these non-learning cases contrast with learning cases? are there more competing motivations in non-learning cases? is it an illustration of how motivation is a necessary factor for learning to occur and without it neither opportunity nor ability matter? also, how common are non-learning outcomes and page of academy of management annals when do they matter? in the telecom case, the firm still did well and clearly was not very concerned with the failed strategic projects. when do organizations ignore failures? the nature of the failure event we suggest three areas of research to expand how we study failure events to improve causality in studies: using counterfactuals by applying the process-outcome matrix in table when selecting events; extending our failure measures to also consider per-event learning; and standardizing or at least improving the measures of the learning process. selection of the dependent variable. few learning studies allow for both successes and failures to be key events in the research design (denrell, ). most studies choose to focus on either successful or failed outcomes (sometimes controlling for the other), and the set of factors that cause such outcomes. however, to extend our understanding of the relationship between processes and outcomes, the inclusion of both types of events in the research design would allow for stronger causal linkages. currently, this is done in studies in which an intervention is randomly assigned to different organizational units and the outcomes are monitored, such as the introduction of checklists in health care into one subset of hospitals, while the comparison group works as before, and the reduction of adverse events is monitored (cf. walker, reshamwalla & wilson, ). in checklist studies an outcome is either a success or a failure, thus the rate includes both possibilities while the focus remains on the effect of a single mechanism, the use of a checklist or not. the initiation of such studies are usually third-party organizations, such as the who, in the health care checklist example (who, ). including both successful and failed outcomes would also allow for a study of the role that is played by noise in the learning process (the off-diagonal outcomes in table ) to cover the full range of process-outcome combinations, thus allowing us to better understand disturbances in learning processes. page of academy of management annals extending failure measures. the failure learning literature covers a diverse set of events, from bankruptcies to patient deaths to large-scale accidents that involve hundreds of victims who have been injured or killed. some events occur once per hour and some occur once per week, while others occur once per decade. while the magnitude of events matter for learning, higher-impact events motivate organizations to respond more forcefully. an important question to ask is whether the sensitivity to failure events varies across industries, and, if so, what determines the level of sensitivity. in settings with many adverse events that are caused less by errors and more by the nature of operations (very elderly patients dying in health care, for instance), we expect a greater insensitivity to the adverse events that are caused by errors. three dimensions that should matter when considering events are ( ) the frequency with which failures occur; ( ) the frequency with which adverse events that are not caused by errors occur; ( ) the magnitude of the failure, including the failure magnitude when compared to industry averages (killed, injured, failure costs). few studies show us how much a single failure event affects learning (see dahlin & baum, for an exception), which might provide a clue to how frequency and magnitude matter. a per-event measure would also make comparisons across setting more applicable. here, a meta-analysis could reveal the different effects of failure events. we expect the industries that experience a combination of high failure volume and high spurious failure volume to have an elevated error acceptance. elevated error acceptance reduces the motivation to learn, which would explain a lower learning rate in such settings. are learning rates overestimated? a paper critiquing the methods used in econometric studies of failure learning, argues that statistical estimations used in failure learning studies are prone to yielding falsely positive results (bennett & snyder, ). the authors point out that the classical learning model where current performance (cost per unit) is a logarithmic page of academy of management annals function of accumulated experience (number of units produced) has some econometric issues when translated to failure learning and risk overstating the case for failure learning. similarly, they point out the risk for false positive coefficient results increase when including successful as well as unsuccessful learning opportunities in the same equation. they recommend using moving time windows of past failures, and separating the success and failure opportunities into different estimations. most studies already use moving windows and also discount events further back in time (albeit they do this for theoretical and data rather than estimation reasons) (cf. baum & dahlin, ; kim & miner, ). even if bennett and snyder overstate the risk of falsely positive results, their paper raises a more fundamental question about econometric failure learning models. usually a learning curve is assumed (often without this functional form being established as the one best-fitting the data) which means that a key assumption is that success and failure learning follow the same learning pattern. similarly, when including both successful and failed prior events these are seen as additive which is an untested assumption. for instance, in traditional success learning, failed outcomes can be seen as reducing the learning rate but it is usually relegated to the error term. to model the interaction between success and failure, we need to develop new models accounting for both failure and learning as potential complements rather than substitutes. this way we could for instance see spill-overs from number of successful repetitions in learning-by-doing (such as driving a car) – when skills increase, errors and mistakes decrease as a function of more successful events. rather than substitutes, there is complementarity with success learning leading to fewer failures and also enhancing failure learning. conversely, we can observe that failure has a complex effect on normal operations, slowing down success learning since overall output might be reduced after a serious accident. the recommendation from bennett and snyder ( ) is to, for econometric reasons, not include both successful and failed events in the same estimations, we would argue that they page of academy of management annals should also be estimated separately for theoretical reasons – we simply don’t know how they relate. measuring failure and its responses. the empirical studies on failure learning face two measurement issues. first, individuals and organizations often fail to identify or report all failure events. this makes examining failures’ effects on learning processes more of a challenge. common approaches to collecting failure and error data include using public archival data (e.g., baum & dahlin, ; desai, ; lawton et al., ), experimental designs (dillon & tinsley, ; ellis et al., ), or employee recall (ginsburg, et al., ). archival data and employee recall increase under-reporting biases, and the question is how to account for this when interpreting studies. audits are, for instance undertaken in a number of industries, with the federal railroad administration performing spot-checks on regulation compliance (fra, ). legal cases where non-reporting leads to penalties usually state the expected underreporting. union representatives also have addressed underreporting. second, our review revealed that there is a lack of common measures with regard to failure learning behaviors, such as the schemas that are used when responding to failures. without common measures, it is difficult to compare the results from studies with different research settings. with few exceptions (cf. ginsburg, et al, ; shepherd et al., ) most studies measure broad learning behaviors, such as whether employees can challenge work processes or if they have improved work procedures, rather than learning behaviors that are specifically related to failures, such as the identification of an adverse event, cause analysis and corrective action. most importantly, to better understand errors and failure learning requires a research design with an explicit link between failure events and the different page of academy of management annals elements of learning behavior, such as israeli flight crews’ post-event analyses (ellis et al., ). conclusion reviewing the literature on error and failure learning, we clustered learning mechanisms into three categories of opportunity to learn (the factors of information and time), motivation to learn (willingness to act) and ability to learn (competence to act). failure and error learning have been studied across academic areas and address multiple levels of analysis, from individual, group and organizational perspectives. while motivation and ability factors dominate studies at the individual and group levels of analysis, opportunity factors dominate studies at the organizational level. studies in health management are also concerned with procedure-level studies, with a wealth of data showing time trends for procedures on the national level, where learning diverges greatly across treatment types from negative, over no improvement, to some positive learning (downey et al., ). in summary, the findings suggest that more information about errors and failures in the form of one’s own and others’ prior failures or near failures facilitate learning. they go on to report that leaders and organizations with a punitive attitude toward errors and failures obtain less information because individuals in such organizations consider the cost of reporting to be too high. additionally, they state that the ability to process and learn from errors and failures is partly based on attribution and inherent attitudes; however, this ability can be boosted through active post-event reviews. we argue that the cross-industry differences in learning rates depend on a number of factors. among those factors, a noisy learning environment in which organizations experience spurious successes and spurious failures exerts a strong influence on failure learning. noisy information about cause-effect makes failure information more difficult to interpret, which lowers learning opportunities and page of academy of management annals ability. spurious successes and failures also create ambiguity, which lowers the motivation to learn because the awareness of weak error-failure connections risks leading to normalized deviance, and it can also lower individuals’ motivations to report errors and failures. an organization that seeks to enhance error and failure learning should analyze the causes of its most common errors and failures. to maximize the opportunity to learn, the organization should not only study its own but also the events of similar organizations. further, including near-misses would add information and suggestions for ways to avoid an adverse outcome after a process error has occurred. when attributing causes, management must ensure that operators are not unduly blamed and if the cause is found to be operator error, look for systematic such errors to find if there are structural or organizational factors leading to operator error. we propose a number of unexplored research areas in error and failure learning, some of which are related to a lack of linkages across academic disciplines. in short: management scholars tend to ignore the role that is played by regulators in failure reduction; 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. the effects of leadership dimensions, safety climate, and assigned priorities on minor injuries in work groups. journal of organizational behavior, ( ), - . zohar, d., & luria, g. . a multilevel model of safety climate: cross-level relationships between organization and group-level climates. journal of applied psychology, ( ), . page of academy of management annals table . factors investigated in failure learning studies classified by level of analysis and mechanisms. opportunity motivation ability individual level perceived autonomy (stern at el., ) situational learning (stern at el., ) experience (kc, staats, & gino ) motivation to learn (zhao, ) and safety motivation (buljac-samardzic, et al. ; neal & griffin, ; probst, ) attribution (ilgen and davis, ; nisbett and ross, ; ellis, mendel & nir, ; kc, staats, & gino ; naquin & tynan, ) emotion (edmondson, ; paget, ; keith & frese, ; neal & griffin, ; shepherd et al., ; zhao, ) psychological safety (carmeli & gittell, ) perception of outcomes (dillon & tinsley, ) coping orientation (shepherd et al. ) training (gully, et al., ; keith & frese, ) after-event reviews (ellis & davidi, ; ellis, mendel, & nir, ) coping orientation (shepherd, et al., ) relationships with others (carmeli & gittell, ) group level member rotation (argote & todorova, ) group diversity and intergroup-linkages (chuang et al. ; tucker & edmondson, ) team stability (edmondson, ) routines to gather information (lawton, et al. ; edmondson, et al ; tucker & spear, ) autonomy (kerr, ) and load (malone et al. ) group norms and team orientation (katz-navon, et al., ; vogus & sutcliffe, ; zohar, ; tjosvold et al. ) psychological safety (edmondson, et al. ) tacit belief about failure (cannon & edmondson, ; edmondson, et al., ) leadership style (cannon & edmondson, ; katz-navon et al., ; carmeli et al., ) safety climate (zohar & luria, ) status dynxamics (edmondson, et al. ) routines (gersick & hackman, ) debriefing and reviewing abilities (ron, et al. ) resistance to change (hodgkinson & wright, ) workload (lawton et al., ) and autonomy (kerr, ) failure climate (buljac-samardzic et al., ) leadership style (buljac-samardzic et al., ; zhao, ; cannon & edmondson, ) training (morey, et al. ) membership stability (buljac-samardzic et al., ) understanding of team process (baker et al., ) workload (lawton et al., ) and work process (edmondson, ) coordination and communication (baker et al. ) to develop cooperative goals (tjosvold et al. ) page of academy of management annals organizational level (includes inter- organizational factors) own and others’ failure experience and processes to collect information on those failures (tucker & spear, ; baum & dahlin, ; chuang & baum, ; haunschild & rhee, ; haunschild & sullivan, ; kim & miner, ; madsen & desai, ; madsen, dillon & tinsley, ) own success experience (madsen & desai, ; pisano et al., ) recency of event (haunschild, polidoro & chandler, ) magnitude of event (desai, ; madsen, ) complexity of problems (stan & vermuelen, ) organizational size (desai, ; slonim, ) near failures / near misses (kim & miner, ; kessels-habraken, et al. ) geographic proximity (kim & miner, ) performance aspirations (baum & dahlin, ) media attention (desai, and desai ; opposite results) reputation (haunschild & rhee, ; rhee, ) safety climate (hofman & stetzer, ) other’s similar errors (mitsuhashi, ) organizational form (hanschild & sullivan, ) failure climate (khatri et al., ) error management culture (dyck et al., ) leadership style (desai, ) culture, work load (kralewski, et al. ; malone et al. ) post-experience reviews (ron, lipshitz & popper, ) and external pressures (haunschild & rhee, ). patient-centered hospitals, climate (rahert & may, ; lawton et al., ) standardized procedures/protocols (thornlow & merlin, ) organizational size (ginsburg, et al., ) page of academy of management annals table . x table of four process and outcome combinations. outcome of event success failure process/behavior/routine correct . traditional learning . spurious failure faulty . spurious success . traditional failure learning page of academy of management annals authors journal year level of analysis o/m/a data/setting method n result edmondson journal of applied behavioral science group o, a patient care groups survey units l=o, a hofman & stetzer academy of management journal group m utility company field experiment safety communication and attributions in groups l: a�m edmondson, bohmer & pisano administrative science quarterly group m team in hospitals qualitative hospitals l=m cannon & edmondson journal of organizational behavior group m, a organization teams field study groups l=m+a haunschild & sullivan administrative science quarterly organization o, a airlines archival data airlines l=o*a, specialist airlines learn more from heterogeneous accidents tucker & edmondson california management review group o, m hospitals qualitative hospitals no learning zohar journal of organizational behavior group m work groups survey groups l=m gully, payne, kiechel koles & whiteman journal of applied psychology individual a undergraduate students experiment l=a morey, et al. health services review group a emergency departments in hospitals field experiment emergency departments l=a hodgkinson & wright organization studies team m top management teams qualitative team l=m please note that this is our interpretation of how to classify a study’s mechanisms. page of academy of management annals naquin & tynan journal of applied psychology individual m graduate students experiments l=m chuang & baum administrative science quarterly organization o naming strategy archival data nursing home chain l=o tjosvold, yu & huy journal of management studies group o and m organization teams survey teams l=m,o keith & frese journal of applied psychology individual a undergraduate students experiment l=a ellis & davidi journal of applied psychology individual a organizations experiment l=a van dyck, frese, baer & sonnentag journal of applied psychology organization a organizations survey companies l=a zohar & luria journal of applied psychology multilevel m production workers in plants survey individuals in group l=m ron, lippshitz & popper organization studies group, organization m, a fighter crews observations of after-event reviews pilots and navigators l=a, m neal & griffin journal of applied psychology individual m hospital longitudinal survey staff l=m ellis, mendel & nir journal of applied psychology individual m, a undergraduate students experiment l=m, a tucker & spear health services review multilevel o nurses in hospitals qualitative hospitals l=o baum & dahlin organization science organization o, m train accidents archival data railroad years l=m*o underperforming train companies learn more from others’ failure experiences page of academy of management annals rathert & may health care management review individual a hospitals survey nurses, hospitals, same chain a gives m kim & miner academy of management journal organization o bank near-failures and failures archival data banks l=o with near-failures being the important events vogus & sutcliffe medical care group m hospitals survey units in hospitals l=m malone, abarca, skrepnek, murphy, armstrong, grizzle, rehfeld & woosley medical care multilevel o pharmacy and pharmacist survey + archival pharmacies l=o stern, katz-navon & naveh management science individual o residents in departments of two teaching hospitals survey resdients l=o dillon & tinsley management science individual m students and nasa experiment l=m thornlow & merlin health care management review organization a hospital routines archival data patient records, hospitals, states l=a as a function of procedure rhee journal of management studies organization m car recalls archival data u.s. automakers l=m, inverted u madsen organization science organization o mining accidents archival data recency of events l=o kerr social science and medicine group o, m hospitals qualitative clinics l=o+m carmeli & gittell journal of organizational behavior individual m, a organizations and graduate students survey l=m+a katz-navon, naveh & stern journal of applied psychology group m hospitals survey residents, medical wards l=m page of academy of management annals madsen & desai academy of management journal organization o orbital launch archival data launch vehicle organizations l=o ginsburg, chuang, berta, norton, ng, tregunno & richardson health services research organization a patient safety survey hospitals l=a desai academy of management journal press release organization o, m railroad accidents archival data press releases, firm-years l=m, o mitsuhashi industrial and corporate change organization m and o japanese nuclear plants archival data reactors l=m, o has no effect banja business horizons event a, m health care case histories and theory description of systematic rule breaking l=m, a carmeli, tishler & edmondson strategic organization group m top management teams survey tmts l=m*a zhao journal of organizational behavior individual m undergraduate students survey with experiment l=m shepherd, patzelt & wolfe academy of management journal individual m, a research institutes survey l=m+a+m*a downey, hernandez- boussard, banka & morton health services research procedure trends, no mechanism medical failure trends using us national data archival data . million adverse events for million hospitalizations procedures: with decrease with no change and with increases in adverse events muehlfeld, sahib & van witteloostujin strategic management journal transaction o newspaper merger and acquisitions archival data m&a attempts - by firms l=o, u-shaped relationship buljac-samardzic, van woerkom & paauwe health care management review group a hospitals survey teams l=a page of academy of management annals lawton, carruthers, gardner, wright & mceachan health services research group o, a hospitals qualitative wards l=o*a stan & vermeulen management science organization o fertility clinics archival data uk fertility clinics - o--> a --> l zheng, miner & george industrial and corporate change patent (ivs on individual and group levels) m, o university technology transfer office archival and interviews patents of which were licensed l=m*o kc, staat & gino management science individual o, m hospitals archival data cardiac surgeons l=o+m+m*o desai journal of management organization m air traffic controllers, near misses archival data us class i railroad firms l=m haunschild, polodori & chandler organization science organization o pharmaceutical firms, drug recalls archival data firms l=o, m motivation varies over time. eggers & song academy of management journal individual m, a serial entrepreneurs in china survey entrepreneurs l=m, a tested, no learning probst journal of applied psychology individual m organizations survey l=m desai academy of management journal organization o heart bypass surgeries archival data hospitals l=o madsen, dillon & tinsley risk analysis organization o airlines archival data commercial airlines l=o page of academy of management annals khanna, guler & kerkar academy of management journal organization o pharmaceutical industry archival data pharmaceutical firms l=o desai industrial and corporate change organization o railroad accident archival data us railroad firms l=o bennett & snyder strategy science event o liver transplant data but mainly methods paper simulated and archival data us liver transplants no learning + risk of type i errors in learning studies page of academy of management annals microsoft word - stember ma thesis.docx the the the the shanghai shanghai shanghai shanghai manhua manhua manhua manhua society: a history of early chinese society: a history of early chinese society: a history of early chinese society: a history of early chinese cartoonistscartoonistscartoonistscartoonists, , , , ---- by nick stember b.a., portland state university, a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of master of arts in the faculty of graduate and postdoctoral studies (asian studies) the university of british columbia (vancouver) december this work is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial-noderivatives . international license. nick stember, ii abstractabstractabstractabstract towards the end of the th century, the first illustrated pictorials began to appear in china. satirical cartoons found their way into chinese newspapers and magazines over the following decades, as print technology gradually improved. by the s illustrated pictorials began to proliferate, along with the first examples of humor magazines, a trend which would continue through the s. by the early s, china had over two dozen magazines dedicated to satirical comics, or manhua, as they came to be known. this study looks at the manhua society, a group of semi-professional cartoonists whose members were active in shanghai from roughly to . by pooling their resources and working under a common banner, the manhua society members were not only able to find employment, but also to step into the role of publishers themselves, financed by day jobs in advertising and education. this study reconstructs the history of the society using oral histories, academic studies, and primary source materials (translating many previously unavailable in english). it focuses on eight key members of the manhua society: ye qianyu, ji xiaobo, ding song, zhang guangyu, lu shaofei, wang dunqing, huang wennong, and hu xuguang. these men saw their careers transformed by a series of escalating military conflicts: the may movement of , the zhili-anhui war of , the first zhili-fengtian war of , the jiangsu-zhejiang war and second zhili-fengtian war of , the may movement of , the northern expedition of - , including the shanghai massacre of , and the first japanese invasions of shanghai in and . their stories show how the history of chinese comics was shaped by individuals, as well as organizations. although this industry was crippled by the japanese invasion of shanghai in , the same cartoonists would go on to work in the propaganda offices of world war ii, the chinese civil war, and the cold war. in tracing the origins of the manhua society, therefore, i argue that it influenced not only the development of cartooning and comics in the republican era, but also the visual culture of the prc. iii prefaceprefaceprefacepreface this dissertation is original, unpublished, independent work by the author, nick stember. the research topic was developed with guidance from my advisor, christopher g. rea. further feedback was provided by sharalyn orbaugh, sara wellington, ben whaley, and others at the modern japanese and east asian popular culture workshop on march , . portions of this thesis were presented at talk given at the fourth annual ubc asian studies graduate conference on april , , titled, “the manhua society ( - ).” iv table of contentstable of contentstable of contentstable of contents abstract ................................................................................................................................................................................ ii preface ................................................................................................................................................................................. iii table of contents ............................................................................................................................................................. iv list of tables ..................................................................................................................................................................... vi list of figures ................................................................................................................................................................... vii acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................................................... viii epigraph .............................................................................................................................................................................. ix introduction ........................................................................................................................................................................ chapter : war, what is it good for? ....................................................................................................................... ye qianyu: the student .............................................................................................................................................. ji xiaobo: the master .............................................................................................................................................. burnt bridges and bad blood? ................................................................................................................................. chapter : the ties that bind .................................................................................................................................. ding song: the grandfather ................................................................................................................................... zhang guangyu: the godfather ............................................................................................................................. lu shaofei: the portraitist’s son ........................................................................................................................... chapter : wild cards ................................................................................................................................................. wang dunqing: the boy scout ............................................................................................................................. huang wennong: the missionary’s son .............................................................................................................. hu xuguang: the lumberjack ............................................................................................................................... chapter : come together ......................................................................................................................................... the shot heard round the bund .......................................................................................................................... an unexpected party ................................................................................................................................................ the northern expedition ........................................................................................................................................ chapter : the breaking of the fellowship ............................................................................................................. shanghai sketch i ....................................................................................................................................................... dr. fix-it and the pioneer syndicate...................................................................................................................... shanghai sketch ii ..................................................................................................................................................... chapter : the legacy .................................................................................................................................................. birth of the modern .................................................................................................................................................. the manhua boom .................................................................................................................................................... v censorship and war .................................................................................................................................................. conclusion ........................................................................................................................................................................ bibliography ................................................................................................................................................................... appendix ......................................................................................................................................................................... appendix a: tables ................................................................................................................................................. vi list of tableslist of tableslist of tableslist of tables table a. major manhua artists and publishers by decade, - .................................................. table a. cartoon periodicals published in shanghai, by year founded, - ........................... vii list of figurelist of figurelist of figurelist of figuressss figure . three friends co. storefront on nanjing road, date unknown. ...................................................... figure . ji xiaobo “i always feel that life is so unreal!” 總覺得人生的虛無縹緲了!the young companion, issue , february , , . ............................................................................................................ figure . ji xiaobo “warrior” 戰士 the young companion, issue ii, march , . .................. figure . ji xiaobo “fullness” 圓滿 the young companion, issue i, march , . ................. figure . ding song “falling in love” 戀愛 shenzhou pictorial神州畫報, january, , . ..... figure . lu shaofei “goals youth should have” 青年應有之目的 shenbao, october , , . figure . wang yiliu [aka wang dunqing] “founding of the league of left-wing writers” 左联 作家联盟成立 shoots萌芽, issue , april , . ........................................................................................... figure . huang wennong “our office will have a meeting at one o’clock today” 本公所定今 日下午一時開會 shenbao sunday, march , , . .................................................................................. figure . hu xuguang “candle in the wind” 風中之燭, shenbao, thursday, january , , . figure . zhang meisun “emblem for the manhua association” 漫畫會會徽 november, . .. figure . the first dr. fix-it 改造博士 shenbao sunday, january , , . .................................. figure . the first mr. wang 王先生 shanghai sketch ii, march , ................................................ figure . huang wennong “jump on the horse and drop anchor” 上馬及拋錨 shanghai sketch i, january , , . .......................................................................................................................................................... figure . ye qianyu “standard sizes”大小標凖 shanghai sketch i, january , , . .................. figure . the romantic adventures of mr. mao 毛郎艷史 shenbao, june , . ................................ figure . the traveler 旅行家 shenbao, august , . ................................................................................ figure . brother tao 陶哥兒, shenbao, september , . ........................................................................ figure . lu liaoliao [aka lu shaofei] “the destiny of love” 愛的命運 shanghai sketch ii, issue # , may , . .................................................................................................................................................................... figure . lu liaoliao [aka lu shaofei] "young girl and married woman" 少女與婦女 shanghai sketch ii, may , . .............................................................................................................................................. figure . lu shaofei “new styles for early summer” 初夏的新裝 june , . ................................... figure . logo of the modern press 時代印刷有限公司 designed by zhang guangyu in ........... figure . “picture of mr. lu xun beating a [drowning] pug” 魯迅先生打叭兒狗圖 lin yutang, peking press supplement 京報副刊, january , . ....................................................................................... figure . cover of the first issue of modern sketch by zhang guangyu, featuring the “don quixote of manhua” 漫畫的堂吉訶德 by zhang guangyu, january , ................................................................. figure . “the cry of life,” 生活的呼號 manhua life, issue , september , . ............................ figure . “heads of state” 元首, the spectator, november , . .......................................................... viii acknowledgementsacknowledgementsacknowledgementsacknowledgements first and foremost, i would like to thank the faculty of arts at ubc and the gregory tso memorial scholarship in asian studies whose funding made this project possible. secondly, i would like thank my advisor, christopher g. rea, for his guidance and, most of all, patience as this project made its way towards completion. his knowledge of the visual culture of th and th century china and willingness to share resources provided this study with an unparalleled foundation of support, as did his assistance with funding and grant applications. he is, in every sense of the word, a mensch. i would also like to thank timothy cheek and john a. crespi for serving on my committee, and jerry schmidt for serving as chair. it is thanks to their close reading and incisive comments and questions that i have been able to shape something resembling an argument out of the crooked timber of my thesis. the remaining knots and splinters are, of course, my own. more generally, i would like to thank catherine swatek for sharing her expertise as both a sinologist and a friend, and sharalyn orbaugh for always encouraging me to dig a little bit deeper. stefania burk was a pillar of support during all manner of crises. bruce rusk provided invaluable advice on digital archives, and ross king’s suggestion to focus on the founding rather than the failing of the manhua society turned out to be just the advice i needed. additionally, carla nappi was always there with robot coffee when i really needed it, and robert hegel provided killer advice for an aspiring grad student, as did maggie greene. i also want to brendan o’kane for encouraging me to follow in his footsteps by studying abroad in china. i would like to thank my family and friends in portland, shanghai, harbin, and now vancouver, for putting up with my obsessions and encouraging my passions. finally, i would like to thank my wife ding, for her constant love and support. ix epigraphepigraphepigraphepigraph “they were always doing something. quietly, without interruption, and with great concentration, they carried on with the hundred-and-one small things that made up their world.” ― tove jansson, moominpappa at sea, , translated by kingsley hart inininintroductiontroductiontroductiontroduction over the last roughly years china has undergone massive changes, going from absolute monarchy to semi-colony, and eventually to a pair of st century nation states, the republic of china and the people’s republic of china, with equally dramatic changes occurring in chinese-language print culture. as new technologies introduced from abroad came to replace traditional methods of printing, new types of publications, such as newspapers and magazines, came into vogue. although a long tradition of illustrated texts exists in china, going back to at least the tang dynasty ( - ), it was not until the late th century that high fidelity illustrated texts could be reproduced quickly and cheaply, spurring an explosion in visual print culture for men and women, rich and poor alike. this democratization of information was unprecedented in chinese history, and in turn spurred social changes that would transform china. by the s, shanghai, then china’s largest metropolis, was experiencing a publishing boom brought about through a confluence of two very different groups of intellectuals: those aligned with the politically-motivated new culture movement, concerned with issues of language reform and national sovereignty, and those who catered to the tastes of public, through popular literature, music, films, and other forms of entertainment. both groups sought to capture the attention (and dollars) of a growing audience of increasingly cosmopolitan readers. while new culture critics disparaged popular writers as the “mandarin ducks and butterflies” clique for their sentimentalism, symbolized by the romantic clichés of yuanyang (mandarin ducks, which mate for life) and hudie (butterflies, free flying denizens of the garden, a sexually charged space in traditional chinese drama and literature), the line between the two groups was not as hard and fast as such appellation might suggest. given the inherently subjective task of literary analysis, critics more often than not labeled writers based more on whom they associated with than on the actual content of their writing. writers of all stripes, meanwhile, took a keen interest in the potential of the graphic arts, with the “butterflies” gravitating towards entertainment, and the new culture critics to propaganda. this thesis looks at a very small part of this much larger print boom phenomenon, namely, the emergence and afterlife of the manhua society 漫畫會, a group dedicated to the production of manhua (cartoon) periodicals whose members belonged to both sides of the great literary debate. first adopted in the mid- s, the chinese term manhua refers to cartoons in a general sense, and was adopted by a for examples of the differences in the language used by literary and popular writers, see william a. lyell’s afterword to his translation of zhang henshui’s novel, shanghai express: a thirties novel, trans. william a. lyell (honolulu: univ of hawaii pr, ). specific group of artist-entrepreneurs to promote their own work. rather than look at the aesthetic influences (particularly from the west) on their work, as paul bevan has done in his recently published monograph, this study is primarily concerned with using oral histories, academic studies, and primary source materials (translating many previously unavailable in english) to reconstruct the life and times of the members of the manhua society. the manhua society was formed in late and disbanded in in , with scholars bi keguan and huang yuanlin later hailing it as “the first civil cartoon society in chinese history” 漫畫會是我國歷 史最早出現的民間漫畫團體. this is probably an exaggeration, as the manhua society was likely only one of several “civil societies” dedicated to the making of cartoons which was formed in the s. it was, however, one of the few to announce its activity with some regularity in the shenbao and other publications, from its founding in late though to its apparent breakup in late . key members of this short-lived organization included ye qianyu 葉淺予 ( - ), ji xiaobo 季小波 ( - ), zhang guangyu 張光宇 ( - , born zhang dengying 張登瀛) and his brother, zhang zhengyu 張正宇 (also known as zhang zhenyu 張振宇, - ), ding song 丁松 (courtesy name ding muqin 丁慕琴, - ? ?), ye qianyu 葉淺予 ( - ), lu shaofei 魯少飛 ( - ), huang wennong 黃文農 ( - ), and wang dunqing 王敦慶 ( - ). the society and its various publications also sought to draw on the talents of a larger pool of cartoonists, and inspired in large part by the political turmoil of the late s and s, these artists turned entrepreneurs saw cartooning not only as an economic opportunity, but also as a moral necessity. in addition to publishing large numbers of political cartoons through various publications during the s and s, members such as paul bevan, a modern miscellany: shanghai cartoon artists, shao xunmei’s circle and the travels of jack chen, - (brill, ). bi keguan 畢克官 and huang yuanlin 黃遠林, zhongguo manhua shi 中國漫畫史 [the history of chinese manhua] (文 化藝術出版社, ), . other informal groups almost certainly existed in beijing and guangzhou, given the existence of cartoon periodicals published in the latter, such as fifty-cent funnies 半角漫畫, and the presence of cartoonist and educator wang junyi 王君異 ( - ) in the former. see ding xi 丁西, ed., “banjiao manhua” 半角漫畫 [fifty-cent funnies], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , and ding xi 丁西, ed., “wang junyi” 王君異 [wang junyi], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , . meeting notes for one gathering state that “…our group has adopted an open format and we welcome new comrades to join. there is no established procedure for soliciting new members, so interested parties are encouraged to contact us” 該會取公開 態度、歡迎同志加入、但無徵求會員之手續、願入會者、可與該會接洽云. “ge tuanti xiaoxi” 各團體消息 [society news], shenbao 申報, june , , . ye qianyu, zhang guangyu, and wang dunqing devoted themselves almost exclusively to creating anti- japanese propaganda after the outbreak of the second sino-japanese war in . when considering the impact of the manhua society, however, it is equally important to note that through the diverse work of its members, manhua came to refer to a much larger creative sphere than simply “cartoons.” as crespi argues, …the english word “cartoon” can be a misleading translation for the chinese term manhua. cognate with the japanese word “manga,” chinese magazines like shanghai sketch …and modern sketch…expanded the meaning of manhua to cover a diversity of graphic forms beyond what we normally think of as “cartoons.” indeed, looking at the various cartoon periodicals published during the s and s by members of the manhua society, it seems that manhua came to be understood as a general category of visual play, exemplified by the cartoon or caricature, but also encompassing photographs, fashion illustrations, advertisements, poster art, and wildly creative typography. to understand why a group of young men would dedicate themselves to drawing and publishing cartoons (and other works which combined art and humor) in shanghai in the late s and early s, one must understand the development of the city in which they made their home. science fiction author j.g. ballard (who was born in the international settlement in and lived in the city until he was ) once described shanghai of the early th century as …almost a st century city - huge disparities of wealth and poverty, a multi-lingual media city with dozens of radio stations, dominated by advertising, befouled by disease and pollution, driven by money, populated by twenty different nations, the largest and most dynamic city of the pacific rim, an important political battleground. in short, a portent of the world we inhabit today. here, ballard would seem to be echoing his cotemporary marshall mcluhan, who argued that the technology of popular media and communication altered the way we think, not through the merits of the contents it carried, but through the immediacy of its delivery, allowing for a “…retribalizing process j.g. ballard, “ballard interviewed by hans ulrich obrist in ,” interview by hans ulrich obrist, , http://www.jgballard.ca/media/ _catalogue_for_beck’s_futures_art_exhibition.html (accessed november , ). wrought by the electric media, which is turning the planet into a global village.” in this way, the illustrated magazines of s and s such as vanity fair and vogue, which manhua society members such as ye qianyu recall having modelled their own publications on, can be argued to have been a portent of the st century media-sphere, marrying current events to trends in fashion and popular culture, foreshadowing television and, ultimately, the internet. like the internet today, an exciting mix of both high and low culture could be found of the pages of manhua and other illustrated periodicals in republican-era shanghai, which struggled to stay afloat in the face of low profits and over-zealous censors. as media savvy consumers and interpreters of global culture, the manhua society and its members left an indelible mark on the visual culture of the republican-era, which became the cultural heritage of the prc after mao zedong and the communists came to power in . to understand this cultural heritage, we must consider not only the artwork produced, but also the men who produced this artwork and the great sweltering paradox of a city which brought them together. “the playboy interview | next nature network,” n.d., https://www.nextnature.net/ / /the-playboy-interview- marshall-mcluhan/ (accessed november , ). chapter chapter chapter chapter : war, what is i: war, what is i: war, what is i: war, what is it t t t good fgood fgood fgood for?or?or?or? fittingly, given the role free trade agreements have played in the development of st century cities, shanghai of the early th century, “portent of the modern world,” was made possible by the treaty of nanking in which designated shanghai a ‘treaty port,’ becoming a casualty of the first opium war between the rapidly expanding british empire and the ailing qing empire. the manchus had ruled china since overthrowing the ethnic han ming dynasty in , overseeing a huge growth in population and territory. according to many scholars who have studied the era however, the manchu reforms were primarily targeted at restoring rather than reforming political, economic, or social institutions which they inherited. eventually, foreign aggression forced the imperial government to begin efforts toward western- style modernization. the british treaty was soon followed by similar french and american treaties in . chinese entrepreneurs flocked to the foreign concessions to take advantage of the new economic opportunities they provided, while many others sought refuge from the political turmoil of the taiping rebellion of to . foreign products, most famously opium, but also english wool, indian cotton, russian furs, american ginseng, and silver bullion mined in mexico were imported into china through the docks and godowns [warehouses] of the huangpu, and while goods such as tea, silk, and porcelain were exported from the farms and villages of the chinese countryside. over time, a local manufacturing industry (of which printing presses were to form a large part) emerged, eventually overtaking the import-export business. former treaty port cities in china include guangdong, xiamen, fuzhou, and ningbo, among others. see frederic wakeman, the great enterprise: the manchu reconstruction of imperial order in seventeenth-century china: volume (university of california press, ) and the great enterprise: the manchu reconstruction of imperial order in seventeenth-century china: volume (university of california press, ). this is, of course, an extremely simple interpretation of the long and complex legacy of the qing dynasty. as frederic wakeman and many others have pointed out, numerous attempts were made by reformers in the imperial court such as kang youwei 康有為 ( - ) and liang qichao 梁啟超 ( - ) in the late th century, who briefly succeeded during the hundred days’ reform of . five years later in , following the disasterious outcome of the boxer rebellion, which led to the occupation of the capital in beijing, the empress dowager cixi and her supporters instituted the new policies which, like the hundred days’ reform, was largely modeled on the meiji restoration of in japan. following her death in , however, the reforms were once again rolled back by the conservative faction that came to power. william rowe, meanwhile, has argued that one can see strands of reform in the activities of guilds and philanthropic organizations of the late qing dynasty, an argument which rowe builds on the concept of the “public sphere” introduced in jürgen habermas’ the structural transformation of the public sphere: an inquiry into a category of bourgeois society (cambridge: polity, ). although rowe has faced criticism from wakeman for overestimating the automony from the manchu state that such organizations were able to achieve, it does suggest an interesting possibility for a re-assessement of the extent of social and political reforms achieved on the level of civil society during the qing dynasty. see william t. rowe, “the public sphere in modern china,” modern china , no. ( ): – , frederic wakeman, “the civil society and public sphere debate: western reflections on chinese political culture,” modern china , no. ( ): – , and william t. rowe, “the problem of ‘civil society’ in late imperial china,” modern china , no. ( ): – . in , the defeat of the qing in the first sino-japanese war led to the treaty of shimonoseki, which created the first japanese concessions in china while also establishing a legal precedent for foreign- owned manufacturers within china. at first, chinese industrialists struggled to compete with the capital resources and more advanced manufacturing techniques of foreign-owned factories. chinese firms quickly latched onto the idea of using the rhetoric of nationalism to sell their products, which often came at a higher or equivalent real cost, with a lower level of perceived quality. anti-japanese sentiment was stoked even further by the russo-japanese war of - , when japan seized additional concessions in the liaodong peninsula 遼東半島, in the northeastern province of liaoning 遼寧, which at the time was known as fengtian 奉天. when the by then widely despised qing government was finally overthrown in late , the ensuing wave of nationalism help bring by sun yat-sen’s孫中山 ( - ) kuomintang 國民黨 [chinese nationalist party, kmt] to power, with the support of the leading qing general, yuan shikai 袁 世凱 ( - ) and his modernized beiyang army. meanwhile, business owners quickly realized the opportunity to seize market share from foreign imports with the establishment of the chinese national product preservation association 中華國貨維持會. beyond simply promoting chinese products, the cnppa would go to organize numerous anti-japanese boycotts from its headquarters in shanghai, which were largely suppressed by the republican government under pressure from the japanese legation. when world war i broke out in august, , japan, which had been formally allied with england since the anglo-japanese alliance, seized the german concession in qingdao, shandong province and proceeded to force the yuan shikai’s government, which had ejected sun yat-sen’s kmt the previous year, to accept a list of demands, including the recognition of the various japanese territorial claims in china. in late , yuan reinstated the monarchy, declaring himself emperor hongxian of the chinese empire 中華帝國大皇帝洪宪, a controversial decision which led to the break-up of his government even before his death from kidney failure in . following yuan’s death, the beiyang army split into warring factions, which coalesced into three main groups: the anhui clique 皖系, the zhili clique 直系, and the fengtian clique奉系. at first, the see karl gerth, china made: consumer culture and the creation of the nation (harvard univ asia center, ). for background on the warlord factions, i have relied heavily on chi hsi-sheng, warlord politics in china, - (stanford, calif: stanford university press, ). most powerful of these was the anhui clique, which controlled beijing under the leadership of duan qirui 段祺瑞 ( - ), an anhui native, with the support of the japanese who provided loans in exchange for under-the-table territorial concessions. for similar reasons, the japanese also supported the fengtian clique, which was based in the far northeastern corner of the country above korea, known as manchuria, and led by zhang zuolin 張作霖 ( - ), with the support of zhang zongchang 張宗昌 ( - ) and others. hebei and its surroundings, meanwhile, were controlled by the zhili clique, led by cao kun 曹錕 ( - ), in partnership with wu peifu吳佩孚 ( - ), feng yuxiang 馮玉祥 ( - ), and sun chuanfang 孫傳芳 ( - ). for much of the late s and early s, however, the province of canton in the far south was largely controlled by the kmt under sun yat-sen’s leadership. sun initially formed alliances with local warlords, in particular chen jiongming 陳炯明 ( - ), but found them to be unreliable allies in his quest to reunify china under kmt rule. in , sun founded the whampoa military academy 黃埔軍 校 in canton with support of the soviet union and the new guangxi clique 新桂系, which controlled neighboring guangxi province, a major center of opium production. as part of the terms of support from the bolsheviks, the kmt had formed an alliance with the chinese communist party in , known today as the first united front of the nationalists and communists. in , chiang kai-shek 蔣介石 ( - ), commandant of the whampoa military academy, drew on the graduates of whampoa to found the national revolutionary army (nra), a force which would ultimately retake the country for the kmt following sun yat-sen’s death in . in was during these turbulent times that ye qianyu, today the most well-known member of the manhua society, grew up. ye’s early life story is unique among his peers not so much in the particulars, but because we know a great deal about it, largely thanks to his autobiography which was published in the s. ye’s early life illustrates how the numerous military conflicts of the late s and early s shaped the lives and aspirations of the first generation of manhua artists in china. arthur waldron’s from war to nationalism: china’s turning point, - (cambridge university press, ) is an indispensable resource for helping to understand the complex military and political situation of the mid- s in china, in particular chapter , “the war and society.” ye qianyuye qianyuye qianyuye qianyu: the student: the student: the student: the student born in into a family of merchants in tonglu county 桐廬縣, zhejiang province, in the mountains to the southwest of hangzhou at the confluence of the fenshui and the fuchun, at age seven ye entered baohua primary school 葆華小學. after graduating in he enrolled at zixiaoguan advanced primary 紫霄觀高等小學 where in addition to his other coursework he also studied traditional ink painting and handicrafts. he spent five years at zixiaoguan before graduating in . while ye was in his third year zixiaoguan, world war i ended with the treaty of versailles. signed on june , , due to secret territorial concessions granted by the various warlord cliques in exchange for loans and military equipment, this controversial document upheld japanese claims over qingdao and the liaodong peninsula, despite china having contributed some , laborers to the allied war effort. more than miles to the north of hangzhou, student protests against both the warlords and japan took place in the capital of beijing on may , , quickly spreading to rest of the country. the “may fourth” movement, as it came to be known, was a watershed moment for a new generation of chinese intellectuals who increasingly came to advocate for the abandoning of “backward” chinese tradition in favor of the modern ideals of “science and democracy.” although he was only when the may fourth movement began, in his memoirs ye recalls participating in student protests inspired by the may fourth movement several years later while going to school in hangzhou. n , ye applied to the zhejiang provincial number one teaching training school 浙江省 立第一師範學校, a famous public school in hangzhou, but failed the entrance exam. the next year he applied a second time to the same school, in addition to two more schools, hangzhou number one middle school 杭州第一中學 and the more recently established hangzhou salt works middle school 杭州鹽務中學. although he failed the entrance exam to zhengjiang number one a second time, ye tested into both of the other schools. despite wanting to attend hangzhou number one middle school, in the end ye decided to attend the salt works middle school, apparently under pressure from his father. although the other school would have given him the option of going on to university after graduation (and also would have had art classes), salt works middle school had been established to train future employees in the this, and other biographical information about ye qianyu’s life is drawn from his autobiography ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian 葉淺予自傳:細敘滄桑記流年 [the autobiography of ye qianyu: carefully narrating the changes of the ages, recording the passing years] (zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe 中國社會科學出版社, ). government salt monopoly. for ye’s father, whose business was struggling at the time, it likely seemed to be a better investment than the more nebulous promises of a well-rounded education. tasked with providing war reparations to the eight-nations alliance following the boxer rebellion of - , the salt monopoly faced a shortage of staff fluent in foreign languages to deal with the representatives of the eight-nations alliance. in light of his involvement in the may movement, ye, was understandably less enamored with this career path. along with his girlfriend, wang wenying 王文英, and three other classmates, ye ran away from school in the summer of , taking a passenger ferry to xiamen where they attempted to gain early admittance to xiamen university 廈門大學. only one of the five friends managed to pass the exam, but the other four, including ye and wang, were allowed to stay on at the preparatory school for xiamen university. they soon found themselves trapped in xiamen, however, due to the outbreak of the jiangsu- zhejiang war 江浙戰爭 in september, . following the zhili-anhui war of , when duan qirui’s anhui clique had been defeated by cao kun and wu peifu’s zhili clique, former anhui clique generals, yu longxiang盧永祥 ( - ) and qi xieyuan 齊燮元 ( - ), who had sworn allegiance to the zhili clique, continued to be rule over the provinces of jiangsu (containing shanghai), anhui, and zhejiang (containing hangzhou). for the next two years, meanwhile, beijing found itself nominally under the joint rule of the zhili and fengtian cliques. this partnership fell apart in , with the advent of the first zhili-fengtian war, which saw the fengtian army routed, forcing zhang zuolin to retreat to manchuria. the jiangsu-zhejiang war of which trapped ye qianyu and his friends in xiamen began as a struggle between lu and qi for control of the chinese districts of shanghai, and quickly escalated into the second zhili-fengtian war, for which zhang had been enthusiastically preparing since his embarrassing defeat only two years earlier. to help overthrow qi, lu had partnered with he fenglin 何豐林 ( - ), the military defense commissioner of shanghai, and du yuesheng杜月笙 ( - ), a powerful crime boss in the green gang 青幫, which controlled the opium trade in shanghai. with the zhili clique’s northern reserves forces tied up in skirmishes with the fengtian army, sun chuanfang 孫傳芳 ( - ), also of the zhili clique, decided to step in to support qi xieyuan, leading his forces up from fujian, where he had been stationed by cao kun and wu peifu in early . wakeman frederic, policing shanghai, - (university of california press, ), . by october, , only one month after the jiangsu-zhejiang war had begun, it was already over. sun chuanfang and qi xieyuan had defeated lu yongxiong, who fled to japan, with sun replacing lu as the military governor of zhejiang. in response, the victorious fengtian clique attempted to extend their influence into the yangtze river delta region, with zhang zuolin sending zhang zongchang and feng yuxiang’s guominjun 國民軍 [national army] on the anhui-fengtian expedition to take the chinese districts of shanghai from qi xieyuan. after being quickly defeated in april, , qi xieyuan was forced to flee to safety in japan, and the guominjun occupied the chinese parts of the city. by the fall, however, zhang zongchang had been recalled to shandong, allowing sun chuanfang to ultimately take control of jiangsu, anhui, and jiangxi over the next three years, becoming one of the most powerful men in china. ye qianyu, meanwhile, was forced to stay in xiamen for another five months, not having enough money to return home. while ye was off trying to make a name for himself, the ye family store had gone bankrupt, which meant that the family had been reduced to living off the income they received from renting out their property. failing to gain admission to xiamen university, in march of , ye was convinced to return home when his father took out a yuan mortgage on their family property to bring his son back from xiamen. back in tonglu, ye’s father pleaded with him to return to the hangzhou salt works middle school to finish his degree. ye resisted, and after running away and threatening to kill himself, he was able to convince his father to let him apply for an apprenticeship as a clerk in the retail department of the three friends co. textile factory 三友商業社. one of the largest and most well-known chinese-owned companies at the time, three friends co. had been posting wanted ads in the shenbao 申報, a prominent shanghai newspaper with distribution throughout china. founded by the english entrepreneur ernest major ( - ), the shenbao was a pioneering chinese language newspaper which played a key role in the development of the public sphere in shanghai from when it was founded to when it finally shut its doors in . it is not surprising, then, that it also played a critical role in the development of chinese cartooning, launching the first illustrated magazine in china, the dianshizhai pictorial 點石齋畫報, and named after a famous saying attributed to confucius: “having three kinds of friends will be a source of personal improvement; having three other kinds of friends will be a source of personal injury. one stands to be improved by friends who are true, who make good on their word, and who are broadly informed; one stands to be injured by friends who are ingratiating, who feign compliance, and who are glib talkers” 益者三友,損者三友。友直,友諒,友多聞,益矣;友便闢,友善 柔,友便佞,損矣. roger t. ames, tran., the analects of confucius: a philosophical translation (random house publishing group, ), . providing employment to many of china’s first cartoonists, from shen bochen and ding song, to lu shaofei and huang wennong. after passing an interview with wang shuyang 王叔暘 ( - ) in the office of three friends co. by demonstrating his drawing ability, ye was hired as apprentice clerk selling cloth in the three friends department store on nanjing road, the bustling commercial thoroughfare of the british- american international settlement (see fig. . ). located on the northwest bank of the huangpu river, which runs diagonally through the yangzte river delta, the international settlement was sandwiched between the long rectangle of the french concession and the chinese walled city, containing yu garden 豫園 and the city god temple 城隍廟, to the south, and suzhou creek 蘇州河 to the north. this rough stretch of water, thick with effluents of the many tanners and dyers located along its banks, marked the border to the chinese controlled district of zhabei, with the terminus of the nanjing-shanghai railroad and a large number of factories, including those of three friends co. for more on ernest major and the shenbao, see rudolf g. wagner, ed., joining the global public: word, image, and city in early chinese newspapers, - (suny press, ). wang shuyang would later work as a distributor of the young companion and shanghai sketch ii, among other magazines. see ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . figure . three friends co. storefront on nanjing road, date unknown. named after the former imperial capital of china, in chinese it was often referred to as main road 大馬路, nanjing road ran east to west from the waterfront, known as the bund, to the shanghai race course (since razed by the communists and replaced with appropriately named people’s park). for a young man from a small town in the zhejiang hills like ye, nanjing road was a heady place, a major economic artery, a mix of east and west, where the gathered multitudes of living, breathing things all started to affect my way of looking at things. i went from seeing things with the eyes of a peasant from the local county seat, to seeing things with the eyes of a shanghaiese. my brain became filled with new and exciting things, seeing the changes in society; spending time on nanjing road, full of art and culture, i became aware of the things which i loved, the things jia yan 賈彦, “shangzhan yu bingzhan: naxie yu sanjiao maojin youguan de kangri chuanqi” 商戰與兵戰:那些與“三角” 毛巾有關的抗日傳奇 [retail wars and miltary wars: all those stories about three triangle towels during the war of resistance], lishi pindao - dongfangwang 歷史頻道-東方網, april , , http://history.eastday.com/h/shlpp/u a .html (accessed december , ). which i needed, and so i made a choice, then and there. this is probably why i gradually realized that i needed to change jobs, to spend time improving and absorbing and digesting these things. 一條經濟大動脈,華洋雜處,會公眾生,把我這帶點農民意識的小縣城的眼睛,逐 漸變成十裏洋場的眼睛,腦子裏也裝滿新鮮事物和社會新面貌;又接觸了布滿南京 路的文化藝術環境,使我對所愛的所需的有所認識,進而有所選擇。也許就是這個 原因,我逐漸意識到需要換一個工作環境,來充實和消化這些東西。 soon thereafter ye was promoted to the advertising department of three friends co. where he met ji xiaobo, a twenty-five year old artist from jiangsu who would provide a model of success for the ambitious ye. although largely forgotten today, ji xiaobo’s somewhat fraught relationship with ye helps explain the likewise fraught formation of the manhua society. ji xiaoboji xiaoboji xiaoboji xiaobo: the master: the master: the master: the master born in in xinzhuang village 新庄鄉, changshu county 常熱縣, jiangsu 江蘇省, just south of the yangtze river, in ye qianyu’s words, ji “…had received a formal art education in shanghai, and so he was familiar with foreign music. he told us that the municipal concert hall had free seats on the third floor, open to the public, and that he could take us to check it out if we were interested” 在上海 受过正规美术教育,接触过外国音乐, 他告诉我们,市政厅音乐堂的三楼,有免费的座位, 可以自由出入,你们有兴趣,可以带你们去见识见识. at first ye was unimpressed with the stiff formality of the classical orchestra, finding that it compared unfavorably with the spontaneity and liveliness of the folk music he had heard in amusement parks while growing up in the zhejiang countryside, and one can easily imagine the older and more erudite xiao lecturing the younger and more impetuous ye about the fine points of western music. yet after repeated trips to the municipal concert hall ye recalls that he found himself gradually beginning to enjoy it. unless otherwise mentioned, information about ye qianyu is drawn from his autobiography. all other biographical information on ji xiaobo is based on a short essay and two encyclopedia entries: bu wuchen 步武塵, “gaoshou manhuajia ji xiaobo” 高壽漫畫家季小波 [long lived manhua artist ji xiaobo], suzhou zazhi 蘇州雜志, february , – , ding xi 丁西, ed., “季小波” [ji xiaobo], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷 (shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe 陝西人民美術出版社, november ), and tang fei 庸非, ed., “季小波” [ji xiaobo], zhongguo dangdai manhua jia cidian 中國當代漫畫家辭典 (jiangsu renmin chubanshe 浙江人民出版社, may ), . ye also recalls that ji xiaobo was responsible for finding a new dormitory to rent when the company outgrew the cramped quarters they had been living in. when they moved into the new dorm, ji used his own money to buy a gramophone. after long hours at three friends, the interns would crowd around the turntable to listen to peking opera recordings and take turns singing stanzas from their favorite performances. ji’s generosity rekindled a childhood fascination with the theatre which was to last for rest of ye’s life. ji xiaobo’s own career had begun nearly seven years earlier, in the summer of , when ji and his friend, fan zhixi 範志希 (n.d) were hired by the artist and entrepreneur sun xueni 孫雪泥 ( - ) to edit his shanghai resident news 上海市民報. sun xueni had originally been employed as an art editor at the new world daily 新世界日報, published by the new world entertainment hall 新 世界游樂場, before setting up his own press, shengsheng fine arts company 生生美術公司 a newspaper publisher which doubled as an advertising agency, producing illustrated ads for other newspapers. seventeen years old and just out of high school, ji xiaobo made fast friends with the eighteen year old zhang guangyu, who at the time was apprenticed to ding song ( - ), the editor of world pictorial 世界畫報, a second publication also printed by shengsheng. less than ten years later, the three would collaborate with ye qianyu, among others, to form the manhua society. in the fall of , ji xiaobo joined the first class of the shanghai teacher training college of art 上海藝術專科師範學校 which had just been established by two graduates of zhejiang provincial number one teacher training school (the same school ye qianyu had failed the entrance exam to twice), the artist wu mengfei 吳夢非, liu zhiping 劉質平, who had also studied music in japan. it is somewhat surprising that ji would choose to enroll at this school, given that at the time ding song was a teacher and provost at the more established shanghai art academy 上海美術院 . perhaps cost was a concern, since tuition was almost certainly cheaper at the teacher training college of art, which didn’t even make enough money to employ its teachers full time. see huang ke 黃可, “sun xueni yu shengsheng meishu gongsi--jiushi huajia de shengcun zhi dao” 孫雪泥與生生美術公 司——舊時畫家的生存之道 [sun xueni and shengsheng fine arts company: how one artist survived], yishu zhongguo 藝術中國 (september , ), http://art.china.cn/huihua/ - / /content_ .htm (accessed march , ). ma liangchun 馬良春 and li futian 李福田, eds., “youxi zazhi” 游戲雜志 [the pastime], dictionary of chinese literature 中國文學大辭典 (tianjin people’s press 天津人民出版社, ), . geremie barmé, an artistic exile: a life of feng zikai ( - ) (university of california press, ), . whatever the reason, ji xiaobo’s decision would turn out to be a fortuitous one when wu mengfei and liu zhiping convinced their former classmate feng zikai 豐子愷 ( - ) to join the school. although feng zikai would later become a famous cartoonist, at the time he was still struggling to develop the unique fusion of traditional chinese painting and western cartooning for which he would become known. feng zikai and his publisher, zheng zhenduo 鄭振鐸 ( - ) decided to call his iconoclastic cartoons manga 漫畫 [casual pictures], borrowing the japanese term for cartoons and comics which feng had picked up while studying in tokyo. the term, pronounced manhua in mandarin, was quickly adopted by other chinese cartoonists, in particular the future members of the manhua society, who were likely looking to replace the terms huajihua滑稽畫 [humorous drawings] or fengcihua 諷刺畫 [satirical drawings] while also suggesting an association with the drawings of feng, which had become wildly popular following the publication of feng zikai’s manhua 子愷漫畫 in literature weekly 文學週 報 in may, . because he does not seem to have contributed to shanghai sketch i or ii in comparison to the other members of the manhua society, ji xiaobo is not particularly well-known for his cartoons today. he also does not seem to have be a very prolific artist. this may of course be because his advertising work for the three friends co. is, of course, uncredited. it is also possible that he published under a penname for professional reasons, or that he was simply too busy with his work to spend much time making cartoons. although earlier works likely exist, the earliest manhua by ji that i have been able to uncover was published in the young companion in early , over a year before he joined the manhua society. it depicts the swaying branches of a willow tree blowing in the wind, with what appears to be a junk on the water in the distance. the full moon lies just above the horizon line, reflected dimly in the water, while two swallows flit among the branches, barely distinguishable from the drifting leaves. in constrast with the thick, organic brushstrokes ji has used to create the scene, three thin, straight lines intersect the top of the image, suggesting perhaps powerlines, or the beam of a pavillion. beside his drawing, ji has written, “i always feel that life is so unreal!” 總覺得人生的虛無縹緲了! relying on bi keguan’s analysis, feng’s biographer, geremie barmé suggests that the term manhua was chosen to distinguish chinese cartoons from western katong 卡通 (cartoons). in his biography of feng, barmé explains at length how feng came to use this term, while also exploring the long historical legacy of the word manhua in both china and japan. see ibid., – . barmé records that it took over two years for the manhua society to adopt the term, while in fact ji xiaobo was describing his cartoons as manhua as early as february, , some seven months after the appearance of feng zikai’s manhua. see ibid., . figure . ji xiaobo “i always feel that life is so unreal!” 總覺得人生的虛無縹緲了!the young companion, issue , february , , . apparently the image (clearly showing a strong debt of influence to the work of feng zikai) was well received by readers, because the next month two more manhua by ji xiaobo were published in the same magazine the next month. both depict nude women striking defiant poses, drawn in a style similar to his first drawing. the first is titled “warrior” 戰士, and shows a woman in profile, her right arm raised to sky holding a sword with a thin blade and ornate guard, probably a fencing foil. her chin is raised upwards, and her long, light colored hair falls behind her almost touching the ground. a tall conifer stands in the background before an enormous full moon, duplicated three times, which fills half the page. in the second image, titled “fullness” 圓滿, the woman has medium length jet black hair, but like the first woman, her chin points straight up into the air. both arms are raised to the sky, framing two swallows. as with the previous two images, a full moon floats in the sky. as christopher g. rea points out, the title of this image a double entrendre, reflecting not only the satisfied mental state of the figure, but also the “fullness” moon. figure . ji xiaobo “warrior” 戰士 the young companion, issue ii, march , . figure . ji xiaobo “fullness” 圓滿 the young companion, issue i, march , . ji’s time with feng zikai was brief, because in late or early , the shanghai resident news fell afoul of a group of criminals (possibly du yuesheng’s green gang) forcing ji to abandon his studies and leave shanghai. feng zikai, meanwhile, left shanghai in the spring of to study abroad in japan. thanks to fan zhixi, ji was able to find a job at zhengda daily 正大日報 a newspaper in suzhou, edited by sun yiwen 孫一文 (n.d.) under the management of zhu xiliang 朱錫梁 ( - ). zhu xilang was former member of the tongmenghui 同盟會, sun yat-sen’s revolutionary organization which it is also possible that sun yiwen is actually a penname of zhu xilang, who in addition to his courtesy name liangren 梁任 and style name was 緯軍, also went by junchou 君仇, gongsun junchou 公孫君仇, huangdi zhi cengceng xiaozi 黃帝之曾 曾小子 (great-great grandson of emperor huangdi), and guaigao jushi 夬膏居士, among others. see shi xiaoping 施曉平, “[zhuanzai] ‘zhu liangren mu’ wuzhong qiren_suzhou ribao” [轉載]“朱梁任墓”吳中奇人_蘇州日報 [[repost] “zhu liangren’s tombstone” the wonder of wuzhong_suzhou daily], march , , http://blog.sina.cn/dpool/blog/s/blog_ a f e jals.html (accessed november , ) which appears to have been based on an undated essay by gan lanjing 甘蘭經, “zhu liangren” 朱梁任 [zhu liangren], zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi jiangsu sheng suzhou shi wujiang qu weiyuanhui 中國人民政治協商會議江蘇省蘇州市吳江區委員 會, n.d., www.wjzx.gov.cn/ (accessed november , ). had help overthrow the qing empire to establish the kmt and the republic of china. it is not surprising, then, that he was deeply critical of the local warlord government which had usurped power from the militarily weak kmt. this paper was also shut down, this time by military police, forcing ji to return to his hometown to evade arrest. while in his hometown, ji got in trouble again by trying to organize a land reform movement, leading him to sneak back into shanghai in early , where he found a job editing the three friends co. promotional periodical the light of the triangle 三角之光. never one to forget a debt, ji used his influence at three friends to publish new cartoons by feng zikai, who had by then returned to china and begun creating works in a new style heavily influenced by the casual sketches of the japanese artist takehisa yumeji 竹久夢二 ( - ), in addition to two chinese artists who created works of similar a style, chen shizeng 陳師曾( - ) and zeng yandong ( - ) . it may seem curious that feng zikai never joined the manhua society, given his early passion for cartooning. he was least casually acquainted with ji xiaobo, and he likely knew other members of the group as well, particularly ding song and wang dunqing. the simple answer is that feng zikai operated in different social circles from the members of the manhua society, who were mostly self-taught, and employed in varying capacities in publishing and teaching. the tradition of literati painting, whose ingrained hierarchy and culture of connoisseurship has largely been duplicated by chinese proponents of western art, has welcomed feng’s works in a way that members of the manhua society could never hope for. as feng zikai’s biographer, geremie barmé argues, by monopolizing the word manhua, along with all of its modern japanese and commercial cultural associations, the members of the [manhua society] marked themselves off from an art scene that had no place for them, while occupying a viable niche in the commercial art and magazine market, one biography of ji xiaobo records that the local warlord at the time was sun chuanfang. sun however, did not take control of suzhou until the fall of . ye qianyu was born in march, , and remembers arriving in shanghai when he was , meaning that he would have met ji in , making it more likely that the warlord who shut down zhengda daily was in fact qi xieyuan. this is a rough estimate, given that his former employer zhu xilang at zhengda daily took up a new position as a professor at nanjing dongnan daxue 南京東南大學 in . see gan lanjing, “zhu liangren.” christopher g. rea points out that 三角之光 can also be translated as “light from three angles,” a common lighting scheme used in photography and film. for a thorough analysis of the development of feng zikai’s drawing style, see chapter of geremie barmé’s monograph, “journey to the east” in an artistic exile. which fed on sensationalism and topicality. in so doing, they also eclipsed the lineage of the manga as a term for describing feng zikai's equally unorthodox work.” more importantly, perhaps, feng had different goals from the members of the manhua society, who saw their purpose to either entertain (through either humor or titillation) or to convince (via political satire or outright propaganda). feng, on the other hand, seems to have wanted his cartoons to enlighten his readers, to inspire stillness and reflection in an age of turmoil. humorous manhua were not the only type of cartoon artwork to emerge in china during the first half of the th century. for example, a form of comics, closer in style to western superhero comic books and pulp fiction, lianhuantuhua 連環圖畫 , or ‘linked picture books,’ also known as lianhuanhua 連環畫 and xiaoren shu 小人書 [kid’s books], were extremely popular s as a form of cheap entertainment which could be rented on the street corners of shanghai and other cities across china. unlike the manhua society, however, early authors of lianhuantuhua were not feted by social critics and so left little behind to posterity, with most examples of surviving works dating from the post- period, when the chinese communist party began to promote illustrated stories as propaganda for the illiterate masses in the countryside. likewise, other art forms related to the cartoon, such art deco, cubism, and latin american- influenced portraiture all gained currency in shanghai at this time, alongside manhua and lianhuantuhua. it not surprising then, that in his study of the aesthetic influences of manhua periodicals, paul bevan finds that elements of both art deco and cubism, in addition to art nouveau, surrealism, symbolism, and the english arts and crafts and decadent movements can be seen in the publications of the manhua society members from the late s. ibid., . for an account of the early history of lianhuanhua, see shen kuiyi, “lianhuanhua and manhua--picture books and comics in old shanghai,” in illustrating asia: comics, humor magazines, and picture books, ed. john a. lent (university of hawaii press, ), – , https://www.academia.edu/ /lianhuanhua_and_manhua-- picture_books_and_comics_in_old_shanghai (accessed october , ) and nick stember, “chinese lianhuanhua: a century of pirated movies,” may , , http://www.nickstember.com/chinese-lianhuanhua-century-of-pirated-movies/ (accessed october , ). an excellent anecdotal account of use of lianhuanhua in the prc is available in gino nebiolo’s “introduction,” in the people’s comic book: red women’s detachment, hot on the trail and other chinese comics (anchor press, ). personal communication, november , , bevan, a modern miscellany, . burnt bridges and bad bloodburnt bridges and bad bloodburnt bridges and bad bloodburnt bridges and bad blood???? ye qianyu left three friends after one year, in , and at first glance he does not seem to have had any hard feelings towards his former employer. in his autobiography he mentions that he can’t remember a specific reason for leaving, other than a general feeling that he wouldn’t have as many opportunities to develop his artistic abilities there as he had hoped for. fortunately ye was able to find a job at central plains publishing house 中原書局 in shanghai with the help of an unnamed friend, where he was tasked with illustrating textbooks. after working at the publishing house for a while, a former coworker from three friends (also unnamed) asked ye to paint the backdrop for a theatre in his hometown of changshu county. ji xiaobo is from changshu county, so it seems highly likely that the former coworker was ji. it seems curious, though, that he chooses not to name his benefactor, and could potentially indicate that ji and ye had some sort of falling out before or after he left his job at three friends, or that ye felt that he should downplay his close relationship with ji. indeed, throughout his autobiography, ye qianyu impolitely refers to ji xiaobo as “that guy named ji,” 那位性季的 rather than his full name, which he uses only once, when he passingly refers to him as “my old coworker from three friends, ji xiaobo” 三友社的老同事季小波. this is hardly the way one would expect ye to refer to the man who helped him begin his career in publishing, and suggests the possibility of bad blood between the two cartoonists. the answer may lie in ji xiaobo’s political affiliations, which may have led ye to burn his bridges with his former colleague after the founding of the prc. in a article on chinese cartoonists, left-wing journalist and cartoonist jack chen mentions that one of the founding members of the manhua society “joined the government and secured a job that kept him from doing embarrassing cartoons.” while chen fails to elaborate on what exactly he meant by embarrassing, from the context is seems that chen was implying that this individual, whoever he was, felt that drawing cartoons was less dignified than working for the government. whether this is true or not, chen may have also been channeling the feelings of his father, eugene chen 陳友仁 ( - ), a prominent overseas chinese lawyer who served as a foreign affairs advisor and diplomat for sun yat-sen and the nationalists in the s. for an account of the last three generations of the chen family, see return to the middle kingdom: one family, three revolutionaries, and the birth of modern china (sterling publishing company, inc., ), authored by yuan-tsung chen, jack although lu shaofei went on to serve as a kmt official in lanzhou during the war, acting as the director of the lanzhou municipal social services department蘭州市社會服務處 until the defeat of the kmt in , lu didn’t actually start this job until . instead, chen was almost certainly referring to ji xiaobo, who worked as a censor of the arts 美術視察 for the kmt-controlled shanghai department of education 海市教育局 from to . following the communist takeover in ji seems to have been able to successfully claim that he had been working uncover, but it was not until that he was able to find his way back in publishing, when he was appointed editor of xuelin press 學 林出版社. according to a newspaper article published in , four years later he was completely rehabilitated and given an unspecified government position, not unlike those ye qianyu and zhang guangyu and many other cartoonists received directly after the war. even if ji’s small number of published works and affiliation with the kmt might have limited his fame in later years, articles published under the title “long lived manhua artist ji xiaobo” indicate that ji seems to have enjoyed playing the role of “master” cartoonist, as one of the founding members of the manhua society. it also undeniable that ji xiaobo did incredibly well for himself, given his humble origins, and that without him, his “student,” ye, may never have had the opportunity to meet the other members of the manhua society and achieve the levels of success he later did. chen’s wife. more recently, paul bevan has published his research on jack chen’s involvement in the manhua movement, which is explored in chapter of a modern miscellany. bu wuchen, “gaoshou manhuajia ji xiaobo,” . bu wuchen, “gaoshou manhuajia ji xiaobo.” chapter chapter chapter chapter : the : the : the : the tttties ies ies ies tttthat hat hat hat bbbbindindindind given ji xiaobo’s job as a censor for the nationalist government in the s, it is perhaps unsurprising that when ye qianyu wrote his autobiography in the late s, he decided not to mention that ji xiaobo was an old acquaintance of two key founding members of the manhua society, zhang guangyu and ding song. since ji xiaobo claims to have met both in , while working sun xueni’s shengsheng fine arts press, it stands to reason that ji xiaobo would have introduced the two cartoonists to ye qianyu when the talented young artist was promoted to the advertising department of three friends in . instead, ye recalls that he met zhang guangyu after submitting a cartoon to his tabloid, the china camera news 三日畫報 in the summer of , shortly after arriving in shanghai. there may be an element of pride at work here as well, because according to ye, zhang was so impressed with his work that he asked to meet him in person. or it may be that ji never introduced them, and ye resented him for not having done so. regardless, it seems clear that ye qianyu and zhang guangyu hit it off almost immediately, with the younger ye referring to zhang as “the first of the older generation of manhua artists i met” 最早认识的老一辈漫画家. this, again, is curious, because zhang, born in , was only one year older than ji xiaobo. in comparison, ye hardly mentions ding song. given their respective ages, ye qianyu and ji xiaobo were likely much closer friends with zhang guangyu than they were with much older ding song. nevertheless, ding song seems to have provided the group with a certain amount of guidance. meeting notes for the society indicate that ding song was the chairperson of the group for the majority of , stepping down in favor of wang dunqing in november, and he was a teacher and mentor to both zhang guangyu and lu shaofei. most importantly perhaps, as the oldest member of the manhua society by nearly a decade, ding song is in many ways typical of the cartoonists who emerged in the first decade of the republic prior to the formation of the manhua society. ye recalls that they met in , while he was working at central plains press. the first issue of camera daily news was published on august , , and, reflecting the chinese name of the paper [literally, ‘three day pictorial’], was published every three days after that. most likely, ye got the dates mixed up, as he does in several other places in his autobiography. ding song: the grandfatherding song: the grandfatherding song: the grandfatherding song: the grandfather born in in fengjingzhen 楓涇鎮, a small town in jiashan county 嘉善 to the southwest of shanghai, ding song’s parents both died when he was only . he spent his teen years at the tushanwan 土山灣 orphanage in xujiahui district, which had been founded by jesuit missionaries in . while at tushanwan, song studied western religious and secular art with zhou xiang 周湘 ( - ) and zhang yuguang 張聿光 ( - ), in addition to learning how to operate a printing press. he quickly made a name for himself as an artist, and in , song was invited to serve as academic dean for the newly founded shanghai art academy 上海美術院 , later being promoted to provost. it was around this time he became close friends with the prolific cartoonist shen bochen 沈泊塵 (born shen xueming 沈學明, - ), who had been hired as a staff cartoonist for the three-day tabloid the crystal 晶報 in . under shen’s encouragement, ding song to soon began drawing and publishing his own cartoons. in late , ding song helped launch the monthly magazine unfettered magazine 自由雜誌, edited by tong ailou 童愛樓 (n.d.). in december, ding song and others continued the magazine under a new name, the pastime 游戲雜志, edited by wang dungen 王鈍根 and chen diexian 陳蝶仙. the surviving buildings of the orphanage have since been turned into a museum which recreates the original structure and showcases the art of its former teachers and students. at the time of operation “tushanwan” was romanized “tou-se-we” to represent the pronunciation in shanghai dialect. from - , the school was also sometimes referred to as shanghai tuhua meishu yuan 上海圖畫美術院 (shanghai painting academy of fine art). in , when liu haisu 劉海粟 ( - ) took over as director from zhang yuguang, the name of the school was changed to shanghai meishu xuexiao 上海美術學校(shanghai fine arts school). in it was changed again to shanghai meishu zhuanke xuexiao 上海美術專科學校 (shanghai professional fine arts school). today it is commonly referred to as shanghai meizhuan 上海美專, an abbreviation of the final name for the school before it was merged with disi zhongshan daxue jiaoyu xueyuan (the fourth zhongshan university, education academy), becoming the yishu jiaoyu zhuanxiu ke藝術教育專修科 (department of art education). see michael sullivan, modern chinese artists: a biographical dictionary (university of california press, ), xix and shanghai municipal archives q - - , p. cited in julia frances andrews, “pictorial shanghai (shanghai huabao, - ) and creation of shanghai’s modern visual culture,” journal of art studies no. (september ): – . originally published as a supplement to the national herald 神州日報 until being launched as a separate periodical in , the first character of chinese name of the crystal, 晶 (literally ‘crystal’), is made up of the character for ‘day’ (or ‘sun’) 日 repeated three times, a play on the fact that the tabloid was printed every three days. see sun shusong 孫樹松 and lin ren 林 人, eds., “jin bao” 晶報 [the crystal], modern chinese compilation studies dictionary 中國現代編輯學辭典 (heilongjiang people’s press 黑龍江人民出版社, ), . first issue september, , second and last issue october, . originally published as supplement to the shenbao under the name unfettered talk 自由談 , two issues unfettered magazine were published by shenbaoguan 申報館 before it returned as a supplement to the shenbao (where some years later it would feature ji xiaobo et. all’s dr. fix-it under the editorship of zhou shoujuan). wu jie 伍傑 et al., eds., zhongwen qikan da cidian 中文期刊大詞典 [dictionary of chinese periodicals] (北京大学出版社, ). starting in , ding song also became a regular contributor to the saturday 禮拜六, drawing numerous full color covers for the magazine. as an artist, ding song excelled at drawing the human form, in particular intimate portraits of beautiful women. much of the humor in his work, however, comes from the juxtaposition of grotesque caricature with ironic titles. for example a cartoon titled, “falling in love” 戀愛 depicts an obese, bald, and drooling woman with two pinhole eyes. a pigeon-toed man, presumably her husband or lover, stands behind her, holding her shoulders and gazing down at her affectionately. beside them, an overweight dog ambles along on stubby legs, his vacant expression inviting comparison with the hideous woman. years later, similar works by shen bochen would come under fire from the preeminent republican-era author and critic, lu xun 魯迅 ( - ) who geremie barmé surmises found that his satirical drawings were an “essentially conservative and xenophobic populist art form” under its “flash western exterior.” writing in his particularly bombastic style in late , lu xun concluded, while [the artist shen bochen] draws in style which is copied from the west, i am amazed that he is so antediluvian, and that he has such a vile personality. he is no better than a child who scribbles “so-and-so is my son” [sic] on nice white walls. pity all things that come from abroad: once they cross our borders it is as if they have fallen into a vat of black dye, for they lose their original cast. art is but one example of this. even before we learn to draw nudes in proportion people busily set to work producing pornographic paintings; artists who have yet to grasp the principles of chiaroscuro when painting still lives churn out advertisements cheerfully. this is what happens when change is only superficial; at heart things are as of old. it is hardly surprising, then, that once introduced satirical paintings were immediately employed by people wanting to engage in character assassination. [沈泊塵] 的畫法,倒也模仿西洋;可是我很疑惑,何以思想如此頑固,人格如此卑 劣,竟同沒有教育的孩子只會在好好的白粉牆上寫幾個“某某是我兒子”一樣。可憐 外國 事物,一到中國,便如落在黑色染缸裏似的,無不失了顏色。美術也是其一: 學了體格還未勻稱的裸體畫,便畫猥褻畫;學了明暗還未分明的靜物畫,只能畫招 john a. crespi suggests that this cartoon is criticizing young men who dote on wealthy older women to achieve wealth and official status, a common subject of satire in china during the s. barmé, an artistic exile, . 牌。 皮毛改新,心思仍舊,結果便是如此。至於諷刺畫之變為人身攻擊的器具, 更是無足深怪了。 figure . ding song “falling in love” 戀愛 shenzhou pictorial 神州畫報, january, , . notwithstanding the future criticisms of lu xun, on september , , shen bochen launched his own monthly bilingual humor periodical shanghai puck 上海潑克, passing his duties at the crystal on to ding song. ding would later hand this job off to zhang guangyu, who would in turn pass the as translated by geremie barmé, with the exception of the two lines which i have changed: the first line has been amended to include the text “while [the artist shen bochen] draws in style which is copied from the west,“ [沈泊塵] 的畫法,倒也模 仿西洋, which barmé chose to omit; and the second line (which seems to be a typo on the part of lu xun) has been corrected from the translation “i’m so-and-so’s son.” see ibid. and lu xun 魯迅, “sishi-san” 四十三 [essay forty-three], in re feng 熱風 (beixin shuju 北新書局, ), . ding xi 丁西, ed., “shanghai poke” 上海潑克 [shanghai puck], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術 卷, november , . shanghai puck’s name was likely inspired by one or more pre-existing journals called puck (in london, in st. louis, and in new york). see wu i-wei, “participating in global affairs: the chinese cartoon monthly shanghai puck,” in asian punches: a transcultural affair, ed. hans harder (springer berlin heidelberg, ), – . also not to be confused with puck, or the shanghai charivari, a late th century cartoon periodical modeled on the successful british humor magazine, punch, or the london charivari. written in english by colonists living in the foreign concessions was published from april, , to november, . christopher g. rea points out, however, that, “[this] little-examined [magazine is a] milestones in the history of the cartoon in china, not because of their influence on chinese cartoonists, but as the earliest known examples of how foreigners brought literary humour and pictorial satire to bear on colonial society in china.” torch to huang wennong in early . with the help of ding song and other cartoonists, shen and his brother, shen xueren 沈學仁, managed to publish three more issues of shanghai puck, also known as shen’s comic pictorial 泊塵滑稽畫報 , before shen succumbed to tuberculosis. following shen bochen’s death on march , , shen xueren held an exhibition of his work in his honor. over the next several years, cartoon exhibitions would become an important method of promoting manhua artists and their publications. around the same time as shen bochen began publishing shanghai puck, the first issue of world pictorial appeared on august, . published by sun xueni’s shengsheng fine arts company, the first ten issues of world pictorial were edited by xueni and his assistant, xu yiou 許一鷗 (n.d.). beginning with the eleventh issue, xueni hired ding song to edit the magazine, who in turn brought zhang guangyu on as his assistant, which is where both men met ji xiaobo, who was working on xueni’s newspaper, shanghai resident news. both ding song and zhang contributed a large number of humorous drawings and illustrations to the xueni’s publications, and likely did much to inspire the younger ji xiaobo in his decision to become a cartoonist. although illustrated magazines had been around since the s, satirical cartoons had only become commonplace in china over the previous decade, with the social unrest of the s fueling their popularity. ding song continued to work in cartoons after shen bochen’s death from tuberculosis in . as an instructor at the shanghai art academy, ding song made a point of introducing his students to a wide variety of western-influenced artists through the heavenly horse society 天馬會. co-founded by ding song with and five other shanghai art academy instructors in september, , this group was incredibly influential in the world of modern art in shanghai, with over artists participating in its first exhibition. in , zhang guangyu, ji xiaobo, lu shaofei joined a second artist’s association, the aurora art club 晨光美術會, also founded by shanghai art academy instructors. these organizations seem to have provided the young artists not only with opportunities to expand their social networks, but also a blueprint for the nascent manhua society. see christopher g. rea, “‘he’ll roast all subjects that may need the roasting’: puck and mr punch in nineteenth-century china,” in asian punches: a transcultural affair, ed. hans harder (springer berlin heidelberg, ), – . for more information on the heavenly horse society, see michael sullivan’s entries on liu haisu 劉海粟 ( - ) on page of modern chinese artists and page of art and artists of twentieth-century china (university of california press, ). zhang guangyuzhang guangyuzhang guangyuzhang guangyu: the godfa: the godfa: the godfa: the godfatherthertherther if ding song was the “grandfather” who provided the younger members of the manhua society with a ready role model, then zhang guangyu could be called the “godfather,” for his role in bringing the group together and securing funds to bankroll their publications. zhang could be seen as a more successful and talented version of ji xiaobo, who seems to have fallen out of favor with the group after becoming a government censor. born into a family of doctors and herbalists in the city of wuxi, zhang guangyu left home at to apprentice in a shop in nearby shanghai, soon to be followed by his younger brothers, zhang meiyu 張 美宇 ( - ) and zhang zhengyu. in his free time, zhang met zhang yuguang 張聿光 (from whom zhang seems to have adapted his pen name) a set painter and make-up artist for the new stage 新 舞台, one of the first theatres in china to use western lighting and sets to perform chinese opera. zhang yuguang introduced zhang guangyu to his close friend ding song who was looking for an assistant to help out with the shijie huabao. one year later, zhang guangyu drew on this experience to partner with yan esheng 嚴鍔聲 and qian huafo 錢化佛 to publish the comedy pictorial 滑稽畫報, launched in october, . although comedy pictorial only lasted for two issues, it is notable for being zhang’s first foray into publishing. in ding song left the shanghai art academy to work in the advertising department of shanghai-based multinational british-american tobacco 英美煙草公司. zhang guangyu also continued to move up in the world, finding full time employment as an artist for the chinese-owned nanyang brothers tobacco company 南洋兄弟煙草公司 in , where he would work for the next four years. during this time he took advantage of his regular income to subsidize his various commercial and artistic better known as cao hanmei 曹涵美, the name he took after being adopted by a maternal uncle who was without male heirs. see jiang yihai 蔣義海, ed., “cao hanmei” 曹涵美 [cao hanmei], manhua zhishi cidian 漫画知识辞典 (nanjing daxue chubanshe 南京大学出版社, ), . compared to his older brother, considerably less has been written about zhang zhengyu. after attending private school in wuxi, zhang spent some time as an apprentice in a flour mill before following zhang to shanghai in . only years old, zhang, like his brother before him, studied set design under zhang yuguang, eventually branching out in commercial art work. although he does not seem to have published any cartoons until the late s, he quickly emerged as an important and prolific cartoonist, also playing an important role behind the scenes at the various publications launched by zhang guangyu. later in life he became known for his calligraphy and drawings of cats and pandas, influenced by traditional chinese painting and seal carving. see yihai jiang 蔣義海, ed., “zhang zhengyu” 張正宇 [zhang zhengyu], manhua zhishi cidian 漫畫知識辭典 (nanjing daxue chubanshe 南京大學出版社, ), – . ventures, the first of which was the motion picture review 影戲雜誌, launched in december, . zhang co-edited this -page long magazine along with the actor and filmmaker gu kenfu 顧肯夫 (? – ) and translator lu jie陸潔 ( - ). the first two issues were co-published by the chinese motion picture research society 中國影戲研究會, where gu kenfu worked, and the motion picture review press影戲雜誌出版社, while the third and final issue was published by mingxing film company 明星影片公司. although it ultimately failed to take off, the motion picture review also holds the distinction of being the first chinese movie periodical, and lu jie’s reviews of foreign films are said to have had a major impact on the lexicon of film terminology in chinese. it also gave zhang guangyu the practical experience necessary to launch the oriental fine art press東方美術印刷公司 in , although it is unclear what exactly this press was involved with printing or when or why it closed up shop. never one to rest on his laurels, in zhang co-founded the chinese art photography study group 中國美術攝影學會 with ding song and lu shaofei (among others), a move that would prove prescient for the would-be publishers. photographs would go on to form an important part of the manhua society’s members’ later publications, with artistic nudes proving to be a particularly popular feature. lu shaofeilu shaofeilu shaofeilu shaofei: the portraitist’s son : the portraitist’s son : the portraitist’s son : the portraitist’s son aside from zhang guangyu, ding song had a second student who decided to follow him into the profession that shen bochen had introduced him in the early s. born in , lu was the sole native shanghainese of the manhua society, having grown up near the city god temple in nanshi where his wang guangxi 王廣西 and zhou guanwu 觀武 周, eds., “yingxi zazhi” 影戲雜志 [the motion picture review], china contemporary literature and art dictionary 中國近現代文學藝術辭典 (zhengzhou: zhongzhou ancient books press 中 州古籍出版社, ), – , zhengzhou. the film scholar wang liu credits lu jie with having popularized the term daoyan 導演 (lit. “performance guide”) as a translation for “director,” among other film terminology that has since become standard. see wang liu 汪流, ed., “lu jie” 陸 潔 [lu jie], dictionary of sino-foreign film and television 中外影視大辭典 (beijing: china broadcast television press 中 國廣播電視出版社, ), , beijing. other members of this group included hu boxiang 胡伯翔 (who would later become a partner for shanghai sketch ii), ge gongchen 戈公振, wang shouti 汪守惕 , song zhiqin 宋志欽, and fu yanchang 傅彥長. see “tuanti huiwen” 團體彙聞 [organization news], shenbao 申報, july , , . father earned his living as folk portraitist. encouraging his son to pursue a career as an artist from an early age, the family was able to scrape together enough from their meager earnings to send lu to the shanghai art academy, where he almost certainly would have studied under ding song. unfortunately, the burden of tuition proved to be too high, so lu was eventually forced to drop out. his first cartoon in the shenbao was published on october , . titled “goals the youth should have” 青年應有之目的, it depicts a narrow raised path that slopes gently upwards, labeled “the road of life” 生命之路. two walls block the way, the second significantly higher than the first. a young man is poised in mid stride in front of the first wall, with a dotted eye-line extending to wall, which is labeled “fight for: shelter, food, and clothing” 爭奪 住食衣. figure . lu shaofei “goals youth should have” 青年應有之目的 shenbao, october , , . a second youth stands just beyond this first wall, gazing up at the second, which is labeled “a fulfilled life: art, science” 生活之圓滿 藝術 科學. unlike the first youth, who is dressed in pants and long sleeve shirt, the seconds wears a chinese-style tunic and jacket, perhaps indicating that he has achieved a higher level of material wealth, or simply that he is older. the title of the cartoon is written in thick brush strokes in the top right hand corner, along with the words “a work by lu, inscribed by yingbin bao limin 包立民, “ye qianyu yu lu shaofei (shang)” 叶浅予与鲁少飞(上) [ye qianyu and lu shaofei (part i)], meishu zhi you 美术之友 no. ( ): . [wang yingbin 汪英賓 ( - )]” 少飛作英賓題, while in the lower left hand corner lu has written his name and the year with a pen. two years later, in , lu shaofei was hired to teach art at liangjiang women’s physical education normal school 兩江女子體育師範學校. founded two years earlier in by lu lihua 陸禮華 ( - ), an early proponent of women’s liberation and physical fitness for strengthening the nation, the first class only had students and was housed in a private residence on dengnaotuo road 鄧 腦脫路. by the time lu arrived, the school had over students and was in the midst of expanding to include a middle school and elementary school, but the address had yet to change. lu taught at liangjiang for over a year before moving on to the oriental art professional school 東方藝術專門學校 in the french concession. in lu shaofei was invited to teach western-style art at the newly established fengtian art academy 奉天美專 in shenyang (then commonly referred to by its earlier manchu name, mukden). founded that same year by han leran 韓樂然 ( - ), leran had secretly joined chinese communist party after graduating from the shanghai art academy in . while teaching in shenyang, lu began work on what would become cartoon travels in the north 北游漫畫. this book included sketches and cartoons dealing with his experiences living in shenyang. by february , lu had returned “xuewu qianzai” 學務僉載 [school affairs], shenbao 申報, july , . in an interview conducted - , lu recalled that the school was founded in . a article by lu, however, records that the school was founded in . lu recalls that the school had over students in its second year, but continued to struggle financially until the beginning of its third year. given that the shenbao notice mentions that lu shaofei was one of ten new teachers being hired, the earlier date makes more sense. see chapter of wang zheng, women in the chinese enlightenment: oral and textual histories (university of california press, ) and lu lihua 陸禮華, “fuxing houde liangjiang nuzi tiyu shifan xuexiao shi nian qian de huisu” 復興後的兩江女子體育師範學校十年前的洄溯 [recollections of the since rejuvenated liangjiang women’s physical education institute of ten years ago], qinfen tiyu yuebao 勤奮體育 月報 , no. ( ): – . chapter of yunxiang gao’s sporting gender: women athletes and celebrity-making during china’s national crisis, - (ubc press, ) is also dedicated to lu lihua and her school. in the school changed names, becoming shanghai shili tiyu zhuanke xuexiao 上海市立體育專科學校 (shanghai municipal physical education professional school). shen guangjie 沈廣傑, “han leran chuangban fengtian meizhuan” 韩乐然创办奉天美专 [the founding of fengtian art academy by han leran], dangshi zongheng 黨史縱橫 no. ( ): – . although bi and huang record that the first edition of cartoon travels in the north was published in or while lu was living in shenyang, the fact that the title includes the term ‘manhua’ is suspicious, given that the term did not become popular in china until the publication of feng zikai’s illustrations were published under that name in may, . the earliest to shanghai where he contributed art work to the famous stationary company lianyi trading co. 聯益貿 易公司. definitive date for publication is three years later in shanghai on may , . see ding xi 丁西, ed., “beiyou manhua” 北游 漫画 [cartoon travels in the north], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷 (shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe 陝西人民美術出版社, november ), – . “lianyi jian si ban faxing” 聯益箋四版發行 [fourth printing of lianyi stationary], shenbao 申報, february , , . chapter chapter chapter chapter : : : : wild cardswild cardswild cardswild cards as we have seen, ji xiaobo, ding song, zhang guangyu, zhang zhengyu, and lu shaofei all met in the late s, and found an affinity in their shared interest in cartooning, and also perhaps a sense of social exclusion, since all four men were born into a merchant or tradesmen families. their relative lack of education stands in contrast with many republican-era intellectuals and artists who came from wealthy families and were educated abroad. although ye qianyu was given the benefit of a high school education, and was also somewhat younger, like the zhang brothers and ye qianyu, he seems to have mostly forged his own path to becoming recognized as a professional artist. the remaining members of the manhua society are wang dunqing, huang wennong, hu xuguang, zhang meisun 張眉蓀 ( - ) and cai shudan 蔡輸丹 (n.d.). of them, zhang meisun seems to have been an early acquaintance of ding song, having studied art together at tushanwan orphanage while both men were in their teens, and hu xuguang a student of ding song, having studied at the shanghai art academy. the rest, like ye qianyu, seem to have been wild cards, attracted to manhua society by chance encounters and shared interests. some, like zhang and cai, don’t seem to have left any cartoons behind, with zhang becoming a well-known painter of watercolors, and cai working as an assistant to ji xiaobo. ye qianyu has mentioned that he first became interested in cartooning after seeing cartoons by huang wennong, who himself may have been influenced by shen bochen without ever meeting him. wang dunqing, meanwhile, quickly rose through the ranks of the manhua society, taking over the chair from ding song in november, . he made fast friends with ye qianyu, but seems to have remained distant from many of the other members of the society. zhang meisun’s watercolors have appeared at auctions in mainland china. see for example “xidamochang jie shuicai zhiben paimaipin_jiage_miaoshu_jianshang_(shuicai) - bobao yishu paimai wang” 【西打磨廠街 水彩 紙本】 拍賣品_價格_ 圖片_描述_鑒賞_(水彩) -博寶藝術品拍賣網 [west damochang street watercolor paper version auction item_price_picture_description_appreciation_(watercolor) - artxun art auction net], 博寶拍賣網, n.d., http://auction.artxun.com/paimai- - .shtml (accessed september , ). according to the short biography included on artxun, zhang’s work has also collected into a three volume set titled meisun shuicaihua linben 眉蓀水 彩畫臨本 [an overview of the watercolors of zhang meisun] (hebei renmin chuban she 河北人民出版社, ). wang dunqwang dunqwang dunqwang dunqinginginging: the boy: the boy: the boy: the boy sssscoutcoutcoutcout born in in wangjiangjing 王江涇鎮, a prosperous village near jiaxing 嘉興 city, located to the south of shanghai, wang dunqing is unique among the founding members of the manhua society for his high level of education, having earned a ba from the prestigious english-language st. john’s university 聖約翰大學. during his time at st. john’s wang was an active member of the boy scouts 童子軍, while also serving as the club president of the illustration research society 圖畫研究會. the former appears to have been under the influence of donald roberts, a professor of english and history who organized the st. john’s boy scouts troop in . roberts, an avid collector of early republican-era illustrated broadsheets, may have encouraged the young wang to pursue his interests in cartooning. by the time he graduated with his ba in , wang was set on a career in the arts. following a short stanza from longfellow’s poem kéramos, his yearbook biography modestly proclaims (in english): with a glance at the picture, you can immediately tell who he is. it is not strength, but his fine character and art that win the love and admiration of all his fellow students. as a friend, he is always sincere and ready to help without hesitation. as an athlete, he is noted for his fine college spirit. his beautiful verses in chinese are depictable [sic] of humanity and true to nature. his clear perception with a firm, bold hand marks him a true artist of distinction. with such an intelligence, capacity and character, we are sure that a bright future awaits him. following graduation, wang prepared to go abroad for further study. his father’s sudden death interrupted these plans, however, forcing him to stay in shanghai. in june, he was hired to teach donald roberts graduated from princeton in and was hired at st. john’s university in where he continued to teach until . in , in addition to organizing the boy scout troop at st. john’s, he also joined the volunteer corps of the ministry of works 工部局義勇軍. he attended columbia during a sabbatical in and was eventually ordained an episcopalian minister. see “the alumni,” princeton alumni weekly xx, no. ( ): , “lao zhaopian: shanghai sheng yuehan daxue xiaoyuan de shenyun” 老照片:上海圣约翰大学校园的神韵 [old photos: the charm of shanghai st. john’s university campus], july , , http://bbs.wenxuecity.com/memory/ .html (accessed march , ). and “block prints of the chinese revolution - princeton university digital library,” n.d., http://pudl.princeton.edu/collections/pudl (accessed march , ). “art is the child of nature; yes / her darling child in whom we trace / the features of the mother's face / her aspect and her attitude.” henry wadsworth longfellow, longfellow’s poetical works: author’s complete copyright edition (london: george routledge & sons, ), . perhaps not coincidentally, this exact quote is also included under the heading of “art” in the popular reference work the cyclopæaedia of practical quotations (funk & wagnalls, ), . “wang tung-chung (wang tun-chung) b.a. chekiang,” yuehan niankan 約翰年刊 ( ): . english at the yaqiao academy 亞喬書院, along with fellow johannean yang deshou 楊德壽 (n.d.), a progressive institution which offered “half-off tuition to all female students for the sake of popularizing women’s education” 因普及女子敎育起見、凡女生來學者概收半費. by august a second notice announced that the school had enrolled more than students and that placement exams would be conducted in september. wang dunqing seems to have been introduced to the manhua society by lu shaofei through their mutual friend, wang yingbin 汪英賓 ( - ), who provided the inspiration for lu’s first cartoon in the shenbao (see figure . ). wang yingbin had graduated with a diploma of college completion 大學畢 業學位證書 from the department of china studies國學 at st. john’s university in . while at st. john’s, in addition to his studies yingbin worked as the illustration editor for the school yearbook, the johannean 約翰年刊. that same year, wang dunqing also graduated with his diploma from the department of china studies at st. john’s, and by virtue of their last names, both he and yingbin were featured on the same page of the chinese language supplement of that year’s yearbook. after graduating in , yingbin was hired as an art editor at shenbao, becoming an important figure in the publishing world. wang, meanwhile stayed on at st. john’s for another three years, earning his bachelor of arts in . ba in economics in . see “yuehan daxue zuori zhi shenghui” 約翰大學昨日之盛會 [st. john’s university ceremony yesterday], shenbao 申報, july , . “xuewu congzai” 學務叢載 [selection of school affairs], shenbao 申報, july , . “xuewu congzai” 學務叢載 [selection of school affairs], shenbao 申報, august , . “yuehan daxue juxing biye liji” 約翰大學舉行畢業禮紀 [st. john’s university holds graduation ceremony], shenbao 申 報, june , . the historian li jie serendipitously includes this page of the johnnean in an essay on wang yingbin. see li jie 李洁, “民国 报人汪英宾探微:兼及相关文献资料勘误” [republican journalist wang yingbin: an investigation and some corrections to errors in the relevant literature], xinwen chunqiu 新闻春秋 no. ( ): – and “zhongwen biyesheng xiaoxiang bing timing lu” 中文畢業生小像並題名錄 [chinese supplement: pictures of graduating students and biographical information], yuehan niankan 約翰年刊 ( ): . wang yingbin would go on study journalism at the university of missouri in , later transferring to columbia university where he earned a masters of science in journalism. his thesis on the development of chinese-language newspapers, rise of the native press in china (new york : columbia university, ), was the first in depth english-language study on this topic. while his yearbook biography from doesn’t include his major, the shenbao announcement indicates that he earned his ba 文科學士 from the school of liberal arts, meaning that he was undeclared. see “yuehan daxue zuori zhi shenghui.” while little of his work from the this time period has survived, by the late s, wang dunqing had begun to publish cartoons under various pseudonyms, including wang yiliu王一榴, wang luzhen 王履箴, huang cilang 黃次郎, even using wang jiangjing 王江涇, the name of his hometown, as a pen name at one point. the purpose of these pseudonyms seems to have been to disguise his close association with the political left: one of the most well-known cartoons credited to wang yiliu depicts the first meeting of the league of left-wing writers 中國左翼作家聯盟 (left league 左聯) on march , . figure . wang yiliu [aka wang dunqing] “founding of the league of left-wing writers” 左联作家联盟成立 shoots 萌芽, issue , april , . organized at the behest of the chinese communist party (ccp) and leading leftist social critic lu xun, the left league was founded to promote socialist realism in chinese art and literature. other prominent members included the writers guo moruo 郭沫若 ( - ), mao dun 矛盾 ( - ), and ding ling 丁玲 ( - ) and the playwrights tian han 田漢 ( - ) and xia yan 夏衍 ( - ). due to the influence of lu xun, the left league included a number of woodcut artists. although wang dunqing’s illustration of the founding of the left league does not appear to have been made using a woodcut, the use of sharp, angular lines and solid blacks suggests a stylistic debt of inspiration. as paul bevan points out (relying on the work of wong wang-chi), also present at the founding meeting of the left league on march , , was the cartoonist huang shiying 黄士英 (?-?). huang would go on to launch a string of controversial manhua publications in the s, beginning with manhua life 漫畫生活 in june, . his first connection to manhua, however, can be traced back to this first meeting of the left league, where he proposed the formation of the chinese manhua research society 中 國漫畫研究會 and the may day pictorial 五一畫報, likely with the encouragement of wang dunqing. although the proposed pictorial never materialized, the manhua research society did eventually hold their first meeting, one year later, on june , . the left league, meanwhile, was thrust into the limelight when five prominent members were arrested at a secret meeting of the ccp in the international settlement and executed by firing squad at longhua prison by the kmt government on february , . as a member of the left league, wang dunqing contributed cartoons to their publications shoots 萌芽 and pioneer 拓荒者. wang later claimed to have been forced to go into hiding for several years following the crackdown, but given his use of pseudonyms, he may simply have meant that he stopped publishing cartoons under his own name during this time. huhuhuhuang wennongang wennongang wennongang wennong: the : the : the : the missionary’s sonmissionary’s sonmissionary’s sonmissionary’s son unlike wang dunqing, huang wennong was born in a family of relatively humble means. somewhat uniquely, however, his parents were converts to christianity, working as missionaries in songjiang county 松江, just to the south of shanghai. in , when he was just , huang was bevan, a modern miscellany, and wong wang-chi, politics and literature in shanghai: the chinese league of left- wing writers, - (manchester university press, ), – , . apparently unaware of wang dunqing’s use of the pseudonym wang yiliu, bevan mistakingly claims that no members of the manhua society were present at the first meeting of the left league. see a modern miscellany, . “zhongguo manhua yanjiu hui chengli” 中國漫畫研究會成立 [chinese manhua research society founded], shenbao 申報, june , , ; ding xi 丁西, ed., “manhua shenghuo” 漫畫生活 [manhua life], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷 (shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe 陝西人民美術出版社, november ), – . wang suggests as much to jack chen in his interview. chen writes that wang went in hiding directly after the split between the left-wing kmt in wuhan and right-wing kmt under chiang kai-shek in nanjing, i think he may be confusing this with falling out between wang dunqing and zhang zhengyu that led to him cutting ties with the manhua society from to . apprenticed to a copyist for the lithographic press of chunghwa book company中華書局. founded by former employees of the commercial press 商務印書館, the chunghwa book company got its start printing textbooks for newly formed republic of china following the fall of qing dynasty in and went on to become one of republican shanghai’s “big three” publishing houses. despite his lack of formal education, huang proved to a quick study and within three years was promoted to working as an editor on the bimonthly children’s magazine kids 小朋友, launched on april , . although most secondary sources record that huang wennong did not begin drawing cartoons until , he actually seems to have begun drawing and publishing cartoons much earlier. it is likely that many of the illustrations in kids are his work, although since they are, as a rule, uncredited it is hard to say to for sure. the earliest published cartoon i have been able to find that is credited huang wennong was published in the shenbao on march , . it depicts a vacant table, set with six high backed chairs. on the wall behind the table a large clock set into a hexagonal base displays the time: two o’ clock sharp. just to the left of the clock a sign reads, “this public office will hold a meeting this afternoon at : pm.” even in this early cartoon one can see huang’s satirical style starting to emerge. unlike ding song, who found his humor in physical deformities, or zhang guangyu, who tended to rely on subtle allegories, huang wennong was surprisingly direct in his criticism of the government. for more on the major publishing houses of republican-era shanghai, see chapter of christopher a. reed, gutenberg in shanghai: chinese print capitalism, - (ubc press, ). figure . huang wennong “our office will have a meeting at one o’clock today” 本公所定今日下午一時開 會 shenbao sunday, march , , . notices from the same year suggest that huang was a regular contributor to the shenbao, meaning that he would have meet wang yingbin, hu xuguang and likely wang dunqing around this time. it is also possible that his parents knew ding song through mutual acquaintances at the tushanwan orphanage. in , ding song, liu haisu, and zhang yuguang co-authored a best-selling how-to-draw book for the chunghwa book company. although huang didn’t become an apprentice at the press until five years later, in , he may have read a remaindered copy of the book as part of his informal training. in june, , huang formed the chinese painting film studio 中國畫片公司 with li yunchen 李允臣 and shen yanzhe 沈延哲 (n.d.). within four months he had completed china’s first “moving cartoon” 活動滑稽畫 film, the dog entertains 狗請客, a -minute long mix of live action and hand drawn animation. plans were made to complete further animated films, including an ambitious adaption “zhongguo huapian gongsi chengli” 中國畫片公司成立 [chinese painting film studio established], shenbao 申報, june , , nd ed. as far as i am aware, the film has not survived, although stills may exist in magazines or newspapers. i have not been able to find any however. of journey to the west 西遊記, but the zhonghua film studio went bankrupt within the year and huang was left trying to subsidize his film by creating cartoons for various periodicals. in early he took over the staff cartoonist position at the crystal from zhang guangyu, which earliest definitive evidence that i have been unable to uncover of huang wennong collaborating with other manhua society members. shortly thereafter huang took on a similar position for the commercial press’ long-running flagship magazine, the eastern miscellany 東方雜志. while his cartooning career was clearly taking off, his animated films seem to have floundered due to a lack of funds. for huang, then, cartooning may have represented the next best thing to creating animated films. one side effect of his earlier career, though, seems to have been a tendency to draw quickly, something which ye qianyu remembers being impressed by when they first met. hu xuguanghu xuguanghu xuguanghu xuguang: the lumberjack: the lumberjack: the lumberjack: the lumberjack in common with huang wennong, hu xuguang (pen name ming dong 明東) was also from songjiang county. born in in the town of sijing泗涇鎮, his father, who worked in the lumber trade, died when he was only . after graduating from elementary school, he was apprenticed to a lumber trader in xinzhuang 莘莊鎮, studying drawing and painting in his free time. his hobby attracted the attention of fan yichun 範亦純 (n.d.), the son of the lumber trader to whom he was apprenticed. yichun convinced his father to fund hu’s education in shanghai, where he managed to test into the shanghai art academy. like zhang guangyu, his talent and hard work made a strong impression on zhang yuguang and ding song, who would become lifelong friends. after graduating in , hu worked as a commercial artist for a variety of businesses in shanghai. he seems to have done well for himself, and by march, , he had married lu jiezhen 陸潔貞 (n.d.) in a ceremony in the ballroom of the zhenhua hotel 振華旅館, with zhang yuguang (ding song’s close friend and zhang guangyu’s mentor) acting as witness and the journalist hang shijun 杭石君 acting as his best man. yin fujun 殷福軍, “黃文農早期動畫創作研究” [research into huang wennong’s early animations], dianying wenxue 電影文學 no. ( ): – . “hu xuguang zuori jiehun” 胡旭光昨日結婚 [hu xuguang got married yesterday], shenbao, march , , st ed., . figure . hu xuguang “candle in the wind” 風中之燭, shenbao, thursday, january , , . hu xuguang was extremely active in the shenbao during the early s but seems to have disappeared following the dissolution of the manhua society in late . as far as i can tell, he does not seem to have participated in the numerous manhua publications of the s, or the anti-japanese propaganda troupes of war period. this is curious, given the overt political messages of his cartoons from the early s. for example, one representative cartoon from early , titled “candle in the wind” shows a disembodied hand holding a candle labeled “militarism” 軍國主義. the flame of the candle is nearly horizontal, sputtering in the wind which is labeled “mainstream spirit of the times” 時代潮流. cupped around the flame is a second disembodied hand labeled, “warlords” 軍閥. given that the warlords were not overthrown until the northern expedition, more than half a decade later, hu xuguang was clearly making full use of the extraterritorial protections afforded by shanghai to express his discontent with the status quo. he was careful, however, not to call out a specific warlord or faction. chapter chapter chapter chapter : : : : come togethercome togethercome togethercome together while it is clear that the members of the manhua society were connected through a variety of social and professional institutions, it took them more than five years to form a society dedicated to the production and promotion of cartoons and comics in china. initially, they may not have seen the need to organize, instead being satisfied to be paid to draw cartoons on a semi-regular basis for the shenbao and other periodicals. for most of them, cartoons probably seemed like a hobby, or side-business, to their more lucrative work in advertising and teaching. the escalating political turmoil of the s would seem to be obvious catalyst for the formation of the manhua society. on the other hand, cartoons and comics provided these young men with the means not only to speak out against foreign imperialism and government corruption, but also establish their respective careers and provide for their families. one event in particular has special significance for the formation of the manhua society, not simply because it spurred the manhua society members into action, but because it provided an opportunity for publishers (particually of pictorials) to capture the attention of readers. the shot heard round the bundthe shot heard round the bundthe shot heard round the bundthe shot heard round the bund on may , policeman in the international settlement opened fire on a crowd of chinese protesters, many of them students, gathered outside the laozha police station 老閘捕房, killing nine and injuring many more. the students had gathered to protest the trial of students who had been arrested performing a mock-funeral demonstration following the shooting of a chinese worker in japanese-owned cotton mill earlier in the month. two days later, the tabloid pictorial shanghai 上海畫報 released its controversial first issue on june , , featuring photographs of the bloody protests. published by the popular noveist bi yihong 畢倚虹(born bi zhenda 畢振達, - ), who was associated with the mandarin ducks and “shanghai huabao zengsong ming jian” 上海畫報贈送名箋 [shanghai pictorial to hand out free name brand stationary], shenbao 申報, october , , . butterflies clique, the tabloid employed not only zhang guangyu and ding song, but also st. john’s graduate and future manhua society member, wang dunqing. over the next month, a triple strike of merchants, students and workers organized by the kmt working in cooperation with du yuesheng and the green gang led to riots and more deaths, providing pictorial shanghai with enough sensational content to publish a new issue every three days. clearly inspired, two months later on august , zhang guangyu launched his own three-day tabloid, the two-page broadsheet, china camera news三日畫報. the may incident galvanized the young cartoonists into action, providing a ready market for their pointed political satire, and in addition to news and topical essays, the first issue also included satirical drawings諷刺畫 by four future members of the manhua society: lu shaofei, huang wennong, ding song, and zhang himself. lu shaofei, who had returned from shenyang some six months earlier, was also busy that summer putting together an exhibition for the fourth annual aurora art club show 晨光美術會第四屆展覽會, held august - at the second campus of iron forge creek art university 打鐵浜藝術大學第二院, to the south of the french concession in present day jinshan. an preview published in the shenbao the day before the show opened to the public makes it clear that this exhibition included the material which would published nearly three years later as cartoon travels in the north: “mr. lu shaofei’s more than seventy sketches of his travels to the capital and fengtian, featuring landscapes of the north, strange and bewildering to behold, without a set form, are especially impressive” 魯少飛君之旅京奉寫生約七十餘 件、北地風光、怪怪奇奇、不名一狀、尤為可觀云. was a period of growing ties between the members of the manhua society. in february, lu shaofei was hired as a set designer for sun shusong 孫樹松 and lin ren 林人, eds., “shanghai huabao” 上海畫報 [shanghai pictorial], modern chinese compilation studies dictionary 中國現代編輯學辭典 (heilongjiang people’s press 黑龍江人民出版社, ), . according to the literature scholar zhang yongjiu, bi zhenda is said to have died from sexual exhaustion after spending two days and two nights with a prostitute. pictorial shanghai survived his death, however, with the last issue coming out in december , having published over issues by the end of its run. see zhang yongjiu 張永久, 鴛鴦蝴蝶派文人 [literati of the mandarin ducks and butterflies clique] (showwe press 秀威出版, ), and sun shusong and lin ren, “shanghai huabao.” “sanri huabao di yi qi chuban” 三日畫報第一期出版 [china camera news publishes the first issue], shenbao 申報, august , , . “chenguang meishu hui di si jie zhanlanhui yuzhi” 晨光美術會第四屆展覽會預誌 [preview of the fourth annual aurora art club exhibition], shenbao 申報 (shanghai, july , ), . minxin film studio 民新影片公司, later recruiting huang wennong to work as the art director on the studio’s film magazine, minxin special edition 民新特刊. in march, ji xiaobo, riding high on his success of his feng zikai inspired manhua “i always feel that life is so unreal!” in the inaugural issue of young companion published in february, oversaw the printing of , copies of the first issue of the three friends co. publication light of the triangle 三角之光. featuring his own artwork on the theme “sparrows in the spring” 春天的燕子, light of the triangle not only showed his continued debt of inspiration to his former teacher, but also provide ji with the clout to be included on the roster of cartoonists for the new pictorial the shanghai life (illustrated) 上海生活, co-edited by journalist zhao junhao 趙君豪 ( -?), lu shaofei, and huang wennong. mostly forgotten today, thanks perhaps to the appearance of an unrelated magazine with an identical name, published - , other familiar contributors to the shanghai life (illustrated), include zhang guangyu, ye qianyu, and zhang zhengyu. a notice offering yuan and a free subscription in exchange for a logo design appeared in the shenbao in early may, noting that the magazine would “...specialize in describing life in society, solving the three problems of clothing, food, and shelter.” 專描寫社會生活、解决衣食住三大問題 a second notice appeared later in the month requesting submissions noted that shanghai was the cultural center of china, but that unlike london, new york, or paris it still lacked a magazine devoted to the life and times of the city. even given this relative level of success and name recognition, the future members of the manhua society were still struggling to fund their various projects. the first issue of the shanghai life (illustrated), minxin special edition published seven issues between july , and september , . bi keguan and huan yuanlin write that lu shaofei worked at xinmin film studio 新民影片公司. this is almost certainly a mistake for minxin film studio. “sanjiao zhi guang ding qi chuban” 三角之光定期出版 [light of the triangle to be published regularly], shenbao 申 報, march , , . “shanghai shenghuo xuanshang zhengqiu shangbiao” 上海生活懸賞徵求商標 [shanghai life offers reward for logo design], shenbao 申報, may , , . later notices mention that the printer for the shanghai life (illustrated) was the lianyi trading co., who lu shaofei had worked with in february, . see “shanghai shenghuo di si qi chuban” “上海生 活”第四期出版 [“the shanghai life” issue four published], shenbao 申報, june , , . “shanghai shenghuo xuanshang zhengqiu shangbiao.” “shanghai shenghuo hanqing wenyi jie zhuangao” 上海生活函請文藝界撰稿 [shanghai life requests mailed in submissions from the world of art and literature], shenbao 申報, may , , . for example, appeared on newsstands until july , just under two months after the first announcement in the shenbao, while the second issue appeared nearly four months later on november, . although the third issue was published on time, one month later, the fourth and final issue didn’t appear until june, , citing a strike at the printer. zhang guangyu meanwhile, quit his job at nanyang brothers tobacco in , after launching china camera news, and went to work as a designer for the shanghai mofan factory 上海模範工廠. founded in , this large rubber factory in jiangwanzhen was owned by the noted philanthropist xu qianlin 徐乾麟 ( - ). while there, zhang designed advertisements for mofan’s trademark double-ten rickshaw tires, in addition to rubber toys, soles for leather shoes, and other rubber products. thanks perhaps to zhang’s salary first at nanyang brothers tobacco and later at shanghai mofan factory, china camera news managed to put out over issues by early june, , with an omnibus collection going on sale july . in march, , a notice in the shenbao carried the following announcement, titled “relaunch of china camera news” 三日畫報之刷新: recently china camera news has been undergoing a series of improvements. we are increasing the number of copperplates, selecting more precious photographs, drawn material, with a publishing date set for the first day of the second month of the lunar calendar [march ]. moreover we are preparing photographs of celebrities and collections of drawings by famous artists as gifts for our readers. “shanghai shenghuo jiang chuban dingqi qi yue qi ri” “上海生活”將出版 定期七月七日 [“the shanghai life” to be published: date is set for july ], shenbao 申報, july , ; “shanghai shenghuo di er qi chuban you qi shiqi ri chuban” 上海生活第二期出版有期 十七日出版 [shanghai life issue two to be published: date is set for th], shenbao 申報, november , . “chuban jie xiaoxi” 出版界消息 [news in the world of publishing], shenbao 申報, december , , ; “shanghai shenghuo di si qi chuban.” tang wei 唐薇, “zhang guangyu yishu zuopin” 張光宇藝術作品 [zhang guangyu’s art], zhuangshi 裝飾 no. ( ): . xie lingling 謝玲玲, “woguo jinxiandai zhuming cishanjia xu qianlin” 我國近現代著名慈善家徐乾麟 [famous modern chinese philanthropist xu qianlin], may , , http://www.zx.yy.gov.cn/art/ / / /art_ _ .html (accessed february , ). “huabao xiaoxi” 畫報消息 [pictorial news], shenbao 申報, june , ; “sanri huabao bai qi huiji fashou” 三日畫 報百期彙集發售 [china camera news issue collection goes on sale], shenbao 申報, july , , . 三日畫報近日從事改良編式、增加銅版、多選名貴照片、圖畫材料、刻定二月初 一日出版、并備有明星照片、及名人畫集、贈送定閱諸戶云、 aaaan unexpected partyn unexpected partyn unexpected partyn unexpected party in an interview conducted in the mid- s, lu shaofei recalls that he joined the manhua society entirely on accident: having just gotten back from a trip (perhaps scouting locations for a new minxin film), lu decided to pay a visit to his friend, zhang guangyu, at his house in hengqing alley 恆慶里, just off of rue admiral bayle 貝勒路 . when he arrived, however, zhang’s wife told him that zhang and his brother, zhang, were both at ding song’s house, just across the street in tianxiang alley 天祥里. walking into the doorway of the house just as the manhua society was preparing to take a photograph for their inaugural meeting, lu recalls that zhang laughed and said, “it’s better to show up when the time is right, than to show up right on time” 来得早不如来得巧. most second hand accounts provide a few names of the most well-known cartoonists, followed by the chinese for ‘etc.’ 等, according to ye qianyu, the manhua society had seven founding members: himself, lu shaofei, zhang guangyu, zhang zhengyu, huang wennong, wang dunqing, and ding song. according to lu shaofei, however, there were four additional founding members: ji xiaobo, zhang meisun, cai shudan 蔡輸丹 (n.d.), and wang yisan 王益三 (n.d.). bi keguan and huang yuanlin largely agree with lu shaofei, although they substitute hu xuguang 胡旭光 ( - ) for wang yisan. “chuban jie xiaoxi” 出版界消息 [news in the world of publishing], shenbao 申報, march , , . a minor street running north to south through the french concession, it was originally given the name rue omnichan when it was built in . it was renamed in after the french commander-in-chief of french forces in the far east, admiral charles-jesse bayle ( - ), while the section extending into the international settlement to the north was known by the decidedly less prestigious name mohawk road. the two sections have since been renamed huangpi road south 黄陂南路 and huangpi road north 黄陂北路. see paul french, the old shanghai a-z (hong kong university press, ). tang suzhen 湯素貞 ( - ), married . see tang wei, “zhang guangyu yishu zuopin,” . bao limin, “ye qianyu yu lu shaofei (shang).” bi keguan and huang yuanlin, zhongguo manhua shi, . bao limin also notices this discrepancy. see “ye qianyu yu lu shaofei (shang),” . relying on information provided by wang dunqing in may, , jack chen, records that the original manhua society had ten members, but neglects to mention them by name. given the lack of agreement who the manhua society was founded by, chen’s decision to omit this information was probably not accidental. there is also another major discrepancy between these four accounts, regarding the date the date that the manhua society was founded. according to ye qianyu, the group was founded shortly after ye, wang dunqing, and huang wennong’s failed broadsheet, shanghai sketch 上海漫畫 (hereafter shanghai sketch i), was relaunched by zhang guangyu as a monthly under the same name, shanghai sketch (hereafter, shanghai sketch ii). since the first issue of shanghai sketch ii was published april , , this would mean the summer or fall of that year. in support of lu’s claim for the fall of , his interviewer, bao limin, points out that huang wennong’s collected satirical drawings 文農諷刺畫集, which was published in , features the words “the first collection of the manhua society” 漫画会丛 书第一种, concluding that ye’s memory must have failed him. this theory largely holds up: although several accounts record that huang wennong’s collected satirical drawings was published in the fall (that the group must have been formed several months prior), in fact the cover features the emblem of the manhua society (see fig. . ), which was not carved by zhang meisun until november, , meaning that the group could very well have been formed in the fall of . jack chen, “china’s militant cartoonists,” asia magazine, may . figure . zhang meisun “emblem for the manhua association” 漫畫會會徽 november, . the emblem to be carved by zhang meisun depicts a tightly coiled dragon, facing the viewer head- on. although it has little to remind one, immediately at least, of cartoons, gan xianfeng describes the emblem in stirring terms: because the term ‘manhua’ was unknown to most people… [therefore] the artistry of the emblem was drawn from the special qualities of ancient chinese brick engravings in roof tile end caps and pictographic seals, using a boldly exaggerated brushwork to create a ‘holy dragon of chinese manhua.’ this suggests that the sleeping dragon of china was waking up, just as the dragon of manhua was also waking up. 由於"漫畫"這一名稱不為人知…[因此]會徽的藝術處理,吸取了中國古代磚刻瓦當 和肖形印藝術特色,以渾厚、樸茂、誇張的造型筆法塑造了一頭中國漫畫神龍,寓 意是中國這條睡龍正在覺醒,漫畫這條龍也正在覺醒. whether, indeed the term manhua was unknown to most people is a matter of debate, considering the apparent popularity of feng zikai’s work from as early as may, , however gan makes a good zhongguo manhua shi 中國漫畫史 [a history of chinese comics] (shandong huabao chubanshe 山東畫報出版社, ), – . argument for the connection between the image of china as a sleeping dragon, and chinese cartoonists as the agitators who saw themselves working to stir the dragon from its slumber. gan finally found the smoking gun that reveals the actual founding date of the manhua society. overlooked or perhaps forgotten by lu shaofei, ye qianyu, wang dunqing, etc, the following notice was posted in the shenbao on december , : manhua society founded a number of artists with rich imaginations from shanghai have formed a drawing club, for which they have chosen the name the “manhua society.” regarding the nature of the club, it differs greatly from other drawing clubs. in the next few days a manifesto will be published. the members are (by stroke count in the character of the family name): ding song, wang dunqing, hu xuguang, zhang guangyu, zhang zhenyu, huang wennong, ye qianyu, [and] lu shaofei. the club address is zhejiang rd, ningbo rd, no. , floor , no. . 漫畫會之成立 上海現有數位思想豐富之畫家組織一畫會、定名漫畫會、按漫畫會之性質、與其他 畫會逈異、不日將有宣言發表、發起人以姓氏筆劃為次、丁悚·王敦慶·胡旭光·張光 宇·張振宇·黃文農·葉淺予·魯少飛·會址浙江路寗波路六十五號三層樓第四十號。 this date is also supported by a short essay by huang wennong, published in the third issue of the shanghai life (illustrated), dated december , , in which huang mentions an informal meeting of the manhua society with wang dunqing, ye qianyu, and zhang zhengyu earlier that month: we drove out to caojiadu, in the western part of shanghai, that colony of many square-miles in area north of the [huangpu] river. the way they live there is really different from us shanghai in personal communication, timothy cheek has compared this analogy to the work of historian john fitzgerald, who argues that chinese politics, and sun yat-sen and the kmt, “awoke” in a similar way during the s. cheek suggests that the manhua society might be seen as early example of mass mobilization, albeit in the world of commerce rather than politics, connected (as argued by fitzgerald) through the league of leftwing writers. see john fitzgerald, awakening china: politics, culture, and class in the nationalist revolution (stanford university press, ). “manhuahui zhi chengli” 漫畫繪製成立 [manhua society founded], shenbao 申報, december , . caojiadu (literally, ‘cao family ferry’) was famous for having a large number of older western villas mixed in with newer industrial infrastructure. it was also close to st. john’s campus, located just north of jessfield park (today’s zhongshan park), on the banks of the wusong river, and so would have been a familiar haunt for wang dunqing. see lu hanchao, beyond the neon lights: everyday shanghai in the early twentieth century (university of california press, ), . folk. we spent the better part of a day talking to them and after we got back home we elected wang dunqing to pick a topic to remember the day by, [while] i happily provided three casual illustrations, which we put up in the biggest western-style restaurant in town. we also discussed some of the affairs of the ‘manhua society,’ it’s too bad our comrades weren’t there—ding song, zhang, hu, lu, ji—otherwise i would have a great deal of interesting news to report to our readers. 我們…坐了汽車到滬西的曹家渡, 那處數方里的江北殖民地, 他們生活, 絕對不和上 海人同化, 我們費了半天的光陰, 和他們交際, 回來公推王敦慶選一篇記事, 我很高興, 隨意繪了三方插畫, 並且在鎮上一家規模最宏大的番菜館裏, 議論一些「漫畫會」的 事情, 可惜尚有五位同志— 丁松, 光宇, 旭光, 少飛, 小波. —沒有同去. 否則還有許多 有趣味消息報告讀者呢. from this account, and the notice posted in the shenbao, it seems clear that the driving forces behind the manhua society were huang wennong, wang dunqing, and ye qianyu, with the support of ding song, zhang guangyu, hu xuguang, lu shaofei, and ji xiaobo. this impression is further strengthened by the manifesto, published as promised, days later on december , : manhua society publishes manifesto on saturday, in shanghai, the manhua society convened an ad hoc meeting at their headquarters. on this day they discussed and passed the following resolutions, one by one: [ ] within the year, this society should organize a formal founding meeting, and we recommend that ding song and zhang guangyu handle this matter [ ] the manifesto drafted by huang wennong and wang dunqing has also already been approved by the entire body of the society, and is included herein: recently, drawing clubs have been established like flower buds in the spring, like the surging tides in autumn. does this mean that the future of art is bright? or is it a case of making use of unity to cultivate a grand reputation for a given group? nobody can say for sure, but in the case of our little group at least, we’ve come together purely out of mutual interests and ambitions. each and every one of us must find a balance between our innate abilities, intelligence and experience. in our artwork, we must express our romanticism, for the sake of advancing the human mind. in other huang wennong 黃文農, “fa hua gao yihou” 發畫稿以後 [a sketch after submission], shanghai shenghuo 上海生活, december , , . words, we want to make this human society of ours into new soil for the tiller. whether or not the products of our hearts and blood will able to be thought of as a labor of art, and whether or not it will measure up to our ideal goal is not a question that can be answered objectively. although it is something which cannot be measured at present, it is our hope—and our pledge—is to work together to plant good seeds in this time of artistic immaturity. in the future, when it comes time to reap the fruits of our labors, probably not a single member of our group will be willing to go forth and enjoy them. 漫畫會發表宣言 上星期六日、漫畫會在會所內召集臨時會議、是日將章程逐條討論、並均通過、 又該會准於本年內、開正式成立大會、推定丁悚·張光宇·辦理其事、黃文農、王敦 慶·擬稿之宣言、亦經到會全體之認可、茲特錄載於次、近來畫會的創設、好像春 之花蓓蕾着、秋之潮澎湃着、這是繪畫藝術界前途的光明嗎、或是要假團結力的作 用來樹黨稱雄呢、誰也不能給我們一個透澈的定斷、可是我們幾個人的組合、完全 因為是志趣相投、就是我們之中的各個份子、都要全平自己的天性、智力和經騐、 在我們的藝術作品上表現、我們的浪漫主義、使人類的思想向上、換句話說、就是 要使這個人類社會、成為我們所開拓的新土地、然而我們的心與血的結果、能不能 够被認為藝術上的工作、和能不能够達到我們理想上的目的、那是一種客觀上的問 題不可、旦不能在此時量到、不過我們的願望、——也是我們的誓語、——是要在 這幼稚的繪畫藝術期間、同心努力、播下良好的種子、也許將來的收穫、我們沒有 一個份子情願去享受的。 from this overtly apolitical manifesto (authored by the most political members of the society, huang wennong and wang dungqing), and in light of what we know about the manhua society members, it is fun to imagine an early gathering of the group: ye qianyu singing opera stanzas for the zhang brothers and ding song, while wang dunqing and ji xiaobo, both dressed in equally bad suits, argue politics off in a corner. a small group of young children play on boxes of the latest issue of china camera news piling in the corner, while their mothers stand close by, making small talk. at the table, in addition to being printed in shenbao on december , , the manhua society manifesto was also reprinted in issue # of china camera news on december , . see “manhuahui fabiao xuanyan” 漫畫會發表宣言 [manhua society publishes manifesto], shenbao 申報, december , . huang wennong sits busily sketching away, oblivious to the food prepared by tang suzhen, zhang guangyu’s pretty young wife, and her mother. meanwhile, the awkward lu shaofei introduces himself in shanghai dialect to hu xuguang, who responds in the same. later, zhang meisun and ding song reminiscence about their art classes at the the tushanwan orphanage, and ji jokes with ye, saying, “looks like the kid from tonglu is all grown up now.” ye rolls his eyes and looks at huang wennong, who just shrugs. the northern expthe northern expthe northern expthe northern expeditioneditioneditionedition the arrival of the northern expedition in shanghai on march , , fundamentally changed the lives of the manhua society members. as ye writes in his autobiography, his own opinion of the northern expedition was largely colored by the rising political awareness which followed the may movement even though i didn’t directly participate in the “may ” movement, i experienced the anti- imperialist sentiment that it stirred up first hand. the lesson in patriotism and democracy that i learned really shook me to my core, and inspired my utmost support for the grand revolution of the northern expedition that was launched by the united front [between the kmt and the communist party]. “五 卅”運動我雖未直接參加,可是由此引起的反帝革命情緒,我卻親身感受到。 這真是一次驚心動魄的愛國家、愛民族的教育,我由此而對國共合作興師北伐的大 革命產生了極大的同情。 in ye’s account, there is a palpable sense of not wanting to be left out of this once in a lifetime chance to become a part of history. born too late to be may th radical, and too scared, perhaps to take part in the may th riots, the northern expedition was just the sort of opportunity an ambitious young man like ye qianyu would have been looking for to make his mark on the world as a cartoonist. launched in june, , just over a year after the events of may , , the northern expedition was the culmination of sun yat-sen’s dream of re-unifying china under a single government. backed by the soviets, in mid- the kmt found itself split into three rival factions: the left, led by ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . wang jingwei 汪精衛 ( - ) who favored collaboration with the communists; the right, led by lin sen 林森 ( - ) and hu hanmin 胡漢民 ( - ), who advocated rather the opposite; and chiang kai-shek in the middle, in control of whampoa academy and the nra. although divided ideologically, they were united in their goal to take back china from the warlords and foreign powers. rather than attacking sun chuanfang directly, the kmt had first gone north into hubei via hunan, attacking the forces of chuanfang’s zhili ally wu peifu in wuhan. after the fall of wuhan to the northern expedition army in september, , chiang sent his troops south, to nanchang, where they attacked and subdued the forces of sun chuanfang, taking the city on september . managing to hold the city for only four days, they retreated north, into hubei, and south, into jiangxi. after arriving at the front in early october, chiang led his forces into the city a second time on october , holding the city only briefly before retreating again. finally, in early november chiang managed to defeat sun, taking nanchang for the third and final time on november , . meanwhile, back in wuhan, wang jingwei had been busy building a coalition government between the leadership of the kmt and that of the ccp, declaring wuhan the new capital of the roc on january , . initially, chiang ignored the provocation, maintaining an outwardly neutral position between jingwei on the left, and by lin sen and hu hanmin on the right. working with undercover agents who enlisted the help of both the green gang and the ccp, chiang and the united front planned their takeover of shanghai, with the city finally falling on march following a series of general strikes and fierce fighting with holdouts of the zhili clique. shortly afterwards, under the scrutiny of the foreign powers, chiang kai-shek set up a rival capital with the support of the kmt’s right-wing faction in nanjing. after shanghai fell to the kmt in late march, chiang wasted no time establishing a police force to govern the chinese controlled portions of the city in cooperation with the green gang and the ccp. taking their name from wusong 吳淞, a strategically important port at the confluence of the huangpu and the yangtze, and the traditional abbreviation for shanghai, hu 滬, the songhu police department 淞 according to soviet accounts of the siege, sun relied heavily on soviet adviser, vasily blyukher ( - ) to help orchestrate the final assault on nanchang. at one point, sun was said to have been so distraught that he was threatening to kill himself. see vera vladimirovna vishni ͡akova-akimova, two years in revolutionary china, - (harvard univ asia center, ), – . 滬警察廳政治部, set up their headquarters in yeshiyuan 也是園 [also a garden], a famous literati garden in the chinese walled city just south of the international settlement. thanks no doubt to his fame as a political cartoonist for the crystal and the eastern miscellany, huang wennong managed to obtain a position as head of the art department 藝術股長 in the propaganda department of the new kmt office, inviting the much younger ye qianyu, whom he had met one year earlier through zhang guangyu’s camera news, to join him. shortly thereafter, ji xiaobo, relying perhaps on his connections with former tongmenghui member turned anti-warlord publisher, zhu xilang, also took a position in the same department. after only three days in yeshiyuan, huang told ye that he was planning to transfer to the political office of the navy 海軍政治部 and that he wanted ye to come with him. ye recalls asking huang if they should tell ji xiaobo and the others that they were leaving, but that for whatever reason, huang told him to keep their transfer a secret. after transferring, they both received promotions, with huang becoming a captain 上尉 and ye becoming a lieutenant 中尉, something which may have rankled ji xiaobo. in the navy they met cai shudan, another artist who had been assigned to their department. meanwhile, on the basis of his experience working for the minxin film company, lu shaofei had also secured employment in the kmt’s propaganda apparatus, finding a position the political office of central command 總司令部政治部 in nanjing following the arrival of chiang kai-shek’s national revolutionary army on march , . looting and anti-imperialists riots (likely supported by the posters of lu shaofei) followed shortly thereafter, but were quickly suppressed by british and american gunships. “songhu jingting zhengzhibu zhiyuanwei ding” 淞滬警廳政治部職員委定 [songhu police station political office staff set], shenbao 申報, april , . ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . ibid. some sources erroneously record that lu joined the guominjun 國民軍 (nationalist army) and not the guomingjun 國命 軍 (national revolutionary army). while the guominjun had in fact arrived in nanjing at one point, it was in january, , as part of the guominjun anhui-fengtian expedition under the leadership of zhang zongchang, driving out the warlord qi xieyuan, lu was still in shenyang at this time. qi xieyuan had captured jiangsu province from lu yongxiang following the jiangsu-zhejiang war of late , the same conflict which had trapped ye qianyu and his friends in xiamen. by the fall of sun chuanfang had forced zhang zongchang and the guominjun out of shanghai and nanjing. see bi keguan and huang yuanlin, zhongguo manhua shi, . less than a month after the nra arrived in shanghai, however, chiang launched a bloody counter-offensive against the left-wing of the kmt and the ccp, with the help of du yuesheng and the green gang, whose predatory labor system of “bosses” and “disciples” was in direct competition with the communist labor unions. dubbed the “april shanghai massacre” by the ccp, some , to , communists and suspected communists were killed in shanghai. at the time the city had a population of about million, of which roughly , are estimated to have been factory workers. it is unclear when lu shaofei, huang wennong, ye qianyu, and ji xiaobo left the national revolutionary army. bi keguan and huang yuanlin indicate that all but ji xiaobo either resigned or were forced out directly after the shanghai massacre of april , . this is directly contradicted by ye qianyu, who recalls that the shanghai branch of the political office of the navy was disbanded in august, , due to chiang kai-shek’s concerns that it had been infiltrated by communists. ye’s testimony is backed up by the historical record, with an april , , announcement in the shenbao noting that huang wennong and ye qianyu had joined the staff of the newly formed political office of the songhu police station. furthermore, meeting notes from the seventh meeting of the manhua society held june , , note that ye qianyu was absent having been mobilized to join the th army 十七軍 of the nra in fujian. the closing of the political office in august would have spelled the end of ye and huang’s careers, but not lu’s in nanjing, or ji, who was still working in the songhu police department based in yeshiyuan, and seems to have continued to work for the government, eventually joining the department of education as a censor in . according to ye, meanwhile, after the political office of the navy disbanded, huang transferred to the political office of central command in nanjing to work with lu, before both men returned to shanghai in late . bi and huang probably knew this, but included the erroneous brian g. martin, the shanghai green gang: politics and organized crime, - (university of california press, ), – . bi keguan and huang yuanlin, zhongguo manhua shi, , , . ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . “songhu jingting zhengzhibu zhiyuanwei ding.” “ge tuanti xiaoxi.” bu wuchen, “gaoshou manhuajia ji xiaobo.” ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . information to protect the reputations of the manhua society members. for his part, ye qianyu obliquely dismisses his critics saying, “for guys like us, who only had a head for art and not politics, when we read the news in the newspaper and heard things on the grapevine, all that we could conclude was that revolution wasn’t as simple as we had thought.” 我們這些只懂藝術不懂政治的頭腦, 看了聽了報 上的河流傳的消息, 只覺得革命沒那麼簡單. while claims like this sound reasonable enough, they also suggest that ye was practiced at making light of his association with the kmt after many years of living in politically dangerous climate of the prc. whatever bad blood existed between ji xiaobo and ye qianyu from their days as master and student seems not to have affected ji’s willingness to publish the work of ye’s friend and benefactor, huang wennong. according to lu shaofei, it was ji’s connections at glorify china press 光華書店 that made it possible for the manhua society to publish their first publication, huang wennong’s collected satirical cartoons. lu’s account is supported by the meeting notes for the seventh meeting of the manhua society, held june , , which mentions that two new members of the manhua society, ji xiaobo’s coworkers at the songhu police station, zhang meisun and cai shudan, were said to be arranging the publication of huang wennong’s collected satirical drawings. although some sources report that this book was published in the fall of , it doesn’t appear to have been published until december of , since the cover features the manhua society emblem of a curled dragon (see fig. . ), designed by zhang meisun in late november of that year, and the words “the first publication of the manhua society.” although bi keguan and huang yuanlin refer to lu shaofei’s cartoon travels in the north as the second publication of the manhua society, in fact this book of sketches (many of which had been the featured at the fourth annual aurora art club exhibition in august, ) was not published until may ibid., . bao limin, “ye qianyu yu lu shaofei (shang),” . “ge tuanti xiaoxi.” see bi keguan and huang yuanlin, zhongguo manhua shi, picture appendix, , and ding xi 丁西, ed., “wennong fengci huaji” 文農諷刺畫集 [huang wennong’s collected satirical drawings], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫 藝術卷 (shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe 陝西人民美術出版社, november ), – . , . the last official meeting of the manhua society for which we have records, meanwhile, was held november , : regular meeting notes for the manhua society the day before yesterday (the th), the manhua society held their fourteenth regular meeting at their club headquarters on rue admiral bayle. present at this meeting were zhang meisun, ji xiaobo, lu shaofei, ding song, zhang guangyu, ye qianyu, wang dunqing, zhang [zhang], huang wennong. aside from auxiliary member cai shudan being in ningbo, and hu xuguang taking an absence due to illness, all members arrived on time. first, chairperson ding song announced that he would be stepping down. after reporting the motions of the previous meeting, members began discussing various matters, regarding the development of the manhua society, with all members participating in a productive discussion. zhang meisun was encouraged to carve a club emblem and wang dunqing was appointed chairperson for the next meeting. various members shared their latest work, of which there was relatively more than last time, and at around pm the meeting was concluded. 漫畫會常會紀 漫畫會前日(六號)於貝勒路三十號會所、開第十四次常會、到會者張眉孫·季小 波·魯少飛·丁悚·張光宇·葉淺予·王敦慶·張振宇·黃文農、除外埠會員蔡輪丹在寗、胡 旭光因病請假外、全體均准時到會、首由丁悚主席致開會辭、報告上屆議案後、開 始商議各種問題、關於會務發展、咸有切實之討論、又推張眉孫彫刻會徽、王敦慶 為下屆主席、各會員所交新作品、較上次更多、會議至五時始散。 two final notices appear in late december, , announcing at the forthcoming january , publication of shanghai sketch by “manhua society members” wang dunqing, huang wennong, and ye qianyu, with assistance from ding song and zhang guangyu. to my knowledge, no further manhua society notices were published, leading me to conclude that although individual members of the manhua bi and huang also include a second collection of huang wennong’s work a collection of drawings for the new year 初一 之畫集 ( , publisher unknown) as having been published by the manhua society. see bi keguan and huang yuanlin, zhongguo manhua shi, , . “manhua hui chang hui ji” 漫畫會常會紀 [regular meeting notes for the manhua society], shenbao 申報, november , , . society continued to work together on various publications, the organization itself informally disbanded shortly thereafter, in the spring of . chapter chapter chapter chapter : : : : the breaking of the fellowthe breaking of the fellowthe breaking of the fellowthe breaking of the fellowshipshipshipship since no former member of the manhua society has gone on record to explain why the manhua society gradually drifted apart in late and early , i looked at the evidence left behind and reconstruct a plausible sequence of events, like a crime scene investigator using various clues the perpetrators left behind. that no manhua society member has seen fit to comment on the dissolution of the group seems strange, given the importance placed on its formation as, in the words of bi keguan, “the first civil cartoon society in chinese history.” from the evidence, it seems that at least in part an internal schism (or schisms) broke the group apart from the inside. for one, the checkered relationship between ji xiaobo and ye qianyu seems to have colored his interactions with the rest of the group. lu shaofei, on the other hand, seems to have had an especially close relationship with ji up until late , when the ji seems to have mostly stopped publishing cartoons after being hired as a censor for the ministry of education. huang wang also withdrew from the group, and the cartooning world in general in the spring of after a falling out with zhang zhengyu, publishing leftist cartoons two years later under various pseudonyms, while ding song, meanwhile, seems to have distanced himself from the group following an obscenity trial in late . finally hu xuguang seems to have quit cartooning entirely in , finding employment as set decorator in the film industry instead. bi keguan and huang yuanlin, zhongguo manhua shi, . see chapter . “shi xuanchuan bu shisi ci buwu huiwu” 市宣傳部十四次部務會務 [ th meeting of the city propaganda department], shenbao 申報, september , , . ye qianyu mentions both incidents in his autobiography. see ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, , – . the obscenity trial was also covered in the media, something which ye credits as bringing new readers to the magazine. see “shanghai manhua bei kong” 上海漫畫被控 [shanghai sketch accused], shenbao 申報, october , , ; “shanghai manhua bei kong an panjue fayuan xuanpan wuzui bufang jiang ti shangsu” 上海漫畫被控案判决 法院宣判無罪 捕房將提上訴 [shanghai sketch accusation judgement: court rules not guilty, concession police station to appeal], 申報, october , ; shanghai manhua an shangsu kaishen 上海漫畫案上訴開審 [appeal heard for shanghai sketch case], shenbao 申報, november , ; “shanghai manhua wuzui bufang shangsu hou zhi panjue” 上海漫畫無罪 捕房上訴 後之判决 [shanghai sketch not guilty: followup on the appeal at the concession police station], shenbao 申報, november , . in april, , it was announced that he was making the sets for an adaption of journey to the west, and in may hu xuguang was said to be working on a new film for the great china lily film company 大中華百合公司. see “juchang xiaoxi” 劇塲消息 [theater news], shenbao 申報, april , , ; “juchang xiaoxi” 劇塲消息 [theater news], shenbao 申報, may , , . at the same time, while it is true that four prominent members of the manhua society (ji, wang, ding song, and hu) left the group to pursue other projects, as did other more minor members (zhang meisun and cai shudan), the bonds between the remaining five members of the manhua society (ye, huang, zhang, zhang, and lu), however, seem to have grown even stronger throughout , while at the same time allowing new collaborators to emerge. this reflects the fluid nature of membership in the manhua society that is attested to in their early meeting notes which note that, “…our group has adopted an open format and we welcome new comrades to join. there is no established procedure for soliciting new members, so interested parties are encouraged to contact us” 該會取公開態度、歡迎同志加入、但 無徵求會員之手續、願入會者、可與該會接洽云. shanghai sketch ishanghai sketch ishanghai sketch ishanghai sketch i to understand the breakup of the manhua society, we need to go back to the summer of , just after the arrival of the northern expedition in shanghai that spring. having spent june and july of in fuzhou, the provincial capital of fujian (some kilometers north of xiamen) ye found himself without a job. in december, his former boss in the political office of the navy recruited him to create an illustrated magazine mocking british imperialism in support of a trade union strike at british-american tobacco. ding song and zhang guangyu were both working at bat at the time, zhang having left his job as an industrial designer at the chinese-owned shanghai mofan factory in early . ye recruited wang dunqing to help create content for the magazine, focusing on the opium wars. although the protest was ultimately suppressed by bat management, the first issue of their magazine (which ultimately took the form of a broadsheet) seems to have been a success. according to ye, however, just as they were preparing to publish a second issue, however, the kmt government stepped in and shut them down. this collaboration led to the creation of a new publication in late , with the addition of the newly unemployed huang wennong, called shanghai sketch. “at the time, there were three of us working together: huang wennong provided the drawings, i was charge of doing all the odd jobs, and wang dunqing was in charging of editing.” 當時我們三人合伙,黃文農供畫,我管跑腿,王敦慶管編 “ge tuanti xiaoxi.” ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . 務. ‘all the odd jobs’, in this case seems to mean taking care of printing and distribution. if one looks at the announcements posted in the shenbao, and the actual publication itself, however, it is clear that ye contributed a great deal of his own art, in addition to his other responsibilities: a date has been set for the new publication shanghai sketch manhua society members, wang dunqing, huang wennong, ye qianyu, three united comrades from the world of art and literature, will be distributing a pictorial magazine that uses five-color rubber blanket offset printing. every three days a new issue will be released under the name, “shanghai sketch.” the objectives of this periodical are to use words and pictographic art to encourage chinese industry, beautify present day society, and conduct the revolutionary spirit. the contents of each issue will be one set of long-running humorous cartoons, and one set of short- running cartoons. the beautiful printing will include more than satirical drawings, joke drawings, etc. while he text will include miscellaneous social commentary, short stories, interesting accounts, etc. regarding the preparation of the pictographic materials and the selection of texts, there has already been over a year of preparation so the works we will publish are, without exception, vastly different from those published in normal pictorial magazines and three-day papers. this periodical will be published december , year [ ]. 新刊上海漫畫出版有期 漫畫會會員王敦慶·黃文農·葉淺予·三君、集合文藝界同志、將發行一種畫報、 以五彩橡皮版精印、每三日出版一期、命名“上海漫畫、”其宗旨在以文字及圖畫藝 術、主吹國內工業、美化現有社會、傳導革命精神、逐期內容、有長期及短期滑稽 活動畫各一套、美的裝束畫諷刺畫笑畫等約二十餘幀、文字方面、有社會雜評短篇 小說及富有趣味之記載等、對於圖畫材料之籌備、文字風格之揀選、已達一年之久、 故將來錄登作品、無不與尋常畫報及其他三日刊有所逈異、聞該報准定於十六年十 二月三十一日出版。 ibid., . “xin kan shanghai manhua chuban you qi” 新刊上海漫畫出版有期 [a date has been set for the new publication shanghai sketch], shenbao 申報, december , , 本埠新聞二 section. five days later, the following notice appeared, which mentions that ding song and zhang guangyu were also attached to the project, in addition to the translators wang qixu 王啟煦 (pennames wang kangfu 王抗夫, wang yizhong 王藝鐘, wang jushi 王弆石, n.d.) and ji zanyu 季贊育 (n.d.), and the artists chen qiucao 陳秋草 ( - ) and fang xuegu 方雪鴣 (n.d.) : shanghai sketch to be published regularly the soon to appear five-color “shanghai sketch,” will be serialized by manhua society members, wang dunqing, huang wennong, ye qianyu, together with comrades of the art and literature world, such as ding song, zhang guangyu, wang qixu, ji zanyu, chen qiucao, fang xuegu, etc. writing and editing. the content of the first issue will include huang wennong’s “get on the horse and drop anchor,” ye qianyu’s “standard sizes”, and new fashion drawings; wang dunqing’s “long live the tramp” and “that girl man yu”; and wu handu’s marvelous explanation for “why the revolution has yet to succeed”, etc. the textual and graphic content will be by and large humorous, with an eye to improving readers’ vision, and the warm approval of society at large. this publication will be published january , year [ ]. 上海漫畫定期出版 行將出世之五彩“上海漫畫”、係由漫畫會會員王敦慶黃文農葉淺予集合文藝界同志、 如丁悚張光宇王啟煦季贊育陳秋草方雪鴣等、執筆編輯、其第一期內容有黃文農之 上馬及拋錨、葉淺予之大小標凖及新裝畫、王孰慶之小癟三萬歲及曼瑜這姑娘、吳 厂獨之革命尚未成功之妙解等、文字與圖畫材料均以幽默為主體、想可調劑讀者之 眼光、而受社會熱烈之歡迎、該報准於十七年一月一日出版云。 under his various pennames, wang qixu translated major works of socialist literature including hermynia zur mühlen’s collection fairy tales for workers children translated into english by ida dailes as meigui hua 玫瑰花(the rose- bush), shanghai chunye shudian 上海春野書店, ; aino kallas’ short story collection the white ship translated into english by alexander matson, with a forward by john galsworthy, as dao chengli qu 到城裡去 (into town), shanghai nanqiang shuju 上海南強書局, ; and jack london’s novel the iron heel (shanghai taidong tushuju 上海泰東 圖書局, ). finally, in , he edited duan pian xiaoshuo nian xuan 短篇小說年選: (best short stories: , shanghai nanqiang shuju 上海南強書局). “shanghai manhua dingqi chuban” 上海漫畫定期出版 [shanghai sketch to be published regularly], shenbao 申報, december , , 本埠新聞二 section. given what we know about the publication, which only managed to put out one issue and featuring the work of the three founders, this announcement seems to have been an attempt to drive up sales by cashing in on the name recognition of ding song and zhang guangyu. the others seem to have been friends of wang dunqing, and may have been included for similar reasons. the printing costs for the magazine were provided on credit, thanks to wang dunqing’s relationship with the printer. printed as a single-side broadsheet designed to be folded into quarters, ye qianyu recalls that the publication was met with confusion by newspaper distributors who didn’t know how to market it. although illustrated broadsheets were common during the s and early s in shanghai, most were double-sided, rather than single-side like shanghai sketch. given the quality of the work, however, combined with the name recognition of huang wennong, it seems suprising that it attracted so little interest on the part of newspaper sellers. according to a notice posted in the first issue of shanghai sketch, however, there was also a problem with the printer: notice from the editor daxin printing company, the press undertaking the printing of this publication, urgently requires the installation of new equipment. therefore after publishing this issue, we must temporarily stop publication for one issue. we absolutely will not have further delays and hope that our readers can forgive us. 本社啟示 承印本報之大新印刷公司、因急於添裝新機、故於本期出版後,鬚暫停刊一期。絕 不延滯。望讀者原諒。 a second notice explains that new long-running cartoon strip by huang wennong was originally intended to be serialized in this issue, but that they were unable to get the printer set up in time, so it would have be delayed until the next issue. access to quality printing presses would continue to be a problem for the cash-poor members of the manhua society going forward into the future, forcing even the ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . “ben she qishi yi” 本社啟示 一 [notice from the editor ( )], shanghai manhua 上海漫畫, january , , . “ben she qishi er” 本社啟示 二 [notice from the editor ( )], shanghai manhua 上海漫畫, january , , . most prolific and talented members to supplement their incomes as cartoonists with work in advertising, fashion, and commercial publishing. perhaps due to these technical and financial difficulties, by all accounts the first issue of shanghai sketch was a commercial flop, and a second issue never appeared. in his autobiography, ye qianyu recalls being forced to recoup their losses by selling the entire print run to a paper recycler, and that wang dunqing likely provided the majority of the financial capital, since the two other partners were both unemployed. as a schoolteacher, wang was relatively well off, but would have hardly been in the position to bankroll a periodical with no audience, as evidenced by his publishing the first issue of magazine on credit. likewise, although about half of the four pages of the broadsheet are taken up by ads for chinese-produced goods like dog head brand silk stockings 狗頭牌絲襪 and jade lion cigarettes 玉 獅香煙, it seems unlikely they would have paid much to advertise in a small magazine with an unproven track record. given their limited funds, therefore, it seems probable that the publisher cut ye, wang, and huang off when the money earned from advertisers and recycling the first issue failed to cover the printing costs. dr. fixdr. fixdr. fixdr. fix----itititit and the pioneer syndicateand the pioneer syndicateand the pioneer syndicateand the pioneer syndicate on the same day that ye qianyu, wang dunqing, and huang wennong’s venture was launched, a new daily four-panel cartoon strip, dr. fix-it改造博士 appeared in the shenbao, featuring the eponymous dr. fix-it, an inventor who makes strange devices to solve everyday problems. produced by the pioneer syndicate 中國第一畫社所制 for the long-running shenbao supplement unfettered talk 自由 談 edited by zhou shoujuan 周瘦鵑 ( - ), dr. fix-it was the brainchild of ji xiaobo, and co- written by the famous comic writer xu zhuodai 徐卓呆 ( - ), with illustrations by lu shaofei. although lu had worked as a freelance cartoonist for the shenbao throughout the early s, dr. fix-it was his first regular feature for the newspaper. zhang meisun, another manhua society member and veteran shenbao contributor, and qin lifan 秦立凡 (n.d.) were also involved with the project, drawing backgrounds and lettering the speech bubbles, respectively. the following words of explanation were included alongside the first strip of dr. fix-it, published january , : ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . lu yaodong 陸耀東, dangbo sun 孫黨伯, and tang dahui 唐達暉, eds., “ziyou tan” 自由談 [unfettered talk], zhongguo xiandai wenxue da cidian 中國現代文學大辭典 (gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe 高等教育出版社, ), . special announcement from our paper our office has recently been taking stock of the newspapers of our nation, with an eye to increasing the number of humorous drawings to catch the interest and improve the spirits of our readers. previously, we provided relatively few drawings of this type. therefore starting on january , year of the republic [ ], we will include the humorous drawing of dr. fix-it, to be published daily in casual chat, a series produced by the pioneer picture syndicate, with all rights retained by this publisher, and all credit owed to them. 本刊特別啟事 本館近鑒吾國報紙, 對於增加閱者興趣及愉快之滑稽畫,尚少提倡。爰自民國十七一 月一日起, 採用《改造博士》滑稽畫一種, 逐日刊登自由談, 系中國第一畫社所制, 所 權亦系該社所有, 特並聲明。 figure . the first dr. fix-it 改造博士 shenbao sunday, january , , . according to lu shaofei, ye may have held a grudge against ji xiaobo for arranging to have dr. fix-it published more than four months earlier than ye qianyu’s now famous mr. wang 王先生 (see “ben kan tebie qishi” 本刊特別啟事 [special announcement from our paper], shenbao 申報, january , . fig. . ), making dr. fix-it the first serialized cartoon strip in china. if ji xiaobo had approached the unemployed ye qianyu, instead of lu shaofei, then it is possible that standard sizes, or another strip, could have been launched four months earlier on the pages of the shenbao and taken off there, rather than dying a quiet death on the pages of shanghai sketch i. this could explain why ye qianyu chooses not to mention dr. fix-it in his autobiography. i am somewhat skeptical, however, of lu shaofei’s claim that dr. fix-it was the first serialized chinese cartoon strip. as early as , for example, the young companion serialized a multi-issue comic strip, the good couple 一對好夫妻 credited to kaixin 開心 [happy], which was likely a pseudonym for more well-known artist. figure . the first mr. wang 王先生 shanghai sketch ii, march , bao limin, “ye qianyu yu lu shaofei (shang),” . christopher g. rea points out that in the mid- s xu zhuodai co-founded a film company called the “kaixin film company” 開心影片公司, and that first chapter of lu xun’s short story the true story of ah q appeared in a column called happy talk 開心話. seeing that kaixin was then a common pseudonym for writers and cartoonists, it is also possible that kaixin was a penname for ji xiaobo, since it appears that was the sole contributor of manhua to the young companion before the appearance of the good couple. although the art style differs substantially from the few works which i have been able to uncover which are credited to ji, like dr. fix-it, the good couple centers on the relationship between a husband and his wife. although ye qianyu, according to lu shaofei, didn’t find out about the cartoon until it had already been published, most of the other members of the manhua society were probably aware of the project early on. aside from fellow manhua society members lu shaofei, zhang meisun, and ji xiaobo (the latter two also working in the same office as ye and huang wennong), xu zhuodai also likely knew ding song and the zhang brothers. qin lifan, meanwhile, had published cartoons by zhang guangyu, huang wennong and lu shaofei in the first issue of pacific pictorial 太平洋畫報, published four years earlier in . zhou shoujuan, meanwhile, had worked closely with ding song in the s, drawing a number of memorable covers for shoujuan’s entertainment magazine the saturday 禮拜六. to have had a project like this concealed from them, especially when it coincided with their own venture’s failure to launch, would have been hurtful at the very least. coming at the hands of a colleague and (for ye) mentor figure like ji xiaobo would have made it even worse. more fundamentally challenging to the group, perhaps, were the ideological differences which existed between the two publications. whereas the domestic comedy of dr. fix-it was clearly meant to be taken as light-hearted entertainment, features such as wang dunqing’s essay, “long live the tramp!” in shanghai sketch i seems to carry a darker note of subversion beneath the humor. similarly, cartoons by both huang wennong and ye qianyu feature overt sexual innuendo: in huang’s “jump on the horse and drop anchor,” a man waits in an open top car in the rain for his friend, who is busy romancing his young mistress (see fig. . ); while in ye’s “standard sizes,” a “little wife” (i.e. mistress) is compared to a “big wife” (see fig. . ). this ribald humor is juxtaposed with drawings of attractive women in the latest fashions and even one artistic nude on the back cover, holding a lightbulb in an advertisement for prosperity electronics supply 福來電料行. “taipingyang huabao chuban yuwen” 太平洋畫報出版預聞 [pacific pictorial to be published], shenbao 申報, may , , . figure . huang wennong “jump on the horse and drop anchor” 上馬及拋錨 shanghai sketch i, january , , . figure . ye qianyu “standard sizes”大小標凖 shanghai sketch i, january , , . later that year, almost certainly in response to the relaunch of their competitor, the pioneer syndicate launched a second strip, the romantic adventures of mr. mao 毛郎艷史, dealing with the romantic adventures of a young man in the big city (see fig. . ). eventually a two more strips were launched: the traveler 旅行家, an apparent copy of ye qianyu’s mr. wang, the main character a tall, thin man dressed in a long gown, (see fig . ), and brother tao 陶哥兒, starring a naughty child (see fig. . ). this last strip would go to become their most popular after dr. fix-it, with both seeing reboots well into the s. the pressure to create new material everyday seems to have pushed the pioneer syndicate to their limit, however, because by september, , they were posting notices in unfettered talk seeking story ideas for new comic strips. figure . the romantic adventures of mr. mao 毛郎艷史 shenbao, june , . figure . the traveler 旅行家 shenbao, august , . “zhongguo di yi hua she qiu tougao” 中國第一畫社徵求投稿 [pioneer syndicate seeks submissions], shenbao 申報, september , , . figure . brother tao 陶哥兒, shenbao, september , . a long column by xu zhuodai followed shortly thereafter, thanking readers for the apparent flood of letters while lamenting that the submissions were, by and large, useless. this notice reveals several important differences between shanghai sketch and the pioneer syndicate. first, and most obviously, shanghai sketch was clearly the more salacious of the two, relying more heavily on sexual innuendo and the female form to entice readers. (even then, the first installment of dr. fix-it takes place in the master bedroom, with dr. fix-it installing a temperature sensitive blanket that automatically covers his shapely wife, who wears a short and tight-fitting western style dress.) secondly, ji xiaobo and zhou shoujian’s pioneer syndicate offered no credit to its young artists, lu shaofei, qin lifan, zhang meisun, or even the much older and more well-known xu zhuodai. this differed starkly with shanghai sketch, which listed the names of its artists and writers not only in notices in the shenbao, but also throughout the publication itself, giving credit where credit was due. this was not, in fact, an innovation unique to the shanghai sketch, however. with the exception of illustrations for children’s magazines and advertisements, most artwork reprinted in magazines and periodicals during the s and earlier gave credit to the artist via his chop or signature, at the very least. the shenbao went even further, often including the name of the artist and title of the artwork in typeset characters alongside reproduced drawings and paintings, as is the case with shanghai sketch. if anything, pioneer syndicate was unique in choosing not to give credit. when combined with the sanitized humor, the choice to not give the artists and writers credit indicates that ji xiaobo and zhou shoujuan saw manhua not only as tool to boost sales, but also as a new form of entertainment which could be mass produced by a team of faceless artists and writers, “with all xu zhuodai 徐卓呆, “duiyu di yi she tougaozhe shuo ji ju hua” 對於第一畫社投稿者說幾句話 [a few words on the submissions to the pioneer syndicate], shenbao 申報, october , . rights retained by this publisher, and all credit owed to them.” given his long tenure at unfettered talk and other periodicals before that (where he had worked closely with ding song), seems likely that zhou shoujuan had learned that when artists and writers became well-known, they could begin to demand higher rates for their work. it is unclear whether or not ji xiaobo was still working at the songhu police station in , although it seems unlikely given that ye, huang, and lu all left or were forced out of their various positions in late . on the other hand, ji’s joining of the censorship committee of the department of education in november, , indicates he maintained close ties with his contacts in the kmt government. around this same time dr. fix-it and the other pioneer syndicate strips were cancelled. despite comments by jack chen (relying on information provided by a clearly embittered wang dunqing) to the contrary in , however, ji continued to produce humorous (but apolitical) cartoons well into the s and s. shanghai sketch iishanghai sketch iishanghai sketch iishanghai sketch ii in the spring of , not long after the failed launch of shanghai sketch i, zhang guangyu and zhang zhengyu approached huang, wang and ye about joining forces to relaunch their broadsheet as a full-fledged magazine. taking what they had learned from both china camera news and the shanghai life, the new and improved shanghai sketch ii would include a mix of fashion, current events, and political commentary. taking inspiration from dr. fix-it perhaps, and also the american comic strip bringing up father, it would also feature a serial cartoon strip by ye called mr. wang 王先生. named after wang dunqing, who ye claims rejected the title, shanghainese 上海人, since it had been featured in shanghai sketch i, and was therefore unlucky. “ben kan tebie qishi.” mentioned in bu wuchen, “gaoshou manhuajia ji xiaobo.” see also “shi xuanchuan bu shisi ci buwu huiwu.” see chen, “china’s militant cartoonists” and bu wuchen, “gaoshou manhuajia ji xiaobo.” no such cartoon or column appears in the shanghai sketch i, indicating that ye’s memory may have failed him. christopher g. rea points out that ye also relied a fair amount of shanghai stereotypes, domestic humor, and stock humor, such as henpecked husbands, in addition to traditional chinese joke books like the expanded treasury of laughs 笑林廣記. see christopher g. rea, “a history of laughter: comic culture in early twentieth-century china” (columbia university, ), ; ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, , . in addition to the former manhua society members, the new magazine would feature three photographers: lang jingshan 郎静山 ( - ), an advertising agent for tiger balm who would go on to great fame as a photographer; hu boxiang 胡伯翔 ( - ), an artist for british-american tobacco, where zhang guangyu and ding song also worked; and zhang zhenhou 张珍侯 (? - ?), a successful businessman who worked in import and export. given wang’s radical political views, the mundane commercial nature of the new enterprise may have frustrated him, and he probably did not care much for the backgrounds of the three photographers who seem to have mostly been recruited due to their relatively large (at least by looking at their job titles) fiscal resources. unhappy with the arrangement at shanghai sketch ii, wang dunqing argued with zhang zhengyu, leaving after the first meeting of the magazine. shortly thereafter the first issue of the new shanghai sketch ii was published on april , . reinvented as a double-sided broadsheet printed on both sides and folded into quarters, it was only pages long including the cover, illustrated by zhang guangyu. a modest success, new issues came out weekly thereafter, distributed every saturday. according to ye, zhang gave him a position as assistant editor on the magazine, which was produced in the back room of an old church in majiajuan 麥家圈, near the intersection of fuzhou road and shandong road. located just north of the walled chinese city centered around yu garden 豫園 and the city god temple, where lu shaofei’s father plied his trade as a portraitist, foochow road was one of the most notorious thoroughfares in the international settlement, in his autobiography, ye qianyu misremembers hu boxiang as hu boxu 胡伯诩. see chen xueyong 陳學勇, “shanghai manhua yu shanghai manhua” 上海漫畫會與《上海漫畫》 [shanghai manhua and shanghai manhua], zhongguo lunwen wang 中國論文網, n.d., http://www.xzbu.com/ /view- .htm (accessed february , ). chen xuesheng 陳學聖, “modeng shanghai de lang jingshan” 摩登上海中的郎靜山 [modern shanghai’s lang jingshan], zhongguo meishu guan 中國美術館, n.d., http://www.namoc.org/xwzx/zt/langjingshan/langjingshan /langjingshan / /t _ .htm (accessed september , ). in his autobiography, ye qianyu misremembers the name of the area as maijiayuan 麥加園. in fact the, area was named maijiajuan 麥家圈 after the founder of the london missionary society press 墨海書館, english protestant missionary walter henry medhurst, whose chinese name was maidousi 麥都思. mai 麥 refers to medhurst, jia 家, meaning ‘family,’ acts as a possessive particle, and juan 圈 means ‘sty’ or ‘pen,’ apparently referring to the fact that medhurst’s first press was powered by an ox. see ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, ; zhang zonghai 張宗海, “you mohai shuguan er xing de lao jie - maijiajuan” 由墨海書館而興的老街——麥家圈 [an old street that began with the london missionary society press - maijiajuan], 上海市地方志辦公室, n.d., http://www.shtong.gov.cn/node /node /node /node /node /userobject ai .html (accessed september , ); zhang xiantao, the origins of the modern chinese press: the influence of the protestant missionary press in late qing china (routledge, ), – . with a large number of restaurants, teahouses, and theatres; it “was also traditionally home to bookstores (including the three biggest and most famous: zhonghua, world, and great east), whorehouses, and opium dens, as well as being home to the american club, built in in american georgian colonial style with bricks imported all the way from america.” the very second issue of shanghai sketch features a cover by lu shaofei, working under the (rather transparent) pseudonym, lu liaoliao 魯了了 (see fig. . ). lu would continue to be a regular contributor to the magazine throughout , providing numerous drawings of fashionable women. perhaps due to contractual obligations with the pioneer syndicate, or perhaps because of the sexually explicit nature of some of the work published under that name, he continued to use his pseudonym until june, with occasional cartoons under his name appearing in shanghai sketch ii as early as the third issue. french, the old shanghai a-z, . given that at least one notice in the shenbao lists lu liaoliao and lu shaofei as separate artists, it seems more probable that lu was more concerned about hurting his reputation than he was about offending ji xiaobo or zhou shoujuan. see “chubanjie xiaoxi” 出版界消息 [news in the world of publishing], shenbao 申報, april , , . figure . lu liaoliao [aka lu shaofei] “the destiny of love” 愛的命運 shanghai sketch ii, issue # , may , . figure . lu liaoliao [aka lu shaofei] "young girl and married woman" 少女與婦女 shanghai sketch ii, may , . figure . lu shaofei “new styles for early summer” 初夏的新裝 june , . shanghai sketch ii is an important publication, not only because it represents one of the first truly successful projects by the members of the manhua society, but also because it introduced cartoons to a new generation of artists and writers, in a very real way passing on the torch of the previous generation of cartoonists such as shen bochen and ding song. among these artists were artists such as xuan wenjie 宣 文傑 ( - ), who worked as an assistant on shanghai sketch ii and later publications, and ding song’s son, ding cong 丁聰 ( - ), who would go on to become a major cartoonist in his own right. ye qianyu mentions working with xuan wenjie in his autobiography, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . chapter chapter chapter chapter : the legacy: the legacy: the legacy: the legacy over the years which followed its founding in , the manhua society would come to be seen as forming an important part of the history of cartooning in china. writing in the english language magazine asia monthly some eight months after the outbreak of the second sino-japanese war in may, , jack chen described the fate of the manhua society in vivid language: since this was not a fair weather art, it did not attract those in search of fame or fortune. on the contrary, it offered poverty and hard knocks. the history of the first group of cartoonists is typical. out of ten members, one died with enough money to pay for his funeral; one joined the government and secured a job that kept him from doing embarrassing cartoons, one disappeared after publishing a particularly pointed anti-kuomintang cartoon, six managed to hold together, to be joined by a seventh who had been in hiding for four years during the bitterest persecution of leftists: after the fall of the wuhan government in and the split of the united front between the communist party and the kuomintang. their survivors met [in ] at the home of their dead friend, whither that all unknowingly come on the same mission–to give him a regular funeral. of the seven, three had steady jobs that paid fifty dollars gold a month, and they earned perhaps fifty more by extra work. these are the best paid cartoonists in china. the rest scrape along as best they can, editing, teaching, doing odd jobs. and yet–making cartoon history. while it is easy to identify the first manhua society member mentioned as huang wennong, who died of ruptured stomach ulcer on june , , the others are less obvious. clearly, ji xiaobo is the most likely candidate for having joined the government, and the six who held together most likely refers to ye qianyu, zhang guangyu, zhang zhengyu, lu shaofei, ding song, and hu xuguang or zhang meisun. huang wang seems to have been the only out-and-out leftist in the group, although the dates for going into hiding seem wrong, since he was active throughout and early , and again in , with a four year period of inactivity from to . this corresponds with the crackdown against the league of left-wing writers, of which he was a member, in february, . the author of the pointed anti-kmt cartoon is more difficult to identify, but it may have been a younger member of the staff at shanghai sketch ii, such as xuan wenjie, or someone less directly connected, such as huang shiying. chen, “china’s militant cartoonists,” . birth of the modernbirth of the modernbirth of the modernbirth of the modern riding high on their success, on october , , shanghai sketch press上海漫畫社, zhang zhengyu convinced his older brother to rename their press the china fine arts periodical press中國美術 刋行社 and launch a second periodical, the monthly pictorial modern miscellany 時代畫報, to be co- edited by zhang, and the modernist writer, ye lingfeng 葉靈鳳 ( - ). designed to compete with the wildly successful pictorial young companion 良友畫報, the inspiration for modern miscellany came after the singaporean distributer for both shanghai sketch and young companion lost distribution rights to the latter. the distributor’s representative in shanghai, wang shuyang (who had met ye in , when he interviewed him for the job at three friends co.), approached ye qianyu and zhang zhengyu with this business opportunity, and zhang managed to convince his older brother against of the urgings of their three partners. shortly thereafter, lang jingshan, hu boxiang, and zhang zhenhou withdrew from the partnership in protest, forcing them to move their office from the church to an alley near the intersection of nanjing road and zhejiang road, just minutes from the bund. as a result, the second issue of modern miscellany was delayed until late february of the next year, and the third issue was not published until may. to solve their cash flow problems, zhang guangyu and company announced in the june , , issue of shanghai sketch that the publication would be merging with modern miscellany and the publication schedule changed to bimonthly. on june , , the first merged issue of shanghai sketch and modern miscellany was published, with the title shortened to modern 時代. “liang da kanwu zhi fengxing” 兩大刋物之風行 [two popular publications], shenbao 申報, october , , . ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . “yuezhe zhuyi ben kan zi xia qi qi yu shidai huabao hebing xiangqing qing yue di er ye!” 阅者注意 本刊自下起期起與 時代畫報合併為半月刊 詳情請閱第二頁! [note to our readers: starting with our next issue, this magazine will join with modern miscellany and be published bi-monthly. see page two for more details!], shanghai manhua 上海漫畫, june , , . although he provides an overview of the transition from shanghai sketch to modern miscellany to modern, ye qianyu is rather sketchy on the exact dates for when the various publications began and ended. thankfully, in wang jingfang completed a dissertation on shao xunmei’s contributions to the publishing industry, providing more precise dates. see wang jingfang 王京芳, “shao xunmei he ta de chuban shiye” 邵洵美和他的出版事業 [shao xunmei and his publications] (ph.d., east china normal university 華東師範大學, ), . meanwhile, in ji xiaobo and ye qianyu seem to have made steps toward burying the hatchet when ji xiaobo convinced the owner of chenbao 晨報 [morning post] to launch a pictorial supplement which would serialize ye qianyu’s popular cartoon, mr. wang. despite already working full- time as an editor at the bimonthly modern miscellany, ye agreed, receiving yuan per month for his strips, and two pin-up advertisements which the publisher requested in exchange for publishing the cartoon. despite jack chen’s sarcastic comment in late that “[ji xiaobo] joined the government and secured a job that kept him from doing embarrassing cartoons,” then, it seems possible that manhua society parted amicably, having served its purpose of launching the careers of its members. publication problems with modern continued to persist, but as luck would have it, china fine arts periodical press had attracted the attention of the wealthy socialite and erstwhile poet, shao xunmei 邵洵美 ( - ), who was looking for an investment to change the declining fortunes of his large and profligate family. in november, he officially joined the editorial staff of modern, providing the necessary capital to have the magazine printed on the latest rotogravure presses rather than relying on the outdated copperplate etching that they had been using before. a notice in modern issue (vol ) announced improvement in printing and picture plates starting with issue , vol. , we will begin using photogravure, plus two-color plates, three-color plates, seven-color plates, etc. the paper we use will also be changed to specially produced foreign- made photogravure paper, in what could be called a pioneering step in china. 印刷及圖版之改良 ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, – . for an concise account of shao xunmei’s life and times, see jonathan hutt, “monstre sacré: the decadent world of sinmay zau 邵洵美,” china heritage quarterly (june ), http://www.chinaheritagequarterly.org/features.php?issue= &searchterm= _monstre.inc (accessed july , ). throughout his essay hutt refers to modern as epoch, a translation that does not seem to have been used by zhang zhengyu or the other publishers of the magazine. as john a. crespi points out, “epoch” or “era” would be a much more literal translation of shidai in english. see “china’s modern sketch: the golden era of cartooning - ,” mit visualizing cultures, , http://ocw.mit.edu/ans / f/ f. /modern_sketch/ms_essay .html (accessed july , ). wang jingfang records that xunmei’s name first appears on the list of editors for modern issue (vol. ), published november, . see “shao xunmei he ta de chuban shiye,” . 從二卷一期起改用影寫版印行並添加 雙色版、三色版、七色版等, 紙張亦改用特向 外洋定造之影寫版專用紙, 可稱國內獨步 as promised, the next issue of modern, published on november , , featured a large number of photographs, with much better contrast and fine detail. over the next year however, due to the limited number of rotogravure presses in shanghai at the time, modern continued to suffer from delays, and quality declined as well. finally, in the summer of , shao xunmei managed to buy his own german- made rotogravure press for $ , us dollars, which was to be the foundation of his new venture, the modern press時代印刷公司, and in the sixth issue (vol. ) of modern, china fine arts periodical press announced that they would be taking a two month hiatus to set up their new press. renting a factory on pingliang road平涼路 in yangpu district, between the japanese controlled hongkou district and the huangpu river, shao soon found himself cut off from his investment when this part of the international settlement was occupied by japanese troops arriving via gunboat in january, . figure . logo of the modern press 時代印刷有限公司 designed by zhang guangyu in . “yinshua ji tuban zhi gailiang” 印刷及圖版之改良 [improvement in printing and picture plates], shidai 時代, october , issue (vol. ). “bianwan yihou” 編完以後 [after editing], shidai 時代, august , . see wang jingfang, “shao xunmei he ta de chuban shiye,” , and ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . zhang guangyu 光宇 張, jindai gongyi meishu 近代工藝美術 [modern commerical art] (china fine arts periodical press 中國美術刋行社, ) cited in crespi, “china’s modern sketch: the golden era of cartooning - .” for more on this important work, originally serialized in modern, see tang wei 唐薇, “zhang guangyu xiansheng yu jindai gongyi meishu” 张光宇先生和《近代工艺美术》 [mr. zhang guangyu and modern commercial art], zhuangshi 裝飾 (july , ), http://www.izhsh.com.cn/doc/ / .html (accessed september , ). at the time, hongkou was known as “little japan,” due to its large number of japanese residents who moved to the district following the establishment of a japanese consulate there in . in , japanese residents of hongkou built a buddhist temple in the district, further solidifying its status as a de facto japanese concession. directly to the north and west of hongkou, meanwhile, lay the chinese district of zhabei. containing the terminus to the shanghai-nanjing railway, zhabei proved to be an attractive location for industrialists, with one of the largest chinese publishers, the commercial press, choosing to build their sprawling acre campus there in . by , % of printing presses in shanghai were based in zhabei district, in addition to . % of textile manufactures, % of the chemical industry, . % of the food industry, and % of electromechanical manufacturers. on september , an explosion occurred near an important south manchuria railway line in the northeastern chinese city of shenyang. later revealed to have been orchestrated by japanese soldiers, the confusion provided the kwantung army with the necessary casus belli to order an invasion of manchuria, claiming it was necessary for the protection of japanese economic interests in the region. ongoing chinese boycotts of japanese goods, in particular cotton, had been making it increasingly difficult for japanese industrialists to operate in china, even with the protections afforded to them by numerous territorial concessions granted first by the qing and later by successive warlord governments. although manchuria had been under the control of the japanese-backed fengtian clique for over two decades, economic collapse due to military overspending had left the clique weakened and unable to stand up against chiang kai-shek’s 蔣介石 northern expedition 北伐 of - . frustrated that their interests in northern china were not being protected, the imperial japanese army assassinated the leader of the fengtian clique, zhang zuolin, later staging the “attack” in shenyang when his son, zhang xueliang, surprised the world by pledging support to chiang kaishek and the nationalists. as manhua society founding member wang dunqing explained six years later, in , during the politicized period of the second sino-japanese war (and in a strident paraphrase by noted anti- imperialist and leftist, jack chen), the outrage created by this conspiracy was integral to the formation of manhua periodicals: mo yajun, “‘little japan’ in hongkou: the japanese community in shanghai, - ” (the chinese university of hong kong, ), – . christian henriot, “a neighbourhood under storm zhabei and shanghai wars,” european journal of east asian studies , no. (december , ): . …the one event which had done the most to develop cartooning in china was the “manchurian incident.” this was a tragic farce in the grand manner. adequate comment on it was only possible in the form of caricature. for it meant simply that a vast territory containing thirty million people was occupied because a rail and two sleepers had been damaged by a grenade. the young revolutionary students reacted to this politically in their demonstrations, artistically in their cartoons. the mukden incident occurred during a general boycott of japanese goods that had begun in july, , following the wanpaoshan incident, in which chinese farmers had clashed with korean immigrants in manchuria, leading to violent anti-chinese riots in korea (at the time under japanese colonial rule) and japan. although by no means the first anti-japanese boycott, with strikes and protests ongoing from the may incident of , it was the first to gain the overt support of the kmt government. the mukden incident in the fall added fuel to the fire of anti-japanese sentiment, and by the end of the year it was estimated japanese imports to china had declined by nearly a quarter. in shanghai, the boycott was particularly fierce, with time magazine providing the following account from october, : in shanghai such sniveling, furtive chinese storekeepers as dared to offer japanese goods for sale last week were roughly pounced upon by chinese "police" of the self-appointed anti-japan association and locked up in improvised jails. gibbering with terror, the unpatriotic storekeepers were flung prostrate on the floor before anti-japan association "judges," kowtowing and howling for mercy. the "judges" imposed and actually collected "fines" up to $ , mex. ($ , ) for the "crime" of selling japanese goods. convicted shopkeepers who said they could not pay were kicked back into anti-japan association jails, kept there on persuasive starvation rations. this queer kind of justice, flagrantly illegal in every way, was everywhere upheld by chinese public opinion, the opinion of one-fourth of mankind. chen, “china’s militant cartoonists.” ibid. see “memorandum on the chinese boycott of japanese goods,” memorandum (institute of pacific relations, american council) , no. (march , ): and a synopsis of the boycott in china: the chinese government encourages and directs the anti-japanese boycott. the anti-japanese boycott by china is tantamount to an act of war. (the osaka chamber of commerce and industry, ). “boycott, bloodshed & puppetry,” time , no. (october , ): . on january , , a protest by japanese buddhist monks against the chinese boycott was staged outside the main three friends co. factory in zhabei. according to later accounts, to create an incident, a japanese intelligence officer by the name of ryukichi tanaka 田中隆吉( - ) hired local chinese thugs to attack the monks, one of whom died of his injuries. two days later, a japanese paramilitary group burned down two buildings at the three friends factory in retaliation. meanwhile, japanese residents of shanghai were petitioning their government for military intervention, and the japanese military began demanding that the mayor of shanghai, wu tiecheng 吳鐵城 ( - ), oversee the suppression of anti-japanese groups in shanghai. despite the mayor’s capitulation, the situation continued to escalate. japanese residents were evacuated and the japanese navy began to send marines into hongkou where they were stationed in a local park. on the evening of january , , the japanese marines launched an offensive into zhabei from their base in hongkou, ostensibly to rescue japanese residents still trapped in zhabei, where they clashed with the th route army of the nra. originally from canton, they had been stationed in the city by sun fo and chiang kai-shek to protect chinese interests, but few expected them to last long in the face of the japanese assault. in response to the surprisingly fierce resistance put up by the th route army, the japanese military employed heavy aerial bombing and artillery shelling which was to destroy some % of the structures in zhabei, including some factories. due to the turmoil of the so-called “shanghai incident” of , which was concluded with a truce on march , the seventh issue (vol. ) of modern did not come out until june, , some ten months after the previous issue. three months later, under shao xumei’s influence, china fine arts periodical press launched a new literary magazine, the analects fortnightly 論語半月刊, edited by the popular writer lin yutang 林語堂 ( - ). lin yutang was known for his advocacy of the use of humor to save the chinese nation from totalitarianism, writing in , it seems to me that the worst comment on dictatorships is that presidents of democracies can laugh, while dictators always look so serious—with a protruding jaw, a determined chin, and a pouched lower lip, as if they were doing something terribly important and the world could not be saved, except by them. for a detailed account of the shanghai incident of , see frederic, policing shanghai, - , – . henriot, “a neighbourhood under storm zhabei and shanghai wars,” . lin yutang, the importance of living (reynal & hitchcock, ), . lin’s visual sense, on good display in this passage, and his skewering of the serious politicians of the world would have put him in good company with ye qianyu and the other members of the manhua society. like wang dunqing, he was fluent in both chinese and english, having attended st. john’s for a time before going abroad to the us to study at harvard. like huang wennong, ye qianyu, ji xiaobo, cai shudan, and zhang meisun, meanwhile, lin had worked for the nationalist government following the northern expedition, but like most of the manhua society members he quickly became disillusioned with the kmt. finally, much as the members of the manhua society eventually rejected the older term “satirical drawings” in favor of “manhua,” lin yutang famously promoted his own brand of comedy under the banner of youmo 幽默, a transliteration of the english word “humor.” in the early s, lin found himself a target of criticism from lu xun, who found fault with his flippant xiaopin wen 小品文 or “little prose pieces,” to use the translation used by the leading english- language of scholar of the form, charles laughlin. lu xun disparaged lin’s little prose pieces as “little decorations” 小擺設 or, to use kirk denton’s memorable translation, “bric-a-brac for the bourgeoisie.” described most simply by laughlin as “an essay genre…that emerged in the s and reached the peak of its popularity shortly before the war against japan broke out in ,” xiaopin wen developed in parallel with manhua, which as we have seen also emerged in the s and, coincidentally enough, would peak in popularity in the mid- s. it is perhaps not surprising then, that manhua pioneer feng zikai was a prominent author of xiaopin wen, for which he favored the term suibi 隨筆, or ‘casual essay,’ mirroring his use of the term manhua, or ‘casual drawing.’ lin yutang, primarily a writer, also dabbled in cartooning, for example publishing a humorous illustration of lu xun beating a drowning pug in the peking press supplement京報副刊 on january , for a discussion of lin yutang and his concept of humor see chapter of see christopher g. rea’s the age of irreverence: a new history of laughter in china (oakland, california: university of california press, ). for an analysis of the xiaopin form, see laughlin’s monograph the literature of leisure and chinese modernity (honolulu: university of hawai’i press, ). kirk a. denton, “lu xun biography,” mclc resource center, , http://u.osu.edu/mclc/online-series/lu-xun/ (accessed october , ). albeit at the suggestion of zheng zhengduo. see barmé, an artistic exile, . (see fig. . ). this somewhat incongruous image was apparently in response to series of back and forth essays between lin and lu xun criticizing the academic chen yuan 陳垣 ( - ) for supporting the closure of the women’s college in beijing. when lin urged his friend to show restraint by saying, ‘one shouldn’t beat a drowning dog,’ 不打落水狗 lu xun jokingly responded that chen yuan was a ‘pug,’ 叭儿狗 which “…were so smug they behaved more like cats than dogs, [so] it was necessary to push them into the water and also give them a sound beating.” figure . “picture of mr. lu xun beating a [drowning] pug” 魯迅先生打叭兒狗圖 lin yutang, peking press supplement 京報副刊, january , . one year later, shao xunmei launched a -day periodical, the decameron 十日談, edited by zhang kebiao 章克標 ( - ), featuring political commentary by shao xunmei and others, with cartoons by zhang guangyu and other members of the original manhua society on the cover. according to shao chen zishan 陳子善, “lin yutang de manhua” 林語堂的漫畫 [lin yutang’s cartoons], wenhuibao 文彙報, august , , http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache: rnh hwaozgj:whb.news .com.cn/bh/ /t _ .html+&cd= &hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us (accessed october , ); “lu xun xiansheng da baergou tu” 魯迅先生打 叭兒狗圖 [picture of mr. lu xun beating a pug], peking press supplement 京報副刊, january , . paraphrased by gloria davies in lu xun’s revolution (harvard university press, ), . wang jingfang records that the editor of decameron was yang tiannan 楊天南. see “shao xunmei he ta de chuban shiye,” xunmei’s daughter, the decameron was meant to supplant modern, which was often delayed due to publishing problems and therefore unable to comment on current events in a timely fashion. in november, , shao xunmei and zhang guangyu’s younger brother, cao hanmei, each contributed yuan to purchase china arts periodical press and found a new publisher, with zhang guangyu, zhang zhengyu, and ye qianyu all receiving an equal share in the new partnership. using a similar name in english as his previous project, the goal of modern publications 時代圖書公司 are perhaps indicated their ambitions best through their chinese name, which literally translates as “modern picture book company.” true to their name, modern publication would go on to publish a series of art books, including a reprint of huang wennong’s collected satirical drawings and things a young lady must know 小姐須 知 , a collaboration between shao xunmei, who supplied the text, and zhang guangyu, who provided matching illustrations of beautiful young women. apparently something of a joke, things a young lady must know was made up of a series of short lines such as, “if you wear this flower, you must know that this flower is beloved by all.” 您如戴這朵鮮花時,要知這鮮花是人人所愛的 and “when you talk to your lover in the cold of winter, it’s best to sit close to the stove, to make yourself appear more coy.” 您與情人談話時,在冬令,宜近火爐,可以增嬌羞之美. in the forward, meanwhile, shao added a note stipulating that the book was only to be sold to young, unmarried women, and that male customers buying the book should provide the name and address of a young lady on whose behalf they were claiming to buy the book. other books published by modern publications include a xiao hong 綃紅, “cong shi ri tan kai tianchuang shuoqi” 從《十日談》開天窗說起 [on the skylight opened by the decameron], bolan qunshu 博覽群書 (february , ), http://epaper.gmw.cn/blqs/html/ - / /nw.d blqs_ _ - .htm?div=- (accessed october , ). ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . again, the most literal translation of shidai is actually “epoch.” for the context in which it is used here as the name of a series of companies and magazines with a different, and consistent official english translation for the word, however, “modern” is a more logical translation. yao sufeng 姚蘇鳳 ( - ) is said to have written a parody of this book titled things a young lad must know, which contains the line, “when you talk to a young lady, whatever you do, don’t let your wuxi or changzhou accent slip out.” 與小姐們交際時,千萬不可露無錫及常州宜興等處的土音. zhang guangyu was, of course, originally from wuxi, and shao xunmei’s family originally hailed from changzhou, see“xiaojie xu zhi yu xiaoye xu zhi” 《小姐須知》與《少爺須 知》 [things a young lady must know and things a young lad must know], shafengjing ji de boke 煞風景集的博客, august , , http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_ e tr h.html (accessed october , ). collection of mr. wang cartoons, and a series of travel drawings by ye qianyu, titled ye’s collected quick sketches 淺予速寫畫集. much has been made of the fact that before partnering with the former members of the manhua society, shao xunmei was originally involved with the much more highbrow literary publication, the crescent moon monthly 新月月刊 from to . originally founded with friend and fellow poet, xu zhimo 徐志摩 ( - ), regular contributors to the crescent moon monthly included luminaries such as hu shi 胡適 ( - ), liang shiqiu 梁實秋 ( - ), and shen congwen 沈從文 ( - ), in addition to lin yutang. jonathan hutt argues that, rather than catering to a limited number of friends and colleagues, shao’s was now aiming at the city’s increasingly sophisticated petty-bourgeoisie hungry for entertainment and enlightenment. publications such as the young companion had proven that a huge market existed for this particular brand of lifestyle publication and shao was keen to capitalise on their success. in severe financial distress, shao had but one option left open to him; kowtow to the vulgar. wang jingfang, however, argues that shao xunmei had much more noble goals in mind, citing a short essay by xunmei titled, “the cultural status of illustrated magazines” 畫報在文化界的地位, published in the october, , issue of modern. xunmei defends his choice to publish illustrated magazines by making the case that highbrow periodicals have failed to capture the attention of the vast majority of chinese, not because they do not understand them, but because they serve no practical purpose. illustrated magazines, according to xunmei, had the advantage of attracting illiterate readers who, having enjoyed the pictures, would be enticed to learn to read the text as well. wang further argues that xunmei influenced modern and the other china fine arts periodical press publications to become more cultured, by including essays and interviews with famous figures such as lin yutang, discussed previously, public intellectual hu shi 胡適, painter lu xiaoman 陸小曼, educator ye qianyu also recalls that zhang guangyu’s groundbreaking collection folk love songs 民間情歌 was published by the modern press. although originally serialized in modern, the collection seems to have been published by the zhang brother’s independent press in . see tang wei 唐薇, “minjian qingge hua ji tan yuan” 《民間情歌》畫集探源 [exploring the sources of folk love songs], baiyaxuan 百雅軒, n.d., http://baiyaxuan.com/longhair/show/tack- - .html (accessed october , ) and ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . hutt, “monstre sacré: the decadent world of sinmay zau 邵洵美.” wang jingfang, “shao xunmei he ta de chuban shiye,” – cai yuanpei 蔡元培, and entrepreneur wang xiaolai 王曉籟. additionally, aside from cartoonists, shao convinced artists such xu beihong 徐悲鴻, pan xunqin 龐薰琴, an ge’er 安格爾, chang yu 常玉 to contribute to his magazines. whether these efforts were merely a smokescreen for xunmei’s more mercantile interests, or examples of a genuine attempt to raise the level of popular discourse is of course debatable, but it is nevertheless interesting to consider the possibility that there was an element of altruism behind the co-author of things a young lady must know. the manhua boomthe manhua boomthe manhua boomthe manhua boom on january , , a new monthly modern publications manhua magazine, modern sketch 時 代漫畫 was launched with lu shaofei as the editor. modern sketch would prove to be one of the longer lived manhua periodicals, putting out issues in the months between its first issue on january , and its last on june , , with each issue containing pages of cartoons, photographs and essays, in addition to a full color front and back cover. ibid., . ding xi 丁西, ed., “shidai manhua (shanghai)” 时代漫画 (上海) [modern sketch (shanghai)], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , – . figure . cover of the first issue of modern sketch by zhang guangyu, featuring the “don quixote of manhua” 漫畫的堂 吉訶德 by zhang guangyu, january , to explain the cover of the first issue of the first issue of the new periodical (see fig. . ) lu included a short note titled “editor’s filler” 編者補白: on all sides a tense era surrounds us. as it is for the individual, so it is for our country and the world. will things always be this way? i for one don’t know. but since the feeling won’t go away, one desires an answer, and the more one fails to find it, the more that desire grows. our stance, our single responsibility, then, is to strive! as for the design on the cover of this first issue, it shall be our logo. its meaning: yield to none. 目下四圍環境緊張時代,個人如此,國家世界亦如此。永遠如此嗎?我就不知道。 但感覺不停,因此甚麼都想解決,越不能解決越會想應有解決。所以,需要努力! 就是我們的態度。責任也只有如此。這一期的封面的圖案,以後用做我們地表示, 表明『威武不屈』的意思。 like ye before him, lu was also extremely productive, contributing a large number of his own cartoons and essays to his magazine. modern sketch was not without controversy however, running into a month ban from the kmt government’s central office of propaganda 中央宣傳部 february, for cartoons by wang dunqing which were said to “slander the government, damage international relations, and slander political leaders” 污蔑政府,、妨碍邦交、污辱领袖. the same month saw additional bans on zhang guangyu’s oriental puck 獨立漫畫 (launched in september, , following the appearance of the zhang brother’s new publishing house, shanghai oriental puck press 上海獨立出版), and huang shiying’s manhua and life 漫畫和生活. manhua and life was the latest iteration in a long string of manhua periodicals launched by huang shiying, beginning with the launch of the -page manhua life 漫畫生活 on september , . originally a spinoff of german-speaking social progressive wu langxi’s吳朗西 monthly art and literature journal arts & life 美術生活, manhua life was co-edited by zhong shanyin 鐘山隱,a sichuanese landscape painter who also worked on arts & life, and the cartoonists huang ding 黃鼎, zhang e張 諤. in addition to cartoons, thanks to wu langxi’s connections (much like how zhang guangyu was able to leverage shao xunmei’s social status for modern), huang shiying was able to boost the prestige, and likely the sales, of manhua life by publishing essays from famous writers such as lu xun (who had lu shaofei 魯少飛, “bianzhe bubai” 編者補白 [editor’s filler], shidai manhua 時代漫畫, january , translated by john a. crespi in “china’s modern sketch: the golden era of cartooning - .” ding xi, “shidai manhua (shanghai).” ding xi 丁西, ed., “duli manhua” 獨立漫畫 [independant manhua], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫 藝術卷, november , ; ding xi 丁西, ed., “manhua he shenghuo” 漫畫和生活 [manhua and life], meishu cilin 美 術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , – . ding xi 丁西, ed., “manhua shenghuo” 漫畫生活 [manhua life], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝 術卷, november , – . arts & life was published from april , to august , total of issues, and originally published by either three- one press 三一印刷公司 or three person press 三人印刷公司. one of founders of this company, jin youcheng 金有成, appears to have been the owner of a rubber shoe factory. i have not been able to find the profession of the other, yu xiangxian 俞象賢. most sources record that manhua life was printed and distributed by 美术生活杂志社, so it seems likely that at some point this company took over from the original publisher. see been fiercely critical of both shen bochen and lin yutang), mao dun 茅盾 ( - ), and lao she 老舍 ( - ). like lu shaofei and the cartoonists behind modern sketch, huang shiying and his staff had big ambitions for their little periodical, writing in the preface to their first issue: life is a big stage. we are all playing roles in a tragicomedy, and, at the same time, we are the audience for a tragicomedy. even though the program changes every day, it never departs from the tragicomic mode. let us open today’s program and take a look: the chaos of war, unemployment, famine, starvation, all occupy the grand stage of this tumultuous era. the lives of the masses in this era really are too cruel. and yet, in another corner of the stage, there exists a small minority who dance for joy at the mouth of the volcano. such are the contradictions which exist in the world unfolding before our eyes. but we believe that this discord should disappear, and that sooner or later it will disappear. 世 界是一個大舞臺。人人是扮演悲喜劇的角色,人人又是悲喜劇的觀眾。舞臺上 的節目雖然天天在變更,但總走不出悲喜劇的範圍。我們且翻開今天的節目來 看 看:戰亂、失業、災荒、飢餓的大悲劇占據了這動亂時代的大舞臺。生長在這個時 代的大眾的生活實在是太悲慘了。然而在舞臺的另一角卻有少數在這火山口上跳 舞享樂的人們。這樣展開在我們眼前的世界是充滿著何等的矛盾。不過我們相信這 不調和的現象是應該消滅的,遲早是會消滅的。 fittingly, the cover of the first issue of manhua life, titled “the cry of life,” 生活的呼號 featured an emaciated chinese man on his knees in the ruins of a demolished city, hands raised into the air, with a mouth open so wide that it obscures the rest of his face. for contemporary readers, ruined city would have immediately brought to mind the devastation wrought by the japanese bombings in zhabei. the pointed critiques in manhua life were not overlooked by kmt censors, however, who began interestingly, zheng zhenduo, the original publisher of feng zikai, who is thought to have coined the term ‘manhua’ was also a contributor to the magazine. shiying huang 黄士英, “kaichangbai” 開場白 [prologue], manhua shenghuo 漫畫生活, september , . removing content from the magazine as early as the second issue. to draw attention to the censorship, the editors choose to leave blank spaces where the three offending cartoons would have been printed. figure . “the cry of life,” 生活的呼號 manhua life, issue , september , . on june , , huang wennong died of a ruptured stomach ulcer and the former manhua society members pooled together to pay for his funeral. abandoned by his wife following the death of their child, huang had drifted away from the cartooning world in the years prior to his death, with his last printed work being the modern publications reprint of his collected works. huang’s spirit of satirical troublemaking was shown to alive and well, however, when a young cartoonist named hu kao 胡考( - ) threw his hat into the ring five months later on november , , with a new modern publications periodical titled the spectator旁觀者, which was banned after its first issue. in addition to cartoons by ye qianyu and excerpts from founding left league member tian han’s new musical, storm on the yangtze 揚子江的暴風雨, likely of particular interest to ding xi 丁西, ed., “manhua shenghuo” 漫畫生活 [manhua life], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝 術卷 (shanxi renmin meishu chuban she 陝西人民美術出版社, november ), – . ye qianyu, ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian, . ding xi 丁西, ed., “pangguanzhe” 旁觀者 [the spectator], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , – . censors was a two-page spread of famous faces creativity rendered in fruit and vegetables, titled “heads of state” 元首 (see fig. . ): art is always so mundane, and yet always so miraculous! what materials are these depictions of our god-like head of states made of? it turns that wu zhihui is made of: an apple, mung bean sprouts, and dried soybeans. zhang xueliang is: a pomelo, watermelon seeds, and soybean hulls. chiang kai-shek is: a turnip head, grains, and watermelon seed shells. hu hanmin is: a pear, liangxiang chestnuts, and watermelon seeds. lin sen is: a lemon, fava beans, red beans, and a corn tassel. sun ke is: a skinned water chestnut, and lotus seed pods. 藝 術是永遠的平凡,也是永遠的奇跡!這些神似元首的造像又是甚麼材料? 原來 吳稚暉的是:蘋果,綠豆芽,黃豆。 張學良的是: 文旦,西瓜子,毛豆莢。蔣介 石的是:蘿卜頭,谷粒,西瓜子殼。 胡漢民的是: 洋梨,良鄉栗子,西瓜子。 林 森的是: 檸檬, 豆板,赤豆,玉蜀黍的鬚。 孫科的是:去皮的荸薺,蓮子。 “yuanshou” 元首 [heads of state], 旁觀者, november , . figure . “heads of state” 元首, the spectator, november , . in february, , the monthly masses manhua 群众漫畫, co-edited by cao juren 曹聚仁 and wang minqi 江毓祺 was launched. in april of the same year, cai ruohong 蔡若虹 and zhuang qidong 莊啟東 took over editorship of manhua life, with cai also launching his own periodical in the same month, manhua manhua 漫畫漫話. two more manhua periodicals were launched in april, : movies, manhua 電影漫畫, co-edited by gu fengchang 顧逢昌 and zhu jinlou 朱金樓 ( - ); and manhua phenomenon 現象漫畫 edited by wan laiming 萬籟鳴, zhou hanming 周漢明, and xue ding xi 丁西, ed., “qunzhong manhua” 群众漫畫 [masses manhua], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫 藝術卷, november , . ding xi 丁西, ed., “manhua manhua” 漫畫漫話 [manhua manhua], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫 藝術卷, november , . ping 薛萍. in may, , zhu jinlou launched chinese manhua 中國漫畫 and that very same month, wan laiming and xueping’s manhua phenomenon folded after putting out just two issues, along with the cao junren and wang minqi’s only slightly longer lived masses manhua, which published issues in total. in july, , cai ruohong’s manhua manhua folded, and manhua life folded two months later in september, , having put out a total of issues. meanwhile, on september , , zhang guangyu launched independent manhua 獨立漫 畫. two more manhua periodicals were launched in october, : popular manhua 大眾漫畫, edited by zhang hongfei 長鴻飛, and 新世代漫畫 new era manhua, co-edited by chen liufeng 陳柳鳳 and chen mingxun 陳明勛. neither survived to put out a second issue. november saw one final periodical for , 漫畫和生活 manhua and life, edited by zhang e and huang shiying. censorshipcensorshipcensorshipcensorship and warand warand warand war in february, , both lu shaofei’s modern sketch and zhang guangyu’s independent manhua were ordered to cease publication by the kmt government’s central office of propaganda. zhang e and huang shiying’s manhua and life ceased publication the same month, likely for the same reason. in april, , modern sketch was temporarily replaced with manhua world 漫畫界, edited by wang dunqing, while huang shiying and liu yongfu launched life manhua 生活漫畫. on may of the same year, ding xi 丁西, ed., “dianying manhua” 電影漫畫 [movies, manhua], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫 藝術卷, november , ; ding xi 丁西, ed., “xianxiang manhua” 現象漫畫 [manhua phenomenon], meishu cilin 美 術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , . yihai jiang 蔣義海, ed., “zhongguo manhua” 中國漫畫 [chinese manhua], manhua zhishi cidian 漫畫知識辭典 (nanjing daxue chubanshe 南京大學出版社, ), – . ding xi, “duli manhua.” while new era manhua is listed on the chinese manhua database 中國漫畫專題庫 website sponsored by the national digital culture network 全國文化信息資源共享工程 it does not appear to have made it any of the major chinese art or publishing encyclopedias. see “[zhongguo manhua zhuanti ku] - quanguo wenhua xinxi ziyuan gongxiang gongcheng” [中 國漫畫專題庫]-全國文化信息資源共享工程 [[chinese manhua database] - national digital culture network], n.d., http://www.bjgxgc.cn/manhua/ (accessed october , ). ding xi, “manhua shenghuo.” ding xi 丁西, ed., “shenghuo manhua” 生活漫畫 [life manhua], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝 術卷, november , . zhang guangyu re-launched shanghai sketch as shanghai puck (in chinese, however, the name was unchanged) to replace oriental puck which had managed to run for issues. in june, zhu jinlou’s chinese manhua published its last issue, having put out a relatively impressive issues. huang shiying and liu yongfu’s life manhua also put out its last issue in june , having published issues total. when modern sketch was re-launched by lu shaofei in june , , manhua world also continued to be published as a separate periodical. september , saw the launch of huang shiying’s global manhua 漫畫世界, which only lasted for a single issue, and on december , wang dunqing’s manhua world published its last issue, for a total of issues. ironically, just as cartoons magazines were beginning to shut their doors, popular interest in the art form was hotter than ever, with the founding of the national manhua artist association (nmaa) 中華 全國漫畫作家協會 in the spring of . founded by former manhua society members wang dunqing, ye qianyu, zhang guangyu, and lu shaofei, the nmaa included a large of younger manhua artists such as cai ruohong, huang miaozi 黃苗子, liao bingxiong 廖冰兄, lu zhixiang 陸志庠, and hua junwu 華君武. in an announcement, they pledged to “unite the cartoonists of the nation, promote manhua art, and make chinese manhua into a tool for social education” 團結全體漫畫家、共同推進 漫畫藝術,使漫畫成為社會教育工具. eventually, branches of nmaa would be founded in guangzhou, xian, wenzhou, and hong kong, among other cities. in march, , as one of the first activities sponsored by nmaa, wang dunqing launched friends of manhua 漫畫之友. not to be outdone, zhang guangyu and ye qianyu published an extra large format manhua periodical puck 潑克, while huang yao 黃堯 ( - ) and zhang leping 張 ding xi 丁西, ed., “shanghai manhua (shanghai banyuekan)” 上海漫畫(上海半月刊) [shanghai sketch (shanghai bimonthly)], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , . ding xi 丁西, ed., “manhua shijie (shanghai)” 漫畫世界(上海) [global manhua (shanghai)], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , . zhang shaosi 章紹嗣, “zhonghua quanguo manhua zuojia xiehui” 中華全國漫畫作家協會 [national manhua artist association], 中國現代社團辭典 (wuhan: hubei people’s press 湖北人民出版社, ), – , wuhan. wei qiao 魏橋 and zhejiang provincial historical figure commitee 浙江省人物志編纂委員會, eds., “wang dunqing” 王敦慶 [wang dunqing], zhejiang historical figures 浙江省人物志 (hangzhou: 浙江人民出版社, ), – , hangzhou. 樂平 ( - ) launched ox-head manhua 牛頭漫畫 the same month. although both puck and ox-head manhua only lasted for single issue, friends of manhua was slightly longer lived, lasting for issues before folding in may, , the same month that modern publication’s long running flagship periodical, modern finally threw in the towel. shortly thereafter modern sketch put out its final issue on june , , while zhang guangyu’s shanghai puck, finished its run on june , , with a total of issues. on july of the same year, a clash between japanese and chinese soldiers on the marco polo bridge outside of beijing quickly led to a series of escalating battles between kmt forces and the kwantung army. having amassed some , troops in northern china and occupied manchuria, ostensibly to protect japanese railways and commercial interests, the kwantung army (and even more so the over half-million-strong imperial japanese army, and rapidly expanding navy, both with separate air divisions) represented a serious challenge to the mostly rag tag troops in the national revolutionary army. with the exception of chiang kaishek’s german trained divisions, and graduates of the whampoa academy, who were mostly concentrated in the southern part of the country, the vast majority of the roughly . million troops that now made up the nra were a mix of mercenaries and conscripts that had been brought into the military during the warlord conflicts of the early s and the northern expedition of - . although china would not officially declare war on japan until december , , by the end of july, , chiang kaishek and the standing committee of the kmt had voted in favor of launching an all-out “war of resistance” against the japanese forces in china. shanghai was a logical choice to open ding xi 丁西, ed., “poke” 潑克 [puck], meishu cilin 美術辭林, manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november , ; “ nian yue ri: niutou manhua” 年 月 日:《牛頭漫畫》 [may , : ox-head manhua], huang yao foundation, n.d., http://www.huangyao.org/ .html (accessed october , ). ding xi, “shanghai manhua (shanghai banyuekan).” hans j. van de ven, war and nationalism in china - , routledge studies in the modern history of asia (routledge, ), . this number is a rough estimate, based on a telegram sent by chiang kai-shek in november, . see ibid., – . the reason that china did not declare war on japan in appears to have been to avoid running afoul of the neutrality acts of , , , and which prevented the u.s. government from providing military or financial aid to belligerents, with the goal of preventing the u.s. from becoming involved in world war ii. see “neutrality acts,” the oxford essential dictionary of the u.s. military (oxford university press, ), http://www.oxfordreference.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/view/ . /acref/ . . /acref- -e- (accessed october , ) and van de ven, war and nationalism in china - , . a second front in the conflict, given the large concentration of chinese troops in the chinese controlled parts of the city in light of the strategic importance of the city, but perhaps just as importantly, the presence of the foreign press. after a japanese officer was killed in unclear circumstances at the hands of chinese troops at hongqiao airport to the west of the city, tensions began to escalate, with the nra attacking japanese positions in the city on august , . the following day, the poorly trained nationalist air force accidentally bombed nanjing road in the international settlement, killing , civilians and injuring another , . despite being greatly outnumbered, japanese troops in shanghai managed to hold out until ija reinforcements began to arrive by sea in late august. in response to the japanese invasion, on september , , wang shuyang enlisted zhang guangyu, zhang zhenyu, and ye qianyu to became editors of the new life pictorial 新生畫報, soon changing the name to the resist japan pictorial 抗日畫報. wang dunqing, ye qianyu, and the young cartoonists te wei 特偉 ( - ) and zhang leping 張樂平 ( - ) meanwhile, mobilized the national manhua artist association to form the national salvation cartoon propaganda corps 漫畫 界救亡協會 (hereafter the cartoon corps) shortly thereafter, which launched its own propaganda periodical save the nation manhua 救亡漫畫 on september . pitched battles continued to be waged in and around shanghai through september and october, with the nra finally being forced to withdraw and cede the chinese-controlled parts of the city center in late october. during the three month long conflict, the zhang brothers managed to publish issues of the resist japan pictorial, before leaving for the relative safety of hong kong. the cartoon corps, meanwhile, put out issues of save the nation manhua, with a core contingent joining the second united front of the kmt and ccp in wuhan in january, . as members of the third bureau of the military affairs “clash of armies. nanking force in action near peiping. heavy shelling. london, aug. .,” the sydney morning herald (nsw, august , ), paul french, “black saturday – august , ,” china rhyming, n.d., http://www.chinarhyming.com/ / / /black-saturday-august- - / (accessed october , ); carl crow, foreign devils in the flowery kingdom (earnshaw books, ), – . for a detailed account of the battle of shanghai, see van de ven, war and nationalism in china - , – . wei qiao 魏橋 and zhejiang provincial historical figure committee 浙江省人物志編纂委員會, eds., “wang shuyang” 王叔旸 [wang shuyang], zhejiang historical figures 浙江省人物志 (hangzhou: 浙江人民出版社, ), – , hangzhou. commission’s political affairs department 軍事委員會政治部第三廳 under the leadership of chinese communist party members guo moruo (also a founding member of the left league) and zhou enlai 周 恩來 ( - ), the cartoon corps launched a new bimonthly periodical, resistance manhua 抗戰漫 畫, featuring denouncements of collaborators, exhortations to join the army, and graphic depictions of japanese atrocities perpetrated on the bodies of chinese women and children. ultimately publishing issues between january and july, , resistance manhua was forced to shut down due to shelling and encirclement campaigns by japanese forces during the battle of wuhan. lasting nearly four months from june to october, , the battle of wuhan set the stage for the long, protracted conflict which was to last until japan’s surrender following the bombings of hiroshima and nagasaki by u.s. forces in . like the second battle of shanghai the previous year, it also demonstrated the fragility of even the most robust of publishing industries, with much of the propaganda efforts during the remainder of the war being forced to resort to public exhibitions and murals in the absence of the necessary printing presses, and at times even ink and paper. conclusionconclusionconclusionconclusion as we have seen, although the official manhua society ended about a year after it began in late , many of the members remained close, and throughout the late s and early s they pooled their resources to fund several short-lived manhua periodicals for which they solicited submissions from amateur and professional artists alike, becoming not only editors, but also gatekeepers, teachers, and patrons for generation of cartoonists which followed, a somewhat ironic role given their relatively humble origins (with the exception of wang dunqing). employed primarily in the advertising and fashion industries, members responded to the worsening of the conflict with japan by becoming increasingly for an analysis of role depictions of rape and mutilated bodies played in resistance manhua and other wartime cartoon propaganda see louise edwards, “drawing sexual violence in wartime china: anti-japanese propaganda cartoons,” the journal of asian studies , no. (august ): – . van de ven, war and nationalism in china - , – . for first-hand accounts of cartooning during the war, see john a. lent and xu ying, “cartooning and wartime china: part one — - ,” international journal of comic art , no. (april , ): – . good examples of the relatively poor quality of wartime printing can also be seen in huang yao’s collections from this time period, such as houfang de chongqing er 後方的重慶二 [at the backlines of chongqing, part ii] (iron press 鐵社, ), available online at “august : at the backlines of chongqing ,” huang yao foundation, n.d., http://www.huangyao.org/ .html (accessed october , ) and chongqing manhhua 重慶漫畫 [chungking in cartoons] (guilin: science book press 科學書店, ), available at “june chongqing cartoons,” huang yao foundation, n.d., http://www.huangyao.org/ .html (accessed october , ). political and in their manhua periodicals, one can see a marked shift from boys’ humor and light political satire into outright propaganda. their example demonstrates that the link between art, commerce and politics in the s and s in shanghai was a fluid one, with few hard and fast boundaries. english-language historians of modern chinese visual culture such as julia andrews, adam cathcart, john lent, ellen johnston laing, paul pickowicz, kuiyi shen and others have examined the careers of various manhua artists. many more scholars have used manhua illustrations to demonstrate the development of the public sphere in republican china. other scholars have looked at the political and literary groups of the time, building on the work of michel hockx and kirk denton. john a. crespi, meanwhile, has published an illustrated introduction to the important manhua periodical modern sketch and is in the process of completing a study of selected chinese pictorial satire magazines from the late s to the s. likewise, jonathan hutt has written at length on the life and times of shao xunmei, touching upon modern press, and more recently, paul bevan has published an important monograph which places shao xunmei and the members of the manhua society and their later collaborators within the global discourse of modern art. while i have relied on their work to varying degrees in the course of my research, to my knowledge, however, this is the first english language study to provide a comprehensive account of the formation and immediate legacy of the manhua society. cartoonist and scholar bi keguan’s 畢克官 pioneering chinese-language studythe history of chinese manhua 中國漫畫史, co-authored with huang yuanlin 黃遠林 was the first to highlight the historical importance of the manhua society. thirty years later, this groundbreaking work remains unsurpassed as the most exhaustive and penetrating look at the history of chinese cartooning. beginning with a short look at proto-cartoons from the pre-modern period, bi and huang document the emergence see julia f. andrews, painters and politics in the people’s republic of china, - (berkeley: university of california press, ), adam cathcart, “chinese nationalism in the shadow of japan, -- ” (ph.d., ohio university, ), ellen johnston laing, “shanghai manhua, the neo-sensationist school of literature, and scenes of urban life,” mclc resource center (october ), http://u.osu.edu/mclc/online-series/shanghai-manhua/ (accessed december , ), shen kuiyi, “lianhuanhua and manhua--picture books and comics in old shanghai”, liangyou: kaleidoscopic modernity and the shanghai global metropolis, - (leiden: brill academic pub, ), and kirk a. denton and michel hockx, eds., literary societies of republican china (lanham, md: lexington books, ). personal communication, in addition to crespi, “china’s modern sketch: the golden era of cartooning - ”; john a. crespi, “picturing the purge: chinese cartoon imagery from the s to the s,” eap speaker series (cornell university: mario einaudi center for international studies, march , ), cornell university, http://video.mit.edu/watch/john-crespi-picturing-the-purge-chinese-cartoon-imagery-from-the- s-to-the- s-part-four- / (accessed july , ). hutt, “monstre sacré: the decadent world of sinmay zau 邵洵美”; bevan, a modern miscellany. of humorous drawings 滑稽畫 in the newspapers and pictorials of the late qing and early republican period, looking at artists such as shen bochen and ding song. they show how these works informed the satirical cartoons 諷刺畫 of the politically tumultuous late s, which bi and huang refer to as the era of may th movement五四運動時期. although this movement began as a series of student protests against territorial concessions given to japan, it eventually came to be seen as emblematic of a much larger cultural backlash against cultural and social conservatism. further research is needed on why so many manhua publications were short lived. while we will probably never know for sure how exactly how many manhua periodicals were published, in chapter of this study i touch on a total of magazines published after the (informal) founding of the manhua society in and before shanghai fell to the japanese in november, (see appendices table . for a complete list). of these, only a handful were able to survive for to years, with the vast majority closing after or months. john a. crespi has hypothesized that many magazines were launched with funding sufficient to cover the costs of only one or two issues, being forced to rely on the sales of these first issues to continue printing thereafter. at the same time, for every successful magazine there were any number of titles which failed to find an audience large enough to justify production costs. in common with bi and huang and many others, however, i believe that the sudden profusion of short-lived manhua periodicals also owes at least some debt to the manhua society, whose members would go on to launch nearly two-dozen periodicals. as bi and huang argue, the manhua society was a group like-minded hobbyists who would go on to become professional cartoonists, united not only by their desire to rid china of both warlords and the foreign imperialists who backed them, but also motivated to foster and develop manhua as an art form. it is productive to examine the manhua society artists to the “amateur ideal,” proposed by joseph levenson in his essay “the amateur ideal in ming and early ch’ing society: evidence from painting.” in his study of the post- intellectual deng tuo, timothy cheek discusses personal communication. the first draft of this paper was presented at the second meeting of the committee on chinese thought in newhampshire in . a revised version was presented at the colloquium orientologicum at the university of california, berkeley, in , and the following it was published in john king fairbank, ed., chinese thought and institutions (university of chicago press, ). the year after that, levenson included the essay in his collection confucian china and its modern fate: the problem of intellectual continuity (university of california press, ). see james cahill, “joseph levenson’s role in my development as a scholar and writer,” n.d., http://jamescahill.info/the-writings-of-james-cahill/responses-a-reminiscences/ - - joseph-levensons-role-in-my-development-as-a-scholar-and-writer (accessed january , ). deng’s work as an amateur poet and calligrapher as having been in line with the late-imperial literati ideal that men of letters also pursue hobbies in art and literature, writing that deng clearly shared the eclecticism and connoisseurship of the ming dynasty literati, but his aesthetic delight did not extend to their formalism and in no way impeded his commitment to modern values of science and rational bureaucratic organization, not to mention communist revolution. equally, deng’s high cultural pursuits did not interfere with his commitment to help the great majority of chinese people achieve a better economic and cultural life. while several members of the manhua society, such as ye qianyu and zhang guangyu, would go to become important members of the intelligentsia of post- china, becoming calligraphers and artists more in line with the amateur ideal, my own research suggests that while political concerns were not absent from the minds of the founding members of the manhua society, these concerns co-existed with economic and financial considerations. the drawings and photographs of nude and semi-nude women, for example, indicates a concern with commercial viability as much as it does a pushing of aesthetic and social boundaries. i have shown that the manhua society members began their careers as cartoonists somewhat earlier than bi keguan and huang yuanlin state, in the early rather than mid- s. by tracking the relationships between the various members of the manhua society, and finding links back to the league of leftwing writers (on the part of wang dunqing), i have also demonstrated that the formation of the manhua society was a far more complex process than bi and huang record. i first became aware of this discrepancy between the historical record and the accepted narrative, established by bi and huang, through the work of gan xianfeng. unlike bi and huang, who had the good fortune of conducting long interviews with “living archives” lu shaofei and ye qianyu, who have since passed away, gan relied on archival research. in his popular history of chinese cartooning (confusingly given the same title as bi and huang’s book, the history of chinese manhua 中國漫畫史), timothy cheek, propaganda and culture in mao’s china: deng tuo and the intelligentsia (clarendon press, ), – . for an account of bi keguan’s research methodology, see bi keguan 畢克官, “why i research chinese cartoon history,” trans. xu ying, international journal of comic art , no. (october , ): – . gan provides evidence from the shanghai newspaper the shenbao that the manhua society was founded not in the fall or summer of , as commonly claimed, but in december, . like gan, my own research throughout this study has been primarily based on archives, guided by the oral histories collected by bi and others. unlike gan, however, i am interested primarily in the roughly ten year period leading up to the formation of the manhua society, from - . for several prominent members of the manhua society, such as ding song, ji xiaobo, and hu xuguang, membership seems to have represented the culmination of their careers as cartoonists. i have relied heavily on ye qianyu’s autobiography, first published in abbreviated form in , and drawn on christopher g. rea’s discussion of ye in his phd dissertation on early th century chinese comedy. thanks in large part to his service as an anti-japanese propagandist under guo moruo during second sino-japanese war, ye was able to have a long career as an artist and educator in the prc. he is consequently a relatively well-known figure from the republican era, as evidenced (and no doubt in part fueled) by the popularity of his autobiography. lacking a bestselling memoir, lu shaofei, on the other hand, has suffered somewhat in comparison, despite bi keguan’s vote of confidence in his the history of chinese manhua. having worked as a kmt government official during the war, lu shaofei seems to have been blacklisted for a time by the post- prc government, only becoming prominent again in the s. my close reading of these oral histories, authored primarily in the s and s, shows that the historiography of chinese cartooning in the s and s has been influenced by disagreements gan xianfeng, zhongguo manhua shi, . gan also discusses this common misunderstanding in a article correcting a number of factual mistakes in an article on the history of manhua written by wang jizhong. see gan xianfeng 甘險峰, “zhongguo manhua de ji ge shishi wenti - jian yu manhua chuban jieduan zhi zuozhe shanque” 中国漫画的几个史实 问题——兼与《漫画出版阶段志》作者商榷 [several factual errors in the history of chinese comics: to the author of a history of manhua publishing], 國際新聞界 no. ( ): – . for wang jizhong’s original article, see “manhua chuban jieduan zhi” 漫畫出版階段志 [a history of manhua publishing], 編輯之友 no. ( ): – . see chapter of rea, “a history of laughter: comic culture in early twentieth-century china.” the first, page edition of ye qianyu’s autobiography was titled 十年荒唐夢—— 葉淺予回憶錄 [ten years, an absurd dream: the memoirs of ye qianyu] (renmin ribao chuban she 人民日報出版社, ). three years later an expanded page edition was released, retitled xixu cangsang ji liu nian: ye qianyu huiyilu 細敘滄桑記流年: 葉淺予回憶錄 [carefully narrating the changes of the ages, recording the passing years: the memoirs of ye qianyu] (qunyan chubanshe 群言出版 社, ). the most recent edition, which i relied on during my research, was published in , and is apparently somewhat reduced from the version, at pages. it was published under the new title ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian. ye qianyu’s service as the leader of the national salvation cartoon propaganda corps 救亡漫畫宣傳隊 is detailed in lent and xu ying, “cartooning and wartime china.” between ye and lu, and between other members of the manhua society. in chapter , i recounted the course of events which led a son of a humble merchant, ye qianyu, to choose a career as a cartoonist, focusing on ji xiaobo, ye’s early mentor, whom scholars such as bi keguan have largely ignored. likewise, in chapter ii i introduced ding song, zhang guangyu, zhang zhengyu, and lu shaofei, the patrons and (literally in the case of the much older ding song, and figuratively in the case of his students, the zhang brothers and lu) elder statesmen of the manhua society. in chapter iii i discussed the careers of wang dunqing, huang wennong, and hu xuguang, exposing part of the networks of economic and social capital in which the members of the manhua society operated. in chapter iv i discussed the catalyzing influence of the may movement, which had a profound impact on the formation of the manhua society, concluding with an account of the north expedition, which directly proceeded and perhaps contributed to the departure of several key members in late . in chapter v, i outlined the partial breakup of the manhua society, while highlighting two publications which appeared in : shanghai sketch and dr. fix-it, spearheaded by ye qianyu and ji xiaobo respectively. touched on briefly by bi keguan and huang yuanlin, dr. fix-it is an early indicator of the strained relationship that would develop between ye qianyu and lu shaofei, who worked as the primary illustrator for ji xiaobo’s dr. fix-it. although bi and huang find it lacking in comparison to mr. wang, both seem to have overlooked the fact that dr. fix-it appeared some four months before ye qianyu’s more well-known work. as i discuss in chapter v, shanghai sketch emerged shortly after when the manhua society is commonly thought to have formed, so its editorial board is often conflated with the membership of the manhua society itself. for example, shortly after introducing the manhua society, bi and huang write: after a half year’s time spent in preparation, the full-size color publication shanghai manhua was published [by the manhua society]. several key members of the manhua society invested almost an entirety of their energies on this project, with some among them investing their entire energies into the task of editing. after the magazine was published, the manhua society’s major activities centered around it. 經過半年多的籌備,在一九二八年四月出版了大型彩印漫畫刊物 《上海漫畫》. 畫會是幾個骨幹,幾乎一大部分精力投入這項工作,有的則把全部 精力投入了編輯任務。刊物出版之後,畫會的活動主要是圍繞刊物進行的。 bi keguan and huang yuanlin, zhongguo manhua shi, . this passage is followed by a longer sub-chapter dedicated to the publication, in which it appears that bi and huang were not aware that two separate publications titled shanghai sketch appeared in . nor do bi and huang acknowledge that neither publication involved a full roster of the manhua society (which seems to have partially disbanded in late ), as i demonstrate in chapter v. particularly striking is that bi and huang overlook that the first iteration of shanghai sketch, which appeared in january, , was mostly the work of just three members of the manhua society: wang dunqing, huang wennong, and ye qianyu. neither lu shaofei nor ji xiaobo were involved in this first shanghai sketch either, with only lu joining the second with any regularity after wang dunqing’s departure. in chapter vi i looked at the various publications launched by the former manhua society members in an attempt to understand the society’s legacy. one challenge i faced was the impossibility of giving equal weight to every publication that emerged between when modern miscellany was founded in and the outbreak of the second sino-japanese war. the enigmatic but influential patron of cartoonists, shao xunmei, i discuss only in passing. chapter gives only a general sketch of this tumultuous period. in conclusion, i find that the activities of the manhua society and its members had real historical impact on the development of chinese cartooning, primarily because they brought together art and politics under the umbrella of a bewildering number of commercial ventures. as john a. crespi, john lent, christopher g. rea and many others have argued, the real golden age of chinese cartooning did not occur until the s, when the spread of modern, high-fidelity print technology in mainland china facilitated a publishing boom of high quality illustrated books and magazines. at the same time, as jack chen has emphasized, china also faced an existential threat from japan and found itself in need of propaganda to demoralize and denigrate the enemy while bolstering nationalism and glorifying self-sacrifice. as this study has demonstrated, however, without the advantage of personal relationships and the sheer luck of ji xiaobo did contribute art to issue # of shanghai sketch, published september , . he does not appear to have been credited in the magazine itself, however. see “shanghai manhua ershisi qi chuban” 上海漫畫二十四期出版 [issue of shanghai sketch published], shenbao 申報, september , , . another area which i have, by necessity, overlooked is the role some chinese cartoonists played as collaborators with the japanese occupiers during the war years. for a fascinating look at this challenging topic, see jeremy e. taylor, “cartoons and collaboration in wartime china the mobilization of chinese cartoonists under japanese occupation,” modern china (june , ), http://mcx.sagepub.com/content/early/ / / / (accessed october , ). chen, “china’s militant cartoonists,” . john lent and xu ying have also done further research into the activities of manhua artists during this time period. see lent and xu ying, “cartooning and wartime china.” being in the right place at the right time it is unlikely that the manhua society and its members would have been able to succeed in their project to establish manhua as an art form. future studies might look beyond the communist takeover of to explore how the different decisions made by manhua artists during the war years influenced how their legacies were preserved in the prc, as well as how they were impacted by the cultural revolution of the mid- s, when the vast majority of the manhua artists found themselves being criticized as outmoded vestiges of the past. chinese cartooning also flourished in the increasingly global context of the late s and early s; this is another period which would be rewarding to explore, as would the period of the mid- s to the present, which has seen the collapse and (stunted) rebirth of the domestic cartooning and animation industries within an increasingly competitive media and entertainment landscape. given their fall from political favor, much biographical and historical work on manhua artists been concerned with redeeming the damaged or even forgotten reputations of this broken generation of writers and artists active in the s and s. while that is, in part, my intent with this study, i also hope that i have avoided the twin traps of hagiography and teleology which i would argue can be found in the sociological studies of bi keguan, huang yuanlin, and some of their successors. to view shanghai manhua, or the manhua boom of the s as the inevitable and natural end point of the manhua society of negates the agency of individual artists, and yet, to go to the other extreme ignores the influence of organizations in the development of those very same individuals. instead, i have sought to draw a balanced portrait of a group of artists as young men with their own careers and interests, who were united by a paradoxical distrust of foreign imperialism and a desire to succeed as chinese artists of an imported art form, the cartoon—and to have fun doing it. bibliographybibliographybibliographybibliography ames, roger t., tran. the analects of confucius: a philosophical translation. random house publishing group, . andrews, julia f. painters and politics in the people’s republic of china, - . berkeley: university of california press, . andrews, julia frances. “pictorial shanghai (shanghai huabao, - ) and 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. stanford, calif: stanford university press, . crespi, john a. “china’s modern sketch: the golden era of cartooning - .” mit visualizing cultures, . http://ocw.mit.edu/ans / f/ f. /modern_sketch/ms_essay .html. ———. “picturing the purge: chinese cartoon imagery from the s to the s.” eap speaker series. cornell university: mario einaudi center for international studies, march , . cornell university. http://video.mit.edu/watch/john-crespi-picturing-the-purge-chinese-cartoon- imagery-from-the- s-to-the- s-part-four- /. crow, carl. foreign devils in the flowery kingdom. earnshaw books, . davies, gloria. lu xun’s revolution. harvard university press, . denton, kirk a. “lu xun biography.” mclc resource center, . http://u.osu.edu/mclc/online- series/lu-xun/. denton, kirk a., and michel hockx, eds. literary societies of republican china. lanham, md: lexington books, . ding xi 丁西, ed. “banjiao manhua” 半角漫畫 [fifty-cent funnies]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “beiyou manhua” 北游漫画 [cartoon travels in the north]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷. shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe 陝西人民美術出版社, november . ———. , ed. “dianying manhua” 電影漫畫 [movies, manhua]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “duli manhua” 獨立漫畫 [independant manhua]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “manhua he shenghuo” 漫畫和生活 [manhua and life]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “manhua manhua” 漫畫漫話 [manhua manhua]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “manhua shenghuo” 漫畫生活 [manhua life]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷. shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe 陝西人民美術出版社, november . ———. , ed. “manhua shenghuo” 漫畫生活 [manhua life]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “manhua shenghuo” 漫畫生活 [manhua life]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷. shanxi renmin meishu chuban she 陝西人民美術出版社, november . ———. , ed. “manhua shijie (shanghai)” 漫畫世界(上海) [global manhua (shanghai)]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “pangguanzhe” 旁觀者 [the spectator]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫 畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “poke” 潑克 [puck]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “qunzhong manhua” 群众漫畫 [masses manhua]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “shanghai manhua (shanghai banyuekan)” 上海漫畫(上海半月刊) [shanghai sketch (shanghai bimonthly)]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “shanghai poke” 上海潑克 [shanghai puck]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “shenghuo manhua” 生活漫畫 [life manhua]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “shidai manhua (shanghai)” 时代漫画 (上海) [modern sketch (shanghai)]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “wang junyi” 王君異 [wang junyi]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫 藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “wennong fengci huaji” 文農諷刺畫集 [huang wennong’s collected satirical drawings]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷. shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe 陝西人民美術出版社, november . ———. , ed. “xianxiang manhua” 現象漫畫 [manhua phenomenon]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷, november . ———. , ed. “季小波” [ji xiaobo]. meishu cilin 美術辭林. manhua yishu juan 漫畫藝術卷. shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe 陝西人民美術出版社, november . edwards, louise. “drawing sexual violence in wartime china: anti-japanese propaganda cartoons.” the journal of asian studies , no. (august ): – . fairbank, john king, ed. chinese thought and institutions. university of chicago press, . fitzgerald, john. awakening china: politics, culture, and class in the nationalist revolution. stanford university press, . frederic, wakeman. policing shanghai, - . university of california press, . french, paul. “black saturday – august , .” china rhyming, n.d. http://www.chinarhyming.com/ / / /black-saturday-august- - /. ———. the old shanghai a-z. hong kong university press, . gan lanjing 甘蘭經. “zhu liangren” 朱梁任 [zhu liangren]. zhongguo renmin zhengzhi xieshang huiyi jiangsu sheng suzhou shi wujiang qu weiyuanhui 中國人民政治協商會議江蘇省蘇 州市吳江區委員會, n.d. www.wjzx.gov.cn/. gan xianfeng 甘險峰. “zhongguo manhua de ji ge shishi wenti - jian yu manhua chuban jieduan zhi zuozhe shanque” 中国漫画的几个史实问题——兼与《漫画出版阶段志》作者商 榷 [several factual errors in the history of chinese comics: to the author of a history of manhua publishing]. 國際新聞界 no. ( ): – . ———. zhongguo manhua shi 中國漫畫史 [a history of chinese comics]. shandong huabao chubanshe 山東畫報出版社, . gao yunxiang. sporting gender: women athletes and celebrity-making during china’s national crisis, - . ubc press, . gerth, karl. china made: consumer culture and the creation of the nation. harvard univ asia center, . habermas, jürgen. the structural transformation of the public sphere: an inquiry into a category of bourgeois society. cambridge: polity, . henriot, christian. “a neighbourhood under storm zhabei and shanghai wars.” european journal of east asian studies , no. (december , ): – . huang ke 黃可. “sun xueni yu shengsheng meishu gongsi--jiushi huajia de shengcun zhi dao” 孫雪泥 與生生美術公司——舊時畫家的生存之道 [sun xueni and shengsheng fine arts company: how one artist survived]. yishu zhongguo 藝術中國 (september , ). http://art.china.cn/huihua/ - / /content_ .htm. huang wennong 黃文農. “fa hua gao yihou” 發畫稿以後 [a sketch after submission]. shanghai shenghuo 上海生活, december , . huang yao 黃堯. chongqing manhhua 重慶漫畫 [chungking in cartoons]. guilin: science book press 科學書店, . ———. houfang de chongqing er 後方的重慶二 [at the backlines of chongqing, part ii]. iron press 鐵社, . hutt, jonathan. “monstre sacré: the decadent world of sinmay zau 邵洵美.” china heritage quarterly (june ). http://www.chinaheritagequarterly.org/features.php?issue= &searchterm= _monstre.inc. jiang yihai 蔣義海, ed. “cao hanmei” 曹涵美 [cao hanmei]. manhua zhishi cidian 漫画知识辞典. nanjing daxue chubanshe 南京大学出版社, . ———. , ed. “zhang zhengyu” 張正宇 [zhang zhengyu]. manhua zhishi cidian 漫畫知識辭典. nanjing daxue chubanshe 南京大學出版社, . ———. , ed. “zhongguo manhua” 中國漫畫 [chinese manhua]. manhua zhishi cidian 漫畫知識辭 典. nanjing daxue chubanshe 南京大學出版社, . jia yan 賈彦. “shangzhan yu bingzhan: naxie yu sanjiao maojin youguan de kangri chuanqi” 商戰與 兵戰:那些與“三角”毛巾有關的抗日傳奇 [retail wars and miltary wars: all those stories about three triangle towels during the war of resistance]. lishi pindao - dongfangwang 歷 史頻道-東方網, april , . http://history.eastday.com/h/shlpp/u a .html. laing, ellen johnston. “shanghai manhua, the neo-sensationist school of literature, and scenes of urban life.” mclc resource center (october ). http://u.osu.edu/mclc/online-series/shanghai- manhua/. laughlin, charles a. the literature of leisure and chinese modernity. honolulu: university of hawai’i press, . lent, john a., and xu ying. “cartooning and wartime china: part one — - .” international journal of comic art , no. (april , ): – . levenson, joseph richmond. confucian china and its modern fate: the problem of intellectual continuity. university of california press, . li jie 李洁. “民国报人汪英宾探微:兼及相关文献资料勘误” [republican journalist wang yingbin: an investigation and some corrections to errors in the relevant literature]. xinwen chunqiu 新 闻春秋 no. ( ): – . lin yutang. the importance of living. reynal & hitchcock, . longfellow, henry wadsworth. longfellow’s poetical works: author’s complete copyright edition. london: george routledge & sons, . lu hanchao. beyond the neon lights: everyday shanghai in the early twentieth century. university of california press, . lu lihua 陸禮華. “fuxing houde liangjiang nuzi tiyu shifan xuexiao shi nian qian de huisu” 復興後的兩 江女子體育師範學校十年前的洄溯 [recollections of the since rejuvenated liangjiang women’s physical education institute of ten years ago]. qinfen tiyu yuebao 勤奮體育月報 , no. ( ): – . lu shaofei 魯少飛. “bianzhe bubai” 編者補白 [editor’s filler]. shidai manhua 時代漫畫, january . lu xun 魯迅. “sishi-san” 四十三 [essay forty-three]. in re feng 熱風, . beixin shuju 北新書局, . lu yaodong 陸耀東, dangbo sun 孫黨伯, and tang dahui 唐達暉, eds. “ziyou tan” 自由談 [unfettered talk]. zhongguo xiandai wenxue da cidian 中國現代文學大辭典. gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe 高等教育出版社, . ma liangchun 馬良春, and li futian 李福田, eds. “youxi zazhi” 游戲雜志 [the pastime]. dictionary of chinese literature 中國文學大辭典. tianjin people’s press 天津人民出版社, . martin, brian g. the shanghai green gang: politics and organized crime, - . university of california press, . mo yajun. “‘little japan’ in hongkou: the japanese community in shanghai, - .” the chinese university of hong kong, . nebiolo, gino. “introduction.” in the people’s comic book: red women’s detachment, hot on the trail and other chinese comics. anchor press, . rea, christopher g. “a history of laughter: comic culture in early twentieth-century china.” columbia university, . ———. “‘he’ll roast all subjects that may need the roasting’: puck and mr punch in nineteenth- century china.” in asian punches: a transcultural affair, edited by hans harder, – . springer berlin heidelberg, . ———. the age of irreverence: a new history of laughter in china. oakland, california: university of california press, . reed, christopher a. gutenberg in shanghai: chinese print capitalism, - . ubc press, . rowe, william t. “the problem of ‘civil society’ in late imperial china.” modern china , no. 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( ): – . shen kuiyi. “lianhuanhua and manhua--picture books and comics in old shanghai.” in illustrating asia: comics, humor magazines, and picture books, edited by john a. lent, – . university of hawaii press, . https://www.academia.edu/ /lianhuanhua_and_manhua-- picture_books_and_comics_in_old_shanghai. shi xiaoping 施曉平. “[zhuanzai] ‘zhu liangren mu’ wuzhong qiren_suzhou ribao” [轉載]“朱梁任 墓”吳中奇人_蘇州日報 [[repost] “zhu liangren’s tombstone” the wonder of wuzhong_suzhou daily], march , . http://blog.sina.cn/dpool/blog/s/blog_ a f e jals.html. shiying huang 黄士英. “kaichangbai” 開場白 [prologue]. manhua shenghuo 漫畫生活, september , . stember, nick. “chinese lianhuanhua: a century of pirated movies,” may , . http://www.nickstember.com/chinese-lianhuanhua-century-of-pirated-movies/. sullivan, michael. art and artists of twentieth-century china. university of california press, . ———. modern chinese artists: a biographical dictionary. university of california press, . sun shusong 孫樹松, and lin ren 林人, eds. “jin bao” 晶報 [the crystal]. modern chinese compilation studies dictionary 中國現代編輯學辭典. heilongjiang people’s press 黑龍江人 民出版社, . ———. , eds. “shanghai huabao” 上海畫報 [shanghai pictorial]. modern chinese compilation studies dictionary 中國現代編輯學辭典. heilongjiang people’s press 黑龍江人民出版社, . tang fei 庸非, ed. “季小波” [ji xiaobo]. zhongguo dangdai manhua jia cidian 中國當代漫畫家辭 典. jiangsu renmin chubanshe 浙江人民出版社, may . tang wei 唐薇. “minjian qingge hua ji tan yuan” 《民間情歌》畫集探源 [exploring the sources of folk love songs]. baiyaxuan 百雅軒, n.d. http://baiyaxuan.com/longhair/show/tack- - .html. ———. “zhang guangyu xiansheng yu jindai gongyi meishu” 张光宇先生和《近代工艺美术》 [mr. zhang guangyu and modern commercial art]. zhuangshi 裝飾 (july , ). http://www.izhsh.com.cn/doc/ / .html. ———. “zhang guangyu yishu zuopin” 張光宇藝術作品 [zhang guangyu’s art]. zhuangshi 裝飾 no. 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( ): – . ———. the great enterprise: the manchu reconstruction of imperial order in seventeenth-century china: volume . university of california press, . ———. the great enterprise: the manchu reconstruction of imperial order in seventeenth-century china: volume . university of california press, . waldron, arthur. from war to nationalism: china’s turning point, - . cambridge university press, . wang guangxi 王廣西, and zhou guanwu 觀武 周, eds. “yingxi zazhi” 影戲雜志 [the motion picture review]. china contemporary literature and art dictionary 中國近現代文學藝術辭 典. zhengzhou: zhongzhou ancient books press 中州古籍出版社, . zhengzhou. wang jingfang 王京芳. “shao xunmei he ta de chuban shiye” 邵洵美和他的出版事業 [shao xunmei and his publications]. ph.d., east china normal university 華東師範大學, . wang jizhong 王冀中. “manhua chuban jieduan zhi” 漫畫出版階段志 [a history of manhua publishing]. 編輯之友 no. ( ): – . wang liu 汪流, ed. “lu jie” 陸潔 [lu jie]. dictionary of sino-foreign film and television 中外影視 大辭典. beijing: china broadcast television press 中國廣播電視出版社, . beijing. wang zheng. women in the chinese enlightenment: oral and textual histories. university of california press, . wei qiao 魏橋, and zhejiang provincial historical figure commitee 浙江省人物志編纂委員會, eds. “wang dunqing” 王敦慶 [wang dunqing]. zhejiang historical figures 浙江省人物志. hangzhou: 浙江人民出版社, . hangzhou. ———. , eds. “wang shuyang” 王叔旸 [wang shuyang]. zhejiang historical figures 浙江省人物志. hangzhou: 浙江人民出版社, . hangzhou. wong wang-chi. politics and literature in shanghai: the chinese league of left-wing writers, - . manchester university press, . wu i-wei. “participating in global affairs: the chinese cartoon monthly shanghai puck.” in asian punches: a transcultural affair, edited by hans harder, – . springer berlin heidelberg, . wu jie 伍傑, du ke 杜克, sun beixin 孫蓓欣, and zhu qingzuo 朱慶祚, eds. zhongwen qikan da cidian 中文期刊大詞典 [dictionary of chinese periodicals]. 北京大学出版社, . xiao hong 綃紅. “cong shi ri tan kai tianchuang shuoqi” 從《十日談》開天窗說起 [on the skylight opened by the decameron]. bolan qunshu 博覽群書 (february , ). http://epaper.gmw.cn/blqs/html/ - / /nw.d blqs_ _ - .htm?div=- . xie lingling 謝玲玲. “woguo jinxiandai zhuming cishanjia xu qianlin” 我國近現代著名慈善家徐 乾麟 [famous modern chinese philanthropist xu qianlin], may , . http://www.zx.yy.gov.cn/art/ / / /art_ _ .html. xu zhuodai 徐卓呆. “duiyu di yi she tougaozhe shuo ji ju hua” 對於第一畫社投稿者說幾句話 [a few words on the submissions to the pioneer syndicate]. shenbao 申報, october , . ye qianyu 淺予 葉. xixu cangsang ji liu nian: ye qianyu huiyilu 細敘滄桑記流年: 葉淺予回憶錄 [carefully narrating the changes of the ages, recording the passing years: the memoirs of ye qianyu]. qunyan chubanshe 群言出版社, . ye qianyu 葉淺予. ye qianyu zizhuan: xixu cangsang ji liunian 葉淺予自傳:細敘滄桑記流年 [the autobiography of ye qianyu: carefully narrating the changes of the ages, recording the passing years]. zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe 中國社會科學出版社, . ———. 十年荒唐夢—— 葉淺予回憶錄 [ten years, an absurd dream: the memoirs of ye qianyu]. renmin ribao chuban she 人民日報出版社, . yin fujun 殷福軍. “黃文農早期動畫創作研究” [research into huang wennong’s early animations]. dianying wenxue 電影文學 no. ( ): – . zhang guangyu 光宇 張. jindai gongyi meishu 近代工藝美術 [modern commerical art]. china fine arts periodical press 中國美術刋行社, . zhang meisun 張眉蓀. meisun shuicaihua linben 眉蓀水彩畫臨本 [an overview of the watercolors of zhang meisun]. hebei renmin chuban she 河北人民出版社, . zhang shaosi 章紹嗣. “zhonghua quanguo manhua zuojia xiehui” 中華全國漫畫作家協會 [national manhua artist association]. 中國現代社團辭典. wuhan: hubei people’s press 湖北 人民出版社, . wuhan. zhang xiantao. the origins of the modern chinese press: the influence of the protestant missionary press in late qing china. routledge, . zhang yongjiu 張永久. 鴛鴦蝴蝶派文人 [literati of the mandarin ducks and butterflies clique]. showwe press 秀威出版, . zhang zonghai 張宗海. “you mohai shuguan er xing de lao jie - maijiajuan” 由墨海書館而興的老 街——麥家圈 [an old street that began with the london missionary society press - maijiajuan]. 上海市地方志辦公室, n.d. http://www.shtong.gov.cn/node /node /node /node /node /userobject ai .html. “ nian yue ri: niutou manhua” 年 月 日:《牛頭漫畫》 [may , : ox- head manhua]. huang yao foundation, n.d. http://www.huangyao.org/ .html. a synopsis of the boycott in china: the chinese government encourages and directs the anti-japanese boycott. the anti-japanese boycott by china is tantamount to an act of war. the osaka chamber of commerce and industry, . “august : at the backlines of chongqing .” huang yao foundation, n.d. http://www.huangyao.org/ .html. “ben kan tebie qishi” 本刊特別啟事 [special announcement from our paper]. shenbao 申報, january , . “ben she qishi er” 本社啟示 二 [notice from the editor ( )]. shanghai manhua 上海漫畫, january , . “ben she qishi yi” 本社啟示 一 [notice from the editor ( )]. shanghai manhua 上海漫畫, january , . “bianwan yihou” 編完以後 [after editing]. shidai 時代, august . “block prints of the chinese revolution - princeton university digital library,” n.d. http://pudl.princeton.edu/collections/pudl . “boycott, bloodshed & puppetry.” time , no. (october , ): – . “chenguang meishu hui di si jie zhanlanhui yuzhi” 晨光美術會第四屆展覽會預誌 [preview of the fourth annual aurora art club exhibition]. shenbao 申報. shanghai, july , . “chuban jie xiaoxi” 出版界消息 [news in the world of publishing]. shenbao 申報, december , . “chuban jie xiaoxi” 出版界消息 [news in the world of publishing]. shenbao 申報, march , . “chubanjie xiaoxi” 出版界消息 [news in the world of publishing]. shenbao 申報, april , . “clash of armies. nanking force in action near peiping. heavy shelling. london, aug. .” the sydney morning herald. nsw, august , . “ge tuanti xiaoxi” 各團體消息 [society news]. shenbao 申報, june , . “huabao xiaoxi” 畫報消息 [pictorial news]. shenbao 申報, june , . “hu xuguang zuori jiehun” 胡旭光昨日結婚 [hu xuguang got married yesterday]. shenbao, march , , st ed. “juchang xiaoxi” 劇塲消息 [theater news]. shenbao 申報, april , . “juchang xiaoxi” 劇塲消息 [theater news]. shenbao 申報, may , . “june chongqing cartoons.” huang yao foundation, n.d. http://www.huangyao.org/ .html. “lao zhaopian: shanghai sheng yuehan daxue xiaoyuan de shenyun” 老照片:上海圣约翰大学校园的 神韵 [old photos: the charm of shanghai st. john’s university campus], july , . http://bbs.wenxuecity.com/memory/ .html. “liang da kanwu zhi fengxing” 兩大刋物之風行 [two popular publications]. shenbao 申報, october , . liangyou: kaleidoscopic modernity and the shanghai global metropolis, - . leiden: brill academic pub, . “lianyi jian si ban faxing” 聯益箋四版發行 [fourth printing of lianyi stationary]. shenbao 申報, february , . “lu xun xiansheng da baergou tu” 魯迅先生打叭兒狗圖 [picture of mr. lu xun beating a pug]. peking press supplement 京報副刊, january , . “manhua hui chang hui ji” 漫畫會常會紀 [regular meeting notes for the manhua society]. shenbao 申報, november , . “manhuahui fabiao xuanyan” 漫畫會發表宣言 [manhua society publishes manifesto]. shenbao 申報, december , . “manhuahui zhi chengli” 漫畫繪製成立 [manhua society founded]. shenbao 申報, december , . “memorandum on the chinese boycott of japanese goods.” memorandum (institute of pacific relations, american council) , no. (march , ): – . “neutrality acts.” the oxford essential dictionary of the u.s. military. oxford university press, . http://www.oxfordreference.com.ezproxy.library.ubc.ca/view/ . /acref/ . . /acref- -e- . “sanjiao zhi guang ding qi chuban” 三角之光定期出版 [light of the triangle to be published regularly]. shenbao 申報, march , . “sanri huabao bai qi huiji fashou” 三日畫報百期彙集發售 [china camera news issue collection goes on sale]. shenbao 申報, july , . “sanri huabao di yi qi chuban” 三日畫報第一期出版 [china camera news publishes the first issue]. shenbao 申報, august , . “shanghai huabao zengsong ming jian” 上海畫報贈送名箋 [shanghai pictorial to hand out free name brand stationary]. shenbao 申報, october , . shanghai manhua an shangsu kaishen 上海漫畫案上訴開審 [appeal heard for shanghai sketch case]. shenbao 申報, november , . “shanghai manhua bei kong” 上海漫畫被控 [shanghai sketch accused]. shenbao 申報, october , . “shanghai manhua bei kong an panjue fayuan xuanpan wuzui bufang jiang ti shangsu” 上海漫畫被 控案判决 法院宣判無罪 捕房將提上訴 [shanghai sketch accusation judgement: court rules not guilty, concession police station to appeal]. 申報, october , . “shanghai manhua dingqi chuban” 上海漫畫定期出版 [shanghai sketch to be published regularly]. shenbao 申報, december , , 本埠新聞二 section. “shanghai manhua ershisi qi chuban” 上海漫畫二十四期出版 [issue of shanghai sketch published]. shenbao 申報, september , . “shanghai manhua wuzui bufang shangsu hou zhi panjue” 上海漫畫無罪 捕房上訴後之判决 [shanghai sketch not guilty: followup on the appeal at the concession police station]. shenbao 申報, november , . “shanghai shenghuo di er qi chuban you qi shiqi ri chuban” 上海生活第二期出版有期 十七日 出版 [shanghai life issue two to be published: date is set for th]. shenbao 申報, november , . “shanghai shenghuo di si qi chuban” “上海生活”第四期出版 [“the shanghai life” issue four published]. shenbao 申報, june , . “shanghai shenghuo hanqing wenyi jie zhuangao” 上海生活函請文藝界撰稿 [shanghai life requests mailed in submissions from the world of art and literature]. shenbao 申報, may , . “shanghai shenghuo jiang chuban dingqi qi yue qi ri” “上海生活”將出版 定期七月七日 [“the shanghai life” to be published: date is set for july ]. shenbao 申報, july , . “shanghai shenghuo xuanshang zhengqiu shangbiao” 上海生活懸賞徵求商標 [shanghai life offers reward for logo design]. shenbao 申報, may , . “shi xuanchuan bu shisi ci buwu huiwu” 市宣傳部十四次部務會務 [ th meeting of the city propaganda department]. shenbao 申報, september , . “songhu jingting zhengzhibu zhiyuanwei ding” 淞滬警廳政治部職員委定 [songhu police station political office staff set]. shenbao 申報, april , . “taipingyang huabao chuban yuwen” 太平洋畫報出版預聞 [pacific pictorial to be published]. shenbao 申報, may , . “the alumni.” princeton alumni weekly xx, no. ( ). the cyclopæaedia of practical quotations. funk & wagnalls, . “the playboy interview | next nature network,” n.d. https://www.nextnature.net/ / /the- playboy-interview-marshall-mcluhan/. “tuanti huiwen” 團體彙聞 [organization news]. shenbao 申報, july , . “wang tung-chung (wang tun-chung) b.a. chekiang.” yuehan niankan 約翰年刊 ( ). “xiaojie xu zhi yu xiaoye xu zhi” 《小姐須知》與《少爺須知》 [things a young lady must know and things a young lad must know]. shafengjing ji de boke 煞風景集的博客, august , . http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_ e tr h.html. “xidamochang jie shuicai zhiben paimaipin_jiage_miaoshu_jianshang_(shuicai) - bobao yishu paimai wang” 【西打磨廠街 水彩 紙本】 拍賣品_價格_圖片_描述_鑒賞_(水彩) -博寶藝術 品拍賣網 [west damochang street watercolor paper version auction item_price_picture_description_appreciation_(watercolor) - artxun art auction net]. 博寶拍 賣網, n.d. http://auction.artxun.com/paimai- - .shtml. “xin kan shanghai manhua chuban you qi” 新刊上海漫畫出版有期 [a date has been set for the new publication shanghai sketch]. shenbao 申報, december , , 本埠新聞二 section. “xuewu congzai” 學務叢載 [selection of school affairs]. shenbao 申報, july , . “xuewu congzai” 學務叢載 [selection of school affairs]. shenbao 申報, august , . “xuewu qianzai” 學務僉載 [school affairs]. shenbao 申報, july , . “yinshua ji tuban zhi gailiang” 印刷及圖版之改良 [improvement in printing and picture plates]. shidai 時代, october . “yuanshou” 元首 [heads of state]. 旁觀者, november , . “yuehan daxue juxing biye liji” 約翰大學舉行畢業禮紀 [st. john’s university holds graduation ceremony]. shenbao 申報, june , . “yuehan daxue zuori zhi shenghui” 約翰大學昨日之盛會 [st. john’s university ceremony yesterday]. shenbao 申報, july , . “yuezhe zhuyi ben kan zi xia qi qi yu shidai huabao hebing xiangqing qing yue di er ye!” 阅者注意 本 刊自下起期起與時代畫報合併為半月刊 詳情請閱第二頁! [note to our readers: starting with our next issue, this magazine will join with modern miscellany and be published bi-monthly. see page two for more details!]. shanghai manhua 上海漫畫, june , . “zhongguo di yi hua she qiu tougao” 中國第一畫社徵求投稿 [pioneer syndicate seeks submissions]. shenbao 申報, september , . “zhongguo huapian gongsi chengli” 中國畫片公司成立 [chinese painting film studio established]. shenbao 申報, june , , nd ed. “zhongguo manhua yanjiu hui chengli” 中國漫畫研究會成立 [chinese manhua research society founded]. shenbao 申報, june , . “[zhongguo manhua zhuanti ku] - quanguo wenhua xinxi ziyuan gongxiang gongcheng” [中國漫畫 專題庫]-全國文化信息資源共享工程 [[chinese manhua database] - national digital culture network], n.d. http://www.bjgxgc.cn/manhua/. “zhongwen biyesheng xiaoxiang bing timing lu” 中文畢業生小像並題名錄 [chinese supplement: pictures of graduating students and biographical information]. yuehan niankan 約翰年刊 ( ). appendixappendixappendixappendix appendix a: tables appendix a: tables appendix a: tables appendix a: tables table a. major manhua artists and publishers by decade, - members of the manhua society are marked in bold.bold.bold.bold. pre- zhang meisunzhang meisunzhang meisunzhang meisun 張眉孫張眉孫張眉孫張眉孫 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) sun xueni 孫雪泥 ( - ) shen bochen 沈泊塵 ( - ) ding songding songding songding song 丁松丁松丁松丁松 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) zhou shoujuan 周瘦鵑 ( - ) feng zikai 豐子愷 ( - ) wang dunqingwang dunqingwang dunqingwang dunqing 王敦慶王敦慶王敦慶王敦慶 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) - zhang guangyuzhang guangyuzhang guangyuzhang guangyu 張光宇張光宇張光宇張光宇 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) ji xiaoboji xiaoboji xiaoboji xiaobo 季小波季小波季小波季小波 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) hu xuguanghu xuguanghu xuguanghu xuguang 胡旭光胡旭光胡旭光胡旭光 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) cao hanmei 曹涵美 ( - ) lu shaofeilu shaofeilu shaofeilu shaofei 魯少飛魯少飛魯少飛魯少飛 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) huang wennonghuang wennonghuang wennonghuang wennong 黃文農黃文農黃文農黃文農 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) zhang zhengyuzhang zhengyuzhang zhengyuzhang zhengyu 張正宇張正宇張正宇張正宇 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) shao xunmei 邵洵美 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) ye qianyuye qianyuye qianyuye qianyu 葉淺予葉淺予葉淺予葉淺予 ( ( ( ( ---- ) ) ) ) cai shudan cai shudan cai shudan cai shudan 蔡輸丹蔡輸丹蔡輸丹蔡輸丹(n.d.)(n.d.)(n.d.)(n.d.) huang shiying 黄士英 (n.d.) - zhang leping 張樂平 ( - ) cai ruohong 蔡若虹 ( -?) liang baibo 梁白波 ( ?- ) - (cont.) hu kao 胡考 ( - ) huang miaozi 黃苗子 ( - ) wang zimei 汪子美 ( - ) hua junwu 華君武 ( - ) te wei 特偉 ( - ) liao bingxiong 廖冰兄( - ) ding cong 丁聰 ( - ) huang yao 黃堯 ( - ) table a. cartoon periodicals published in shanghai, by year founded, - year publication the crystal 晶報 unfettered magazine 自由雜誌 the pastime 游戲雜志 the saturday 禮拜六 shanghai puck 上海潑克 world pictorial 世界畫報 comedy pictorial 滑稽畫報 china camera news三日畫報 shanghai sketch i 上海漫畫 shanghai sketch ii上海漫畫 modern miscellany 時代畫報 modern sketch 時代漫畫 manhua life 漫畫生活 observer 旁觀者 manhua manhua 漫畫漫話 movies and manhua 電影漫畫 manhua phenomenon 現象漫畫 chinese manhua 中國漫畫 oriental puck 獨立漫畫 popular manhua 群眾漫畫 new era manhua 新時代漫畫 (cont.) manhua and life 漫畫與生活 manhua world 漫畫界 life manhua 生活漫畫 shanghai puck 上海漫畫 global manhua 世界漫畫 puck 潑克 friends of manhua 漫畫之友 ox-head manhua 牛頭漫畫 resist japan pictorial 抗日畫報 save the nation manhua 救亡漫畫 resistance manhua 抗戰漫畫 bamsd .. calhoun: the nps institutional archive faculty and researcher publications faculty and researcher publications collection - the materhorn: unraveling the intracacies of mountian weather fernando, h.j.s. american meteorological society bams, november , pp. - http://hdl.handle.net/ / comprehensive, multiscale, and multidisciplinary observations allow scientists to discover novel flow physics, address current deficiencies of predictive models, and improve weather prediction in mountainous terrain. the materhorn unraveling the intricacies of mountain weather by h. j. s. fernando, e. r. pardyjak, s. di sabatino, f. k. chow, s. f. j. de wekker, s. w. hoch, j. hacker, j. c. pace, t. pratt, z. pu, w. j. steenburgh, c. d. whiteman, y. wang, d. zajic, b. balsley,* r. dimitrova, g. d. emmitt, c. w. higgins, j. c. r. hunt, j. c. knievel, d. lawrence, y. liu, d. f. nadeau, e. kit, b. w. blomquist, p. conry, r. s. coppersmith, e. creegan, m. felton, a. grachev, n. gunawardena, c. hang, c. m. hocut, g. huynh, m. e. jeglum, d. jensen, v. kulandaivelu, m. lehner, l. s. leo, d. liberzon, j. d. massey, k. mcenerney, s. pal, t. price, m. sghiatti, z. silver, m. thompson, h. zhang, and t. zsedrovits through woods and mountain passes the winds, like anthems, roll. —henry wadsworth longfellow f or centuries, humans have been both fascinated and awed by mountain weather, and its intriguing aberrancy continues to baffle weather forecasters. for instance, a clear morning on a tranquil mountain slope can swiftly change into violent storms within hours while a nearby valley remains calm. the vari- ability of mountain weather spans a wide swath of space–time scales, contributing to a myriad of phe- nomena that stymie the predictability of mountain weather. although isolated mountains are rare, about % of earth’s land surface is covered by mountain- ous areas (louis ). topography less than m in height (< % of the atmospheric-scale height) is re- ferred to as hills, but demarcations between different topographic features remain ambiguous. orographic mosaics that incorporate slopes, valleys, canyons, escarpments, gullies, and buttes (also known as com- plex terrain) cover about % of earth’s land surface (strobach ). the majority of the world’s urban areas have emerged in complex terrain because of accompanying water resources. systematic studies of mountain weather date back to the s, followed by a decline of scientific activity in the early s owing to observational difficulties. a resurgence of research occurred in the midtwentieth century with the ad- vent of aerological networks (bjerknes et al. ) as well as groundbreaking advances of mountain-wave and slope-f low studies (prandtl ; queney ; long ). vivid applications in areas of urban air pollution (ellis et al. ; fernando and weil ), dispersion in cities (allwine et al. ), wind energy harvesting (banta et al. ), aviation (politovich et al. ), alpine warfare (winters et al. ), and firefighting (albini et al. ) have burgeoned moun- tain meteorology, but understanding of f low physics and fidelity of predictions leaves much to be desired. reviews of relevant past research are found in taylor et al. ( ), blumen ( ), baines ( ), belcher and hunt ( ), whiteman ( ), wood ( ), barry ( ), fernando ( ), and chow et al. ( ). prompted by applications-driven overarching science questions, in the u.s. department of defense (dod) funded a -yr multidisciplinar y university research initiative (muri) aimed at november american meteorological society | improving weather prediction in mountainous ter- rain. dubbed materhorn, this effort involves principal investigators from five academic institutions (see sidebar on “program synopsis”). ten additional collaborators have joined the project with an array of research tools [more information can be found online (http://dx.doi.org/ . /bams-d- - . ) in the supplementary information]. at the outset, the ex- isting barriers to mountain weather forecasting were reviewed and critical science and modeling needs were identified, and based on which, a multifaceted research effort was developed. commensurate with available resources, the focus was limited to arid/ semiarid regions and scales at or smaller than the me- soscale, thus deemphasizing issues such as orographic precipitation and marine pushes. two extensive field campaigns were conducted within the first years, and their design drew guidance from recent complex- terrain field campaigns such as vertical transport and mixing (vtmx; doran et al. ), mesoscale alpine programme (map; rotach and zardi ), meteor crater experiment (metcrax; whiteman et al. ), terrain-induced rotor experiment (t-rex; grubišić et al. ), the phoenix air flow experiment (pafex; pardyjak et al. ), cold-air pooling experiment (colpex; price et al. ), phoenix evening transition flow experiment (transflex; fernando et al. ), boundary-layer late afternoon and sunset turbulence (bllast; lothon et al. ), and meteo-diffusion (leo et al. a). the granite mountain atmospheric science testbed of the u.s. army dugway proving ground (dpg) was selected as the field site. this site has the advantages of a large spatial extent, richness in mountain weather phenomena, interesting clima- tological regimes, distinct (but few) land-use types, an existing instrumentation network, and unique logistical support. a repertoire of measurement tools were used to observe processes over a wide range of space–time scales, which was augmented by model evaluations and improvements. this paper presents an over view of materhorn, starting with an outline of complex-terrain f low processes followed by discussions of critical science gaps, field campaigns, modeling efforts, and preliminary results. flow processes in complex terrain. figure schematizes mountain-valley flow processes over a dpg topographic map. under weak synoptic (wind speed us > m s – ) conditions dominated by high pressure, the characteristic winds are downslope (katabatic) and downvalley at night (blue arrows) while upslope (anabatic) and upvalley during the day (red), signifying thermal circulation (whiteman ; fernando ; zardi and whiteman ). pure slope and valley winds are rare in nature, since they interact among themselves and with synoptic flow. at night, downslope/downvalley winds drain through gaps and canyons (mayr et al. ), separate out from the slopes as intrusions (lu and turco ), interact with smaller topographic features (baines ), and, as will be discussed later, collide with each other to create spasmodic turbulence episodes. colder nocturnal air draining down from the slopes accumulates in confined valleys, forming stable cold pools that are weakly turbu- lent (whiteman et al. ; monti et al. ). pulsations of katabatic flow at critical internal-wave frequency (princevac et al. ), interleaving intrusions arriving affiliations: fernando, di sabatino, pratt, dimitrova, hunt, conry, coppersmith, hocut, leo, liberzon, mcenerney, silver, thompson, and zsedrovits—university of notre dame, notre dame, indiana; pardyjak, hoch, pu, steenburgh, whiteman, gunawardena, hang, jeglum, jensen, kulandaivelu, lehner, massey, price, and zhang—university of utah, salt lake city, utah; chow—university of california, berkeley, berkeley, california; de wekker, pal, and sghiatti—university of virginia, charlottesville, virginia; hacker—naval postgraduate school, monterey, california, and national center for atmospheric research, boulder, colorado; pace and zajic—u.s. army dugway proving ground, utah; wang, creegan, felton, and huynh—u.s. army research laboratory, adelphi, maryland; balsley and lawrence—university of colorado boulder, boulder, colorado; emmitt—simpson weather associates, charlottesville, virginia; higgins—oregon state university, corvallis, oregon; knievel and liu—national center for atmospheric research, boulder, colorado; nadeau—École polytechnique de montréal, montreal, quebec, canada; kit—university of notre dame, notre dame, indiana, and tel aviv university, tel aviv, israel; blomquist and grachev—univer- sity of notre dame, notre dame, indiana, and national oceanic and atmospheric administration, silver spring, maryland, and university of colorado boulder, boulder, colorado * in memoriam. corresponding author: harindra joseph fernando, envi- ronmental fluid dynamics laboratories, department of civil and environmental engineering and earth sciences and department of aerospace and mechanical engineering, fitzpatrick hall, univer- sity of notre dame, notre dame, in - e-mail: hfernand@nd.edu the abstract for this article can be found in this issue, following the table of contents. doi: . /bams-d- - . a supplement to this article is available online ( . /bams-d- - . ) in final form april © american meteorological society november | http://dx.doi.org/ . /bams-d- - . mailto:hfernand% nd.edu?subject= http://dx.doi.org/ . /bams-d- - . http://dx.doi.org/ . /bams-d- - . from different topographies (fernando et al. ), and shear layers of flow fanning out from the gaps all contrib- ute to the weakly turbulent state. this differs from very stable boundary layers over flat terrain, where turbulence is highly intermittent in space and time (mahrt ). as the nocturnal stable boundary layer (sbl) breaks down during the morning transition, paving the way for a daytime convective boundary layer (cbl), a flow reversal occurs from downslope/downvalley to upslope/ upvalley. upslope flow may separate on the slopes in the form of thermal plumes, topped by cumulus clouds (banta ; hocut et al. ). during the evening transition, the signs of heat flux and vertical tempera- ture gradient reverse, convective turbulence collapses, and the downslope/downvalley flow system reemerges. a host of physical processes contribute to morning (whiteman ; princevac and fernando ) and evening transitions (hunt et al. ; nadeau et al. ). other flow types include local (micro) circula- tions driven by thermal and roughness contrasts arising from land-cover inhomogeneities (jannuzzi ; rife et al. ). under strong synoptic conditions (us ≫ ut , where ut is the characteristic velocity of the thermal circulation), flow is energetic and inertially dominated. when the approach flow is stably stratified (with velocity u and buoyancy frequency n), it responds to the topography (height h) by distorting the flow over horizontal spatial scales on the order of the rossby deformation radius (hunt et al. ). ensuing local phenomena are de- pendent on the froude number (fr = u/nh), with ther- mal circulation becoming insignificant when fr > . (poulos et al. ). stably stratified mountain wakes consist of lee waves, propagating internal waves, rotors, separated flow, and intriguing vortex structures (long ; lin et al. ; hunt et al. ). if the topography is d, the flow above the dividing streamline goes over the mountain while the rest flows around the mountain (snyder et al. ). in d cases, the flow below the di- viding streamline is blocked upstream, but when there is a gap in the topography the flow can leak through it, depending on fr and the gap aspect ratio (baines ). at very high fr, the flow is similar to the neutral case, with shear-layer separation and vortex shedding at the edges of the topography (brighton ). daytime heating leads to the cbl development, and when the synoptic condition is such that us is of the same order as the deardorff ( ) convective- scale w * , the upslope flow on the windward side is reinforced while that on the leeward side is weakened and separated to form recirculation cells (fernando ). numerical predictions under strong synoptic conditions (us ≫ ut ~ w*) tend to be better than those under thermal circulation conditions, but, in general, both could be desired for near-surface predictions (fernando and weil ). the complexities associated with interacting wakes and shear layers of neighboring mountains, canyon effects, gap flows, and microcircu- lations are only beginning to be investigated. c r i t i c a l s c i e n c e n e e d s . pre c e d i ng materhorn, a workshop entitled “overcoming scientific barriers to weather support in mountainous terrain” was held in tempe, arizona, – february t he mountain terrain atmo- spheric modeling and observations (materhorn) program was designed to investigate complex-terrain me- teorology over a wide range of scales, topographic features, and driving mechanisms by drawing expertise from multiple disciplines and by employing complementary research methodolo- gies. the principal participants are the university of notre dame (und; lead); university of california, berkeley (ucb); naval postgraduate school (nps); university of utah (uu); and university of virginia (uva). materhorn consists of four components working symbiotically: • the modeling component (materhorn-m) investigates predictability at the mesoscale, in particular, sensitivity (error growth) to initial conditions at various lead times, dependence on boundary conditions and input background properties, as well as merits of different data- assimilation techniques. it also at- tempts high-resolution simulations with novel modeling and terrain- representation methodologies. • the experimental component (materhorn-x) mainly conducts field measurements at unprecedented spatiotemporal detail by deploying arrays of rou- tine, high-end, and newly devel- oped instrumentation. laboratory experiments are used for process studies. • the technology development component (materhorn- t) enables currently untenable meteorological observations. the developments include an instrumented uav, sensors for moisture and fog measurements, and a combined hot-film/sonic anemometer system for probing turbulence down to kolmogorov scales. advanced data retrieval and processing algorithms are also attempted. • the parameterization component (materhorn-p) develops high- fidelity physics-based fundamental (quantitative) relationships for com- plex-terrain processes, which are implemented in mesoscale models followed by model evaluations. program synopsis november american meteorological society | . twenty-six invitees representing academia and stakeholders compiled a list of research needs, bar- riers, and experiences (a report is available from the corresponding author), a subset of which was selected for investigations: ) the predictability of near-surface wind and temperature in complex terrain remains poor, in part owing to meager understanding of near- surface processes; ) surface-layer predictions are sensitive to soil moi sture and soil properties, which are inputs to the models, yet these key parameters are not accurately measured in field studies to quantify their role; ) mesoscale models are more prone to forecast error when predicting in complex terrain than over flat terrain, possibly because of the large number of processes exclusive to complex terrain in the subgrid scales; ) proper assimilation of near-surface observations is useful for improving short- range forecasts; ) coordinated high-resolution observations from meso- to dissipation scales are needed using dense instrumentation networks, possibly using novel instrumentation, as most past observations have focused on a limited ranges of scales; ) turbulence closure models and boundary layer parameterizations need to be revisited to help develop better subgrid parameterizations, particularly for the sbl; and ) there is potential for ultra-high-resolution (< -m horizontal) simulations using tech- niques such as the immersed boundary method (ibm). considering – , materhorn was focused on high-resolution observations, near-surface processes, fig. . physical processes in complex terrain, illustrated on a topographic map of the dpg domain. the spatial and the elevation (shading) scales are shown below. blue arrows represent nocturnal flows; red arrows represent daytime flows. an arbitrary direction has been used for illustration of synoptic effects (which typically varies from northwest to north to northeast in dpg). shown in the inset are the control center (red arrow) and ditto meteorological building (circled) of gmast. november | the role of surface and upper-soil-layer properties, boundary layer parameterizations, data assimilation, and high-resolution (large eddy) simulations (less) within mesoscale models. materhorn-x. two major field campaigns were conducted with high-resolution measure- me nt s , fo c us i ng on c ond it i ons d om i nate d by thermal circulations and strong synoptic forcing. another smaller study focused on fog formation, which will be a topic of future publications. the field site, equipment, and execution of the first two experiments are discussed next. field site. the granite mountain atmospheric science testbed (gmast) is a part of the u.s. army dpg shown in fig. . dpg is located km southwest of salt lake city, utah, and consists of km of land in complex terrain with two dominant land-use types: playa and desert shrub. the region is dry with annual precipitation of mm yr− (wrcc ). within the dpg is a nominally isolated topographic feature, granite mountain (gm), . km in length, . km at its widest, and peak elevation . km above the valley floor, which itself is . km above mean sea level (msl). the surroundings of the gm are well instrumented for providing meteorological support for weapon systems testing, thus forming gmast. with dod-controlled roads, air space, and facilities, it was possible to operate unmanned aerial vehicles (uav), low-flying manned aircraft, and large smoke- release apparatuses. a special agreement between und, uu, and dpg allowed access to this highly secured dod facility on the premise that dpg would also benefit from the findings to improve its own meteorological capabilities. the fall campaign period ( september– october ) was characterized by quiescent, dry, fair weather (us < m s − ) periods dominated by thermal circulation and the spring campaign ( – may ) by synoptic forcing. a dry experimental run ( – august ) helped fine- tune the instrument placement and logistics. instrumentation and observing locations. the gmast core (basic) instrumentation consisted of surface atmospheric measurement systems (sams), mini- sams, and over portable weather instrumenta- tion data systems (pwids). sams and mini-sams are -m towers with vane anemometers (rm young model ) at and m above ground level (agl) to measure wind speed and direction and the tempera- ture t and relative humidity (rh) at m (fig. ). they both measure surface pressure and solar radiation, the difference being that mini-sams have additional t and rh sensors at m while sams measure precipi- tation and soil temperature. pwids are -m portable masts on tripods, with a wind monitor and t–rh probes at m. all data from the core instrumentation are transmitted wirelessly to the dpg meteorology division (fig. ) via a spread spectrum radio. the core infrastructure was augmented with an extensive suite of investigator-provided and dpg/ national oceanic and atmospheric administration (noaa)/national center for atmospheric research (ncar)-loaned instrumentation concentrated at six intensive observing sites (ios; fig. ), selected based on science plans and logistical constraints: a: ios-playa was in the great salt lake desert west of gm; the area is extremely flat, smooth, and mostly devoid of vegetation, with a thin crust of crystalline salt above layers of alkaline sediments (boettinger ). it is character- ized by high albedo, low roughness length (see table es ), and seasonally changing moisture and albedo (hang et al. , manuscript sub- mitted to bound.-layer meteor.). studies on the surface energy budget, internal waves, finescale turbulence, skin flows, and the effects of con- trasting albedo, roughness, and moisture avail- ability were conducted therein. b: ios-obverse was the footprint where north/ northwesterly/northeasterly approach flow im- pinges on the gm, yielding a range of phenome- na such as dividing streamlines, vortex shedding, and wake flows. c: ios-ws (west slope) was on the western slope of gm for studies on slope flows and their inter- action with synoptic, valley, and canyon flows. d: ios-gap was a flow exchange area covered by sparse desert shrub vegetation between west and east basins. this site covered a small gap and a big gap. (the nominally semienclosed area east of the gm is referred to as the east basin, and the similar confinement to the west of gm is the west basin.) e: ios-es (east slope) was on the eastern slope of gm. covered by sparse desert shrub vegetation and long grasses, local slope flows played an important role at this site, including flow col- lisions, critical internal-wave oscillations, and seiching motions. f: ios-sagebrush was located east of the gm and centrally in the main valley. covered by sparse desert shrub vegetation, it was highly representa- tive of the land cover in dpg. this site was in the november american meteorological society | path of the nocturnal mesoscale drainage flows over the dugway valley and at times was influ- enced by slope flows from different directions. the placement of auxiliary instrumentation in ios was guided by physical intuition and mesoscale model (hindcasting) runs. photographs of auxiliary instrumentation are shown in fig. , and their speci- fications are in table es . all ioss had instrumented towers, at least one m in height, along with a suite of other sensors. some instruments were relocated and additional instrumentation was brought in pe- riodically as deemed necessary. the towers measured some or all of the following: ) t, rh, wind velocities, momentum, and sensible heat f luxes (using d sonics and fine-wire thermocouples, located at , , , and m and operating at hz); ) co and water vapor concentration (open-path infrared gas analyzers) and fine-structure temperature profiles (~ thermo- couples up to m, with enhanced vertical resolution near the ground); ) full radiation budget (incoming and outgoing long- and shortwave f luxes at – m); ) infrared (ir) surface temperature; and ) soil heat f lux, soil moisture, soil thermal properties, as well as multiple levels of subsur- face temperature. sonic an- emometers were also placed at . m agl to investigate skin f lows, a known phe- nomenon (clements et al. ) yet u nresolved by both numerical models and observations. t he ios -e s had f ive heavily instrumented tow- ers [es- –es- (see fig. ), with es at the foothill], with a total of sonics, krypton hygrometers, or li-cor infrared gas ana- ly z ers (for eddy cova r i- a nc e , c o , w ater v ap or f luxes), hobo tempera- ture dataloggers, local energ y-balance measure- ment stations (lems), and lidars with hemispherical scanners. at times, three lidars were used for v ir- tual tower mode operations (y. wang et al. , un- published manuscript) and on other occasions ios-es had tethered-balloon profiling. a fiber optic distrib- uted temperature sensing (dts) system measured the temperature variation along a -km track of the slope at . and m agl. the dts uses the raman scattering principle for laser light confined within a fiber optic cable to determine the spatially resolved temperature of the cable (thomas et al. ). ios-es also housed fine-resolution combo probes developed by materhorn-t, an extension of a prototype developed at ncar. it consisted of in situ calibrated d hot films collocated with d sonic anemometers that measured turbulence down to kolmogorov dis- sipation scales (kit et al. ). a flir ir camera facing uphill measured the spatiotemporal distribu- tion of the surface ir temperatures. smoke releases illuminated by a powerful argon–ion laser as well as by natural light portrayed large-scale f low structures and processes. the ios-ws consisted of two towers (ws- and ws- ), a sams station, eight hobos, and a lems along the western slope of gm for observing the interactions of synoptic and slope f lows as well as contrasting developments of thermal circulations on the east and west slopes. ws- and the lems were fig. . gmast core instrumentation: (a) sams/mini-sams, (b) pwids, (c) vane anemometer, and (d) hmp temperature–relative humidity probe in radiation shield. november | on the lower portion of the slope approximately m above the playa f loor. the former was a -m tower instrumented with six levels of d sonics and t–rh sensors. during the fall campaign, ios-ws hosted a sound detection and range/radio acoustic sounding system (sodar/rass) , a ceilometer, and additional pwids. the -m ws- was located farther along the slope with five sonics, a vane anemometer, krypton hygrometer, thermocouples, and extensive surface energy budget instrumentation. the ios-sagebrush had a -m tower equipped with sonics, campbell infrared gas analyzers, energy- balance equipment, and fine-wire thermocouples. tethered-balloon soundings were operated at this site synchronous with the playa sites. upper-air (ra- diosonde) soundings were also launched at this site. additional towers in the spring campaign included a -m mast approximately km northwest of the main site with two d hot-film combos at two differ- ent heights and a -m tower with sonics and t–rh sensors at five heights. the ios-playa featured unique instrumenta- tion for finescale turbulence, employing a near- surface f lux richardson number (hot wire) probe, complementing the es- /sagebrush combos. also at ios-playa were a high-resolution thermal image velocimetry system (for near-surface temperature and velocity f luctuations), tethered-balloon and radiosonde sounding systems, and a heavily instru- mented -m tower. in the spring, this site hosted two materhorn-t developed radio frequency (rf) measurement systems called rf polarimetric crosshairs. they characterized polarization signa- tures of signals on a receiving antenna, thus allowing the measurement of the electromagnetic response of emitted polarized radiation caused by environmental changes (pratt et al. ). this instrument measured surface moisture at approximately -km scale (i.e., mesoscale grid resolution). for both campaigns, a rf-crosshairs system was deployed at the ios- gap. manual soil moisture observations were also conducted at ios-playa during the spring campaign fig. . instrument placement during fall and spring campaigns. insets provide details of ioss as well as the full experimental domain (bottom-left inset). only the additional instruments deployed (or relocated) for the spring experiment are shown under the “spring” column (courtesy of dott. ing. roberto perrone). november american meteorological society | to characterize soil moisture spatial variability and its role on the energy balance and land–atmosphere moisture exchange (hang et al. , manuscript submitted to bound.-layer meteor.). the instrumentation at ios-gap was suitably distributed over small and large gaps southeast of the gm, at the top of sapphire mountain as well as at multiple locations in the proximity. during the spring, a mini-sodar, microwave radiometer pro- filer (mwrp; for vertical profiles of temperature, liquid water content, and humidity up to km), ceil- ometer, and radiosonde launches were deployed ap- proximately . km southwest of sapphire mountain. the ios-obverse provided approach f low in- formation for t he spring ca mpaign, based on a -m tower located m northwest of gm with d sonics collocated with t–rh sensors ( , , , , , and m) and an open path co –h o analyzer (licor, m). also included were a mwrp, ceil- ometer, mini-sodar, and frequency-modulated continuous-wave (fm-cw) radar (eaton et al. ) for profiling background thermodynamic structure. pwids recorded the local f low close to the gm lead- ing edge. a scanning lidar and three towers along the east side of gm captured the leeside separated f low. at least eight upwind radiosonde launches per intensive observing period (iop) provided informa- tion for data-assimilation studies. elaborate multiple smoke releases provided information on f low physics related to dividing streamlines, streak lines, and f low separation (leo et al. b, manuscript submitted to bound.-layer meteor.). aeria l measurements were performed by t he (manned) nps twin otter aircraft with doppler wind lidar (todwl) as well as unmanned aerial vehicles (uav) dubbed datahawk and nd-flamingo. in the fall campaign, todwl f lights crisscrossed the basin at m agl, transecting the gm ridge, while conically scanning the terrain with onboard doppler lidar to probe the mountain f lows (de wekker et al. ). seven todwl f lights were conducted during iops – , collecting data during four afternoons and three mornings. datahawk flights flew circular auto- helix patterns, spiraling from the ground to m agl and then back down traversing the ios-es tower line, thus providing data from elevations that towers could not reach. a series of towers were also placed in a deep canyon close to ios-es for a special canyon f low experiment, which included smoke releases. some duplicate measurements were recorded at ios within close proximity to each other, providing an opportunity for intercomparison of instruments and high-resolution spatiotemporal information. instruments were relocated as needed after prelimi- nary data analysis, but exhaustive time demands on researchers did not leave much room for coeval data analysis. iops and data. each campaign included iops where all instruments were operated in coordination. the core instruments (sams, mini-sams, pwids) and some selected observing platforms, however, were operated continuously. the iops were classified ac- cording to the synoptic wind speed (table ), and the iop days were chosen a day earlier considering weather briefings by dpg forecasters with input from materhorn meteorologists as well as logistical and manpower constraints. the forecasting products employed included dpg’s high-resolution weather research and forecasting (wrf) model–based ad- vanced four-dimensional ( dwx) weather model- ing system developed by ncar (liu et al. ), a -member dwx ensemble, north american meso- scale (nam), and global forecast system (gfs) model outputs as well as satellite products. a typical iop lasted h, although a few lasted longer or shorter. the data (~ tb) are stored on a dedicated server at und. the data will be released to the scientific community years after the end of each experiment. materhorn-m. the continuing work of ma- terhorn-m seeks improvements in both mesoscale and submesoscale predictions. the model choices for the mesoscale are wrf and coupled ocean–atmo- sphere mesoscale prediction system (coamps), but the focus hitherto has been on wrf, approaching from multiple angles using complementary efforts. to help instrumentation siting for campaigns, wrf was used to hindcast f low at dpg, which proved to be extremely useful. for example, the original design of ios-es assumed strong slope f lows from es- to es- towers, and hence the combo (hot film/sonic) probe systems for turbulence (which require approach f low to be within approximately ± ° of the probe direc- tion) were oriented accordingly. the simulations, however, indicated that downslope f lows below es- are quickly overshadowed by valley and secondary f lows. this suggested reorientation of combos, thus circumventing a costly misperception. during cam- paigns, real-time wrf forecasts were made at high resolution (~ -km horizontal grid intervals), initial- ized four times per day (at , , , and utc). after the field programs, the forecasts were evaluated against observations, which has been particularly helpful in model performance evaluation and devising improvements (pu et al. ). november | fig. . salient instruments at dpg: (a) es- ; (b) es- ; (c) es- ; (d) es- ; (e) es- ; (f) tethered-balloon soundings; (g) radiosondes; (h) hobo weather stations; (i) dividing streamline smoke release located on the northwest side of granite mountain; (j) lems weather stations; (k) d hot-film combo probe; (l) krypton hygrometer; (m) radiation balance observations at ios-playa; (n) radiation balance observations at ios-sagebrush; (o) net radiometer as the tower-mounted component of the energy budget; (p) ceilometers; (q) distributed tem- perature sensing system (dts); (r) infrared gas analyzers; (s) fine-wire thermocouples coupled with d sonic anemometers; (t) flux richardson number hot-wire probe for near-ground measurements; (u) flir ir camera; (v) high-resolution near-surface thermal-image velocimetry; (w) microwave radiometer profiler; (x) flamingo uav; (y) scanning lidars; (z) rf polarimetric crosshairs surface moisture probes; (aa) array of fine-wire thermo- couples, enhanced resolution near the ground; (ab) datahawk uav; (ac) sodar/rass; (ad) twin otter with wind lidar (todwl); (ae) mini-sodars; and (af) frequency-modulated continuous-wave radar (fm-cw) radar. november american meteorological society | a number of studies were conducted to evaluate forecasting and data-assimilation skills of wrf. in one study, the relative performance of a d variational data-assimilation method and an ensemble kalman filter (enkf) assimilation over complex terrain was evaluated (pu et al. ). in two other studies, the enkf system developed by ncar’s data assimilation research testbed (dart; anderson ; anderson et al. ) was applied, assimilating radiosonde and surface observations from both campaigns. errors in near-surface temperature and wind from wrf simu- lations in complex-terrain regions were also examined (zhang et al. ; zhang and pu ). in two related studies, wrf biases due to poorly represented soil properties of dpg (massey et al. ) as well as skills of pbl schemes (r. dimitrova et al. , manuscript submitted to bound.-layer meteor.) were investigated. inspired by the rich observational datasets of materhorn, another study concerned ensemble sensitivity analysis (esa) as an alternative to adjoint sensitivity, focusing on quiescent f low at dpg and over the salt lake valley. it particularly dealt with model-based studies on sensor placement configu- rations to maximize forecast accuracy and to enable the capture of useful dynamical processes (hacker and lei ), the results of which could be applied to a future experiment that dealt with fog in complex terrain (materhorn-fog). methods for observ- ing network design are immature at fine scales (e.g., – -km horizontal grid spacing), during weak f lows, and over complex terrain. esa becomes inaccurate when the underlying assumptions of linear dynam- ics and gaussian statistics are violated or when the sensitivity cannot be robustly sampled, and hence the limits of applicability of esa were of interest. for submesoscales, the emphasis is on the develop- ment of the ibm nested in wrf (i.e., for large-eddy simulations), enabling simulations over very steep slopes at very high resolutions (~ m) using realis- tic atmospheric forcing. the goal is to achieve fully coupled mesoscale to microscale simulations without the undesirable numerical effects of terrain-following coordinates (lundquist et al. , ). selecting the optimal transition point between the coordinate systems arguably minimizes model errors. the ibm method involves the use of a ghost-cell ibm that employs a cartesian grid, where the effect of solid boundaries is realized by adding body forces, allow- ing the treatment of topography without terrain- following coordinates. some preliminary findings . a few n o t e w o r t hy o u t c o m e s o f m at e r hor n a r e summarized below, and detailed results are expected to appear in special issues of ams journals as well as boundary-layer meteorology and environmental fluid mechanics. forecasting challenges. the daily materhor n weather briefings often pointed to the difficulties of predicting mountain weather, especially in the dpg region where a rich variety of synoptic and mesoscale systems, fronts, and airmass boundaries inf luence the weather. intermountain cyclones and cold fronts are most frequent and intense during the spring, and their evolution is strongly inf luenced by the upstream sierra nevada. surface pressure troughs and associated low-level conf luence (i.e., the great basin conf luence zone; steenburgh et al. ) that often extend northeastward from the sierra nevada to dpg can be accompanied by abrupt transitions in sensible weather and serve as a locus for cyclogenesis or frontogenesis (e.g., jeglum et al. ; west and steenburgh , ). interactions between synoptic and mesoscale weather systems and the dpg terrain led to hazardous weather at times, unforeseen owing to significant model forecast errors, posing major challenges for operations. for example, during the afternoon hours of spring iop , wrf called for a weak trough to move southward through gmast with moderate (~ m s− ) northerly to northwesterly surface f low in its wake at utc. instead, this boundary was delayed, developed into a strong cold front, and moved through the gmast domain with winds of approximately m s− (fig. ), requiring an early termination of the iop. as a part of data-assimilation studies, a -month- long, -hourly continuous data assimilation and forecast cycle was conducted (zhang and pu ). the results illustrated that the quality of enkf/ wrf analysis is generally reasonable, and the short- range ( h) forecast errors are comparable to those of ncep’s nam forecasts for both -m wind speed and temperature. since the latter sets the gold stan- dard for operational forecasts, having enkf/wrf performance statistically on par with nam implies that substantial progress has been made with respect to enkf/wrf; further improvements are continuing. with the data assimilation, the model reproduced reasonable forecasts of various synoptic and local f lows, including mountain–valley circulations and frontal passages. the f low features over different land types were also distinguished. diurnally varying model biases for temperature and wind velocity were evident, especially in near- surface atmospheric predictions under quiescent november | cases, consistent with other published work, indicat- i ng model i nadequacies (mass et al. ; cheng and steenburgh ; hart et a l. ; zha ng et a l. ). flow-dependent er- rors associated with f low transitions as well as strong s y n o p t i c f o r c i n g w e r e also evident. evaluations against synoptic-network a nd m at e r hor n r a- winsonde and tethersonde l a u n c h e s , n o n e t h e l e s s , showed that wrf is gen- era lly sk illed in predict- ing conditions above the surface layer in complex ter r a i n. a lt houg h w i nd pr e d ic t i on s i n t h e sbl were accurate, tempera- ture predictions remained a challenge. bias and rmse during the night were ap- prox i mately a nd k , respectively (pu et al. ). ongoing modeling ac- tivities continue to high- light challenges faced by (army) forecasters at dpg, whose tools i nclude t he g m a s t o b s e r v a t i o n a l net work a nd t he nca r dwx. the latter employs data assimilation, cycling eight times a day at . -km re s olut ion, a nd it c om- bi ne s t he w r f pre d ic- tive core with current atmospheric conditions to make detailed predictions for the next several days. because dwx uses wrf as its predictive core, materhorn wrf modelers’ experiences were similar to dpg’s experiences with dwx, such as an underpredicted diurnal cycle, biases in the near-surface wind speed, and insufficiently strati- fied conditions in the shallow sbl. the -member multiphysics ensemble version of dwx running at dpg mitigates the forecast errors that are rooted in specific physical parameterizations or sources of forcing at the boundaries. as the model–data com- parison continues, our hypotheses for model short- comings continue to unravel, pointing to problems of structure, physics, and parameterizations of wrf while defining avenues for improvements. scale symbiosis. the dense instrumentation permit- ted both individual- and multiple-scale processes studies. for example, fig. shows horizontal wind components taken by todwl at two representa- tive levels, selected from a series of measurements at about -km intervals in the horizontal with a vertical resolution of m from about m agl to m below the aircraft altitude. note the coexisting f lows at multiple scales, with upper-level synoptic f low (macro-β scale; fig. a), near-surface northerly upval- ley and upslope f lows (meso-γ scale), f low channeling table . classification of iops, dates, and types. iop classification definition (based on -hpa wind speed) quiescent < m s− moderate – m s− transitional variable, > m s− possible with frontal passages fall iops iop period type mdt sep– mdt sep quiescent mdt sep– mdt sep quiescent mdt oct– mdt oct quiescent mdt oct– mdt oct transitional mdt oct– mdt oct moderate mdt oct– mdt oct transitional (quiescent–moderate) mdt oct– mdt oct quiescent mdt oct– mdt oct transitional (quiescent–moderate) mdt oct – mdt oct quiescent mdt oct – mdt oct moderate spring iops iop period type mdt may– mdt may transitional (moderate–quiescent) mdt may– mdt may moderate – mdt may moderate mdt may– mdt may quiescent mdt may– mdt may transitional (moderate–quiescent) mdt may– mdt may transitional (moderate–quiescent) mdt may– mdt may quiescent mdt may– mdt may moderate mdt may– mdt may moderate mdt may– mdt may moderate november american meteorological society | through the small gap (micro-α scale), and vortex structures (micro-β scale) formed in the mountain wake (fig. b). yet, f low patterns in the two basins maintained their own unique characteristics; for example, as evidenced later, they have different pbl heights and microcirculation features. wrf dwx could predict the overall f low patterns, including the f low distortion by gm, but as expected finer features such as vortex structures and in-canyon f lows could not be captured (fig. c). surface energy budget and soil property differences. measurements of individual components of radiation, surface energy budget (seb), and related variables at three representative locations (ios-sagebrush, ios-playa, and es- ) revealed the role of soil ther- mal property (e.g., thermal conductivity) gradients, which dictate the ground heat f lux and hence the soil moisture content (table es ). soil moisture content and its spatial variability were much higher at the ios- playa than at the other two sites, thus creating a larger energy sink during the day. this is due to the shallow water table at ios-playa (~ cm from the surface) during the spring compared to the other two sites with much deeper water tables (deeper than cm; soil survey staff ). the heat stored in the playa was released during the night, leading to higher surface temperatures and longwave radiation emissions. the importance of soil properties was also ac- centuated by materhorn-m (massey et al. ). it is known that the near-surface ( m) temperature forecasts of wrf over the western united states, as well as by other modeling systems applied to various regions of the world, frequently underpredict the diurnal cycle with a strong nocturnal warm bias (mass et al. ; hart et al. ; kilpelainen et al. ; ngan et al. ; zhang et al. ). existing hypotheses concerning these forecast errors range from inadequate horizontal or vertical resolution to the inaccurate initialization and parameterization of the boundary layer to the land surface characteristics and processes (e.g., hanna and yang ; marshall et al. ; cheng and steenburgh ). using sur- face observations, soil observations from the u.s. department of agriculture’s soil climate analysis network (scan). and seb collected during the fall campaign, a pronounced nocturnal warm bias was identified over areas with silt loam and sandy loam soils at dpg (massey et al. ). this bias could be traced to errors in the initialization of soil moisture and parameterization of soil thermal conductivity. wrf forecasts of nocturnal surface temperature as well as the predicted ground heat f lux, soil thermal conductivity, and near-surface radiative f luxes could be improved by initializing with measured soil mois- ture and replacing the johansen ( ) parameteriza- tion for soil thermal conductivity in the noah land surface model with that proposed by mccumber and pielke ( ) for silt loam and sandy loam soils. we anticipate similar improvements for other arid regions during periods of low soil moisture. surface-layer similarity theory. the monin–obukhov similarit y t heor y (most) has been extensively discussed and eva luated (e.g., foken ), but questions linger on its applicability to complex ter- rain and morning and/or evening transition periods, as bot h v iolate t he basic tenets of most—that is, stationarity and horizontal homogeneity of the f low. yet, models cont i nue to use most in a local sense, conveniently overlooking it s l i m it at ion s . d u r i n g t h e bl l a s t c a mp a i g n in france, blay-carreras et al. ( ) observed near- su r face cou nterg rad ient behavior of sensible heat f lu x e s d u r i n g t h e e v e - ning transition, when the most stability functions also deviated greatly from (neutrally stable) idealized fig. . (a) analyzed and (b) -h wrf dwx forecast of -m wind speeds at dpg depicted using a color scale (shown below, m s− ) and wind barbs (full and half barb denote and . m s− , respectively) at utc may , during iop . november | profiles typically used in weather prediction models (smedman et al. ). a similar behavior was also observed during materhorn-x at all of the f lux sites. an intriguing result, in addition, was the nature of transition over surfaces with very different thermal characteristics (jensen et al. , manuscript submit- ted to bound.-layer meteor.). below m, at the veg- etated ios-sagebrush, the local temperature gradient changed sign after the f lux changed sign, while at the playa site the gradient preceded the f lux reversal. at each of the sites, the f luxes at all heights in the lower m appear to change the sign roughly at the same time. both countergradient situations lead to similar deviations from most, but at different times owing to the large thermal storage of the playa. the abrupt collapse of turbulence obser ved during evening transition points to the inapplicability of most for transition periods (even in a local sense), calling for further studies on the (evening) collapse of convec- tive turbulence under different land-use conditions. the dependence of turbulence collapse on overlying capping inversions (caughey and kaimal ) and surface characteristics (cole and fernando ) has been pointed out in previous work, and our database offers opportunities for delving into such intricacies. evening transition. the evening transition is rich in interesting physics, depending on the slope, vigor of prior convection, land use, shading, and existing local f lows. at the outset, it was hypothesized that the temperature jump across a shadow front (leading edge of a moving shadow created by the obstruction of sunlight by topography), similar to that observed by nadeau et al. ( ) in the swiss alps and katurji et a l. ( ) in antarctica, would dominate the transitional behavior. such a behavior was indeed found during a quiescent iop of the spring field campaign, where transition followed the shadow front down the slope (lehner et al. ). for the fall campaign, however, the data indicated otherwise; that is, two f low transition types (front and cooling slab) discussed and illustrated recently by fernando et al. ( ) were present at ios-es, uncorrelated with the passage of the shadow front. when pres- ent, the transition front originated upslope of the observation towers and moved downslope, sequen- tially switching the wind direction of towers and intensifying turbulence, and these observations have some consistency with the mechanism proposed by hunt et al. ( ). the dts measurements of near- surface temperature vividly confirmed the frontal propagation (fig. ), where the lower ( . m) air layer showed progressive cooling due to the front arrival in consonance with the f low-reversal data of tow- ers. the front had an inclined nose, as evident from the reversal times at different heights (not shown). during slab transitions, winds of all towers reversed simultaneously as if a slab of dense f luid slid down the slope. both mechanisms were found to exist in approximately equal numbers during quiescent iops in the fall. the investigations of morning transition were focused on physical mechanisms and processes—for example, those proposed by whiteman ( ) and princevac and fernando ( ). the former is based on the growth of cbl within the valley and simultane- ous generation of an upslope flow that causes the stable core aloft the cbl to descend; the collusion between the two promotes the breakup of nocturnal stratifica- tion. princevac and fernando ( ) proposed that intrusions shaving off the upslope f low (see fig. ) may entrain into the growing cbl, thus providing an fig. . example of todwl data obtained, oct , during iop , in the afternoon at m msl repre- senting (a) upper-level flow at m msl, (b) near-surface flow, and (c) -m-resolution simulations of near- surface flow for the same time ( mdt) using wrf. the arrows indicate recurring surface flow patterns in the afternoon boundary layer around granite mountain. november american meteorological society | additional breakup mechanism. figure shows that the morning warming at the east slope site first occurs close to the foothills, impeding the flow draining from high to low slopes, and continues down the slope with time. wind transitions in the presence of slope breaks and spatially inhomogeneous surface warming have not been investigated, and our data repository offers a range of kindred research opportunities. flows in the basins. the basinwide stratification is de- pendent on the spatial distribution of seb, basin mor- phology, and large-scale forcing. tethered-balloon f lights in the east and west basins during quiescent iops demonstrated the differences of stratification and sbl height. southeasterly f lows originating at the dugway valley and the slopes of the simpson, keg, and thomas mountains travel to the east of gm, while southerly f lows on the west of gm originate at the fish springs flat and upstream snake valley. the two sides communicate through intermountain (big and small) gaps. figure shows the measured vertical structure of fully established nocturnal downvalley f low in the basins, where a low-level jet is evident. the ios-sagebrush exhibits much cooler surface temperatures and a strong low-level elevated capping inversion that prevents the surface jet from mixing vertically. the larger ground heat f lux at ios-playa leads to warmer nighttime surface temperatures than at sagebrush, allowing the nocturnal jet to mix deeper aloft. the two sites were simulated using wrf, where the modified land surface model of massey et al. ( ) described earlier was employed but with a different model initialization (gfs) and without soil moisture assimilation. six default pbl schemes were used, and starkly different predictions were obtained. the predictions based on yonsei university (ysu) and quasi-normal-scale elimination (qnse) (default) schemes are shown in fig. , selected considering their performance statistics at m. qnse was found to perform better for the near-surface temperature (at m) compared to ysu that performed better for the wind speed (at m). overall, the relative perfor- mance of pbl schemes depended on the type of ob- servation and the height range used for statistics [see the caption and r. dimitrova et al. ( , manuscript fig. . near-surface ( . m agl) temperature measurements by dts installed on the east slope of granite mountain on oct (iop ). dts spanned a -km transect between towers es- and es- . the timeline starts at local sunrise, determined using radiation measurements at es- (located about m on the ordi- nate in this plot). the wind direction and speed are shown to the right for es- –es- , and the change of wind direction roughly coincided with the drop of local temperature. there is a progression of temperature drops from es- to es- . november | submitted to bound.-layer meteor.)]. in addition, the performance is expected to be sensitive to the basin configuration, since nuances of f low physics therein determine the efficacy of a particular pbl scheme. a warm bias appeared near the surface, although the predictions of wind speed and direction were sat- isfactory. the ysu scheme predicted the position but not the magnitude of the sagebrush jet, while overall disparities for ios-playa jet were marked. the wind direction was reasonably well predicted by both schemes over the entire -m column measured by tethered balloons. fm-cw radar showed a develop- ing inversion above the approximately -m level, just above the ceiling of balloon f lights, but this fea- ture was not captured by wrf. such disparities call for continued improvements of pbl schemes for sbl. on the other hand, the observed differences of key variables between the east and west basins were reduced during the convective period, facilitated by significant exchange of air between them (i.e., ex- change f lows) through the big and small gaps (fig. ). nevertheless, some differences were still noticeable. fig. . (bottom) comparison of the wind and temperature structure of the nocturnal sbl at ios-playa and ios- sagebrush during iop on sep . the profiles are compared with wrf ( -m grid size) simulations with two pbl schemes: ysu and qnse schemes. tethered-balloon ascent time is – utc ( – mdt). model output is averaged over – utc ( – mdt). six default pbl schemes in wrf were at- tempted, and two were selected based on overall statistical performance using data at m. for the example shown, ysu provides the best overall performance up to m and qnse performs better beyond m. (top) power backscatter signal from fm-cw radar indicates a developing inversion at approximately m during the measurement period (arrows), which was not captured by the simulations. november american meteorological society | this is evident from fig. , where concurrent cbl measurements using todwl and datahawk uav are shown for morning f lights of fall iop , with terrain- following pbl heights derived from the aerosol back- scatter profiles. a consistent picture emerges with pbl heights – m agl, indicating evolving convective boundary layer with appreciable differ- ences in cbl heights between the basins. slope and valley flow interactions. valley circulations that develop on either side of granite mountain during quiescent iops are likely to be modulated by differential thermal forcing, for example, owing to the land surface contrast between sparsely vegetated areas to the southeast and the playa to the northwest (rife et al. ). adding to the complexity is the vacil- lating interbasin air exchange through the small and big gaps; see figs. and es . air exchange through the narrow gap increases turbulence and vertical mixing when the f low is fanning out from the gap and when horizontal shear layers develop within the gap periodically. an interesting valleywide f low interaction phe- nomenon was observed during quiescent iops, when a southeasterly downvalley f low in the dugway basin merged with southwesterly f low through the big gap. the vorticity that develops during this conf luence acted to steer the colder air of the valley f low toward the (relatively warmer) katabatic f low on the eastern slope of gm, leading to collision of two counterf lows. a set of small-scale processes (turbulence, instabili- ties, and intrusions) emerged during collisions, en- hancing the local subgrid-scale heat and momentum transfer. the corresponding lidar scans and laser- illuminated smoke visualization along the es tower line are shown in figs. a,c. figure es presents a movie of smoke f low visualization. figure b de- picts a controlled laboratory experiment designed to mimic the collisions and parameterize observed high turbulent intensities and f luxes (fig. d). the impact of collisions leads to rapid hydraulic adjustment in the basin flow, prompting the flushing of the basin on the north side while generating basin-scale oscillations (seiching), as evinced by ir imaging. as the colder air that had been pushed up the slope recedes back out into the basin, it is met by a reestablishing val- ley flow after the collision. this collision cycle repeated numerous times during quiescent evenings (fig. d). fig. . (a) box-and-whisker plot of cbl heights derived from aerosol backscatter profiles along the (b) north– south todwl flight legs. the data were collected during a morning mission between and mdt oct . the horizontal line in the box and the bottom and top lines of the box show the median of the data and the lower and upper quartiles ( % and %), respectively. the whiskers show the minimum and maxi- mum values while * is the mean value. potential temperature profiles from the radiosondes at the playa (+) and sagebrush (×) sites, a datahawk uav (o) profile near the es- tower, and the cbl height based on fm-cw radar (♦) are shown in (a). november | similar flow collisions appeared in other locations that are conducive for opposing flows, as indicated by the decomposition of valley f low into topological struc- tures (fig. e) using the proper orthogonal decompo- sition (pod) technique (adrian et al. ). in general, collisions appear to be distributed over space and time within the sbl. wrf and other mesoscale models do not account for such spasmodic subgrid heat and/or momentum f lux–generating processes, and their in- corporation through conditional parameterizations is fig. . a collision event during fall iop . (a) lidar scans (located near es- ) captured the collision between the downslope flow (red) and valley flow (blue), with the latter arriving almost normal to the slope because of its modification by the gap flow. upon collision, the denser fluid undercuts the lighter fluid. (b) a laboratory experiment on collision of lighter (red) and denser (blue) fluids. intense small-scale mixing is evident in (a) and (b). (c) a collision captured by smoke visualization on the slope (initially smoke travels to the right, downslope, and denser smoke-free flow undercuts it); the lower limit of beam does not coincide with the ground (see movie in fig. es ). (d) collisions are temporally intermittent and associated with a rapid rise of turbulent kinetic energy (tke), as evidenced by es- anemometers. arrow corresponds to the event in (a). (e) collision events educed using the pod technique. the measured vector field (black) by towers and pwids is decomposed to small- and large-scale fields using pod, and the interpolated small-scale field is shown (white). the red arrow shows the collision area in (a), which is rich in smaller scales. collisions were spatially distributed over the dugway valley, as evident from flow convergence and/or stagnation areas. november american meteorological society | crucial for modeling of mountain terrain winds. to this end, a comprehensive laboratory experiment is being conducted to develop parameterizations for fluxes as- sociated with the collisions as a function of governing dimensionless variables and delineate conditions for productive (high flux) collisions. instrumentation siting for forecast accuracy. the esa performed to guide the materhorn-fog campaign (successfully conducted in january ) provides an example of esa’s utility. it concerned a fog event over the salt lake city airport (slc), an area with frequent wintertime fog affected by complex terrain and the site for materhorn-fog. perfect-model ensemble data- assimilation experiments using dart and realistic upper-air observing network provided the statistics for esa. results showed that water vapor mixing ratios over slc are sensitive to temperature on the first model layer tens of kilometers away, h prior to verification, and before the onset of fog (wile et al. ). sensitivity h prior was weaker but led to qualitatively similar results. temperatures were a predictor of inversion strength in the salt lake basin; the esa linked fog to southerly flow that strengthened inversions. in linearity tests, small perturbations did not lead to the expected forecast change, but larger perturbations did, suggest- ing that noise can dominate a small perturbation in weak flow conditions. variations in the esa as a func- tion of ensemble size confirmed that the sensitivities are more difficult with smaller ensembles when flows are weak (fig. ). all of the linear esa estimates sys- tematically overpredicted the actual response to a per- turbation, consistent with sampling error in estimates derived from a finite ensemble. results from the esa for fog over slc motivated theoretical work as well as experiments with a simple model to elucidate the role of both sampling error and a commonly used approxi- mation in esa (hacker and lei ). ensuing results showed that sampling error can be mitigated by reduc- ing regression coefficients according to the expected error in the sensitivities and that the approximation can be easily avoided through a minimum-norm regression. including full spatial analysis covariance information, and accounting for sampling error, improved the esa predictions for where observations are most likely to reduce forecast uncertainty. summary. materhorn is truly a multidisci- plinary effort, where a group of physical scientists and engineers collaborate across disciplines to cre- ate knowledge and develop tools to help improve weather prediction in mountain terrain (see www .nd.edu/~dynamics/materhorn). it has four compo- nents: modeling (m), experimental (x), technology (t), and parameterization (p). from the inception, mater hor n-m was active, collaborated with stakeholders, and provided useful insights for ex- perimental planning and development of hypotheses. noticeable forecast improvements for wrf were realized using new land surface parameterizations with improved soil moisture and thermodynamic representations. ensemble sensitivity runs were conducted and a localization theory was derived. the degree of usefulness of data assimilation was evaluated, and new assimilation techniques are being attempted. the modeling realm is being extended to ultra-high-resolution simulations via immersed boundary methods implemented in wrf. mater hor n-x delved into eight orders of spatial scales ( − – m, from kolmogorov to me- soscales) and five or- ders of temporal scales ( – s). t he most extensive are the first t wo f ield campaigns conducted in a secure, r i c h l y i n s t r u m e nt- ed , complex-ter ra i n t e s t b e d (fe r n a nd o a nd pa rdy ja k ), n o v e l r e s u l t s o f wh ich were empha- sized in t his repor t. materhorn-t de- veloped new s ens or systems for moisture, fog, and turbulence as well as novel retrieval fig. . the -h correlation (red) and ensemble sensitivity (blue) vs the num- ber of ensemble members for a single point of positive sensitivities at . °n, . °w. green bars indicate the % confidence interval. correlations and covariances, underpinning the ensemble sensitivities, are more difficult to detect with smaller ensembles. november | http://www.nd.edu/~dynamics/materhorn http://www.nd.edu/~dynamics/materhorn algorithms. the data are being extensively used for gaining physical insights, process studies, and model improvements. materhorn-p continues to verify existing parameterizations and develop new ones that are being implemented in wrf. the project has entered its data processing and intensive modeling phases at full steam. the overall theoretical, numeri- cal, and technological development efforts as well as the massive dataset collected are expected to help future research in mountain meteorology immensely. acknowledgments. the materhorn pro- gram was funded by the office of naval research (muri) award n - - - (program officers: drs. ronald ferek and daniel eleuterio), with additional funding from the army research office (program officers: gordon videen and walter bach), air force weather agency, re- search offices of university of notre dame and university of utah, and wayne and diana murdy family endowment at notre dame. materhorn-m gratefully acknowledges the dart team at ncar, the u.s. army test and evalu- ation command, dod high-performance computing modernization program (hpcmp), high performance computing at uu, center for research computing (crc), and engineering and science computing (esc) at und. the gis rendition of fig. was skillfully prepared by dott. ing. roberto perrone, territorial planning department of province of lecce, italy. without the invaluable support of chris fairall (esrl/psd, noaa), vanda grubišić, and steven oncley (eol, ncar), james doyle (naval research laboratory), many dpg and u.s. government personnel, domestic, and international visitors, as well as a host of technical staff, the program could not have been a reality. four referees provided invaluable comments that improved the paper substantially. references adrian, r. j., k. t. christensen, and z.-c. liu, : analysis and interpretation of instantaneous tur- bulent velocity f ields. exp. fluids, , – , doi: . /s . albini, f. a., d. j. latham, and r. g. baughman, : estimating upslope convective wind speeds for pre- dicting wildland fire behavior. usda forest service intermountain forest and range experiment station research paper int- , pp. allwine, k. j., j. h. shinn, g. e. 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[available online at https://ams.confex.com /ams/ annual/webprogram/paper .html.] —, z. pu, and x. zhang, : examination of er- rors in near-surface temperature and wind from wrf numerical simulations in regions of complex terrain. wea. forecasting, , – , doi: . /waf-d- - . . half-page horizontal -- . ” x . ” n e w f r o m a m s b o o k s ! taken by storm, : a social and meteorological history of the great new england hurricane lourdes b. avilés when the great new england hurricane of hit the northeast unannounced, it changed everything from the landscape, to red cross and weather bureau protocols, to the measure of great depression relief new englanders would receive, and the resulting pace of regional economic recovery. the science behind this storm is presented here for the first time, with new data that sheds light on the motivations of the weather bureau forecasters. this compelling history successfully weaves science, historical accounts, and social analyses to create a comprehensive picture of the most powerful and devastating hurricane to hit new england to date. www.ametsoc.org/amsbookstore “an engrossing account of new england’s worst natural catastrophe.” — k e r r y e m a n u e l , professor of atmospheric science, mit © , hardcover isbn: - - - - list $ member $ november american meteorological society | http://dx.doi.org/ . / bams . http://dx.doi.org/ . /a% a http://www.wrcc.dri.edu/climsum.html http://www.wrcc.dri.edu/climsum.html https://ams.confex.com/ams/ annual/webprogram/paper .html https://ams.confex.com/ams/ annual/webprogram/paper .html http://dx.doi.org/ . /waf-d- - . http://dx.doi.org/ . /waf-d- - . http://bookstore.ametsoc.org/catalog/book/taken-storm- microsoft word - . rinaldi - wake.doc rivista semestrale online / biannual online journal http://www.parolerubate.unipr.it fascicolo n. / issue no. giugno / june direttore / editor rinaldo rinaldi (università di parma) comitato scientifico / research committee mariolina bongiovanni bertini (università di parma) dominique budor (université de la sorbonne nouvelle – paris iii) roberto greci (università di parma) heinz hofmann (universität tübingen) bert w. meijer (nederlands kunsthistorisch instituut firenze / rijksuniversiteit utrecht) maría de las nieves muñiz muñiz (universitat de barcelona) diego saglia (università di parma) francesco spera (università di milano) segreteria di redazione / editorial staff maria elena capitani (università di parma) nicola catelli (università di parma) chiara rolli (università di parma) esperti esterni (fascicolo n. ) / external referees (issue no. ) sergio audano (centro studi “emanuele narducci” – sestri levante) mariella bonvicini (università di parma) marco camerani (università di bologna) michele guerra (università di parma) guido santato (università di padova) lina zecchi (università ca’ foscari, venezia) teresina zemella (università di parma) progetto grafico / graphic design jelena radojev (università di parma) direttore responsabile: rinaldo rinaldi autorizzazione tribunale di parma n. del maggio © copyright – issn: - index / contents palinsesti / palimpsests memoria poetica e propaganda augustea. per un commento di tre luoghi sidoniani sulla battaglia di azio francesco montone (università di napoli federico ii) - il filo di aracne. variazioni e riscritture italiane daniela codeluppi (università di parma) - discours scientifique et littérature. approche de la citation chez martin winckler fabienne gooset (université de liège) - “you’re talking like the computer in the movie”. allusions in audiovisual translation irene ranzato (università di roma la sapienza) - materiali / materials “svolazza” lucifero come le anime dei morti? (“inferno”, xxxiv, - ) marco chiariglione (biblioteca civica centrale – torino) - “vous êtes libre”. une citation de madame hanska mariolina bongiovanni bertini (università di parma) - fortuna moderna dell’antico. echi catulliani in ionesco, totò, monicelli davide astori (università di parma) - “follow the white rabbit”. “the ultimate display” e “matrix” milena contini (università di torino) - archivio / archive the films at the wake. per un catalogo rinaldo rinaldi (università di parma) - libri di libri / books of books [recensione/review] ruth finnegan, why do we quote? the culture and history of quotation, cambridge, openbook publishers, guido furci - [recensione/review] da un genere all'altro. trasposizioni e riscritture nella letteratura francese, a cura di d. dalla valle, l. rescia, m. pavesio, roma, aracne, alba pessini - parole rubate / purloined letters http://www.parolerubate.unipr.it fascicolo n. / issue no. – giugno / june rinaldo rinaldi the films at the wake. per un catalogo “shut your eyes and see.” j. joyce, ulysses “il n’y a pas de modèle pour la compétence ‘joycienne’, pas d’intériorité et de fermeture possible pour le concept d’une telle compétence. il n’y a pas de critère absolu pour mesurer la pertinence d’un discours au sujet d’un texte signé ‘joyce’.” j. derrida, ulysse gramophone. l’oui dire de joyce fra i materiali manoscritti e a stampa che hanno preparato e preceduto la pubblicazione dell’ultimo romanzo di james joyce nel , un ruolo importante hanno (come è noto) i numerosi taccuini conservati presso la lockwood memorial library della state university di new york a buffalo, integralmente pubblicati nel . in uno di essi, databile a i paragrafi , e di questo saggio sono stati pubblicati, in prima stesura e col titolo the films at the wake. primi appunti, sulla rivista “campi immaginabili”, - , , pp. - . un vivo ringraziamento a rita varriano per il prezioso aiuto in biblioteca. parole rubate / purloined letters partire dal , si legge questo appunto: “gloria swanson / leroy! phoenix”. come accade spesso nei suoi taccuini, fra diario e promemoria, lo scrittore registra qui la visione di un film in una sala parigina e indica certi dettagli utilizzabili (anche se non sempre utilizzati) nella stesura di finnegans wake. egli si riferisce ovviamente all’attrice gloria swanson, grande star del cinema muto americano. il secondo nome è quello di mervyn leroy, che aveva esordito come attore nei primi anni venti grazie alla sua parentela con jesse lasky, influente produttore alla paramount. proprio alla paramount la swanson era sotto contratto dal e aveva partecipato da protagonista a sei film di cecil b. de mille, continuando poi la serie con sam wood e altri dieci film fra il e il . fra questi, l’unica pellicola in cui la swanson recitava insieme al giovane leroy (non accreditato però, in un ruolo secondario di giornalista) è prodigal daughters diretta da wood nel . citando esplicitamente leroy e aggiungendo un punto esclamativo per indicare quanto apprezzasse il suo lavoro, joyce si riferisce tuttavia a una diversa occasione. passato dietro la macchina da presa nel , all’alba del cinema sonoro, leroy aveva inaugurato una fortunata carriera per la first national, raggiungendo la fama nel con little caesar. l’unico film in cui il suo nome di regista s’incrocia con quello della swanson come protagonista è tonight or never, sceneggiato da ernest vajda sulla base dell’omonima commedia di lili hatvany, prodotto da samuel goldwyn per united artists e uscito nelle sale il dicembre : storia della cantante lirica nella vago, che non mette anima e cuore nel suo cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , prefaced & arranged by d. hayman, new york & london, garland publishing inc., , p. (vi.b. – ). si veda g. swanson, swanson on swanson, new york, random house, , p. e p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo canto finchè non incontra l’amore nella persona di jim fletcher (melvyn douglas), un impresario americano scambiato per un gigolo. ambientato inizialmente a venezia e poi a budapest, il film si apre con alcune vedute della laguna e dei canali, inquadrando subito dopo il teatro della fenice con il pubblico che esce dopo la rappresentazione (jim e la sua vecchia zia commentano la performance della cantante). il terzo nome dell’appunto di joyce, “phoenix”, si riferisce proprio al famoso teatro veneziano. che il film potesse interessare lo scrittore, suggerisce non solo il nome del personaggio maschile (jim) ma anche la rete di piccanti allusioni nei dialoghi, tutti giocati sul tema della sessualità femminile. gloria swanson, del resto, appare altre volte fra le note joyciane, collegandosi direttamente ai personaggi di finnegans wake. pensiamo a una riga del taccuino già citato, dove le associazioni evocate dal suo nome si uniscono alla sigla di h. c. earwicker, della moglie anna livia plurabelle e della figlia isabel: “┌┬┐swan / ∆ l an / o. g.: swanson / gloria:├┤”. ma pensiamo anche all’appunto di un altro taccuino databile a partire dal , “arletta of falaise ∆”, dove alla sigla di anna livia corrisponde il cognome dell’attrice che nel aveva sposato in terze nozze (proprio a parigi, nel municipio di passy) il marchese henri le bailly de la falaise de la coudray, con ampia risonanza internazionale. sovrapponendo ai suoi personaggi femminili il fascino della swanson, con da questo punto di vista il film è tipico del periodo pre-code, prodotto cioè prima dell’applicazione del codice di autocensura formulato dalle associazioni dei produttori e distributori cinematografici americani a partire dal giugno . sulle abbreviazioni o sigle adottate da joyce nei taccuini (e sporadicamente anche nel romanzo) per indicare i suoi personaggi si veda r. mchugh, the sigla of “finnegans wake”, austin, university of texas press, . cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). cfr. id., “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , prefaced & arranged by d. hayman, new york & london, garland publishing inc., , p. (vi.b. – ). parole rubate / purloined letters le sue mitiche toilettes e l’aureola prestigiosa dell’aristocrazia, james joyce testimoniava un particolare interesse per il cinema. . joyce e il cinema classico alla fine del capitolo di finnegans wake, in un’apologia pronunciata da “pain the shamman” (fw, , ) ovvero “shem the penman” (fw, , ) nei panni di mercius, joyce presenta il leitmotiv delle fasi biologiche, della giovinezza che tramonta e della morte che ci attende, tracciando un bilancio autobiografico e aggiungendo: “thank movies from the innermost depths of my still attrite heart” (fw , - ). questa commossa riconoscenza per le immagini in movimento, tanto diverse dalle immagini fisse della fotografia, è la finale testimonianza di una passione nata insieme alla nuova forma d’arte negli anni giovanili e coltivata fedelmente per tutta la vita. ed è proprio il ciclo dell’esistenza, il tema centrale di finnegans wake, a essere rappresentato e insieme per le citazioni adottiamo l’abbreviazione fw, seguita dal numero di pagina e di riga, con riferimento a j. joyce, finnegans wake, london, faber and faber, (queste citazioni sono indicate in colore rosso). con l’abbreviazione rfw, seguita dal numero di pagina e di riga, sono indicati i riferimenti a j. joyce, the restored “finnegans wake”, edited and with a preface and afterword by d. rose and j. o’hanlon, note by s. deane, appendices by h. w. gabler and d. greetham, london, penguin books, (segnalando le varianti rispetto all’edizione originaria). cfr. rfw, , - : “shem […] the penman”. l’interesse di joyce per la fotografia è testimoniato dagli appunti raccolti nei taccuini durante la stesura del romanzo. cfr. id., “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ): “waterloo = photograph / sees her upside down / h camera e”; p. (vi.b. – ): “photo = hole in hay”; p. (vi.b. – ): “ – – for camera”. per un esame del rapporto di joyce con la fotografia si veda s. baron, flaubert, joyce: vision, photography, cinema, in “modern fiction studies”, , winter , pp. - . È nota, invece, la relativa indifferenza di joyce nei confronti delle arti figurative. si veda a. power, conversations with james joyce, edited by c. hart, london, millington, , pp. - . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo allegorizzato dal cinema: “zoetrope, wheel of life”, annota joyce nel primo taccuino preparatorio del romanzo, riferendosi a un pionieristico tentativo di creare l’illusione del movimento. È nota l’assidua frequentazione joyciana delle sale cinematografiche nei diversi luoghi di residenza (pola, roma, trieste, parigi), famoso è il suo incontro con sergei mikhailovich eisenstein nel all’insegna di una mutua ammirazione, ampiamente studiata è la vicenda del cinema volta che lo scrittore aprì a dublino nel come un’impresa commerciale e insieme culturale. ormai fittissima è la bibliografia cfr. j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, edited, with notes and an introduction, by th. e. connolly, [evanston (ill.)], northwestern university press, , p. . lo zootropio, inventato nel dal matematico inglese william-george horner, disponeva le immagini su una striscia di cartone entro un tamburo circolare, munito di fessure verticali e mobile, appunto, come una ruota. sulla dinamica propriamente cinematografica del romanzo si veda c. hart, structure and motif in “finnegans wake”, london, faber & faber, , pp. - . si veda per esempio id., letters, edited by r. ellmann, new york, the viking press, , vol. ii, p. (lettera da pola a stanislaus joyce del dicembre ), p. (lettera da roma a stanislaus joyce del dicembre ) e p. (lettera da roma a stanislaus joyce del ? ° marzo ). si veda s. eisenstein, immortal memories, translation by h. marshall, boston, houghton mifflin, , pp. - e g. werner, james joyce and sergej eisenstein, in “james joyce quarterly”, , spring , pp. - . una conferenza di eisenstein su joyce si legge in e. tall, eisenstein on joyce: sergei eisenstein’s lecture on james joyce at the state institute of cinematography, november , , ivi, , winter , pp. - . si veda g. werner, james joyce, manager of the first cinema in ireland, in nordic rejoycings in commemoration of the centenary of the birth of james joyce, edited by j. hedberg, norberg, uno johanson tryckeri, , pp. - ; k. rockett, something rich and strange: james joyce, beatrice cenci and the volta, in “film and film culture”, , , pp. - ; ph. sicker, evenings at the volta: cinematic afterimages in joyce, in “james joyce quarterly”, - , fall / summer , pp. - ; l. mckernan, james joyce and the volta programme e id., volta filmography, in roll away the reel world: james joyce and cinema, edited by j. mccourt, cork, cork university press, , pp. - e pp. - ; e. schneider, dedalus among the film folk: joyce and the cinema volta, ivi, pp. - . “the earliest in ireland”, annota orgogliosamente joyce in margine a una notizia biografica che lo riguarda (cfr. th. e. connolly, the personal library of james joyce. a descriptive bibliography, fifth edition, in james joyce’s books, portraits, manuscripts, notebooks, typescripts, page proofs: together with critical essays about parole rubate / purloined letters dedicata all’influenza delle tecniche cinematografiche (soprattutto il montaggio) sulla scrittura di joyce, a partire dalle primissime prove fino ai dubliners, dal taccuino del giacomo joyce fino a ulysses. particolare attenzione è stata riservata ad alcuni capitoli di questo romanzo: aelous per l’analogia fra i titoli dei diversi frammenti che compongono il testo e le didascalie del cinema muto, nausicaa per le relazioni con il cinema erotico e pornografico delle origini (il mutoscopio), wandering some of his works, edited by th. e. connolly, lewiston, edwin mellen press, , p. ). un ricordo di lorenzo novak, il manager del volta arrivato da trieste per sostituire joyce nel , affiora (con un pun conviviale) in j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “novak collected souvenirs dipsomatic corps”. sulla questione del montaggio, oltre a th. w. sheehan, montage joyce: sergei eisenstein, dziga vertov, and “ulysses”, in “james joyce quarterly”, - , fall / summer , pp. - , si vedano le osservazioni di m. camerani, joyce e il cinema delle origini: “circe”, fiesole, edizioni cadmo, , pp. - . si veda th. burkdall, joycean frames. film and the fiction of james joyce, new york & london, routledge, , pp. - . si veda k. williams, shorts cuts of the hibernian metropolis: cinematic strategies in “dubliners”, in a new & complex sensation. essays on joyce’s “dubliners”, edited by o. frawley, dublin, the lilliput press, , pp. - e g. leonard, he’s got bette davis eyes: james joyce and melodrama, in “joyce studies annual”, n. s., , , pp. - . sull’ipotesi di un rapporto fra il taccuino e il film di mario caserini proiettato all’inaugurazione del volta, beatrice cenci ( ), si veda k. rockett, something rich and strange: james joyce, beatrice cenci and the volta, cit., pp. - e ph. sicker, evenings at the volta: cinematic afterimages in joyce, cit., pp. - . si veda s. bazargan, the headings in “aelous”: a cinematographic view, in “james joyce quarterly”, , spring , pp. - . si veda ph. sicker, “alone in the hiding twilight”: bloom’s cinematic gaze in “nausicaa”, ivi, , summer, , pp. - ; th. burkdall, joycean frames. film and the fiction of james joyce, cit., pp. - ; k. mullin, james joyce, sexuality and social purity, cambridge, cambridge university press, , pp. - ; id., joyce, early cinema and the erotics of everyday life, in roll away the reel world: james joyce and cinema, cit., pp. - ; d. shea, “do they snapshot those girls or is it all a fake?”: walter benjamin, film and “nausicaa”, in “james joyce quarterly”, - , fall / summer , pp. - ; m. camerani, lo sguardo che spia: i voyeurismi di “nausicaa”, in i cinque sensi (per tacer del sesto), atti della scuola europea di studi comparati (bertinoro agosto – settembre ), a cura di f. ghelli, firenze, le monnier, , pp. - ; id., joyce and early cinema. peeping bloom through the keyhole, in joyce in progress, proceedings of the james joyce graduate conference in rome, edited by f. ruggieri, j. mccourt and e. terrinoni, with an afterword by u. eco, newcastle, cambridge scholars publishing, , pp. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo rocks per il calcolato automatismo costruttivo che tiene presenti i primi film di attualità a partire dai lumières, circe per il reimpiego letterario di alcune tecniche caratteristiche dei film a trucchi, primi fra tutti quelli di méliès e di fregoli. rispetto a ulysses, l’esplorazione di finnegans wake in rapporto al cinema è allo stadio preliminare e deve ancora prendere l’esatta misura del suo territorio, sia a livello teorico sia a livello di semplice catalogazione dei materiali disponibili (come sempre sotto forma di citazioni). già nei taccuini joyciani, del resto, non mancano “references to the movies and their stars”, mentre joyce sembra contrapporre la velocità e la concretezza delle immagini cinematografiche ai tempi lunghi e - ; cl. hanaway, ‘see ourselves as others see us’. cinematic seeing and being in “ulysses”, in roll away the reel world: james joyce and cinema, cit., pp. - . si veda d. trotter, cinema and modernism, malden (ma) – oxford – carlton (victoria), blackwell publishing, , pp. - ; c. marengo vaglio, futurist music hall, in roll away the reel world: james joyce and cinema, cit., pp. - ; cl. hanaway, ‘see ourselves as others see us’, cinematic seeing and being in “ulysses”, cit., pp. - . si veda k. williams, ulysses in toontown: “vision animated to bursting point” in joyce’s “circe”, in literature and visual technologies: writing after cinema, edited by j. murphet and l. rainford, new york, palgrave macmillan, , pp. - ; m. camerani, joyce e il cinema delle origini: “circe”, cit., passim; id., “circe”’s costume changes: bloom, fregoli and early cinema, in roll away the reel world: james joyce and cinema, cit., pp. - ; ph. sicker, mirages in the lampglow. joyce’s “circe” and méliès’ dream cinema, ivi, pp. - ; c. marengo vaglio, futurist music hall, cit., pp. - . si veda th. burkdall, joycean frames. film and the fiction of james joyce, cit., p. . un accenno alla sovrimpressione (“popular special effect of the movies of joyce’day”) per definire le molteplici incarnazioni dei sognatori di finnegans wake, che come fantasmi si separano dal proprio corpo dormiente, si legge in j. gordon, “finnegans wake”: a plot summary, dublin, gill and macmillan, , p. (con citazione del film topper, diretto da norman zenos mcleod per hal roach nel ). ricordiamo che negli stati uniti è stato prodotto un film sperimentale in bianco e nero ispirato al romanzo joyciano: passages from james joyce’s “finnegans wake” diretto fra il e il da mary ellen bute (all’indirizzo elettronico http://www.ubu.com/film/joyce_wake.html). sul rapporto fra la lettura del romanzo e la necessità di “some form of cataloguing” cfr. r. hugh, the sigla of “finnegans wake”, london, edward arnold, , p. . cfr. d. hayman, the “wake” in transit, ithaca and london, cornell university press, , p. . parole rubate / purloined letters agli artifici della scrittura: “proust –max[imum] text – min[imum] action / cine [–maximum action–minimum text]”. da questo punto di vista può essere utile, allora, rileggere il breve e denso paragrafo che william york tindall dedicava al problema introducendo nel lontano il suo a reader’s guide to ‘finnegans wake’. in quella pagina, infatti, un rapido ricordo del volta, un’allusione all’incontro con eisenstein e un accenno al problema del montaggio si accompagnano all’identificazione di qualche film: the birth of a nation di david wark griffith ( ), ma anche mr. deeds goes to town di frank capra ( ) e my man godfrey di gregory la cava ( ). la breve lista è significativa poiché la vicenda di ulysses è datata, come è noto, e coincide effettivamente con le prime sperimentazioni di quello che si chiama oggi early cinema o cinema delle origini ( - ). ma gli anni della stesura del romanzo ( - ) segnano la codificazione visiva del cinema muto (con il grande esempio, appunto, di griffith) insieme al suo sviluppo su basi industriali. e il lungo lavoro di joyce nel cantiere di finnegans wake, dal fino al , è contemporaneo all’affermazione del sistema integrato delle majors hollywoodiane, con il trionfale passaggio al sonoro nel e i primi esperimenti di colore, con quello straordinario incremento quantitativo e qualitativo della produzione cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ), con le integrazioni congetturali di d. hayman, the “wake” in transit, cit., p. . ben diverso era il punto di vista dello stesso marcel proust, che considerava il “défilé cinématographique des choses” come una “espèce de déchet de l’expérience”, assolutamente insufficiente a cogliere la vera “réalité”. cfr. m. proust, le temps retrouvé, in in id., À la recherche du temps perdu, édition publiée sous la direction de j.-y. tadié, paris, gallimard, vol. iv, , p. e p. . si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, london, thames and hudson, , p. . le numerose allusioni alla radio, all’automobile, all’aereo e al cinema sonoro, sembrano confermare la data ipotizzata per lo svolgimento del romanzo: il e il marzo . si veda j. gordon, “finnegans wake”: a plot summary, cit., pp. - . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo che oggi chiamiamo cinema classico americano. soprattutto per l’ultima opera joyciana dobbiamo dunque allargare il quadro di riferimento finora impiegato dagli studiosi, se vogliamo cogliere le interferenze con la settima arte, mettendo anche a frutto le poche e incomplete testimonianze a disposizione sui film visti dallo scrittore: the kid di charlie chaplin (first national, ), der blaue engel di joseph von sternberg con marlene dietrich (ufa, ), extase di gustav machaty con hedy lamarr (elektra-slavia film, ), island of the lost souls di erle c. kenton con charles laughton (paramount, ), lily of killarney di maurice elvey con john garrick e sara allgood (twickenham studios, ), man of aran di robert flaherty (gaumont british, ), le greluchon délicat di jean choux con harry baur (tobis filmkunst, ), the last of the mohicans di george seitz con randolph scott (edward small, ), wuthering heights di william wyler con merle oberon e lawrence olivier (samuel goldwyn, ). non è allora un caso (come vedremo) che finnegans wake contenga alcuni accenni alla televisione, diffusa in si veda th. schatz, the genius of the system. hollywood filmmaking in the studio era, new york, pantheon books, , pp. - e passim. secondo la testimonianza di stuart gilbert, fra il e il joyce entrò in contatto con un regista ungherese non identificato (forse lo stesso machaty) per un progetto di film su anna livia plurabelle, il capitolo di finnegans wake. si veda p. hutchins, james joyce and the cinema, in “sight and sound”, , , p. e il testo del treatment elaborato da gilbert sulle prime pagine dell’episodio in s. gilbert, sketch of a scenario of “anna livia plurabelle”, in the james joyce yearbook, ed. m. jolas, paris, transition workshop – transition press, , pp. - . a meno che il film tratto dal romanzo di james fenimore cooper fosse il precedente serial mascot di ford beebe e b. reeves eason del con harry carey, o addirittura il muto prodotto e girato da maurice tourneur insieme a clarence brown nel con wallace beery. si vedano (con prudenza) p. hutchins, james joyce’s world, london, methuen, , p. ; m. and p. colum, our friend james joyce, garden city (new york), doubleday, , p. ; j. joyce, letters, edited by r. ellmann, new york, the viking press, , vol. iii, p. (lettera a valery larbaud del novembre ), p. (lettera a john sullivan del agosto ) e p. (lettera a giorgio joyce del ottobre ); portraits of the artist in exile: recollections of james joyce by europeans, edited by w. potts, new york, harcourt, , p. . parole rubate / purloined letters europa e in america a partire dal : scrivendo in appassionata simbiosi col grande cinema degli anni venti e trenta, joyce annuncia l’avvento dello strumento che ne segnerà, più tardi, la fine. . il mestiere del cinema indizi rivelatori della perfetta sintonia fra finnegans wake e il cinema classico non sono soltanto gli accenni a hollywood, che appare almeno una volta sotto un travestimento arboreo e mescolato a una nursery rhyme (“with hedges of ivy and hollywood and bower of mistletoe”) (fw, , - ); o al premio oscar, ricordato direttamente (“wouldn’t you feel like rattanfowl if you hadn’t the oscar!”) (fw, , - ) e indirettamente con rinvio a un palazzo di oslo (“in oscarshal’s winetavern”) (fw, , ), spesso contaminato con i nomi di illustri letterati come oscar wilde e rupert brooke (“such askors and their ruperts they are putting in for more osghirs is alse false liarnels”) (fw, , - marshall mcluhan, descrivendo la televisione nel ed evocando finnegans wake, citava la joyciana “charge of a light barricade” (fw, , ) come una profezia e un’ideale metafora del nuovo medium. si veda m. mcluhan, gli strumenti del comunicare, traduzione di e. capriolo, milano, il saggiatore, , p. . the holly and the ivy è una nursery rhyme citata sovente nel romanzo. ma hollywood è anche un villaggio nella contea di wickow, dove nel fu scoperto un masso (probabilmente di origine alto-medioevale) con l’incisione di un labirinto: cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (“holywood stone”). si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, new york, columbia university press, , p. e r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, baltimore and london, the john hopkins university press, , p. . cfr. rfw , - : “wouldn’t you feel like rattanfowl if you hadn’t the oscar?” per “oscarshall” si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo ). più significativi sono i rinvii all’industria cinematografica e alle case produttrici, i grandi studios americani ed europei, a cominciare da quei “columbian nights entertainments” dei “commercial travellers” (fw, , - ) che certo si riferiscono all’irlanda di san columba ma anche all’america di colombo e forse ai film della columbia, fondata da jack e harry cohn nel . allo stesso modo il leone di finnegans wake può rappresentare il protagonista earwicker (“as the lion in our teargarten”) (fw, , ) o riferirsi all’evangelista san marco (“ex ungue leonem”) (fw, , ), ma in qualche caso (nel primo con allusione all’antropologo francese lucien lévy-bruhl e l’aiuto della lingua tedesca) sembra rimandare al grande studio nato dalla catena di teatri di marcus loew, quella metro goldwyn mayer che proprio ad un leone ruggente deve il suo logo famoso: “professor loewy-brueller”, “we had our lewd mayers and our lairdie meiresses” (fw, , e , - ). proprio al famoso merger del fra loew’s incorporated (che aveva già assorbito metro pictures), louis b. mayer productions e goldwyn pictures, atto di nascita della mgm, si riferiscono queste righe del capitolo di finnegans wake “liarnels” evoca il protagonista dell’opera lirica martha di friedrich von flotow ( ). si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , prefaced & arranged by d. hayman, new york & london, garland publishing inc., , p. (vi.b. – ): “columbia”. si veda r. benjamin, the second gospel in “finnegans wake”, in “joyce studies annual”, n. s., , , pp. - . su joyce “awfully fond of the lions” si veda r. ellmann, james joyce, new and revised edition, oxford – new york – toronto – melbourne, oxford university press, , p. . probabile errore materiale è invece l’apparizione della mgm in fw, , (“wreuter of annoyimgmost letters”), corretto in rfw, , (“wreuter of annoyingmost letters”). sottolineatura nostra. per l’analoga ma diversa abbreviazione mcm riferita al tenore john mccormack si veda c. brown – l. knuth, more wakean memories of mccormack: a centenary tribute, in “a wake newslitter. occasional papers”, , september, , p. (con rinvii a fw, , e , - ). parole rubate / purloined letters evocando proprio le numerose properties femminili del nuovo studio e la stessa sala cinematografica (con il parcheggio, la cassa, il biglietto e finalmente la visione delle stars sullo schermo): “dear and lest i forget mergers and bow to you low, marchers! attemption! what a mazing month of budsome misses they are making, so wingtywish to flit beflore their kin! attonsure! ears to hears! the skall of a gall (for every dime he yawpens that momouth you could park your ford in it) who has papertreated him into captivities with his inside man by a hocksheat of starvision for an avragetopeace of parchment, cooking up his lenses to be my apoclogypst, the recreuter of conscraptions, let him be asservent to kinahaun! […] what for mucias and gracias may the duvlin rape the handsomst! and the whole mad knightmayers’ nest!” (fw, , - e - ). analogamente la fox del romanzo è ovviamente e ripetutamente la volpe, ma almeno in un caso è associata alla warner (siamo nel pub di earwicker, scende la sera): “arkglow’s seafire siemens lure and wextward warnerforth’s hookercrookers. and now with robby brerfox’s fishy fable lissaned out” (fw, , - ). l’accenno al faro di arklow realizzato dalla ditta tedesca siemens-schuckert, ma anche alle lampade ad arco siemens che proiettano luce nella notte, sembra addirittura rinviare al logo famoso della twentieth century fox, fondata sulle ceneri della compagnia di william fox da darryl f. zanuck nel . per l’europa joyce cita innanzitutto due studios inglesi: quello di elstree, presentando il leitmotiv archetipico dell’albero e della pietra ma sottolineature nostre. cfr. rfw, , - : “and the whole mad knightmayors’ nest!”. cfr. rfw, , - : “arkglow’s seafire siemens lure and wextward warnerforth’s hookercrookers. and now, with robby brerfox’s fishy fable lissaned out”. lisa è la volpe in russo (si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). si veda ibidem. l’illuminazione ad arco era spesso impiegata sul set e anche in proiezione, per la sua intensità e il suo largo spettro. fondata nel , la casa produsse fra il e il alcuni titoli di alfred hitchcock, fra cui il primo film sonoro inglese blackmail ( ). rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo ricordando anche la strada romana stane street fra londra e chichester e il famoso poemetto di thomas hood the elm tree (“on the hike from elmstree to stene and back”) (fw, , ); quello di ealing, citando la canzone come back to erin (“when cherries next come back to ealing as come they must”) (fw, , ). spicca però un rinvio al grande studio francese pathé, con la parodia delle sue famose actualités e una lista di titoli (anche tipograficamente esibiti) che ricostruisce la serie delle sequenze sullo schermo. si comincia con l’apparizione di un cavallo (“that corricatore of a harss”) che sembra evocare i primi esperimenti cronofotografici dell’americano eadweard muybridge e del francese Étienne-jules marey, continuando con una notizia di cronaca nera del si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . fondata nel e dal situata nell’omonimo sobborgo di londra, la casa produsse una sessantina di film negli anni trenta. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. (che rinvia contemporaneamente alla canzone tedesca wenn die schwalben heimwärts ziehn). si veda r. abel, le ciné goes to town. french cinema - , berkeley – los angeles – london, university of california press, , pp. - e passim. sul rapporto fra gli studi cronofotografici di muybridge e la percezione visiva nel terzo capitolo di ulysses si veda l. e. j. hornby, visual clockwork: photographic time and the instant in “proteus”, in “james joyce quarterly”, - , fall / summer , pp. - , pp. - e passim. al cavallo, ripetutamente fotografato dai due pionieri del cinematografo negli anni settanta e ottanta dell’ottocento, rinvia anche un altro passo squisitamente ‘fotografico’ di finnegans wake: “well, almost any photoist worth his chemicots will tip anyone asking him the teaser that if a negative of a horse happens to melt enough while drying, well, what you do get is, well, a positively grotesquely distorted macromass of all sorts of horsehappy values and masses of meltwhile horse” (fw, , - ). cfr. rfw, , - : “well, almost any microphotoist worth his chemicots will tip anyone tossing him the teaser that if a negative of a horse happens to melt enough while drying, well, what you do get is, well, a positively grotesquely distorted macromass of all sorts of horsehappy values and masses of meltwhile horse”. si veda anche j. joyce, ulysses, edited by h. w. gabler with w. steppe and c. melchior. afterword by m. groden, london, the bodley head, , p. : “horseness is the whatness of allhorse”. per il tema del cavallo in finnegans wake si veda v. j. cheng, white horse, dark horse. joyce’s allhorse of another color, in “joyce studies”, edited by th. f. staley, , pp. - . analogo è il rinvio proustiano al kinetoscopio attraverso le immagini di un cavallo in corsa: “ces évocation tournoyantes et confuses ne duraient jamais que parole rubate / purloined letters liberamente ricostruita proprio su topiche cinematografiche (l’uccisione del gangster americano dutch schultz, il ritrovamento del cadavere, la sua ragazza in lacrime). il finale riferimento all’immagine filmica proiettata sullo schermo, con un accenno alle sezioni coniche della geometria, evoca proprio la tecnica della proiezione: “saturnights pomps, exhabiting that corricatore of a harss, revealled by oscur camerad. the last of dutch schulds, perhumps. pipe in dream cluse. uncovers pub history. the outrage, at length. affected moll follows in religious sullivence. rinvention of vestiges by which they drugged the buddhy. moviefigure on in scenic section. by patathicus” (fw, , - ). un vivo interesse per i principali filoni della produzione cinematografica classica dimostrano anche le allusioni al disegno animato, al western e alla commedia slapstick. quest’ultima è associata alle esibizioni dei trasformisti da vaudeville (“swapstick quackchancers”) (fw, , ) e alle imprese artistiche di shem (“but, boy, you did your strong nine furlong mile in slick and slapstick record time and a farfetched deed it was in troth”) (fw, , - ). il western è ricordato per il suo mito della frontiera (con allusione agli americani, a under western eyes di joseph quelques secondes ; souvent, ma brève incertitude du lieu où je me trouvais ne distinguait pas mieux les unes des autres les diverses suppositions dont elle était faite, que nous n’isolons, en voyant un cheval courir, les positions successives que nous montre le kinétoscope” (cfr. m. proust, du côté de chez swann, in id., À la recherche du temps perdu, cit., vol. i, , p. ). si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, berkeley – los angeles – london, university of california press, , p. . preso di mira dai killers della mafia nei servizi di un ristorante, schultz morì il giorno dopo all’ospedale. cfr. rfw, , - : “saturnights pomps, exhabiting that corricatore of a harss, revealled by oscur camerad. the last of dutch schulds, perhumps. pipe in dream cluse. uncovers pub history. the outrage, at length. affected moll follows in religious sullivence. rinvention of vestiges by which they drugged the buddhy. moviefigure on in scenic section. by patethicus”. “sullivence” è forse allusione a arthur sullivan, senza william schwenk gilbert: si veda w. d. jenkins, gilbert without sullivan, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., vi, , february , p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo conrad e a land’s end in cornwall): “i will westerneyes those poor sunuppers and outbreighten their land’s eng” (fw, , - ); ma anche per i suoi personaggi di cowboys e sceriffi mescolati alla troupe cinematografica (ma anche a cinesi), mentre joyce descrive il pubblico presente alla veglia di finnegan: “there was plumbs and grumes and cheriffs and citherers and raiders and cinemen too” (fw, , - ). e non manca neppure un set vero e proprio, con una città fantasma costruita rapidamente per l’occasione e paragonata a dei terreni lottizzati: “a phantom city, phaked of philim pholk, bowed and sould for a four of hundreds of manhood in their three and threescore fylkers for a price partitional of twenty six and six” (fw, , - ). anche il cinema d’animazione, strettamente associato al fumetto (“comic strip”) (fw, , ) testimonia la passione joyciana per le varianti comiche dello spettacolo popolare. se nei capitoli e anna livia assume il ruolo di little orphan annie, eroina di un famoso fumetto cfr. rfw, , - : “i will westerneyes those poor sunuppers and outbreiten their land’s eng”. si veda s. b. bird, some american notes to “finnegans wake”, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., iii, , december , p. . c’è anche un’allusione al primo verso del ritornello di miss hooligan’s christmas cake ovvero miss fogarty’s christmas cake, una canzone popolare irlandese: “there was plums and prunes and cherries, / and citron and raisins and cinnamon too”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e d. hayman, the “wake” in transit, cit., pp. - . altre allusioni al genere western si leggono nei taccuini: cfr. “ranger (rifles” in j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ); “chief red tomahawk” in id., “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). the phantom city è anche il titolo di una poesia compresa nei lyrical poems dello scrittore e giornalista irlandese gerald griffin ( - ). si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si vedano i suggerimenti (che escludono però il cinema) di m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. : “one of the most useful aids to reading finnegans wake is a grasp of modern popular culture, such as the press, advertisements, radio, low jokes, and most of all songs”; e di c. hart, structure and motif in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “[…] catch-phrases, clichés, journalese, popular songs, and the worst kind of gush from girls’ weeklies”. parole rubate / purloined letters di harold gray trasferita al cinema con lo stesso titolo nel , nel e nel (“he addle liddle phifie annie ugged the little craythur”, “annie delittle, his daintree diva”) (fw, , - e , - ); nel medesimo capitolo iniziale del romanzo mutt e jute incarnano le figure medioevali dell’irlandese e dell’invasore danese, nell’ultimo ricompaiono come muta e juva ovvero trasformazione e giovinezza, ma sempre rinviano a mutt and jeff di bud fischer e nello stesso tempo all’omonima serie di cartoons diretti dal disegnatore nel - : non a caso, evocando la resurrezione di finnegan, juva esorterà il compagno a una professione di fede non solo religiosa (“beleave filmly, beleave!”) (fw, , ). analogamente, nel capitolo , l’allusione a “wilfrid’s walk” (fw, , - ) fa riferimento al famoso comic strip inglese disegnato fra il e il da bertram lamb e austin bowen payne, pip, squeak and wilfred: storie di una famiglia di animali, un cane, un pinguino e un coniglio (wilfred) nei ruoli del padre della madre e del bambino; ma è probabile che joyce conoscesse anche la serie di venticinque cartoons prodotti nel da lancelot speed e ispirati a questi personaggi. allo stesso modo l’eco di tillie the toiler, un comic strip inaugurato nel da russ westover e dedicato a una giovane flapper che lavora come stenografa (“tilly the tailor’s tugged a tar”) (fw, , ), non può prescindere dall’omonimo film muto di hobart henley per la mgm che nel metteva in scena lo stesso personaggio rispettivamente per pioneer con regia di william selig, per rko con regia di john robertson e per paramount con regia di ben holmes. si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. e p. . cfr. rfw, , : “beleave, beleave filmly!”. ancora a mutt e jeff si riferisce fw, , - : “meet […] chaff”. cfr. l’accenno in j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “wilfred (rabbit)”. si veda anche r. f. motycka, coney catching, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., xiv, , april, , p. . per altre occorrenze si veda b. benstock, americana in “finnegans wake”, in “bucknell review”, , , p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo con il volto di marion davies (il fumetto usciva sui giornali di william randolph hearst). in questo campo lo scrittore non concede molta attenzione ai prodotti disneyani che dalla fine degli anni venti dominavano ormai il mercato: isolate sembrano le allusioni a snowwhite and the seven dwarfs (fw, , ) e alla coppia mickey mouse – minnie mouse, questa riferita ai soldati e alle ragazze nel parco e con il solito doppio senso (“stand up, mickos! make strake for minnas!”) (fw, , - ). molto più vistose sono le tracce di popeye the sailor, personaggio secondario dei comic strips di elzie crisler segar the thimble theater poi diventato protagonista a pieno titolo, ma anche eroe dei fortunati disegni animati di dave e max fleischer a partire dal . il nome rinvia innanzitutto a pop, quella “middle-class persona named pop” disegnata nei primi appunti per finnegans wake nel - e destinata a diventare earwicker. ma popeye rinvia anche al papa, nella descrizione della lotta fra innocenzo ii e il suo avversario anacleto ii come un gioco di bambini (“as innocens with anaclete play popeye antipop”) (fw, , - ); e ugualmente all’esoftalmo, nelle accuse rivolte a shem che ha riempito troppe pagine di scrittura rovinando gli occhi alla gente (“even extruding your strabismal cfr. rfw, , - : “stippup, mickos! make strake for minnas!”. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. e r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. per l’allusione alla battuta che circolò a dublino dopo l’assassinio del leader irlandese michael collins (mick) durante la guerra civile del : “move over, mick, make room for dick”. il successore designato di collins era infatti richard mulcahy (dick), che a sua volta avrebbe potuto essere ucciso. versioni analoghe sono in fw, , - (“move up. mumpty! mike room for rumpty!”), , (“toemass, mark oom for yor ounckel!”) e , l (“move up, mackinerny! make room for muckinurney!”) si veda a. t. broes, more people at the wake (contd.), in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., iv, , february , p. . un’allusione a the thimble theater è in fw, , - : “and a bodikin a boss in the thimble theater”. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . cfr. d. hayman, reading joyce’s notebooks?! “finnegans wake” from within, in “finnegans wake”: fifty years, edited by g. lernout, amsterdam – atlanta, rodopi, , p. e si veda ivi, pp. - . parole rubate / purloined letters apologia, when legibly depressed, upon defenceless paper and thereby adding to the already unhappiness of this our popeyed world, scribblative!”) (fw, , - ). perfino il motto più famoso di popeye i yam what i yam (così si intitolava il secondo short della serie nel ) è ripetuto con piccola variante in finnegans wake (“i yam as i yam”) (fw, , ), per rinviare alle parole di dio in exodus , (“ego sum qui sum”) citate da richard rowan nel terzo atto di exiles (“i am what i am”) ma soprattutto a quelle di stephen dedalus nel terzo capitolo di ulysses: “and the blame? as i am. as i am. all or not at all”. non manca neppure qualche allusione alla compagna di popeye, olive oyl (“hoily olives”, “good oil!” “uliv’s oils”) (fw, , e , e , ), magari associata al nome dell’attore ivor novello (“ivoroiled overalls”, “here your iverol”) (fw, , e , ) o alle ragazze che nel parco eccitano i sensi di earwicker e contemporaneamente a richard d’oyly carte produttore delle operette di william schwenk gilbert e arthur sullivan fra il e il (“how olive d’oyly and winnie carr, bejupers, they reized the dressing of a salandmon and how a peeper coster and a salt sailor met a si veda anche “poopive” (fw, , ), che corrisponde al numero nel calcolo digitale riesumato da joyce nella lezione di aritmetica del capitolo (si veda w. füger, the function of the finger calculus in “finnegans wake”, in genèse et métamorphose du texte joycien, textes rassemblés par c. jacquet, paris, publications de la sorbonne, , pp. - ) e “popeyed pansies” in j. joyce, the index manuscript “finnegans wake” holograph workbook vi, b. , transcribed, annotated and with an introduction by d. rose, colchester, a wake newslitter press, , pp. - (ragazze brutte, nel gergo studentesco americano dell’anteguerra). altri avatars del personaggio sono in fw, , (“appop pie”, come torta di mele), , - (“popey o’donoshough”, al tempo stesso generale dei gesuiti e generale russo a balaklava), , (“poppea”, come moglie di nerone). si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. j. joyce, exiles, in id., “poems” and “exiles”, edited with an introduction and notes by j. c. c. mays, london, penguin books, p. . cfr. id., ulysses, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo mustied poet atwaimen”) (fw, , n. , - ). che joyce non si riferisca solo al fumetto di segar ma anche ai disegni animati, lo dimostra forse il rinvio alla canzone there’s something about a soldier (“there always something racey about, say, a sailor on a horse”) (fw, , - ), che è anche il titolo di uno short del dedicato dai fleischer al personaggio di betty boop, creato appositamente per il cinema nel . oltre a citare alcuni importanti filoni della produzione filmica hollywoodiana, joyce manifesta anche un interesse più specifico per questa forma di intrattenimento, evocando con precisione i principali procedimenti tecnici adoperati da un “fulmfilming department” (fw, , - ); qui con significativa allusione al compimento del tempo e alla morte, all’apocalisse e alla resurrezione, come se il cinema fosse davvero la quintessenza del tema centrale di finnegans wake, un tempo ciclico che cfr. rfw, , n. , - : “how olive d’oyly and winnie carr, bejupers, they reized the dressing of a salanadmon and how a peeper coster and a salt sailor met a mustied poet atwainem” e già j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “olive oil”. altre allusioni alla d’oyly carte opera company sono in fw, , - (“a choir of the o’daley o’doyles doublesixing the chorus in fenn mac call and the serven feeries of loch neach”) e , – , (“this, lay readers and gentilemen, is perhaps the commonest of all cases arising out of umbrella history in connection with the wood industries in our courts of litigation. d’oyly owens holds [...] that so long as there is a joint deposit account in the two names a mutual obligation is posited”). per un commento e altri rinvii alla coppia gilbert-sullivan si veda w. d. jenkins, from solation to solution, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., vii, , february , pp. - . si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . sul ruolo del cinema d’animazione in ulysses si veda s. buchan, graphic and literary metamorphosis: animation technique and james joyce’s “ulysses”, in “animation journal”, fall , pp. – e k. williams, ulysses in toontown: “vision animated to bursting point” in joyce’s “circe”, cit., pp. - . per la presenza dell’animazione nel citato treatment di anna livia plurabelle elaborato da stuart gilbert, si veda k. williams, “sperrits in the furniture”: wells, joyce and animation, before and after , in “literature & history”, third series, , spring , pp. - . parole rubate / purloined letters ritorna e si rinnova. pensiamo a certi appunti dei taccuini, come “cinegraphist”, “ reel film / filmgoer / screenstruck”, “screen chamber”. ma pensiamo anche innanzitutto al montaggio, così importante nella costruzione di ulysses e qui associato al tema delle ventotto ragazze (isabel e le sue amiche), anzi sovrapposto alla vischiosità del ciclo mensile della donna e insieme all’immagine fallica di un coltello in un vaso di marmellata e di un bastone piantato nella melma (“the monthage stick in the melmelode jawr”) (fw, , ). ma pensiamo anche alle innovazioni tecniche realizzate durante la lunga stesura del romanzo, che lo spettatore joyce fedelmente registra, come il passaggio dagli intertitoli o “words of silent power” (fw, , ) del cinema muto alla grande novità del cinema sonoro a partire dal famoso the jazz singer della warner per la regia di alan crosland nel : “vouchsafe me more soundpicture!” (fw, , ), “where flash becomes word and silents selfloud” (fw, , - ). e non manca neppure il rinvio a un particolare sistema di registrazione ottica del suono, il movietone della fox, introdotto nel su brevetti western electric: “if you are looking for the bilder deep your qualche buon esempio di sensibilità tecnica si legge fra gli appunti del primo taccuino preparatorio del romanzo, come l’accenno alla pratica del rifacimento di scene giudicate difettose: “retake (cine)”; o la descrizione di quello che potremmo chiamare un effetto speciale: “cinema fakes, drown, state of sea, tank: steeplejack, steeple on floor, camera above: jumps feet, foot camera in foot pit”. cfr. j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. e p. . sul secondo appunto si veda th. burkdall, joycean frames. film and the fiction of james joyce, cit., p. . cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., , p. (vi.b. – ) e p. (vi.b. – ) e id., “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , prefaced & arranged by d. hayman, new york & london, garland publishing inc., , p. (vi.b. – ). cfr. rfw, , - : “the mouthage stick in the melmelode jawr”. cfr. rfw, , : “words of silentgoldenpower”. qui con allusione al suono delle vocali, dal tedesco selbstlaut. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si aggiunga l’appunto “phonoscope” in uno dei taccuini: cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo ear on the movietone!” (fw, , - ). come si vede, il cinema sonoro è una buona occasione per sfiorare un motivo capitale di finnegans wake, quello del rapporto fra suono e immagine ovvero fra vista e udito, che nel finale l’autore trasformerà in una sorta di morale complessiva del romanzo. in questa prospettiva è altrettanto importante il passaggio dal bianco-e-nero al colore (è come vedere il cielo dopo un monotono chiaroscuro), che joyce collega alla luce bianca scomposta nello spettro dell’iride e di nuovo alle ventotto ragazze impersonate dalle tinte dell’arcobaleno (in ordine alfabetico!), ma anche ai propri occhi difettosi e ai molti interventi chirurgici subìti. È la pagina del capitolo in cui glugg-shem chiede alla sorella issy di sollevare la gonna, per fargli vedere il delta dei peli pubici in contrasto con le sue bianche cosce: “lift the blank ve veered as heil! split the hvide and aye seize heaven! he knows for he’s seen it in black and white through his eyetrompit trained upon jenny’s and all that sort of thing which is dandymount to a clearobscure. prettimaid tints may try their taunts: apple, bacchante, custard, dove, eskimo, feldgrau, hematite, isingglass, jet, kipper, lucile, mimosa, nut, oysterette, prune, quasimodo, royal, sago, tango, umber, vanilla, wisteria, xray, yesplease, zaza, philomel, theerose. what are they all by? shee” (fw, , - – , - ). fox movietone news era una popolare rubrica di attualità. patricia hutchins ricorda l’arrivo di joyce nel sul set di les perles de la couronne accompagnato da stuart gilbert (che aveva curato i testi recitati in inglese nel film), ipotizzando che lo scrittore avesse visto “a ‘movietone’ machine in the cutting-room” (cfr. p. hutchins, james joyce’s world, cit., p. e p. ). “eyetrompit” ovvero trompe-l’œil si riferisce alla visione ingannevole ovvero alla cecità di shem ai colori, oltre che ad uno strumento ottico come il telescopio lo spettroscopio. su quest’ultimo si veda k. ebury, beyond the rainbow: spectroscopy in “finnegans wake” ii, , in “joyce studies annual”, n. s., , , pp. - . sul rapporto fra il motivo dell’arcobaleno e la sintomatologia del glaucoma si veda j. gordon, “finnegans wake”: a plot summary, cit., passim. cfr. rfw, , - : “lift the blank, ve veared as hell! split the hvide and aye seize heaven! he knows for he’s seen it in black and white through his eyetrompit, trained upon jenny’s and all that sort of thing, which is dandymount to a clearobscure. prettimaid tints may try their taunts: apple, bacchante, custard, dove, eskimo, feldgrau, ginger, hematite, isinglass, jet, kipper, lucile, mimosa, nut, oysterette, prune, quasimodo, royal, sago, tango, umber, vanilla, wisteria, xray, yesplease, zaza, philomel, theerose. what are they all by? shee”. si veda d. rose & j. o’hanlon, understanding parole rubate / purloined letters non solo gli accorgimenti tecnici, del resto, ma anche tutti i più importanti ruoli professionali di un’equipe hollywoodiana attirano l’attenzione dello scrittore, a cominciare dai talent scouts associati al dongiovannesco protagonista e al cad suo avversario che passeggiano in phoenix park (la pagina appartiene all’interrogatorio di earwicker condotto dai quattro giudici): “so to speak of beauty scouts in elegant pursuit of flowers, searchers for tabernacles and the celluloid art!” (fw, , - ). quando isabel, nel capitolo , si presenta orgogliosamente come una star non dimentica di citare le più umili comparse (“always my figurants”) (fw, , n. , ). e lo stesso h. c. earwicker con sua moglie anna livia plurabelle, nell’invocazione dedicata alla coppia nel capitolo , si trasformano in un producer (da regius professor) e nella sua star: “regies producer with screendoll vedette, peg of his claim and pride of her heart” (fw, , - ). non a caso, dunque, i taccuini “finnegans wake”. a guide to the narrative of james joyce’s masterpiece, new york & london, garland publishing inc., , p. . con allusione ai nèi o beauty spots. analogamente in fw, , (“miss butys pott”) e , n. , (“just one big booty’s pot”). associato alla sigla di isabel nei taccuini è l’appunto “cine / lulu”, che potrebbe accennare a una visione del famoso film girato nel da georg wilhelm pabst per nero-film, die büchse der pandora. variationen aus das thema frank wedekinds “lulu”, con louise brooks protagonista. cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). il taccuino è databile a partire dal e il fascino erotico dell’attrice ben corrisponde a quello di issy. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. anche le vamps ovvero “vampas” in fw, , e “vamp” in j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). in uno dei primi abbozzi del romanzo il personaggio di tristano, da cui emergeranno i gemelli shaun e shem, ha in parte il ruolo di un “androgenous romantic lead from the hollywood flicks”, secondo il suggerimento di d. hayman, the “wake” in transit, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo joyciani collegano il personaggio di shaun, uomo d’ordine e di successo, alla “celluloid” e ne fanno un “film censor”. sul versante degli sceneggiatori possiamo registrare solo i nomi di anita loos e ben hetch, ma per entrambi i rimandi sono probabilmente legati a motivazioni extra-filmiche. anita loos (“his sweatful bandanna loose from his pocketcoat”, “looswallawer”, “growing megalomane of a loose past”) (fw, , e , e , ) firma infatti il famoso romanzo gentlemen prefer blondes ( ) che joyce legge nel ; ben hetch (“eche bennyache”, con allusione al mal di pancia e a pomes penyeach) (fw, , ) è invece responsabile di un giudizio poco lusinghiero su work in progress. sono pochi del resto e distribuiti con parsimonia anche i nomi dei registi, tradizionalmente in ombra per il pubblico delle sale rispetto alla popolarità degli attori. l’unico nome citato a piene lettere, senza le abituali deformazioni, è quello del dublinese americanizzato rex ingram che cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ) e id., “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , prefaced & arranged by d. hayman, new york & london, garland publishing inc., , p. (vi.b. – ). i due nomi sono debitamente registrati in a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. , p. , pp. - . l’allusione manca nel passo corrispondente di j. joyce, a first-draft version of “finnegans wake”, edited and annotated by d. hayman, london, faber and faber, , p. (“a sweatdrenched bandana hanging from his coat pocket”). qui congiunta con l’attore di teatro william waller lewis noto come lewis waller. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . per ulteriori allusioni si veda n. halper, looswallawer, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., xiv, , april , p. . sottolineature nostre. si veda id., letters, edited by s. gilbert, new york, the viking press, , vol. i, p. (lettera dell’ novembre a harriet shaw weaver). si veda ivi, vol. iii, cit., p. (lettera del luglio a harriet shaw weaver). È incompleta la scheda di a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . parole rubate / purloined letters aveva firmato grandi successi per la metro pictures (prima della fusione con loew’s incorporated e goldwyn pictures) come the four horsemen of the apocalypse ( ) con rudolph valentino, the prisoner of zenda ( ) e scaramouche ( ) con ramon novarro: “siranouche”, propone joyce in fw, , , sovrapponendolo al cyrano de bergerac di edmond rostand. il fatto che ingram fosse di origine irlandese e la sua straordinaria competenza nei movimenti di folla e nelle spettacolari scenografie (pensiamo anche ai titoli girati nello studio la victorine di nice fra il e il ) possono forse spiegare la sua responsabilità di scenografo nell’edificazione del palco-patibolo da cui il resuscitato earwicker tiene un discorso di ringraziamento: “his scaffold is there set up, as to edify, by rex ingram, pageantmaster” (fw, , - ). altro famoso regista-produttore del muto è mack sennett, specialista di slapstick con le sue keystone comedies e opportunamente ricordato all’inizio del capitolo , dove i giochi dei bambini diventano una vera e propria messa in scena teatrale: en scène o meglio “on. sennett” ( , ) sembra essere un invito conveniente. per il cinema sonoro joyce si limita a ricordare il più famoso regista inglese del tempo nel capitolo , quando chiama “‘ductor’ hitchcock” (fw, , ) il direttore del coro che si accinge ad eseguire la ballata di earwicker composta da hosty; e nel capitolo , quando allude al protagonista colto sul fatto con le due ragazze nel parco citando si veda ivi, p. (che si limita a citare scaramouche come “stock character in italian farce”). forse memore di ingram è anche l’accenno (insieme alla tecnica di pasteurizzazione) a un film warner di william keighley e marc connelly del : green pastures, con un cast di attori di colore e ingram nel ruolo di “de lawd”. cfr. fw, , - (“the paper […] has scarsely been buttered in works of previous publicity wholebeit in keener notcase would i turf aside for pastureuration”) e , (“lawd lengthen him!”). si veda b. benstock, americana in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda e. mcluhan, the role of thunder in “finnegans wake”, toronto, university of toronto press, , p. . cfr. anche fw, , : “sennight”. cfr. rfw, , - : “’ductor’ hitchcock”. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo l’espressione proverbiale hatch a cock’s egg e al tempo stesso la nursery rhyme settecentesca ride a cock horse to banbury cross (“why, hitch a cock eye, he was snapped on the sly upsadaisying coras pearls out of the pie”) (fw, , - ); mentre un’eco possibile di the manxman diretto da alfred hitchcock (british international, ) e basato sull’omonimo romanzo di thomas henry hall caine ( ), risuona nella parodia a doppio senso sessuale di una nursery rhyme settecentesca (“minxy was a manxmaid when murry wor a man”) (fw, , - ), ma anche nel capitolo , quando nessuna donna interviene in difesa dell’accusato earwicker: “there wasn’t an archimandrite of dane’s island and the townlands nor a minx from the isle of woman nor a one of the four cantins nor any on the whole wheel of his ecunemical conciliabulum nor nogent ingen meid on allad the hold scurface of the jorth would come next on nigh him, mr eelwhipper” (fw, , - ). vale anche la pena di citare shem che nel capitolo invita le ragazze a posare nude “before voluble old masters [...] plus the usual nel senso di compiere un’azione inutile e pericolosa: secondo la leggenda dall’uovo sterile nascerà un serpente capace di uccidere con lo sguardo. nella variante joyciana c’è un ulteriore rimando allo strabismo, come già per shem. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . sottolineatura nostra. cfr. rfw, , - : “why, hitch a cock eye, he was snapped on the sly upsadaisying coraspearls out of the pie”. “coras pearls” allude alla cortigiana inglese cora pearl: si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . l’ipotesi di un rinvio a robert hitchcock, “prompter at dublin’s theatre royal” è invece ivi, p. . per la presenza di questo scrittore in finnegans wake si veda j. s. atherton, hall cain and the isle of man, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., ii, , august , pp. - . cfr. rfw, , : “minxy was a manxmaid when murry wore a man”. la nursery rhyme è l’anti-gallese taffy was a welshman: si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “there wasn’t an archimandrite of dane’s island and the townland’s tropics nor a minx from the isle of woman nor a one of the four cantins nor any on the whole wheel of his ecunomical counciliabulum nor nogent ingen meid on alled the holed scurface of the jorth would come next on nigh him, mr eelwhipper”. parole rubate / purloined letters bilker’s dozen of dowdycameramen” (fw, , e ), evocando il decameron ma ugualmente bellezze femminili e “giddies nouveautays” (fw, , - ) più vicine a un’esibizione di ballerine che a una seduta di pittura: “the phyllisophies of bussup bulkeley” (fw, , - ), qui ricordate da joyce, sono allora le dottrine di george berkeley (così importanti per finnegans wake) ma forse anche i balletti di busby berkeley, il grande coreografo hollywoodiano degli anni trenta. . robert flaherty e charlie chaplin uniche eccezioni, in questo panorama piuttosto incerto, sono due registi citati a più riprese nel romanzo poiché legati a particolari preferenze dell’autore: robert flaherty e charlie chaplin. se un altro famoso documentarista del tempo, walter ruttman, compare appena in finnegans wake insieme all’eco di una nursery rhyme (“rutsch is for rutterman ramping his roe, seed three”) (fw, , ), la presenza di flaherty nel romanzo è vistosa; anche perché l’irlandese è uno dei due registi (l’altro è john ford) che avrebbero potuto adattare ulysses per lo schermo, secondo un indiretto suggerimento joyciano del . il si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , : “giddies nouveau tays”. su ruttman e ulysses si veda th. l. burkdall, joycean frames. film and the fiction of james joyce, cit., pp. - . la nursery rhyme è a was an archer: si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . si veda j. kelly, joyce in hollywood in the s: a biographical essay, in biographical joyce, guest-edited by ch. rossman and a. w. friedman, in “james joyce quarterly”, , spring / summer , p. . per le vicende di questo adattamento si veda anche la lettera di paul léon a ralph pinker ( ottobre ) e quella dello stesso joyce al figlio giorgio ( ottobre ) su possibili interpreti del film (charles laughton vs george arliss), in j. joyce, letters, cit., vol. iii, pp. - e pp. - . sul rapporto flaherty-joyce si veda th. l. burkdall, joycean frames. film and the fiction of james joyce, cit., pp. - rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo nome appare nell’espressione “all paddyflaherty” (fw, , ), con riferimento all’irlandesità di earwicker; ma anche come “doctor faherty, the madison man” (fw, , ) che nutrirà di miele lo stesso earwicker defunto; e innanzitutto come autore del già citato man of aran, film del sulle isole irlandesi nella baia di galway che era apprezzato dallo scrittore ed è quasi sempre legato al protagonista del romanzo. si pensi a “kings of the arans” (fw, , ) e a “vellumtomes muniment, arans duhkha” (fw, , ), con rinvio all’irlandese duca di wellington soprannominato “iron duke” e al suo monumento a dublino; ma soprattutto a “the man in the oran mosque” (fw, , ), dove il film di flaherty è associato a un altro titolo in maschera mussulmana: the iron mask è infatti il film di allan dwan con douglas fairbanks (united artists, ), che mette in scena una leggenda storica incorporata da alexandre dumas nel suo le vicomte de bragelonne ( - ) e pubblicata in inglese separatamente (come terza parte del romanzo) col titolo the man in the iron mask ( ). ancora earwicker come ferreo protagonista è responsabile del rinvio in altra più elaborata occorrenza: “when that man d’airain was big top tom saw tip side bum boss pageantfiller” (fw, , - ), con allusioni a un mandarino cinese (il seguito è in pidgin english ovvero “pigeony linguish”) (fw, , ), a mark twain e alla caduta dell’eroe dalla scala con un piolo debitamente segato. analogo è il “paddy” (per “patrick”) è termine slang per “irlandese”. cfr. già j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “athens was, dub. is, aran will be”. per un passo parallelo si veda d. h. lawrence, the white peacock ( a ed. ), with an introduction by r. aldington, original illustrations by r. honeybourne, geneva, heron books, , p. . lawrence, la cui pessima opinione di joyce (ricambiata) è nota, non amava il cinema: si veda id., st. mawr, in id., the tales, london – toronto, william heinemann, , pp. - . si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., pp. - . james whale firma nel per edward small un remake del film di dwan col titolo the man in the iron mask e louis hayward come protagonista. parole rubate / purloined letters passaggio che nel capitolo chiude la pagina sulla radio donata a h. c. e. per migliorare il suo udito difettoso e risvegliarlo dal sonno, segnando la sua rinascita dopo la morte come gigante e mitico personaggio (thor e carlo magno ma anche edmund curll, venditore di libri indecenti): “so as to lall the bygone dozed they arborised around, up his corpular fruent and down his reuctionary buckling, hummer, enville and cstorrap (the man of iren, thore’s curlymane for you!), lill the lubberendth of his otological life” (fw, , - ). simile è anche la parodia pseudo-filologica ispirata dall’ardua decifrazione della famosa lettera di anna livia plurabelle in difesa del marito, che occupa gran parte del capitolo (il cappello dell’“aran man” è proprio quello di earwicker, con riferimento a un leitmotiv del romanzo): “the curious warning sign before our protoparent’s ipsissima verba [...] which paleographers call a leak in the thatch or the aranman ingperwhis through the hole of his hat, indicating that the words which follow may be taken in any order desired, hole of aran man the hat through the whispering his ho” (fw, , - ). a paragone di quello flahertiano, il profilo di chaplin offerto da finnegans wake è molto più complesso, non ispirato al solo titolo di un film ma al profilo globale dell’artista. che joyce fosse ben informato anche sulle vicende personali dell’attore, com’erano pubblicizzate dai si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . “buckling, hummer, enville and cstorrap” rinvia a una nursery rhyme, il ritornello di a frog he would a-wooing go: “with a rowley, powley, gammon, and spinach”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e (per altre allusioni allo stesso testo) m. p. worthington, anthony romeo ( . ), in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., x, , december , p. . si veda la nota n. . su joyce e chaplin si veda j. h. mcknight, chaplin and joyce: a mutual understanding of gesture, in biographical joyce, cit., pp. - . per un articolo su chaplin scritto da lucia joyce nel si veda j. joyce, letters, cit., vol. iii, p. (lettera a valery larbaud del ? febbraio ). rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo giornali, dimostra un appunto del primo taccuino preparatorio del romanzo (“c. c. gives pola negri the air”), riferendosi alla fine della relazione fra chaplin e la star di ernst lubitsch da poco arrivata a hollywood. già la personalità di leopold bloom e certi dettagli di ulysses sembrano ispirati al famoso personaggio del tramp (tanto da suggerire chaplin come possibile interprete della versione cinematografica del romanzo), ma è in finnegans wake che joyce manifesta apertamente la sua ammirazione per l’attore compilando un sintetico catalogo della sua filmografia: shangaied per essanay nel (“how big was his boost friend and be shanghaied to him?” (fw, , - ), shoulder arms (“for full marks with shouldered arms” (fw, , ) e a dog’s life (“any dog’s life you list”) (fw, , ) per first national nel , the goldrush per united artists nel (“my goldrush gainst her silvernetss”) (fw, , ) e la danza dei panini nota come the oceana roll nello stesso film (“ossian roll”) (fw, , ), modern times per united artists nel (“this is modeln times”) (fw, , f ) e perfino chase me charley cioè un’antologia inglese dei cortometraggi essanay realizzata da langford reed nel (“holy snakes, chase me charley, eva’s got barley under her fluencies!”) (fw, , - ), con riferimento al genesi e alla cacciata dal paradiso. cfr. id., scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . per il punto di vista di chaplin, che è quello condiviso dallo scrittore, si veda ch. chaplin, my autobiography, new york, simon and schuster, , pp. - . si veda j. kelly, joyce in hollywood in the s: a biographical essay, cit., pp. - . qui associata ai canti di ossian di james macpherson. si veda a. k. mcgarrity, chaplin, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., x, , october, , p. . si veda g. mitchell, the chaplin encyclopedia, london, b. t. batsford ltd, , pp. - . ma non si può escludere un rinvio concorrente al meno noto charlie chase, altro attore comico del cinema muto. cfr. rfw, , - : “holy snakes! chase me, charley, eva’s got barley! under her fluencies, all in!”. parole rubate / purloined letters il nome di chaplin o “young chapplie” (fw, , ) ritorna più volte, spesso mascherato in altri panni, come quando shaun-stanislaus ricorda che shem-joyce “was capped out of beurlads scoel for the sin against the past participle and earned the factitation of codding chaplan and being as homely gauche as swift b.a.a.” (fw, , - ); dove le difficoltà teologico-grammaticali con la berlitz school di trieste si associano ad un’auto-caricatura dello scrittore james joyce bachelor of arts. o quando butt e taff (alias shem e shaun) dialogano sulla guerra e la vita militare, divagando sul leitmotiv del generale russo a balaklava e descrivendo i soldati in libera uscita che ascoltano alla radio le ultime canzoni di successo; con chaplin appaiato questa volta al cappellano inglese stoddart kennedy detto woodbine willy perché distribuiva sigarette woodbine ai soldati durante la prima guerra mondiale (con allusione ai paparazzi che assediano l’attore e alle venditrici di sigarette nei cinema): “when our woos with the wenches went wined for a song, tsingirillies’ zyngarettes, while woodbine willie, so popiular with the poppyrossies, our chorney analogamente in un taccuino, contaminato con sherlock holmes (“charlock”). cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., , p. (vi.b. – ). cfr. rfw, , - : “was capped out of beurlads scoel for the sin against the past participle and earned the jactitation for codding chaplan and of being as homely gauche as swift, b.a.a.” si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. e d. rose & j. o’hanlon, understanding “finnegans wake”. a guide to the narrative of james joyce’s masterpiece, cit. p. . queste sigarette comparivano già in j. joyce, stephen hero, part of the first draft of a portrait of the artist as a young man, edited with an introduction by th. spencer, revised edition with additional material and a foreword by j. j. slocum and h. cahoon, london – glasgow – toronto – sidney – auckland, grafton books, ( a ed. ), p. . per una lista di marche di sigarette fumate dalle truppe inglesi durante la grande guerra si veda e. m. forster, the scallies ( ), in id., our diversions, in id., abinger harvest, harmondsworth, penguin books, , p. : “woodbines, black cats, flags, scissors, half-a-moes”. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo choplain, blued the air. [...] and we all tuned in to hear the topmast noviality. up the revels drown the rinks and almistips all round!” (fw, , - ). il rimando preciso a un cortometraggio mutual (the rink del ) sarà ripetuto in altro luogo del romanzo per the floorwalker (mutual, ), con allusione parallela al primo duca di normandia rolf ganger (walker) e l’aggiunta di un vero e proprio ritratto del tramp che in parte coincide, probabilmente, con il ritratto di john joyce padre dello scrittore: “i’ll not be complete in fighting lust until i contrive to half kill your charley you’re my darling for you […] particularly should he turn out to be a man in brown about town, rollo the gunger, son of a wants a flurewaltzer to arnolff’s, picking up ideas, of well over or about fiftysix or so, pithecoid proportions, with perhops five foot eight, the usual x y z type, r. c. toc h, nothing but claret, not in the studbook by a long stortch, with a toothbrush moustache and jawcrockeries, alias grinner through collar, and of course no beard, meat and colmans suit, with tar’s baggy slacks, obviously too roomy for him and springside boots, washing tie, father mathew’s bridge cfr. rfw, , - : “when our woos with the wenches went wined for a song, tsingirillies’ zyngarettes, while woodbine willie, so popiular with the popprossies, our chorney choplain, blued the air. [...] and we all tuned in to hear the topmast noviality. up the revels drown the rinks and almistips all round!”. “when our woos with the wenches went wined for a song” rinvia al famoso waltzer di johann strauss wein, weib, und gesang ( ), per il quale cfr. anche fw, , - : “his ballade imaginaire which was to be dubbed wine, woman and waterclocks”. “and we all tuned in to hear the topmast noviality. up the revels drown the rinks and almistips all round!” rimanda alla canzone phil the fluter’s ball del famoso compositore irlandese percy french: “‘i think it’s nearly time,’ sez he, for passin’ round the hat’. / so paddy passed the caubeen round, and looking mighty cute, / sez, ‘ye’ve got to pay the piper when he toothers on the flute’. /and they all joined in with the utmost joviality”. ricordiamo infine che “noviality” allude al novial (nov internationale auxiliary language), un linguaggio artificiale basato su una modificazione dell’esperanto e proposto da otto jespersen in un contributo del . si veda rispettivamente m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e m. j. c. hodgart, artificial languages, in a wake digest, edited by c. hart and f. senn, sidney, sidney university press, , pp. - . per altre sfumature si vedano ph. b. sullivan, further suggestions, in “a wake newslitter”, n.s., ii, , december , pp. - e r. von phul, carmina woodbiniana, ivi, n.s., iv, , february , p. . capo dei normanni che invasero la francia. si veda r. benjamin, northmen… norman… noman. conquest and effacement in “finnegans wake”, in “joyce studies annual”, n. s., , , pp. - . si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . parole rubate / purloined letters pin, sipping some wheatley’s at rhoss’s on a barstool, with some pubpal of the olaf stout kidney, always trying to poorchase movables by hebdomedaries for to putt in a new house to loot, cigarette in his holder” (fw, , - ). È giusto allora che l’appassionato omaggio di finnegans wake contenga anche un preciso ricordo del contatto fra lo spettatore e la persona filmica di chaplin, nel buio della sala di proiezione. quando l’autore descrive infatti la moderna “young female”, una “marge” (fw, , - ) che è anche il tipo di isabel figlia di earwicker, la mostra in alcune situazioni altrettanto tipiche: mentre passeggia al parco vestita all’ultima moda, “sitting on all the free benches avidously reading over ‘it’ but ovidently on the look out for ‘him’” (fw, , - ) o nei panni di una governante col bambino in braccio e qualche problema idraulico, dove l’allusione all’ars amatoria di ovidio si accompagna a it cioè al sex appeal che nel dava titolo a un famoso film di clarence badger “charley you’re my darling” è il titolo di una canzone scozzese del scritta da carolina oliphant lady nairne in onore del pretendente al trono charles edward stuart e attribuita al più famoso robert burns. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “i’ll not be complete in fighting lust until i contrive to half kill your charley you’re my darling for you […] particularly should he turn out to be a man in brown about town, rollo the gunger, wants a flurewaltzer to arnolff’s, picking up ideas, of well over or about fiftysix or so, pithecoid proportions, with perhops five foot eight, the usual x y z type, r. c., toc h, nothing but claret, not in the studbook by a long stretch, with a toothbrush moustache and jaw crockeries, alias grinner through collar, and of course no beard, meat and colmans suit, with tar’s baggy slacks obviously too roomy for him and springside boots, washing tie, father mathew’s bridge pin, sipping some wheatley’s at rhoss’s on a barstool, with some pubpal of the olaf stout kidney, always trying to poorchase movables by hebdomedaries for to putt in a new house to loot, cigarette in his holder”. in altro luogo del romanzo (fitto di allusioni al coito e alla prostituzione) si legge: “while we should like to drag attentions to our wolkmans cumsensation act” (fw, , - ), con riferimento al workman compensation act del (si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). ma una versione precedente attesta la variante “to drag attentions to this lot of floorwalkers”, probabilmente modificata per spostare il rinvio chapliniano nel luogo più appropriato. cfr. j. joyce, a first-draft version of “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “sitting on all the free benches avidously reading about ‘it’ but ovidently on the lookout for ‘him’”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo interpretato da clara bow per famous-players lasky; ma soprattutto la presenta come spettatrice di uno spettacolo cinematografico, “at the movies swallowing sobs and blowing bixed mixcuits over ‘childe’ chaplain’s ‘latest’” (fw, , - ). e il probabile riferimento al commovente bambino di the kid, ma anche ad una scena di the pawnshop (mutual, ), si mescola – con effetto irresistibile – alla rievocazione di un’autentica serata al cinema. . la proiezione appassionato di opera lirica e musica vocale, baritono dilettante ed esperto conoscitore di canzoni antiche e moderne (queste ultime hanno un ruolo importante in ulysses e in finnegans wake), joyce era affascinato anche dal cinema come forma d’arte popolare (“mute art for the million”) si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, london, thames and hudson, , p. . ancora più esplicito è il riferimento a it in fw, , - : “(ringrang, the chimes of sex appealing as conchitas with sentas stray, rung!), all thinking all of it, the it with an itch in it, the all every inch of it, the pleasure each will preen her for, the business each was bred to breed by”. cfr. rfw, , - : “(ringrang, the chimes of sexappealing as conchitas with sentas stray, rung!), all thinking all of it, the it with an itch in it, the all every inch of it, the pleasure each will preen her for, the business each was bred to breed by”. l’intero capitolo , per la parte dedicata a isabel, ruota intorno a “it”: si veda d. rose & j. o’hanlon, understanding “finnegans wake”. a guide to the narrative of james joyce’s masterpiece, cit., p. , p. e p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “at the movies swallowing sobs and blowing bixed mixcuits over ‘childe’ chaplain’s ‘latest’”. per quest’ultimo film si veda j. h. mcknight, chaplin and joyce: a mutual understanding of gesture, cit., p. . sui gusti personali di joyce in materia di musica vocale si veda c. brown – l. knuth, the tenor and the vehicle: a study of the john mccormack / james joyce connection, colchester, a wake newslitter press, , pp. - . per un catalogo delle canzoni nelle opere joyciane è indispensabile m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., passim. in particolare per ulysses si veda s. d. g. knowles, that form endearing: a performance of siren songs; or, “i was only vamping, man”, in joyce in the hibernian metropolis: essays, th international james joyce symposium, held in dublin, june , edited by m. beja and d. morris, columbus, ohio state university press, , pp. - . parole rubate / purloined letters (fw, , ). non a caso il capitolo di finnegans wake descrive con esattezza la rete della distribuzione cinematografica internazionale, insistendo proprio sulla natura collettiva del nuovo divertimento di massa e contrapponendolo alla letteratura (il passo precede immediatamente una pagina sulla lettera di anna livia plurabelle, primo importante sviluppo di un motivo centrale nel romanzo): “a snipery of that sort and the amount of all those sort of things which has been going on onceaday in and twiceaday out every other nachtistag among all kinds of promiscious individuals at all ages in private homes and reeboos publikiss and allover all and elsewhere throughout secular sequence the country over and overabroad has been particularly stupendous. to be continued. federals’ uniteds’ transports’ unions’ for exultations’ of triumphants’ ecstasies” (fw, , - ). l’omaggio al cinema americano (“particularly stupendous”) è qui raddoppiato da una rete di allusioni erotiche e sessuali, come spesso succede nel romanzo, ma l’estasi a cui fa riferimento l’acrostico finale in latino (futuete) è anche quella del pubblico che assiste a un buon film. ed è proprio alla fenomenologia della sala cinematografica che joyce dedica una fitta serie di osservazioni fra le pieghe del suo romanzo, così la settima arte non compare nella ben nota dichiarazione ad harriet shaw weaver del marzo : “i know little about literature, less about music, nothing about painting and less than nothing about sculpture; but i do know something about singing, i think” (cfr. j. joyce, letters, edited by s. gilbert, cit., vol. i, p. ). sul rapporto fra lo scrittore e la cultura di massa di veda c. semmler, radio and james joyce, in “b. b. c. quarterly”, - , pp. - . cfr. rfw, , - : “a snipery of that sort and the amount of all those sort of things which has been going on onceaday in and twiceaday out every other nachtistag among all kinds of promiscuous individuals at all ages in private homes and reeboos publikiss and alloverall and elsewhere throughout secular sequence the country over and overabroad has been particularly stupendous. to be continued. federals’ uniteds’ transports’ unions’ for exultations’ of triumphants’ ecstasies”. per un’esemplare analisi di un frammento di questo tipo, si veda f. senn, every klitty of a scolderymeid sexual-political analogies, in “a wake newslitter”, , june , pp. - . per un altro acrostico nascosto in fw, , ss. si veda d. rose & j. o’hanlon, understanding “finnegans wake”. a guide to the narrative of james joyce’s masterpiece, cit., p. . innumerevoli, ovviamente, sono quelli riferiti a hce. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo come registra nei suoi appunti i particolari di un film visto e perfino i commenti di nora durante lo spettacolo. non a caso, quando nel capitolo di finnegans wake (durante il lungo interrogatorio di yawn alias shaun) l’autore disegna un ironico autoritratto nel ‘vecchio’ hce spettatore cinquantaduenne che esce canterellando dal teatro: “out of prisky poppagenua, the palsied old priamite, home from edwin hamilton’s christmas pantaloonade, oropos roxy and pantharhea at the gaiety, trippudiating round the aria, with his fiftytwo heirs of age! they may reel at his likes but it’s noeh bonum’s shin do” (fw, , - ); cita sì il famoso gaiety theatre di dublino e la prima delle sue tradizionali pantomime natalizie firmata da edwin hamilton, con un titolo diverso tuttavia, che allude all’eterno ciclo del tempo, all’ouroboros e al motto di eraclito; ma contemporaneamente evoca le bobine della pellicola e la più spettacolare sala cinematografica americana: come suggeriva già un taccuino, si tratta del roxy, aperto nel a new york dall’impresario i taccuini registrano spesso la visione di un film senza altri dettagli (“cine” o “cinema at ”), a volte sono più precisi (“‘in the picture’ / gored petticoat”, “chorus girl one / of a pie / blackbirds / drunk / tripot (cine”, pensando probabilente al pub di earwicker) e in qualche caso registrano anche la voce di nora (“convicts at cine ‘o!’ shame!”), come già faceva una lettera di james: “the other evening we went to a bioscope. there were a series of pictures about betrayed gretchen. in the third last [act] lothario throws her into the river and rushes off, followed by rabble. nora said ‘o, policeman, catch him’”. cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ), p. (vi.b. – ) e p. (vi.b. – ); id., “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ) e p. (vi.b. – ); id., letters, cit., vol. ii, p. (lettera da pola a stanislaus joyce del dicembre ). si tratta di turko the terrible del , adattata da una precedente pantomima inglese e dedicata alle magiche trasformazioni in una corte di favola. È citata ripetutamente ulysses, in rapporto alla madre di stephen, ma anche a bloom e all’episodio di circe, a sua volta costruito come una pantomima. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. e pp. - ; d. gifford with j. seidman, “ulysses” annotated. notes for james joyce’s “ulysses”, berkeley, california university press, , p. . cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ): “roxy (rothapfel)”. parole rubate / purloined letters samuel rothapfel detto appunto roxy (famoso per i suoi spettacoli teatrali live che precedevano le proiezioni). in finnegans wake la magia dell’‘andare al cinema’ è descritta in tutte le sue fasi. si vorrebbe innanzitutto vedere un certo film, di cui si è sentito parlar bene conversando con gli amici. la sala è il metropole cinema di dublino, il film è a colori e il titolo coincide con il famoso dramma di henry arthur jones messo in scena nel michael and his lost angel (con allusione alla chiesa dublinese di st. michan, a los angeles e a michelangelo). l’osmosi cinema-teatro è in questo caso giustificata dal tema dello spettacolo che è ancora una volta la storia di finnegan e delle due ragazze nel parco, presentata “as an american movie of the period” ma anche come ripetizione parodica della vicenda del reverendo michael feversham che commette adulterio con la bella audrie si veda n. gabler, an empire of their own. how the jews invented hollywood, new york, crown publishers inc., , pp. - . roxy alias rothapfel non è citato nel repertorio di adaline glasheen. per altro appunto che associa il teatro e il cinema cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ): “films theatre outlets”. costruito al posto del metropole hotel e aperto nel . altra sala è quella di drumcollogher (o dromcolliher), un sobborgo di dublino dove nel morirono quarantotto spettatori per un incendio. joyce sostituisce pour cause il toponimo a napoli, nella parodia di una pubblicità turistica di dublino: “– do drumcollogher whatever you do! – visitez drumcollogher-la-belle! – be suke and sie so ersed drumcollogher! – vedi drumcollogher e poi moonis” (fw, , - ). cfr. rfw, , - : “– do drumcollogher whatever you do! – visitez drumcollogher-la-belle! – be suke and sie so ersed drumcollogher! – vedi drumcollogher e poi moonis!” e si veda fw, , (“well done, drumcollakill!”) e , - “there is oneyone’s house in dreamcolohour”). c’è anche un rinvio alla canzone di percy french there’s only one street (o house) in drumcollogher: si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). su questo toponimo, da un altro punto di vista e senza allusioni cinematografiche, si veda l. o. mink, dear dirty hazelwood ridge, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., ix, , december , pp. - . si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . cfr. j. campbell, mythic worlds, modern words: on the art of james joyce, edited by e. l. epstein, novato (california), new world library, ( a ed. ), p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo lesden, destinata a morire diventando il suo “good angel” (l’allusione apocalittica del titolo non era certo sfuggita a joyce): “what about our trip to normandy style conversation, with an occasional they say that filmacoulored featured at the mothrapurl skrene about michan and his lost angeleens is corkyshows do morvaloos” (fw, , - ). per entrare si paga ovviamente il biglietto, magari sotto forma di un vasetto di marmellata vuoto come usava nelle prime sale inglesi (anche il volta?) per l’ingresso dei bambini: “jampots, rinsed porters, taken in token” (fw, , ). e una volta in sala si prega bruscamente lo spettatore seduto davanti a noi di togliere il cappello e fare silenzio: “now listen, mr leer! and stow that sweatyfunnyadams simper!” (fw, , - ). la proiezione può cominciare, la pellicola comincia a scorrere e le immagini diventano per qualche attimo la realtà. l’invito ai tre soldati (i testimoni del peccato di earwicker nel parco) ad abbandonare ogni impresa guerresca e a sprofondare nel mondo effimero del sogno diventa allora un invito alla masturbazione ma soprattutto un invito al cinema, con probabili allusioni a the three musketeers (fred niblo, united artists, ), snowwhite and the seven dwarfes (walt disney, ) e al tempo stesso si veda apocalypsis, , e b. wallis, “michael and his lost angel”: archetypal conflict and victorian life, in “the victorian newsletter”, , fall, , p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “what about our trip to normandy style of conversation, with an occasional they say that filmacoulored featured at the mothrapurl skrene about michan and his lost angeleens is corkyshows do moorvaloos”. “the english tell children they can pay with a jampot” (cfr. r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). cfr. rfw, , : “now listen, mr leer! and stow that sweatyfunnyadams simper!”. “sweatyfunnyadams” allude all’espressione popolare “fanny adams” usata eufemisticamente (come f. a.) per “fuck all” nel senso di “nulla, da nulla”. l’origine è un fatto di cronaca nera del : una bambina di otto anni, “sweet fanny adams”, brutalmente assassinata e smembrata. cfr. anche fw, , : “mrs.f… a… saidaside” e rfw, , - : “mrs f– a– saidaside”. parole rubate / purloined letters the white rose (david wark griffith, united artists, ) e so red the rose (king vidor, paramount, ): “just one moment. a pinch in time of the ideal, musketeers! alphos, burkos and caramis, leave astrelea for the astrollajerries and for the love of the saunces and for the honour of keavens pike puddywhackback to pamintul. and roll away the reel world, the reel world, the reel world! and call all your smokeblushes, snowwhite and rosered, if you will have the real cream! now for a strawberry frolic!” (fw, , - ). la pellicola che stiamo per vedere non riguarda altri che earwicker, colto in flagrante nel parco con le due ragazze e mostrato come un “tableau vivant” (fw, , - ), seguendo l’estetica di molti film delle origini. ma l’esibizionismo sessuale del protagonista e l’accusa dei tre soldati testimoni della scena possono anche assumere la forma più dinamica di vere proprie sequenze o “seequeerscenes” presentate allo spettatore o “watchman havelook” (fw, , - ), magari identificate letteralmente con lo il film era interpretato da ivor novello. qui il rinvio è anche alla guerra delle due rose, come altrove nel testo, ma ugualmente alla fiaba dei fratelli grimm schneeweißchen und rosenrot trasferita nella fiaba tradizionale irlandese di patrick kennedy the twelve wild geese, dove la protagonista si chiama appunto snow-white-and-rose-red (il testo è compreso nell’antologia irish fairy and folk tales pubblicata da william butler yeats nel ). si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. e r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - – , - : “just one moment. a pinch in time of the ideal, musketeers! alphos, burkos and caramis, leave astrelea for the astrollajerries and for the love of the saunces and for the honour of keavens pike paddywhackback to pamintul. and roll away the reel world, the reel world, the reel world! and call all your smokeblushes, snowwhite and rosered, if you will have the real cream! now for a strawberry frolic!” “a pinch in time” richiama il proverbio “a stitch in time saves nine” (si veda ivi, p. ) e “and roll away the reel world, the reel world, the reel world!” rinvia alla canzone scozzese o weel may the keel row, the keel row, the keel row (si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. ). cfr. rfw, - : “watchman havelook seequeerscenes”. “havelook seequeerscenes” è qui il nome della guardia notturna sistersen, avatar di sackerson il domestico di earwicker, con allusione al famoso sessuologo havelock ellis, al poema duecentesco lay of havelok the dane e all’inno sacro ottocentesco di john bowring watchman, tell us of the night. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo scorrere dei titoli di testa sullo schermo, mentre si allude alla rivalità fra l’attore principale earwicker nel ruolo del gobbo usurpatore richard iii e altri più giovani attori destinati a prendere il posto del titolare (richard burbage, david garrick, spranger barry): “reeled the titleroll opposite a brace of girdles in silver on the screen but was sequenced from the set as crookback by the even more titulars, rick, dave and barry” (fw, , - ). non è allora un caso che la messa in scena teatrale descritta da joyce all’inizio del capitolo (per introdurre i giochi dei bambini in strada nel tardo pomeriggio) si trasformi in poche pagine, diventando uno spettacolo cinematografico prodotto per il grande pubblico e insieme una religiosa cerimonia celebrata dalle buone fate dell’illusione (“shadows by the film folk, masses by the good people”) (fw, , ); a partire dal ricordo di quelle provocatorie serate o battaglie futuriste (“futurist onehorse balletbattle pictures”) (fw, , ) che impiegavano provocatoriamente i numeri più diversi del teatro di varietà. il testo ripete fedelmente la struttura dei titoli di testa di un film, elencando tutte le componenti della produzione con minuzia burlesca (si pensi al famoso pun sull’élan vital wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. e m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “reeled the titleroll opposite a brace of girdles in silver on the screen but was sequenced from the set as crookback by the even more titulars, rick, dave and barry”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. e sulla frase m. l. troy, mummeries of resurrection. the cycle of osiris in “finnegans wake”, uppsala – stockholm, university of uppsala – almqvist & wiksell internationale, , p. . si veda j. joyce, selected letters, edited by r. ellmann, new york, viking press, , pp. - (lettera da parigi a harriet shaw weaver del novembre ). cfr. rfw, , : “shadows by the film folk. masses by the good people”. “good people” è il nome irlandese per le fate (si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). cfr. anche j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur- workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. (“the film folk”) e p. (“filmdom”). si veda c. marengo vaglio, futurist music hall, cit., pp. - . parole rubate / purloined letters bergsoniano), ma anche mescolando termini tecnici, maschere della commedia dell’arte, personaggi storici, titoli di operette, episodi di finnegans wake: “promptings by elanio vitale. longshots, upcloses, outblacks and stagetolets by hexenschuss, coachmaker, incubone and rocknarrag. creations tastefully designed by madame berthe delamode. dances arranged by harley quinn and coollimbeina. jests, jokes, jigs and jorums for the wake lent from the properties of the late cemented mr t. m. finnegan r.i.c. lipmasks and hairwigs by ouida nooikke. limes and floods by crooker and toll. kopay pibe by kappa pedersen. hoed pine hat with twentyfour ventholes by morgen. bosse and stringbag from heteroditheroe’s and all ladies’ presents. tree taken for grafted. rock rent. phenecian blends and sourdanian doofposts by shauvesourishe and wohntbedarft. the oakmulberryeke with silktrick twomesh from shop-sowry, seedmanchap. grabstone beg from general orders mailed. the crack (that’s cork!) by a smoker from the gods. the interjection (buckley!) by the firement in the pit. accidental music providentially arranged by l’archet and laccorde. melodiotiosities in purefusion by the score” (fw, , – , ). la proiezione può interrompersi per la rottura della pellicola, che dovrà essere in parte ribobinata, mentre il pubblico chiacchiera e le porte di aprono (“enterruption. check or slowback. dvershen”) (fw, , ). e alla fine della proiezione la pellicola uscirà dalla bobina col suo rumore cfr. rfw, , - : “promptings by elanio vitale. longshots, upcloses, outblacks and stagetolets by hexenschuss, coachmaker, incubone and rocknarrag. creations tastefully designed by madame berthe delamode. dances arranged by harley quinn and coollimbeina. jests, jokes, jigs and jorums for the wake lent from the properties of the late cemented mr t. m. finnegan r.i.c. lipmasks and hairwigs by ouida nooikke. limes and floods by crooker and toll. kopay pibe by kappa pedersen. hoed pine hat with twentyfour ventholes by morgen. bosse and stringbag from heteroclitheroe’s endsodds and all ladies’ presents. tree taken for grafted. rock rent. phenecian blends and sourdanian doofpoosts by shauvesourishe and wohntbedarft. the oakmulberryeke with silktrick twomesh from shop-sowy, seedmanchap. grabstone beg from general orders mailed. the crack (that’s cork!) by a smoker from the gods. the interjection (buckley!) by the firemet in the pit. accidental music providentially arranged by l’archet and laccorde. melodiotiosities in purefusion by the score”. “jests, jokes, jigs and jorums for the wake lent from the properties of the late cemented mr t. m. finnegan” si riferisce ovviamente a the ballad of finnegan’s wake, che dà titolo al romanzo. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . con rinvio a una czechozlovak diversion e alla parola ceca (dveře) che indica la porta. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo caratteristico (“finny. ack, ack, ack”) (fw, , - ). ci sono poi gli intervalli fra un tempo e l’altro, vistosamente marcati nel capitolo durante la lunga performance di butt e taff (ovvero i gemelli shem e shaun), che dialogano come due attori di vaudeville o di cinema o due personaggi di comic strip (mutt e jeff). il primo intervallo è rigorosamente pubblicitario e rinvia piuttosto a programmi radiofonici o meglio televisivi, dedicati al concorso ippico di caerholme (“up to this curkscraw bind an admirable verbivocovisual presentment of the worldrenownced caerholme event has been being given by the irish race and world. [...] this eeridreme has being effered you by bett and tipp”) (fw, , - – , ). il secondo intervallo o zwischenzeit sembra ispirarsi ai cinegiornali di attualità, presentando un panorama internazionale ed elencando i fatti più diversi “during this swishingsight teilweisioned” (fw, , ): ovviamente, trattandosi di joyce, gli eventi della politica mondiale si trasformano in una sequenza di dettagli irrilevanti e banalmente quotidiani. il terzo intervallo, invece, esordisce con una dissolvenza incrociata fra taff e butt, per esibire poi su uno schermo propriamente televisivo the charge of the light brigade, con ovvio riferimento al famoso poemetto di tennyson ma anche al film warner di cfr. rfw, , - : “finny! ack, ack, ack”. si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda b. benstock, americana in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . caerholme è un ippodromo nei pressi di lincoln dove tradizionalmente si correva fin dall’ottocento il famoso lincolnshire handicap. l’allusione si mescola ad altre su altri concorsi, grand national steeplechase e one thousand guineas di liverpool. si veda d. rose & j. o’hanlon, understanding “finnegans wake”. a guide to the narrative of james joyce’s masterpiece, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - – , - : “up to this curkscraw bind an admirable verbivocovisual presentment of the world-renownced caerholme event has been being given by the irish race and world. [...] this eeridreme has being effered you by bett and tipp”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda ibidem. joyce allude all’inventore della televisione, lo scozzese john logie baird (“bairdboard”). si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . parole rubate / purloined letters michael curtiz del , mettendo in scena in entrambi i casi la battaglia di balaklava nella guerra di crimea: “in the heliotropical noughttime following a fade of transformed tuff and, pending its viseversion, a metenergic reglow of beaming batt, the bairdboard bombardment screen, if tastefully tout guranium satin, tends to teleframe and step up to the charge of a light barricade” (fw, , - ). ciò che segue è allora una descrizione della battaglia, fino al momento in cui appare il vecchio generale russo che nell’intervallo seguente (e ultimo) sarà ucciso dal giovane soldato buckley, sviluppando così appieno questo importante leitmotiv del romanzo (replica del contrasto generazionale fra earwicker e il cad). ma alla descrizione dello scontro militare si sovrappone una fitta serie di termini derivati dalla tecnologia televisiva, in tal modo rendendo metalinguisticamente visibile la traduzione in immagini filmiche della carica di cavalleria sotto il fuoco nemico e il fumo degli esplosivi: “down the photoslope in syncopanc pulses, with the bitts bugtwug their teffs, the missledhropes, glitteraglatteraglut, borne by their carnier walve. spraygun rakes and splits them from a double focus: grenadite, damnymite, alextronite, nichilite: and the scanning firespot of the sgunners traverses the rutilanced illustred sunksundered lines. cfr. rfw, , - – , - : “in the heliotropical noughttime following a fade of transformed tuff and, pending its viseversion, a metenergic reglow of beaming batt, the bairdboard bombardment screen, of tastefully tout guranium satin tends to teleframe and step up to the charge of a light barricade”. il titolo del poemetto di tennyson ritorna in fw, , - : “in charge of the night brigade”. per una descrizione delle tecniche televisive in uso verso la fine degli anni trenta si veda il commento in j. joyce, the index manuscript “finnegans wake” holograph workbook vi, b. , cit., pp. - . si veda anche w. füger, tv troubles, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., xiii, , june , pp. - ; id., tv again, ivi, xv, , april, , p. ; d. e. theall, the hieroglyphs of engined egypsians: machines, media, and modes of communication in “finnegans wake”, in “joyce studies annual”, , , pp. - ; h. burrell, chemistry and physics in “finnegans wake”, part ii, ivi, , , pp. - . joyce aveva acquistato il primo fascicolo (novembre ) della rivista “television magazine”: si veda th. e. connolly, the personal library of james joyce. a descriptive bibliography, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo shloss! a gaspel truce leaks out over the caeseine coatings. amid a fluorescence of spectracular mephiticism there caoculates through the inconoscope stealdily a still, the figure of a fellowchap in the wohly ghast, popey o’donoshough, the jesuneral of the russuates” (fw, , - ). qualcosa di simile avviene anche durante la descrizione della famiglia earwicker in camera da letto, nel capitolo . come all’inizio del capitolo , si comincia come in uno spettacolo teatrale, con allusione allo “stagemanager’s prompt” (fw, , ) e con una lunga didascalia che descrive gli elementi scenici. quasi subito, però, quelle che sembrano le direttive del regista comunicate alla troupe non rinviano più al teatro ma al cinema, ancora una volta con abbondanza di termini tecnici: “a time. act: dumbshow. closeup. leads. [...] closeup. play! callboy. cry off. tabler. her move. footage. [...] his move. blackout” (fw, , - e - – , ). la scena fra earwicker e sua moglie a letto si trasforma allora nella composizione di un’inquadratura per il cameraman con opportune indicazioni per i movimenti di macchina e per la recitazione degli attori (con metafore scacchistiche): “man with nightcap, in bed, fore. woman, with curlpins, hind. discovered. side point of view. first position of harmony. say! eh? ha! check action. matt. male partly masking female. man looking round, beastly expression, fishy eyes, parallelepiped homoplatts, ghazometron pondus, exhibits rage” (fw, , - ). cfr. rfw, , - : “down the photoslope in syncopanc pulses, with the bitts bugtwug their teffs, the missledhropes, glitteraglatteraglut, borne by their carnier walve. a spraygun rakes and splits them from a double focus: grenadite, damnymite, alextronite, nichilite: and the scanning firespot of the sgunners traverses the rutilanced illustred sunksundered lines. shloss! a gaspel truce leaks out over the caeseine coatings. amid a fluorescence of spectracular mephiticism there caoculates through the inconoscope stealdily a still, the figure of a fellowchap in the wohly ghast, popey o’donoshough, the jesuneral of the russuates”. sulla valenza ‘televisiva’ della pagina si veda c. hart, structure and motif in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - , - , : “a time. act: dumbshow. closeup. leads. [...] closeup. play! callboy. cry, off. tabler. her move. footage. [...] his move. blackout”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “man, with nightcap, in bed, fore. woman, with curlpins, hind. discovered. side point of view. first position of harmony. say! eh? ha! parole rubate / purloined letters quando, poco più tardi, la madre anna livia si alza dal letto per confortare un bambino che piange, la sua voce si confonde con quella di un ragazzo che cerca di rassicurare la sua ragazza durante la proiezione di un film dell’orrore (forse il muto francese le loup-garou del o il più noto film del the werewolf of london), approfittando della sua paura per metterle la mano sul ginocchio nel buio della sala: “whervolk dorst ttou begin to tremble by our moving pictures at this moment when i am to place my hand of our true friendshapes upon thee knee to mark well what i say? throu shayest who? in amsterdam there lived a… but how? you are tremblotting, you retchad, like a verry jerry! niet? […] to feel, you? yes, how it trembles, the timid! […] or doth brainskin flinchgreef?” (fw, , - ). e mentre la voce sembra raccontare ai bambini una favola per calmarli (“in amsterdam there lived a...”, con opportuna dose di lingua neerlandese), il pubblico di sala protesta per la banda sonora troppo check action. matt! male partly masking female.domicy. man looking round, beastly expression, fishy eyes, parallelepiped homoplatts, ghazometron pondus, exhibits rage”. il primo firmato da pierre bressol e jacques roullet per pathé, il girato da stuart walker per la universal. i riferimenti al lupo mannaro nel romanzo non mancano (fw, , e : “moonface the murderer, hoary hairy hoax [...] lycanthrope”) e in qualche caso (fw, , : “warewolff! olff! toboo!”) rinviano contemporaneamente e polemicamente a virginia woolf, come dimostra k. anspaugh, “when lovely wooman stoops to conk him”: virginia woolf in “finnegans wake”, in “joyce studies annual”, , , pp. - . per una lettura canonicamente freudiana si veda a. armstrong, shem the penman as glugg as the wolf-man, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., x, , august , pp. - . una fonte letteraria segnala g. eckley, the werewolf revisited, and other ghosts of gerald griffin, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., xiv, , june , pp. - . cfr. rfw, , - – , - : “whervolk dorst ttou begin to tremble by our moving pictures at this moment when i am to place my hand of our true friendshapes upon thy knee to mark well what i say? throu shayest who? in amsterdam there lived a… but how? you are tremblotting, you retchad, like a verry jerry! niet? […] to feel, you? yes, how it tremules, the timid! […] or doth brainskin flinchgreef?” joyce cita il titolo della canzone popolare in amsterdam there lived a maid, già presente in the rape of lucrece di thomas heywood ( ). si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo debole (sono rimaste solo le immagini) e per le chiacchiere troppo rumorose di quella coppia di innamorati: “stemming! what boyazhness! sole shadow shows. tis jest jibberweek’s joke. it must have stole. o, keve silence, both! putshameyu! i have heard her voice somewhere else’s before me in these ears still that now are for mine” (fw, , - ). la mescolanza di neerlandese e italiano (che boiata!), come la citazione carrolliana (jabberwocky), sfociano nella splendida frase finale che riconduce la voce del cinema a quella della madre. con una sorta di acustica dissolvenza incrociata il narratore sembra recuperare proustianamente la sua infanzia lontana, la voce della propria madre: una sorta di joyciano “longtemps, je me suis couché de bonne heure” che chiude perfettamente questo burlesco omaggio al cinema sonoro. . gli attori per il grande pubblico degli anni venti e trenta, in modo ben più rigido di quanto avvenga oggi, erano gli attori a ‘firmare’ un film, era il prestigio degli attori a orientare i progetti dei produttori cinematografici e quindi le possibilità commerciali di una pellicola, quasi sempre elaborata come vehicle per una star. come abbiamo detto, joyce non sfugge a questa ferrea logica dell’industria hollywoodiana e insieme dello spettatore medio, dando largo spazio in finnegans wake ai nomi degli interpreti. si tratta appunto di nomi, com’è la regola per moltissime citazioni nel romanzo che agiscono appunto come nominalistiche interferenze fra una figura e l’altra, cfr. rfw, . - : “stemming! what boyazhness! sole shadow shows. ’tis jest jibberweek’s joke. it must have stole. o, keve silence, both! putshameyu! i have heard her voice somewhere else’s before me in these ears still that now are for mine”. parole rubate / purloined letters un evento e l’altro, un luogo e l’altro; poiché tutti, nomi figure eventi e luoghi, si possono scambiare e possono coincidere nel grande tempo ciclico di finnegans wake. manca quindi, sul versante degli attori e (come vedremo) su quello dei titoli dei film, la possibilità di un discorso più ampio che coinvolga la natura del medium e la sua funzione nell’universo tematico dello scrittore. il catalogo documenta certamente la passione di cinéphile dello scrittore e l’ampiezza della sua informazione cinematografica, anche quando quest’ultima si basa su fonti secondarie (come avviene per una gran quantità di citazioni in finnegans wake). in molti casi, peraltro, l’inventario rimane allo stadio dell’ipotesi e si affida a una speciale collaborazione di lettori infinitamente pazienti, come si augurava lo stesso joyce. se infatti ogni pagina di finnegans wake sovrappone all’idea strutturale originaria una fitta rete di allusioni multiple incrociate fra loro che danno vita a un “pollylogue” (fw, , ) potenzialmente infinito, la ricchezza e la complessità dell’intrico è tale che i rimandi finiscono per andare ben oltre il quadro di volta in volta programmato dall’autore. dobbiamo insomma tener conto della forza auto- produttiva di un testo che contiene migliaia di nomi e citazioni, e che proprio perciò innesca a ogni passo un gran numero di altri rinvii interni ed sull’eguale importanza o non-importanza delle fonti joyciane, dai grandi libri ai banali inserti pubblicitari dei quotidiani che alla pari forniscono allo scrittore i frammenti verbali più eterogenei, si veda r.-j. henkes, on the verge of the wake: joyce’s reading in notebook vi.b. in “joyce studies annual”, n. s., , , p. e p. . si pensi alla consultazione di periodici come “boy’s cinema”, di cui joyce possedeva almeno un esemplare ( agosto ): si veda th. e. connolly, the personal library of james joyce. a descriptive bibliography, cit., p. e r. ellmann, james joyce, cit., p. . il termine è presente anche in uno dei taccuini, con rinvio alla molteplicità delle voci nell’episodio ‘televisivo’ di butt e taff nel capitolo : “polylogue (broadcasters)”. cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). si veda d. hayman, the “wake” in transit, cit., pp. - . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo esterni, che si moltiplicano durante il corso della lettura grazie alla loro stessa molteplicità. l’infinita apertura dell’opera non garantisce automaticamente la pertinenza dei richiami, che è variabile e dipende anche dal buon senso, dalla sensibilità e dalla competenza del lettore. ed è semmai la tendenza delle allusioni a raggrupparsi in clusters piuttosto che l’apparizione di una singola occorrenza (si pensi ai titoli composti da una sola parola), a garantire la rilevanza del loro significato, poiché ogni decifrazione ad ogni istante deve tener d’occhio anche il contesto. ma il lettore, come ha ben detto natan halper: “ […] where everything is interwoven […] never knows when some other body of material is suddenly going to be relevant. willy-nilly, he will find himself, groping — like the rest of us — in an endless warehouse that is overcrowded with badly-sorted information”. nel repertorio degli attori, innanzitutto, molti personaggi citati da joyce appartengono al mondo del teatro, secondo un’osmosi fra i due ambiti che è alle origini stesse del cinema e sulla quale ritorneremo. si pensi a harry relph detto little tich (agli inizi little tichborne), stella del in altri casi le coincidenze sono ovviamente casuali: nulla giustifica, per esempio, un rinvio ad humphrey bogart a partire dal nome del protagonista del romanzo, humphrey chimpden earwicker. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. e b. o hehir, the name of humphrey, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., iii, , october , pp. - . per questo suggerimento di metodo si veda c. brown – l. knuth, the tenor and the vehicle: a study of the john mccormack / james joyce connection, cit., pp. - . n. halper, being a sommerfool ( ), in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., viii, , february , p. . analoga diagnosi sul coinvolgimento del lettore e sul suo sforzo per controllare il materiale, speculare rispetto a quello dell’autore, si legge in d. hayman, the “wake” in transit, cit., , p. . pagine illuminanti sulla crisi della competence in area joyciana si leggono in j. derrida, ulysse gramophone. l’oui dire de joyce, in d. ferrer, s. kim, j.-m. rabaté, cl. jacquet, l. milesi, b. brun, j. derrida, genèse de babel. joyce et la création, Études présentées par cl. jacquet, paris, Éditions du centre national de la recherche scientifique, , pp. - . parole rubate / purloined letters vaudeville inglese del primo novecento, che come altri colleghi si esibì anche davanti alla macchina da presa e che joyce ricorda con un doppio senso osceno (“you try a little tich to the tissle of his tail”) (fw, , - ). ma potremmo citare anche la grande attrice francese réjane, già ammirata da marcel proust e interprete di tre film fra il e il : “rejaneyjailey” (fw, , ), con allusione ad anna livia plurabelle come regina coeli e insieme all’omonimo carcere di roma. e ugualmente l’americana blanche yurka, che al suo repertorio teatrale classico aggiunse qualche film girato per mgm, impersonando nel madame de farge al fianco di ronald colman in a tale of two cities di jack conway: “rose lankester and blanche yorke” (fw, , ), con allusione alla guerra delle due rose. non deve essere dimenticata neppure l’irlandese sara allgood dell’irish national theatre society, attiva sulle scene ma anche nel cinema britannico fino al suo trasferimento negli stati uniti nel (blackmail e juno and the paycock diretti per british international da alfred hitchcock nel e nel , il già citato lily of killarney nel , lazybones diretto per real art da michael powell nel e molti un numero del clown fu filmato nel in occasione dell’esposizione universale di parigi col titolo little tich et ses big boots, mediante il.sistema di cinema sonoro phono-cinéma-théatre. alla sua popolarità parigina accenna, nel , il partecipe necrologio di j. b. priestley, little tich, in id., the balconinny and other essays, london, methuen & co., , p. . cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , prefaced & arranged by d. hayman, new york & london, garland publishing inc., , p. (vi.b. – ): “a little tich of it”. si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. e a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . si veda w. d. jenkins, blanche yurka, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., xiv, , december , p. . “lankester” allude probabilmente ad un’altra grande attrice di teatro, elsa lanchester, moglie di charles laughton e attiva anche nel cinema inglese e americano degli anni trenta (ricordiamo solo bride of frankenstein di james whale per universal nel ). il nome rimanda forse anche a sir edwin ray lankester, famoso naturalista e divulgatore dell’evoluzionismo (ricordiamo science from an easy chair del ). rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo altri film). joyce la conosceva personalmente e segnala in una lettera l’annuncio di una sua lettura londinese di anna livia plurabelle nel , evocandola anche in finnegans wake: “she convorted him to the onesure allgood and he became a luderman” (fw, , - ) e “to sara’s bridge good hunter and nine to meet her” (fw, , - ). gli attori del muto sono debitamente registrati, a cominciare dai più celebri: rodolfo valentino, citato ovviamente all’interno di una dichiarazione d’amore e confuso con san valentino (“valentine eyes”, “on the ides of valentino’s”, “the valiantine vaux”, “a linehall valentino”) (fw, , ; , - ; , ; , ); ivor novello, presente per il suo nome di battesimo (“forivor”, “up the rivor”) (fw, , e , - ) e quindi spesso sovrapposto a uno dei primi re norvegesi di dublino, ma presente anche come autore della canzone keep the home fires burning (“chez where the log foyer’s burning!”, “keeping the home fires burning”) (fw, , e , - ); mary pickford, citata in un elenco di chiese approfittando del suo nome mariano e ricordando il suo film del stella maris (diretto per artcraft da marshall neilan) ma anche evocando i nickelodeons e insieme il suo grande pubblico (“s. mary stillamaries with bride-and-audeons-behind-wardborg”) (fw, , - ); le due si veda j. joyce, letters, cit., vol. iii, p. (lettera a frank budgen del ottobre ), qui con riferimento al sara bridge a dublino. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , : “on the ides of valentine’s”. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., pp. - . si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e p. earwicker, nei panni di adamo che dà i nomi alle cose, “had put his own nickelname on every toad, duck and herring” (fw, , - ), con allusione a tom, dick e harry. cfr. rfw, , - : “s. mary stillamarries with bride-and-audeons-behind- wardborg”. mary pickford e douglas fairbanks, sposati dal al e co- fondatori della united artists nel (insieme a charlie chaplin e david wark parole rubate / purloined letters giovanissime sorelle lillian e dorothy gish, protagoniste dei grandi film di david wark griffith e qui associate alle fanciulle che circondano isabel (“and gish! how they gushed away, the pennyfares, a whole school for scamper, with their sashes flying sish behind them, all the little pirlypettes! issy-la-chapelle!”) (fw, , - ); pearl white, famosa star del primo serial americano the perils of pauline, girato da louis gasnier e donald mckenzie per pathé nel (“perilwhitened passionpanting pugnoplangent intuitions”) (fw, , - ). incontriamo poi, in tre luoghi diversi del romanzo, le tre stars del western noah beery, buck jones e tom mix. il primo è l’unico attore di finnegans wake ad avere l’onore di essere citato direttamente, senza deformazioni fonetiche o spostamenti di senso: padre del più noto wallace e vero tipo di heavy nel western delle origini, si capisce che venga ricordato per il suo... peso (“noah beery weighed stone thousand one when hazel was a hen. now her fat’s falling fast”) (fw, , - ). il secondo è compreso nel catalogo dei bambini e dei regali offerti dalla gallina anna livia “like santa claus” (fw, , ), ma sotto la sua maschera si si nasconde (in questa lista tutta irlandese) griffith), appaiono in un taccuino del - che cita probabilmente una foto pubblicitaria: “mary pickford on / balcony & doug / legshow, whole / . . black garters / who saw her – / every body”. cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). cfr. rfw, , - : “and, gish, how they gushed away, the pennyfares, a whole school for scamper, with their sashes flying sish behind them, all the little pirlypettes! issy-la-chapelle!”. si veda b. benstock, americana in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. (anche per altre allusioni cinematografiche). “when hazel was a hen” allude al fagiano della specie hazel hen ma anche, probabilmente, ad un’altra attrice: quella hazel dawn famosa interprete teatrale di operette fra il e la grande guerra, e ugualmente protagonista di qualche film per famous players-lasky fra il e il (nel la dawn girò the lone wolf per la regia e la produzione di herbert brenon, mentre ancora nel avrebbe partecipato a a cloudy romance, un film per william fox di lewis seiler). “now her fat’s falling fast” cita l’esordio della poesia di henry wadsworth longfellow excelsior ( ), “the shades of night were falling fast”, più volte parodiata a cominciare dalla versione di alfred edward housman del . l’originale era stato musicato per duetto di tenore e baritono dall’irlandese michael william balfe. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo l’impresario teatrale di dublino frederick e. buck jones: “a prodigal heart and fatted calves for buck jones, the pride of clonliffe” (fw, , - ). tom mix compare invece ironicamente in un contesto marinaro evocato dalla canzone di percy french has anybody ever been to mick’s hotel (“whoever’s gone to mix hotel by the salt say water there’s nix to nothing we can do for he’s never again to sea”) (fw , - ), ma soprattutto come uno dei tre soldati che spiano earwicker al parco, sovente e convenzionalmente chiamati tom, dick e harry (“three tommix, soldiers free”) (fw, , ). un’altra probabile allusione a tom mix (“tumtim”) evocato insieme a due colleghi del western nel periodo muto (art accord e edward ‘hoot’ gibson), si legge in questo passaggio dedicato al potere della fede religiosa contrapposta alla scienza: “for if sciencium (what’s what) can mute uns nought, ’a thought, abought the great sommboddy within the omniboss, perhops an artsaccord (hoot’s hoot) might sing ums tumtim abutt the little newbuddies that ring his panch” (fw, , - ). joyce può anche citare più attori nello stesso frammento testuale, come in queste righe che alludono al ryehouse plot, il complotto del per assassinare charles ii e il duca di york: si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . buck jones era proprietario di clonliffe house. cfr. rfw, , - : “whoever’s gone to mix hotel by the salt say water there’s nix to nothing we can do for he’s never again to sea”. la canzone di percy french si apre con “has anybody ever been to mick’s hotel, / mick’s hotel by the salt say water?” e il ritornello che chiude ogni strofa è “never again for me”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda ivi, p. e p. . qui si aggiunge un’eco della canzone elisabettiana we be soldiers free. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . si veda e. j. cronin, science ‘bites the dust’. an analysis of fw: . - , in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., xv, , april , pp. - . si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . parole rubate / purloined letters “but old sporty, as endth lord, in ryehouse reigner, he nought feared crimp or cramp of shore sharks, plotsome to getsome. it was whol niet godthaab of errol loritz off his cape of good howthe and his trippertrice loretta lady, a maomette to his monetone” (fw, , - ). qui gli indizi marinareschi si adattano bene alla storia del sailor e del tailor che si sta raccontando nel capitolo , ma anche all’atletico e piratesco profilo dei primi film di erroll flynn (mescolato qui all’irlandese earl lawrence di howth). e “reigner” potrebbe alludere a luise rainer, l’attrice austriaca rivelata da max reinhardt e vincitrice di due oscar a hollywood nel (robert ziegler leonard, the great ziegfield, mgm) e nel (sidney franklin, the good earth, mgm); mentre “loretta”, che si avvicina al suo virile montone hce come maometto alla sua montagna, rinvia alle frivole lorettes parigine ma anche alla giovane loretta young, che negli anni trenta lavora con frank capra, william wellman, frank borzage, cecil b. de mille, john ford, allan dwan. e la catena dei rinvii si dovrebbe allungare se catalogassimo tutte le occorrenze di “lloyd” e di “flynn” nel romanzo, osservando che il primo nome non si riferisce solo alla famosa compagnia assicurativa ma anche al grande maestro della daredevil comedy negli anni venti, harold lloyd (almeno in un caso associato alla celluloide: “sailalloyd”, fw, , ); e che il secondo non rimanda solo alla canzone father o’flynn già citata in cfr. rfw, , - : “but old sporty, as endth lord, in ryehouse reigner, he nought feared crimp or cramp of shore sharks, plotsome to getsome. it was whol niet godthaab of errol loritz off his cape of good howthe and his trippertrice, loretta lady, a maomette to his monetone”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. anche fw, , : “so saida to moyhammlet and marhaba to your mount!”. come probabilmente in fw, , (“lupita lorette”) e , - (“fitting tyres onto danelope boys or fluttering flaus for laurettas”). rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo ulysses ma anche al protagonista di tanti film d’azione firmati da michael curtiz negli anni trenta. altro esempio di cumulo onomastico, meno sicuramente decifrabile, è la pagina in cui joyce evoca il suo incontro del giugno con nora barnacle che lavorava come cameriera al finn’s hotel di dublino, la fuga dei due amanti nell’ottobre verso londra, parigi, zurigo, trieste e pola, la loro vita in comune fino al tardivo matrimonio celebrato nel : “with her banbax hoist from holder, zig for zag through pool and polder, cheap, cheap, cheap and laughing jack, all augurs scorenning, see the bolche your pictures motion and kitzy kleinsuessmein eloping for that holm in finn’s hotel fiord, nova norening. where they pulled down the kuddle and they made fray and if thee don’t look homey, well, that dook can eye mae. he goat a berth. and she cot a manege. and wohl’s gorse mundom ganna wedst” (fw, , - ). la rievocazione è accompagnata da alcune canzoni (quella irlandese di emigrazione off to philadelphia in the morning composta a fine ottocento da john patterson, la nursery rhyme settecentesca polly. put the kettle on e il negro spiritual intitolato all god’s chillun got wings), ma anche da qualche allusione cinematografica: come se si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., pp. - e m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “with her banbax hoist from holder, zig for zag through pool and polder, cheap, cheap, cheap and laughing jack, all augurs scorenning, see the bolche your pictures motion and kitzy kleinsuessmein eloping for that holm in finn’s hotel fiord, nova norening. where they pulled down the kuddle and they made fray and if thee don’t look homey, well, that dook can eye mae”. he goat a berth. and she cot a manege. and whoth’s gorse mundum ganna wedst”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . “with my bundle on my shoulder, / there’s no one could be bolder”. “i got a robe, you got a robe / all o’ god’s chillum got a robe”. omonimo è il dramma di eugene o’neill nel , mentre la canzone all god’s chillum got rhythm parole rubate / purloined letters l’avventura di james e nora, al pari di quella di hce e delle ragazze nel parco, diventasse il soggetto di un film in barba allo sdegnoso scetticismo dei borghesi che assistono alla scena (“all augurs scorenning”). ma è l’indicazione dei film che si devono vedere, o meglio l’invito ai bolscevichi a vedere i loro film (pensiamo all’incontro con eisenstein), a suggerire qualche enigmatico profilo di attrice. nascosta nel lessico scandinavo “holm” e “fiord” come in altro luogo del romanzo (“you going to haulm port haulm, toilermaster”) (fw, , ), c’è forse brigitte helm, l’attrice tedesca protagonista di metropolis di fritz lang (ufa, ), de l’argent di marcel l’herbier (cinémondial, ), di tre film di georg wilhelm pabst. e nel toponimo “nova norening”, che evoca l’artica nova zemlia e al tempo stesso nora (joyce pensa alle migrazioni dell’anitra selvatica o barnacle goose, a nora helmer e a vildanden dell’amato ibsen), traspare forse il nome dell’attrice inglese nova pilbeam: interprete hitchcockiana di the man who knew too much (gaumont- british, ) e protagonista di young and innocent (gaumont-british, ). più esplicito è il finale del passo, con il telone dello schermo dove l’occhio del pubblico può ammirare mae west mentre il cognome della famosa attrice si nasconde nell’allusione alla morte (to go west) che cita al tempo stesso il titolo di un film: go west, young man, infatti, non è solo uno slogan ottocentesco apocrifamente attribuito al giornalista americano di walter jurmann, gus kahn e bronislau kaper è stata scritta nel per il film dei marx brothers a day at the races, diretto da sam wood per mgm. l’accenno all’antica pratica divinatoria aggiunge “an ancient roman dimension to this rejection of a formal marriage ceremony” (cfr. r. j. schork, latin and roman culture in joyce, gainesville, university press of florida, , p. ). cfr. fw, , : “barnacle gander”. cfr. j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “glorious name of irish goose”. sul tema, collegato alla mitologia egiziana, si veda m. l. troy, mummeries of resurrection. the cycle of osiris in “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - . per l’associazione mortuaria di west e waste si veda j. gordon, “finnegans wake”: a plot summary, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo horace greeley (come in “a noted house of the gonemost west”) (fw, , ), ma anche una pellicola realizzata da henry hathaway per paramount nel proprio con mae west come protagonista (insieme a warren william e randolph scott). con questi attori, tuttavia, siamo passati dal periodo muto al periodo sonoro, che è anche quello maggiormente documentato nel romanzo e sempre con spiccata preferenza per il cinema americano. joyce cita altre affascinanti attrici apprezzandole per il loro fisico, come la cantante dorothy lamour (arrivata al successo in the jungle princess, diretto da william thiele per paramount nel ): “if that is what lamoor that of gentle breast rathe is intaken” (fw, , - ). la bella mary astor, protagonista di una lunga carriera negli anni venti e trenta, appare in una battuta polemica del vecchio evangelista matteo contro i colleghi luca, marco e giovanni, associati come sempre alle contee irlandesi leinster, munster e connaught. e qui l’attrice, nota per la sua vita sentimentale piuttosto agitata, prende provocatoriamente il posto delle due province e dei due evangelisti proprio in nome della potenza sessuale femminile (mona e con): “the leinstrel boy to the wall is gone and there’s moreen astoreen for monn and conn” (fw, , - ). uguale strizzata un film muto omonimo era stato firmato nel da harry beaumont e nel buster keaton aveva firmato go west per mgm. non appaiono riferimenti al cinema nel repertorio di s. b. bird, some american notes to “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - . con citazione dall’inferno di dante alighieri (v, ): “amor, che al cor gentil ratto s’apprende”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda j. joyce, selected letters, cit., p. (lettera da parigi a harriet shaw weaver del ottobre ). “the leinstrel boy to the wall is gone and there’s moreen” cita l’incipit di una delle irish melodies ( - ) di thomas moore, the minstrel boy o the moreen: “the minstrel-boy to the war is gone”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e p. . joyce possedeva una raccolta delle irish melodies con gli accompagnamenti musicali: si veda th. e. connolly, the personal library of james joyce. a descriptive bibliography, cit., p. . parole rubate / purloined letters d’occhio è riservata ancora a mae west (“look for me always at my west and i will think to dine”) (fw, , - ), mentre “maye faye, she’s la gaye this snaky woman!” (fw, , ) rimanda sì alla biblica eva ma anche ad alice faye, ammirata negli stessi anni da raymond queneau. qui e altrove (“o i fay!”, “par my fay”) (fw, , e , ) l’attrice sembra sovrapporsi a fay arthur, vedette del music-hall e ispiratrice di una famosa allusione erotica in ulysses, ma anche alla stessa alp rappresentata dalla liffey (“madama lifay”) (fw, , ). in altri casi ritroviamo proprio alice faye insieme ad altro famoso attore della fox, tyrone power, che con lei ha interpretato nel il musical di henry king alexander’s ragtime band (“what tyronte power! buy our fays!”) (fw, , ); e del resto il ritornello della famosa canzone che dà titolo al film, composta da irving berlin nel , è debitamente citato nel romanzo (“he vows her to be his own honeylamb”) (fw, , ). il nome e il cognome di tyrone power (che ha lavorato molto anche con loretta young) offrono troppe possibilità associative per non essere con riferimento all’incipit della canzone popolare drink to me only with thine eyes, musicata fra sette e ottocento su di una poesia di ben jonson (song to celia, ): “drink to me only with thine eyes, / and i will pledge with mine”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . i fratelli william e frank fay furono fra i fondatori dell’abbey theater dublinese. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda r. queneau, les temps mêlés, in id., romans, èdition publiée sous la direction d’h. godard, avec, pour ce volume, la collaboration de j.-ph. coen, j.-p. longre, s. meyer-bagoly, g. pestureau, e. souchier et m. velguth. paris, gallimard, , vol. i (Œuvres complètes, ii), pp. - ; id., [alice faye au marigny], in id., appendices des “tempes mêlés”, ivi, pp. - e la nota inedita citata nelle notices, notes et variantes, ivi, p. . si veda id., ulysses, cit., p. e a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., pp. - . solo a fay arthur, legata ovviamente al tema arturiano, rimandano invece fw, , - (“fairs fears stoops at nothing. and till arthur comes againus […] ”) e , (“fy arthou!”). “that's just the bestest band what am, oh, ma honey lamb / come on along, come on along, let me take you by the hand”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo ampiamente sfruttati da joyce, pur tenendo presente la parallela onomastica storico-geografica (la contea di tyrone nell’irlanda del nord e l’eroe della guerra anti-inglese a fine cinquecento, hugh o’neill earl of tyrone). incontriamo il nome nel capitolo (“enlisted in tyron horse, the irish whites”) (fw, , ), incrociando una compagnia di cavalleria con il famoso film girato nel per william fox dall’altro irlandese john ford, the iron horse (ma anche con “horsepower”, ovviamente, come dimostrano le altre occorrenze del termine sempre associato alla virilità). ma lo incontriamo anche nel capitolo , quando joyce presenta la coppia dei gemelli nei panni degli antichi romani burrus e caseous, associato al latino tiro come giovane inesperto ma anche al greco τυρός ossia formaggio (“this in fact, just to show you, is caseous, the brutherscutch or puir tyron”) (fw, , - ) e subito dopo al ferro (“tyrondynamon machine”) (fw, , ). tyrone è del resto ripetutamente anagrammato nel romanzo: compreso nella lista delle comodità di cui può disporre shem nel capitolo , con rinvio alla canzone my love and cottage near rochelle, al personaggio del ladro gentiluomo raffles inventato da ernest william hornung e al grande magazzino londinese liberty (“a roseschelle cottage by the sea for nothing for ever, a ladies tryon hosiery raffle at liberty”) (fw, , - ); nascosto nel primo triumvirato durante le lezioni di storia romana impartite ai figli di earwicker nel si veda fw, , con rinvio arturiano alla spada excalibur (“sexcaliber hrosspower”), , con rinvio carrolliano al tricheco (“my bellyswain’s a twalf whulerusspower”), , - con rinvio swiftiano agli yahoos (“the whole yaghoodurt sweepstakings and all the horsepowers”), , - (“while i become engaged with my first horsepower, masterthief of hearts”), , - (“perils behind swine and horsepower down to hungerford”). si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “a roseschelle cottage by the sea for nothing for ever, a ladies’ tryon hosiery raffle at liberty”. parole rubate / purloined letters capitolo (“the tryonforit of oxthievious, lapidous and malthouse anthemy”) (fw, , - ); insieme alla seconda prova dal sarto, nella storia del sailor e del taylor del capitolo (“so for the second tryon all the meeting of the acarras had it”) (fw, , ); collegato al cappello che shaun mangia prima di rispondere (con ulteriori associazioni musicali) all’undicesima domanda del suo interrogatorio nel capitolo (“taking at the same time, as his hunger got the bitter of him, a hearty bite out of the honeycomb of his braham and melosedible hat, tryone, tryon and triune”) (fw, , - ); riferito a earwicker che come noé nell’arca incontra il segno divino dell’arcobaleno, alla fine del capitolo e della terza parte, chiudendo uno dei grandi cicli temporali del romanzo (“that’s his last tryon to march through the grand tryomphal arch”) (fw, , - ). non mancano in finnegans wake attori drammatici di grande prestigio, come i fratelli john e lionel barrymore (“bower moore”) (fw, , ), non a caso associati ai due gemelli e al tempo stesso al grande david garrick (“and the twillingsons, ganymede, garrymore, turn in trot and trot”) (fw, , - ). lionel, presente per conto suo in un passo già citato (“false liarnels”) (fw, , ), aveva interpretato il film di kenneth s. webb jim the penman (whitman bennett, ) ripresa dell’omonimo film del firmato da edwin s. porter per famous players: le due pellicole si ispiravano alla famosa commedia poliziesca jim the penman che nel sir charles young aveva dedicato al falsario vittoriano james townsend saward (specializzato nella falsificazione di firme negli per il tenore john braham, legato alla successiva citazione di nelson, si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “taking at the same time, as his hunger got the bitter of him, a hearty bite out of the honeycomb of his braham and melo’s edible hat, tryone, tryon and triune”. si veda a. t. broes, more people at the wake, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., iii, , december , p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo assegni). la sorella di lionel e john, ethel barrymore, compare forse nella descrizione di una mise femminile: “wearing a very ‘dressy’ affair, known as an ‘ethel’ of instep length and with a real fur” (fw, , - ); e nel ricordo finale di “the ondt and the gracehoper” (fw, , - ), la favola di jean de la fontaine narrata nel capitolo e qui associata con lessico danese alla coppia nobili-contadini: “owned or grazeheifer, ethel or bonding” (fw, , – , ). più marcata è tuttavia la presenza di attori comici (abbiamo già incontrato charlie chase e harold lloyd), giustificata dal tono fondamentalmente farsesco di finnegans wake. stan laurel e oliver il titolo anticipa ovviamente il personaggio “shem the penman” (fw, , ), controfigura di jim joyce in finnegans wake. cfr. rfw, , - : “shem […] the penman”. si veda, invece, j. s. atherton, the books at the wake. a study of literary allusions in james joyce’s “finnegans wake”, new york, the viking press, , p. , pp. - e p. . per l’ipotesi alternativa di un’allusione a ethel moorhead, editrice della rivista “this quarter” che pubblicò nel - frammenti di work in progress, si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . cfr. anche fw, , - con rinvio al termine che indica l’erede di una nobile famiglia e un’allusione ai primi coloni inglesi in irlanda nelle contee di leix e offaly a metà cinquecento (“michael, etheling lord of leix and offaly”), , con rinvio al fiume dell’oblìo (“lethelulled between explosion and reexplosion”), , con rinvio al nome di un re sassone (“ethelwulf”), , - con rinvio all’ebraico beth el che designa un luogo di devozione (“under a hideful between the rival doors of warm bethels of worship”). cfr. rfw, , - : “lethelulled […] between explosion and reexplosion”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. , p. e p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “wearing a very ‘dressy’ affair, known as an ‘ethel’, of instep length and with a real fur”. cfr. rfw, , : “the ondt and the gracehoper”. per il rinvio a “ædel” e “bonde” si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . nella raccolta di quattro saggi dedicati al romanzo che avrebbe dovuto seguire our exagmination roud his factification for incamination of work in progress, uno doveva essere dedicato a “the humour” (cfr. j. joyce, letters, cit., vol. i, p. (lettera a harriet shaw weaver del maggio ). si veda anche w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - e ph. kitcher, collideorscape: “finnegans wake” in the large and in the small, in “joyce studies annual”, n. s., , , p. e p. . per una dichiarazione analoga dell’autore a proposito di ulysses si veda a. power, conversations with james joyce, cit., p. : “ulysses is parole rubate / purloined letters hardy compaiono almeno una volta, fra le sfumature di verde a cui si riducono tutti i colori in una variante irlandese della teoria berkeleyana della visione (“laurel leaves” e olive lentil”) (fw, , e ); e probabilmente l’espressione che indica l’ubriaco fradicio dopo una serie di liquori tracannati in diversi pub (“blotto after divers tots of hell fire, red biddy, bull dog, blue ruin and creeping jenny, eglandine’s choicest herbage”) (fw, , - ) fa riferimento al famoso cortometraggio blotto, girato dalla coppia nel per hal roach e dedicato appunto al consumo di alcolici in tempo di proibizionismo. “with your dumpsey diddely dumpsey die, fiddeley fa. diavoloh!” (fw, , - ) si riferisce invece direttamente a fra diavolo di daniel auber ( ), non al film omonimo di laurel e hardy tratto da quell’operetta nel . e in modo analogo le varie allusioni all’opera composta dall’irlandese michael w. balfe nel the bohemian girl, “the bo’ girl”, “bohemeand lips”, “the lily of bohemey”) (fw, , e , e , ) non sembrano rimandare all’omonimo film che i due comici girano nel . più consistenti sono le tracce dei marx brothers. quando nel museo wellington del capitolo si allude all’operazione escrementizia dei “three lipoleum boyne grouching down in the living detch” (fw, , - ), pensiamo infatti al drammatico passaggio della beresina e al maresciallo emmanuel fundamentally a humourous work, and when all this present critical confusion about it has died down, people will see it for what it is”. “creeping jenny” è ovviamente un termine botanico ma rinvia anche alla cavalla della canzone popolare creeping jane. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . il film è noto anche come the devil’s brother, con la regia di hal roach (anche produttore) e charles rogers. il film ha la regia di james w. horne e charles rogers per hal roach. per le allusioni alla canzone then you’ll remember me, nell’opera di balfe, si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., passim. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo de grouchy; ma pensiamo anche ai tre soldati che spiano earwicker nel parco e ai tre fratelli marx, in particolare al loro leader groucho (che ricompare anche in “grouscious me and scarab my sahul!”) (fw, , ). e quando joyce scrive “marx my word [...] and remarxing in languidoily” (fw, , e ) o “with his marx and their groups” (fw, , ), non rinvia semplicemente all’autore di das kapital ma anche al trio di performers; tanto più che “languidoily” allude sì alla langue d’oïl in armonia con una precedente parentesi di parodia linguistica, ma anche ad altra identità nel mondo dello spettacolo: la già citata compagnia di richard d’oyly carte che metteva in scena le operette di gilbert e sullivan. e indiscutibile, oltre che provocatoria in una pagina dedicata al timore di rompere il preservativo durante il coito, è l’apparizione di gracie fields, famosa attrice e cantante del teatro di varietà inglese durante gli anni venti e trenta, protagonista di parecchi film di successo girati in inghilterra fra il e il : “goeasyosey, for the grace of the fields, or hooley pooley, cuppy, we’ll both be bye and by caught in the slips for fear he’d tyre and burst his dunlops and waker her bornybarnies making his boobybabies” (fw, , - ). ma anche alla responsabilità di grouchy nella disfatta di waterloo. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . con riferimento al gallo cedrone e al sacro scarabeo egiziano (si veda m. l. troy, mummeries of resurrection. the cycle of osiris in “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - ), ma anche al termine sahu che nell’antica teologia egiziana indica il corpo sottile o veicolo dell’anima (si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). cfr. rfw, , e - : “marx my word [...] remarxing in languidoily”. i film della fields erano girati negli studi ealing, costruiti nel dalla associated talking pictures del regista teatrale basil dean e diretti dallo stesso dean, da maurice elvey, graham cutts e montague banks (quest’ultimo, attore e regista italo- americano noto come monty banks, avrebbe sposato la fields nel ). cfr. rfw, , - : “goeasyosey, for the grace of the fields, or, hooley pooley, cuppy, we’ll both be bye and by caught in the slips for fear he’d tyre and burst his dunlops and waken her bornybarnies making his boobybabies”. il passo di fw, , – , descrive il coito di hce e alp come una partita di cricket, con una fitta parole rubate / purloined letters ci sono infine molti casi incerti, che trasformano la catalogazione (come dicevamo) in un esercizio aperto e in ampia misura ipotetico. nelle parole “our kingable khan” (fw, , ), per esempio, non si può escludere (ma neanche accertare) un’allusione a clark gable, notoriamente soprannominato “the king”. e quando una signora mormora qualcosa, come il suggeritore a teatro, “half in stage of whisper to her confidante glass, while recoopering her cartweel chapot” (fw, , - ), il rinvio evoca contemporaneamente lo scrittore james fenimore cooper (come in fw, , : “cooper funnymore”) e l’attore gary cooper, a meno che non si voglia pensare a jackie cooper. allo stesso modo è difficile segnalare la presenza dei famosi protagonisti dei musicals rko degli anni trenta, fred astaire e ginger rogers, se si esclude un’occorrenza (“three bedrooms upastairs, of which one with fireplace”) (fw, , - ) che sembra evocare piuttosto la coppia fred e adèle astaire, già famosa in teatro prima del successo cinematografico del fratello. la parola ginger (e derivati) è una delle più frequenti nel romanzo ma non rinvia direttamente all’attrice, al pari del termine roger impiegato quasi sempre trama di termini tecnici e nomi di giocatori famosi fra otto e novecento come william gilbert grace, edward pooley e charles e. dunlop. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. , p. e p. . per una lista completa si veda r. malings, cricketers at the wake, in “james joyce quarterly”, , summer , pp. - . cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ): “mr funnymore cooper my godfather”, riferito alla sigla di shaun. per altre occorrenze (e altre interpretazioni) si veda g. lernout, dutch in “finnegans wake”, in “james joyce quarterly”, , fall , p. ; c. brown knuth, brockendootsch and the case of ginger, in “a finnegans wake circular”, , , spring , pp. - ; g. leernout, ‘god bless your ginger’, ivi, , , autumn , pp. - . cfr. anche j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ): “ginger for pluck”. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo nell’accezione slang di membro sessuale maschile. in un caso, semmai, “jolly roger” ovvero la tradizionale bandiera dei pirati sembra evocare will rogers, altro famoso attore di cinema qui incrociato con un personaggio swiftiano, col nome di lawrence sterne e con la canzone di percy french are ye right there michael, are ye right? (il passo riguarda precisamente gli incroci linguistici al limite del lapsus): “will whatever will be written in lappish language with inbursts of maggyer always seem semposed, black looking white and white guarding black, in that siamixed twoatalk used twixt stern swift and jolly roger? will it bright upon us, nightle, and we plunging to our plight?” (fw, , - ). e tuttavia la catena dei rinvii onomastici prosegue in altra direzione, anzi in più direzioni contemporaneamente, quando joyce nel capitolo si sofferma sul tema di earwicker con le due ragazze a phoenix park, l’antico topos del vecchio innamorato con i capelli bianchi: “there are sweet reasons why blossomtime’s the best. elders fall for green almonds when they’re raised on bruised stone root ginger though it winters on their heads as if auctumned round their waistbands” (fw, , – , ). per i riferimenti, invece, al gioco infantile “old roger” si veda m. p. worthington, “old roger”: death and rebirth, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., iv, , december , pp. - . per jonathan swift e il suo segretario roger cox si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . sottolineature nostre. cfr. rfw, , - : “will whatever will be written in lappish language with inbursts of maggyer always seem semposed, black looking white and white guarding black, in that siamixed twoatalk used twixt stern swift and jolly roger? will it bright upon us, nightle, and we plunging to our plight?”. cfr. rfw, , - : “there are twentynine sweet reasons why blossomtime’s the best. elders fall for green almonds when they’re raised on bruised stone root ginger though it winters on their heads as if auctumned round their waistbands”. parole rubate / purloined letters anche in questo caso il rinvio a ginger (rogers) è aleatorio, poiché troppo tarda è la data di un suo film che offre peraltro un parallelo rispetto all’episodio di earwicker: pensiamo a fifth avenue girl di gregory la cava (rko, ), storia di un vecchio milionario deluso dalla famiglia che in primavera (“blossomtime”) va nel parco a guardare i primi germogli come gli consiglia il maggiordomo (“you mean you can actually see the buds bud?”), incontra una giovane disoccupata e l’assume per recitare la parte della sua innamorata di fronte agli scandalizzati familiari. ma il gioco delle allusioni può ripartire poiché, come nota tindall, “the movies (including blossom time and way down east) provide parallel”. questi due film infatti, con opposta simmetria e nel registro melodrammantico, narrano la storia di una donna che passa da un uomo all’altro, come earwicker (nel registro comico) si divide fra le due ragazze nel parco. blossom time, girato nel da paul l. stein per la british international pictures, mette in scena franz schubert che rinuncia alla donna amata per cederla a un giovane ufficiale; way down east, firmato da david wark griffith nel per united artists, racconta di anna moore abbandonata dall’amante e dopo mille peripezie sposata dal giovane david bartlett. l’allusione joyciana è arricchita dal rinvio a due popolari canzoni: “he vows her to be his own honeylamb, swears they will be papa pals, by sam, and share good times way down west in a guaranteed happy lovenest when may moon she shines and they twit twinkle all the night, combing the comet’s tail up right and shooting popguns at the stars” (fw, , - ). cfr. w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . non va però dimenticato il musical di sigmund romberg blossom time, prodotto a broadway nel adattando musiche schubertiane, e neppure la canzone popolare blossom time trascritta da mary mapes dodge e pubblicata nella raccolta del songs of home. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . “when may moon she shines” rinvia alla canzone popolare the moon shines brightly e insieme a the young may moon di thomas moore (dalle irish melodies). “way down west in a guaranteed happy lovenest” rimanda invece alla canzone scritta rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo queste considerazioni, lo si vede, trasformano ormai il catalogo degli attori in un catalogo di film ed è forse in questo campo che finnegans wake offre qualche sorpresa per gli appassionati di cinema. . i film anche in questo campo il grado di certezza nell’identificazione dei materiali citati da joyce è molto variabile, come dimostrano i titoli dei film suggeriti nei paragrafi precedenti. una difficoltà aggiuntiva è poi la natura ibrida del cinema, che non parte quasi mai da una sceneggiatura originale ma adatta storie già raccontate dalla letteratura o messe in scena a teatro, quello serio degli scrittori e quello leggero o musicale di broadway. la citazione può dunque riferirsi alle fonti primarie e non al film corrispondente, conosciuto per via diretta o indiretta: come il rinvio a the prince and the pauper di mark twain (“his prince of the apauper’s pride” (fw, , ) che certo non è collegato all’omonimo film warner di william keighley del con errol flynn; o i riferimenti alla guerra di crimea, fondamentali per l’episodio di buckley e del generale russo, che alludono ovviamente al classico poemetto di alfred tennyson (“the charge of a light barricade”) (fw, , ) e non al film warner di michael curtiz the charge of the light brigade ( ) con lo stesso erroll flynn e olivia de havilland. non si può mai escludere, tuttavia, il processo inverso e un nel da j. keirn brennan e ernest r. ball let the rest of the world go by (“we’ll build a sweet little nest, somewhere out in the west”). si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. .. fra la vasta letteratura critica sugli adattamenti hollywoodiani si può vedere e. kyle dawson, corporate fictions: film adaptation and authorship in the classical hollywood era, ann arbor (michigan), proquest information and learning company, e (sul tema più specifico degli adattamenti teatrali) d. fried, hollywood convention and film adaptation, in “theatre journal”, , october , pp. - . parole rubate / purloined letters ricordo di pierre souvestre (“souwester […] souwest”) (fw, , e , ) non impedisce l’ipotesi che joyce conoscesse fantomas, lanciato da souvestre e marcel allain nel , anche attraverso la mediazione cinematografica di louis feuillade per gaumont ( - ). in molti casi, anzi, il cinema offre una via preferenziale. nell’ambito del periodo muto per esempio, “birth of an otion” (fw, , ) rinvia senza dubbio a the birth of a nation di david wark griffith (epoch producing corporation, ) e parecchie altre sono le allusioni griffithiane nel romanzo ma anche nei taccuini. “sylvia silence, the girl detective” (fw, , ) allude a valerie drew, protagonista di un serial d’avventure pubblicato in una rivista inglese per ragazze degli anni venti e altre occorrenze, in apparenza analoghe, rinviano invece all’ambito politico: fw, , (“no mum has the rod to pud a stub to the lurch of amotion”) allude alla famosa frase di un discorso tenuto da charles stewart parnell nel (“no man has the right to fix the boundary of the march of a nation”) e nello stesso tempo dichiara che la donna è priva di pene; mentre fw, , - (“the ghost of an ocean’s”) cita the guest of the nation, il racconto che dà titolo alla raccolta di frank o’connor pubblicata nel . cfr. rfw, , : “the ghost of an ocean”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. e p. . il titolo del cortometraggio a corner in wheat, girato dallo stesso griffith per la biograph nel , è forse nascosto in “the fields of heat and yields of wheat where corngold ysit?” (fw, , - ), con ulteriore riferimento a erich wolfgang korngold: il grande compositore di musica per film, attivo alla warner fra il e il (colonne sonore per titoli di michael curtiz, frank borzage, william keighley, william dieterle e altri). si veda j. blish, formal music at the wake – part i, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., vii, , april , p. . l’appunto “cinema take your hat away / volta” si riferisce ai cappelli femminili di grandi dimensioni che ostacolavano la visione dello spettacolo nelle sale del primissimo novecento (come quelle del volta a dublino). ma è ben probabile che joyce pensi anche al cortometraggio those awful hats, girato da griffith per la biograph nel e dedicato a ridicolizzare questo fenomeno. cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). il tema del cappello è peraltro un leitmotiv del romanzo: cfr. fw, , - (“take off thatch white hat […] tick off that whilehot […] tape oaf that saw foull”), , (“teak off that wise head!”), , (“remember to take off your white hat”). si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, london, thames and hudson, , p. , che rimanda a una canzone del music-hall intitolata take off that white hat. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo trenta ma anche a un serial cinematografico girato nel da james w. horne per la kalem company, the girl detective appunto. e l’illustre figura di ernst lubitsch è certo presente con il film storico madame dubarry (union-ufa, ) che ammicca dietro la famosa marca americana di cosmetici dubarry, quando isabel si immagina star del cinema e cura dunque il suo maquillage ricoprendosi il volto (o il sedere) di pond’s vanishing cream (“being turned a star i’ll dubeurry my two fesces under pouts vanisha creme”) (fw, , - ); ma anche con la commedia egiziana die augen der mumie ma (union-ufa, ), che fa capolino da una delle parodie joyciane della frase di edgar quinet sul tempo che travolge gli imperi: “those danceadeils and cancanzanies have come stimmering down for our begayment through the bedeafdom of po’s taeorns, the obcecity of pa’s teapucs, as lithe and limbfree limber as when momie mummed at ma” (fw, , - ). si tratta di “the schoolgirls’ weekly”. joyce possedeva un esemplare ( luglio ) dell’analoga rivista “the schoolgirls’ own”, pubblicazione strettamente legata alla precedente. si veda th. e. connolly, the personal library of james joyce. a descriptive bibliography, cit., p. . si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . analogamente, in una versione poi abbandonata del mito di tristano e isotta, quando gli amanti appaiono come attori sulla ribalta: “ […] the lamplights of lovers in the beyond. up they gazed, skyward to stardom […] ” (cfr. j. joyce, a first-draft version of “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). per l’incrocio di questa pagina con la salomè di jules laforgue, attraverso la probabile mediazione di ezra pound, si veda d. hayman, the “wake” in transit, cit., pp. - e pp. - . questa crema cosmetica americana era di moda negli anni dieci e venti. cfr. j. gordon, “finnegans wake”: a plot summary, cit., p. : “‘pond’s’ because issy is at times narcissus, vanishing in the pond”. meno probabile ci sembra l’ipotesi di un’allusione al titolo di song of momus to mars, musicata da william boyce sul testo del secular masque di john dryden: si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e p. . citiamo una versione manoscritta precedente: “those danceadeils and cancanzanies have come stummering down for our begayment through the bedeafdom of po’s greats, the obcecity of pa’s teapuc’s, as lithe and limb free limber as when momie played at ma” (cfr c. hart, structure and motif in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). l’ambientazione del film ha probabilmente dato lo spunto per i nomi degli dei pseudo-egiziani nella pagina successiva (si veda fw, , - ). la frase di quinet parole rubate / purloined letters È anche probabile che joyce pensi al melodramma di frank borzage humoresque (cosmopolitan, ), tratto da una novella di fannie hurst con la sua storia di un giovane violinista nel quartiere ebraico di new york che parte per la guerra, quando nel capitolo racconta la scomparsa di hosty, musicista alter ego di earwicker e autore della ballata a lui dedicata (con allusioni a niccolò paganini, a val vousden e ovviamente alla famosa aria di antonin dvorak): “disappeared […] from the sourface of this earth […] so entirely spoorlessly […] as to tickle the speculative to all but opine (since the levey who might have been langley may have really been a redivivus of paganinism or a volunteer vousden) that the hobo (who possessed a large amount of the humoresque) had transtuled his funster’s latitat to its finsterest interrimost” (fw, , - ). ed è altrettanto verosimile che joyce si riferisca al film di eisenstein bronenosets potemkine (goskino, ), non all’uomo politico russo grigori aleksandrovitch potemkin, quando evoca il nome a proposito di buckley e del generale russo (“the bookley with the rusin’s hat is patomkin”) (fw, , n. , ) o altrove (“it is ne not him what foots like proviene dalla introduction à la philosophie de l'histoire de l'humanité ( ), ma joyce la legge nel manuale di léon metchnikoff la civilisation et les grands fleuves historiques (paris, hachette, ), trascrivendola una volta letteralmente e ripetutamente parodiandola in altri luoghi del romanzo. si veda j. s. atherton, the books at the wake. a study of literary allusions in james joyce’s “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - ; c. hart, structure and motif in “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - e i. landuyt – g. lernout, joyce’s sources: “les grands fleuves historiques”, in “joyce studies annual”, , , pp. - . l’allusione è all’attore irlandese dell’ottocento valentine vousden, ma più probabilmente al nome d’arte (val vousden) di william francis maher macnevin, altro attore di teatro irlandese coetaneo di joyce, attivo al principio del secolo. van vousden ebbe una parte anche nel film irish destiny, il primo film dedicato alla guerra civile irlandese, prodotto da isaac eppel a dublino nel per la regia di george dewhurst. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , n. , : “the bookley with the rushin’s hat is patomkin”. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo a glove, shoehandschiner pad podomkin”) (fw, , - ). così come il generico riferimento burlesco, anglo-italiano, all’arca di noè (“ark!? noh?!”) (fw, , ) è connotato cinematograficamente in una lettera di isabel a shaun, dove l’allusione biblica all’imbarcazione (e a genesi, , ) si accompagna al suggerimento di un film preciso (molto probabilmente il colossal warner noah’s ark, girato da michael curtiz nel ): “i know you know who sends it, presents that please, mercy, on the face of the waters like that film obote” (fw, , - ). infine, quando una pagina del romanzo evoca la guerra civile americana insieme a molte altre guerre, citando la popolare canzone scritta nel da george f. root per i prigionieri dell’unione tramp, tramp, tramp, the boys are marching (“began to ramp, ramp, ramp, the boys are parching”) (fw, , - ), non si può escludere un’allusione al primo lungometraggio prodotto e interpretato da harry langdon (diretto da harry edwards con la collaborazione di frank capra) tramp, tramp, tramp del . nel repertorio sonoro, oltre ai titoli già ricordati, finnegans wake evoca sicuramente il film prodotto e diretto da cecil b. de mille per mgm il tema dell’arca è legato a quello dell’arcobaleno e insieme a quello fondamentale del rapporto fra il vecchio padre earwicker e la giovane figlia isabel. si veda d. hayman, the “wake” in transit, cit., pp. - . l’allusione è anche all’incipit di as a beam o’ver the face of the waters may glow, una delle irish melodies di thomas moore. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e p. . per altre occorrenze si veda fw, , (“out of a noah’s ark”) e , - (“the frankish floot of noahsdobahs”). cfr. rfw, , : “the frankish floot of noahsdovahs”. si veda b. benstock, americana in “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - . altre citazioni sono in fw, , - (“and vamp, vamp, vamp, the girls are merchand”) , - (“camp camp camp to saint sepulchre’s march […] with the boys all marshalled”) e , (“it’s the damp damp damp”). si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. , p. e p. . aggiungiamo una nota dei taccuini (“tiger lily”) riferita al personaggio di peter pan di james matthew barrie, ma probabilmente ispirata dalla visione della fortunata versione cinematografica di herbert brenon (paramount, ), con anna may wong nel ruolo di tiger lily. cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). il taccuino è datato . parole rubate / purloined letters madame satan ( ), con riferimento a earwicker che spia le due ragazze mentre urinano nel parco ed è a sua volta spiato da tre peeping toms, trasformandosi il suo peccato in un affare di famiglia (e un bel palindromo) fra mammy and daddy: “this liggy piggy wanted to go to the jampot. and this leggy peggy spelt pea. and theese lucky puckers played at pooping tooletom. ma’s da. da’s ma. madas sadam” (fw, , - ). allo stesso modo il titolo the man in possession (“letting on she didn’t care, sina feza, me absantee, him man in passession, the proxenete!”) (fw, , - ) rimanda sì all’originaria commedia di henry marsh harwood (insieme al famoso romanzo the absentee di maria edgeworth, ), ma anche all’omonimo film mgm uscito nel con robert montgomery e regia di sam wood, tanto più che joyce provvede a citare (con qualche allusione alla trama) anche il più noto remake mgm girato nel da woody strong van dyke ii col titolo personal property per l’interpretazione di jean harlow e robert taylor: “i am ever incalpable, where release of prisonal properly is concerned, of unlifting upfallen girls wherein dangered from them in thereopen out of unadulteratous bowery, with those hintering influences from angelsexonism” (fw, , - ). se in uno dei taccuini troviamo l’appunto “s carface”, con possibile rinvio al famoso film scarface, shame of a nation diretto nel per una versione relativamente trasparente, sia pure in chiave difensiva, del peccato di earwicker si veda id., a first-draft version of “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “this liggy piggy wanted to go to the jampot. and this leggy peggy spelt pea. and threese lucky puckers played at pooping tooletom. ma’s da. da’s ma. madas sadam”. joyce cita contemporaneamente this little piggy went to market, una nursery rhime settecentesca. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo da howard hawks per howard hughes; in finnegans wake sono ugualmente chiare le allusioni a mädchen in uniform (“maidykins in undiform”) (fw, , ), il film del per deutsche-film gemeinschaft che leontine sagan e carl froelich hanno tratto dalla contemporanea pièce di christa winsloe gestern und heute; e a horse feathers, il film girato da norman zenos mcleod per paramount nel con i già ricordati marx brothers (“kangaroose feathers”) (fw, , ). se poi l’espressione joyciana “the wonderlost for world hips” (fw, , ) sembra accennare non solo al dramma storico scritto da john dryden nel the world well lost (più noto come all for love) ma anche al romanzo di arthur conan doyle the lost world ( ), è ben probabile che l’allusione si estenda al famoso film che per la prima volta adattò il romanzo nel , con la regia di harry o. hoyt e gli effetti speciali di willis o’brien. del resto quell’impresa anticipava, nel cinema muto, il più famoso king kong di ernest schoedsack e merian cooper (rko, ) che joyce non dimentica di evocare all’inizio del capitolo , quando descrive earwicker come sovrano mitico al pari dei re d’israele e d’irlanda: si veda g. shiff, maydikins in undiform, in “a wake newslitter”, , april , p. (che segnala la contaminazione col romanzo undine di friedrich de la motte-fouqué, ). notiamo tuttavia che l’espressione horse feathers in american slang significa, già negli anni venti, sciocchezze, stupidaggini. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . atherton elenca, fra le sue opere presenti nel romanzo joyciano, the sherlock holmes stories, the history of spiritualism, the history of the boer war, the land of mist (quest’ultimo è il terzo romanzo del ciclo del professor challenger, inaugurato appunto da the lost world). si veda j. s. atherton, the books at the wake. a study of literary allusions in james joyce’s “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . gli attori erano bessie love e wallace beery, per una produzione first national. parole rubate / purloined letters “and shall nohomiah be our place like? yea, mulachy our kingable kahn? we shall perhaps not so soon see. pinck poncks that bail for seeks alicence where cumscepters with scentaurs stay” (fw, , - ). fedeli sono anche i rimandi ai titoli di due film rko del , annie oakley di george stevens (“anny oakley) (fw, , ) e the informer di john ford (“informer”) (fw, , ), quest’ultimo inserito nella lista di insulti lanciati dal cad a earwicker nel capitolo ; mentre la commedia del my man godfrey, diretta per universal dal già ricordato gregory la cava, subisce il solito processo di deformazione comica (“mind mand gunfree”) (fw, , ). joyce mette addirittura in bocca a shaun che critica shem come illeggibile scrittore (“he, the pixillated doodler, is on his last with illegible clergimanths boasting always of his ruddy complexious!”) (fw, , - ) due termini minuziosamente analizzati nel dialogo del già citato film columbia di frank capra mr. deeds goes to town, con gary cooper e jean arthur. nella sequenza finale del processo, infatti, l’avvocato interroga due vicine di casa del protagonista longfellow deeds, per dimostrare che non è compos sui: “– will you tell the court what everybody at home thinks of longfellow deeds? – they think is pixilated. si veda anche fw, , : “fing fing! king king!” il cognome del protagonista fordiano, del resto, è nolan come l’appellativo di giordano bruno e come il nome della libreria dublinese brown and nolan, veri e propri leitmotiven del romanzo. non è forse casuale che un altro film di la cava per la rko, la commedia laugh and get rich del (storia di una famiglia alle prese con le difficoltà economiche della depressione), sia citato in j. joyce, scribbledehobble. the ur- workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “laugh & get rich”. cfr. rfw, , - : “he, the pixillated doodler, is on his last with illegible clergimanitis, boasting always of his ruddy complexious!”. la citazione di due versi della famosa canzone the man on the flying trapeze in fw, , - (“with the greatest of ease […] dear home”), invece, non rinvia necessariamente alla famosa sequenza dell’autobus in it happened one night (columbia, ) dove capra mette in scena lo stesso motivo. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo – oh yes. pixilated. – he’s what? – what was that you said it was? – pixilated. – that’s rather a strange word to us, miss jane. can you tell the court exactly what it means? – perhaps i can explain, your honour. the word ‘pixilated’ is an early-american expression derived from the word ‘pixies’ meaning ‘elves’. they would say ‘the pixies had got him’ as nowadays say a man is ‘barmy’.” poi è deeds che contro-interroga le due testimoni: “– jane, a little while ago you said i was pixilated. do you still think so? – why, you’ve always been pixilated, longfellow. – always. – that’s fine. i guess maybe i am. and now, tell me something, jane, who else in mandrake falls is pixilated? – why, everybody in mandrake falls is pixilated, except us.” e poco prima, dimostrando che suonare la tuba (come lui fa abitualmente) non è segno di follia ma una forma di riflessione (“everybody does something silly when they’re thinking”), deeds aggiungeva: “– for instance, the judge here is an o filler. – a what? – an o filler. you fill in all the spaces in the o’s with your pencil. i was watching you. […] other people are doodlers. – doodlers? – yes. that’s a name we made back home for people who make foolish designs on paper when they’re thinking. it’s called doodling. almost everybody’s a doodler.” in altri casi, però, le cose non sono così semplici e l’identificazione è costretta ad oscillare fra teatro, letteratura e cinema. joyce, per esempio, cita più volte il titolo peg o’ my heart: “peck-at-my-heart” (fw, , ), “peg-of-my-heart of all the tompull” (fw, , ), “the peg in his pantry to hold the heavyache off his heart” (fw, , - ), “peg of his claim and parole rubate / purloined letters pride of her heart” (fw, , ). ma non è possibile stabilire se la citazione si riferisca alla canzone firmata nel da alfred bryan e fred fisher per il musical delle zigfield follies, alla commedia del di john hartley manners oppure ai due film tratti da quest’opera nel (di king vidor per metro, con laurette taylor) e nel (di robert ziegler leonard per mgm, con marion davies). analogamente i rinvii joyciani alla canzone del yes, we have no bananas di frank silver e irving cohn, cantata da eddie cantor nella rivista di broadway make it snappy (“yass we’ve had his badannas”, “your halve a bannan in two”, “yea, he hath no mananas”) (fw, , - e , - e , ), non comprendono necessariamente un’allusione al film warner del che ripropone una splendida versione parodica in chiave operistica dello stesso motivo: mammy di michael curtiz, con il famoso al jolson. analoga è la diagnosi per due drammi di sean o’casey: juno and the paycock (“junoh and the whalk”, “in paycook’s thronsaale she domineered”) (fw, , e , - ) allude al testo teatrale del o al già citato film di alfred hitchcock del ? the plough and the stars è innanzitutto la bandiera dei ribelli nazionalisti irlandesi (“his number in arithmosophy is the stars of the plough” ) (fw, , - ), ma l’allusione è anche al testo teatrale si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . manners era il secondo marito della grande attrice di broadway, che recitò anche in altri due film del tratti da testi del commediografo: happiness dello stesso vidor per metro e one night in rome di clarence badger per mgm. laurette taylor è ovviamente presente nel capitolo di finnegans wake, dove si narra la storia del sarto e del capitano norvegese (“norweeger’s capstan” e “taiyor”) (fw, , - ). si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. , p. e p. . “junoh and the whalk” rinvia anche al titolo della canzone jonah and the whale, scritta nel da wingate black e henry w. petrie. si veda ivi, p. . si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo scritto da o’casey nel o al film rko di john ford del ? un discorso analogo dobbiamo fare su un titolo ripetutamente citato in finnegans wake, per la vicinanza del suo tema (napoleone che divorzia da josephine per sposare maria luigia) all’apoteosi virile di earwicker, sposato ad anna livia ma pronto a corteggiare le due ninfe o ragazze nel parco, sovente associate alla stella e alla vanessa di jonathan swift: “sophy-key-po for his royal divorsion on the rinnaway jinnies. gambariste della porca! dalaveras fimmieras! […] there were no peanats in her famalgia so no wumble she tumbled for his famas roall davors […] my little love apprencisses, my dears, the estelles, van nessies von nixies voon der pool, which i had a reyal devouts for yet was marly lowease or just a feel with these which olderman k.k alwayswelly he is showing ot the fullnights” (fw, , - e , - – , e , - ); e puntualmente ammirato dalle giovani commesse: “he possessing from a child of highest valency for our privileged beholdings ever complete hairy of chest, hamps and eyebags in pursuance to salesladies’ affectionate company. his real devotes” (fw, , - ). a royal divorce è infatti una pièce attribuita al pittore e scrittore irlandese dell’ottocento william gorman wills, ben nota al pubblico dublinese negli anni intorno alla grande guerra, ma da quest’opera derivano anche due film omonimi girati in inghilterra da alexander butler si veda j. s. atherton, the books at the wake. a study of literary allusions in james joyce’s “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - . cfr. rfw, , - : “my little love apprencisses, the estelles, van nessies von nixies voon der pool, which i had a reyal devouts for (yet was marly lowease or just a feel with these which olderman k. k alwayswelly he is showing to the fullnights”. l’allusione finale “which olderman k.k alwayswelly he is showing ot the fullnights” si riferisce a w. w. kelly direttore tetrale della evergreen touring company di liverpool che metteva in scena, appunto, a royal divorce. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . per altre occorrenze si veda j. s. atherton, the books at the wake. a study of literary allusions in james joyce’s “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . parole rubate / purloined letters (napoleon films, ) e da jack raymond (herbert wilcox, ). non troppo diverso e simile tematicamente è il caso della famosa beggar’s opera di john gay ( ), presente col suo titolo alternativo threepenny opera e col nome della protagonista polly peachum, incrociato con le “two peaches” (fw, , ) ovvero le due ragazze nel parco: “we’ll have our private palypeachum pillarposterns for lovesick letterines […] what about your thruppenny croucher of an old fellow, me boy, through the ages, tell us, eh? […] fat prize the bonafide peachumpidgeonlover, eh, eh, eh, esquire earwugs” (fw, , - e , - e - ). ma l’allusione potrebbe anche essere al film diretto da georg wilhelm pabst per first national e nero-film nel die dreigroschenoper o alla sua versione francese l’opéra de quat’sous, tanto più che finnegans wake sembra evocare anche l’altro suo film del per nero-film westfront quando narra agiograficamente la vita di san kevin di glendalough (“at matin chime arose and westfrom went si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . per una dettagliata ricostruzione delle scabrose vicende matrimoniali e giudiziarie del magnate americano edward west “daddy” browning e della giovanissima frances “peaches” heenan, che ebbero largo spazio nella stampa sensazionalistica americana degli anni - e formano un essenziale modello per il peccato di earwicker nel parco, si veda r. m. polhemus, dantellising peaches and miching daddy, the gushy old goof: the browning case and “finnegans wake”, in “joyce studies annual”, , , pp. - . lo scandalo ha lasciato anche tracce nel cinema, come dimostra uno scambio di battute nel film first national di mervyn leroy show girl in hollywood ( ), con la giovane flapper dixie dugan (alice white) che ringrazia il maturo regista frank buelow per le sue interessate promesse: “ – you’re a peach, mr. buelow! – you mustn’t call me mr buelow, call me daddy, it’s better”. cfr. rfw, , - e , - : “what about your thruppenny croucher of an old fellow, me boy through the ages, tell us, eh? […] fat prize the bonafide peachumpidgeonlover, esquire earwugs”. “private palypeachum” rinvia anche alla canzone pretty little polly perkins from paddington green: si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . “me boy, through the ages” si riferisce a the boy through the ages di dorothy margaret stuart ( ): si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo and came in alb of cloth of gold to our own midmost glendalough-le-vert”) (fw, , - ). il catalogo è altrettanto incerto quando si tratta di narrativa: wee willie winkie (“thanks to you great little, bonny little, portey little, winny widger! […] dubs newstage oldtime turftussle, recalling winny willy widger”) (fw, , - e , - ) è il racconto pubblicato da rudyard kipling nel o il film fox di john ford con shirley temple del ? la citazione di the scarlet pimpernel a proposito di un livido causato dalle effusioni amorose (“a scarlet pimparnell now mules the mound where anciently first murders were wanted to take root”) (fw, , - ) allude a charles stewart parnell e agli assassinii di phoenix park, ma il titolo rinvia al romanzo pubblicato dalla baronessa emmuska orczy de orczy nel (primo di una lunga serie) o al film girato da harold young nel per london film? all’s quiet on the western front (“all’s quiet on the felled of gorey”, con allusione agli insanguinati fields of glory ovvero al champ d’honneur) (fw, , - ) è la famosa opera di erich maria remarque ( ), autore che joyce conosceva cfr. rfw, , - : “thanks to you, great little, bonny little, portey little, winny widger!”. non solo widge (dall’anglosassone wicg) è un cavallo, ma il jockey dilettante john w. widger era il più noto rappresentante di una famiglia di waterford legata all’ippica. si veda n. halper, of the stuttering hand, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., xii, , december, , p. e r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. e p. . la più famosa star della fox durante gli anni trenta è forse presente in fw, , - : “timple temple tells the bells”. si veda j. gordon, “finnegans wake”: a plot summary, cit., p. . l’accoltellamento a phoenix park di due alti funzionari del governo inglese in irlanda, nel , fu organizzato da un gruppo di nazionalisti. il tema nel romanzo è strettamente legato alla vicende di charles stewart parnell. si veda e. a. kopper jr., some elements of the phoenix park murders in “finnegans wake”, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., iv, , december , pp. - . “all’s quiet on the champs de may” è la variante registrata in j. joyce, a first-draft version of “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . parole rubate / purloined letters personalmente, oppure l’ancor più famoso film universal di lewis milestone uscito nel ? il problema è identico nel caso di una serie cinematografica ispirata al personaggio che uno scrittore ha posto al centro di una serie di romanzi. pensiamo alla battuta di fw, , (“do you see anything, templar?”), che allude certamente a simon templar e ai romanzi pubblicati da leslie charteris a partire dal , ma forse anche al primo film della serie ispirata al famoso detective soprannominato the saint: the saint in new york, diretto nel da ben holmes per rko. analogamente, quando joyce descrive le ragazze pronte ad incoraggiare la generosità del vecchio earwicker per far acquisti in un grande magazzino e impressionare i coetanei (con accenno al tema erotico dei drawers), egli intreccia ai nomi di personaggi dublinesi come charley chance o alfred h. hunter quello di charlie chan ovvero il detective cinese di honolulu capace di risolvere i casi più difficili, ma non è certo se pensa ai gialli pubblicati da earl derr biggers fra il e il o alla fortunata serie di film fox che al personaggio si ispirano fin dal (con werner oland e dal sidney toler come protagonisti): “she wants her wardrobe to hear from above by return with cash so as she can buy her peter robinson trosseau and cut a dash with arty, bert or possibly charley chance (who knows?) so tolloll mr hunker you’re too dada for me to dance (so off she goes!) and that’s how half the gels in town has got their bottom drars while grumpapar he’s trying to hitch his braces on to his trars” (fw, , - ). si veda m. e p. colum, our friend james joyce, new york, doubleday, , p. . per una sintetica definizione di film series si veda the great movie series, editors j. r. parish, f. solomon, j. r. cocchi, t. a. taylor, r. traubner, south brunswick and new york – london, a. s. barnes and company – thomas yoseloff, , pp. - . si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. e p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “she wants her wardrobe to hear from above by return with cash so as she can buy her peter robinson trosseau and cut a dash with arty, bert or possibly charley chance (who knows?) so tolloll, mr hunker, you’re too dada for rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo la situazione non è diversa quando il titolo di un film riprende quello di una canzone alla moda, come avviene spesso per le commedie musicali. se pensiamo infatti alla notevole importanza che hanno l’opera lirica e la musica popolare nelle opere joyciane, con una vera fascinazione dell’autore per i prodotti più effimeri a a buon mercato, comprendiamo bene che finnegans wake possa citare la famosa canzone scritta nel da jerome david kern till the clouds roll by (“when the clouds roll by”) (fw, , ) ma forse anche il film united artists di victor fleming con douglas fairbanks when the clouds roll by ( ); o ricordare con sfumatura scatologica la canzone my heaven on earth di sam pokrass e phil baker con testo di charles tobias (“when he woke up in a sweat besidus it was to pardon him, goldylocks, me having an airth”) (fw, , - ), lanciata nel dal musical columbia start cheering di albert s. rogell. allo stesso modo il film di clarence badger no, no, nanette, prodotto da mgm- first national nel , sembra citato in fw, , (“nozzy nanette”) e anche in altra pagina piena di allusioni sessuali (“meekname mocktitles her nan nan nanetta”) (fw, , - ), ma il titolo può rinviare alla canzone che dà titolo al musical di broadway scritto da otto harbach e me to dance (so off she goes!) and that’s how half the gels in town has got their bottom drars while grumpapar he’s trying to hitch his braces on to his trars”. si veda b. benstock, americana in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . “hitch his braces on to his trars” si riferisce alla famosa frase di ralph waldo emerson nel suo saggio civilization compreso nel volume del society and solitude: “hitch your wagon to a star”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . alle parole della canzone avevano collaborato pelham grenville wodehouse e guy bolton. “goldilocks” allude alla popolarissima favola the story of three bears originariamente narrata da robert southey e versificata da george nicol ( ), trasformata verso metà ottocento in goldilocks and the three bears dove il personaggio della vecchia brutta è sostituito da quello della bella fanciulla bionda. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e p. . parole rubate / purloined letters frank mandel nel . e altrettanto ambiguo è il ricordo preciso e più volte replicato della canzone tea for two con musica di vincent youman e parole di irving caesar (“just tea for two / and two for tea / just me for you / and and you for me alone”), uno dei uno dei grandi successi di quel musical e di quel film, ben adatto al frequente impiego joyciano della cerimonia del tè come una metafora erotica: “two by two in his zoo-doo- you-doo, a tofftoff for thee, missymissy for me” (fw, , - ), “three for two will do for me and he for thee and she for you” (fw, , - ), “shay for shee and sloo for slee” (fw, , - ), “he’s for thee what she’s for me” (fw, , ). anche una canzone tipicamente irlandese come mother machree (“magrathmagreeth”, “the magreedy prince of roger. thuthud”, “and smotthermoch gramm’s laws!”, “window machree!”) (fw, , e , - e , - e , ), non può evitare la doppia decifrazione: ricordata come pezzo musicale a proposito si veda f. m. boldereff, reading “finnegans wake”, woodward, new york, , pp. ss. cfr. rfw, , - : “two by two in his zoo-doo-you-doo, tofftoff for thee, missymissy for me”. analogamente in fw, , (“tay for thee?”), fw, , - (“teaseforhim. toesforhim. tossforhim.two”), fw, , - (“tea tea too too”), fw, , - (“they made three (for fie!)”), fw, , (“a tear or two in time is all there’s toot”). si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. , p. , p. , p. , p. , p. , p. , p. , p. . pubblicata nel , parole di rida johnson young, musica di chauncey olcott e ernest r. ball. chauncey olcott era un amico di john mccormack e joyce lo ricorda in fw, , : “chancey oldcoat”. si veda c. brown – l. knuth, the tenor and the vehicle: a study of the john mccormack / james joyce connection, cit., pp. - e (per altre occorrenze in finnegans wake) p. e p. . cfr. rfw, , : “the magreedy prince of roger thuthud”. “magrathmagreeth” allude contemporaneamente a due canzoni irlandesi dell’ottocento: la drammatica mrs. mcgrath ispirata alla guerra anti-napoleonica e la popolare ballata master mcgrath, scritta in onore di un famoso greyhound vincitore della waterloo cup nel (si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. ). ma non va dimenticato che mcgrath è nel romanzo l’immaginario rivale di earwicker e il possibile seduttore di anna livia: si veda r. hugh, the sigla of “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. ss. e j. gordon, “finnegans wake”: a plot summary, cit., pp. - . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo del coro cantato in chiesa dai quattro evangelisti ovvero mamalujo (“over their community singing (up) the top loft of the voicebox, of mamalujo like the senior follies at murther magrees”) (fw, , - ), ma in grado di evocare al tempo stesso il film omonimo del diretto da john ford per william fox con ellen mchugh come protagonista. perfino il tenore john mccormack, emigrato dall’irlanda negli stati uniti e usato da joyce (con una punta di gelosia) come uno dei modelli di shaun in finnegans wake, non sfugge alla regola: egli era famoso anche per il suo repertorio di canzoni popolari irlandesi (mother machree compresa), ma è possibile che gli echi curiosamente metallici della sua famosa song of my heart (“reloose that thong off his art”, “what though it be for the sow of his heart?”) (fw, , e , ) non siano estranei al film omonimo cfr. rfw, , - : “over their community singing (up) the toploft of the voicebox of mamalujo, like the senior follies at murther magrees”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . “senior follies” allude ai quattro evangelisti nei panni del cantante giovanni foli (perciò signor) ma anche ironicamente alla vecchia madre della canzone, con “the dear silver” che brilla nei capelli e “the brow that’s all furrowed / and wrinkled with care”. giovanni foli era stato lo pseudonimo di mccormack ai suoi esordi in omaggio al nome della moglie lily foley, ed è presente anche in fw, , : “foli signur’s tinner roumanschy”. si veda c. brown, will the real signor foli please stand up and sing “mother machree”?, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., xvii, ; december , pp. - e c. brown – l. knuth, the tenor and the vehicle: a study of the john mccormack / james joyce connection, cit., p. e pp. - . per un’identificazione col basso irlandese dell’ottocento allan james foley, che si faceva effettivamente chiamare signor foli, si veda invece r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . un caso analogo, ma certamente casuale, di sovrapposizione fordiana con marcatura irlandese è quello relativo al trifoglio o shamrock, che nel romanzo è associato a shem e all’irlanda e che nella filmografia del regista corrisponde a the shamrock handicap diretto per william fox nel . si veda b. o hehir, the names of shem and shaun, part , in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., iii, , october, , pp. - . la canzone irlandese di mccormack preferita dal collega enrico caruso era proprio mother machree, e forse non a caso joyce almeno in un caso l’associa a napoli: “the maugher machrees and the auntieparthenopes” (fw , - ). si veda c. brown, will the real signor foli please stand up and sing “mother machree”?, cit., pp. - . parole rubate / purloined letters diretto da frank borzage per william fox nel , che aveva lo stesso mccormack come protagonista. come si vede, il terreno è molto fertile ma al tempo stesso infido, poiché i titoli dei film sono spesso a loro volta delle citazioni e il testo di joyce può riferirsi di preferenza alla loro fonte. ciò avviene non solo con le opere letterarie ma anche con molte forme cristallizzate o proverbiali del linguaggio comune, così frequenti in finnegans wake: così a girl in every port (“at that meet hour of night […] in his seachest for to renumber all the mallymedears’ long roll and call of sweetheart emmas that every had a port in from coxenhagen till the brottels on the nile”) (fw, , - ) non è un rinvio all’omonimo film diretto da howard hawks per william fox nel ; e there’s always tomorrow (“well but remind to think, you where yestoday ys morganas war and that it is always tomorrow in toth’s tother’s place”) (fw, , - ) non rimanda all’omonimo film universal di edward sloman del , anche se fra gli interpreti c’è frank morgan. inoltre i titoli dei film funzionano quasi sempre in modo autonomo nel gioco joyciano di sistematico oscuramento del linguaggio, ed è raro che il il tenore, del resto, era vissuto a hollywood fra il e il frequentando i divi del cinema, e nel era apparso brevemente in un altro film diretto in inghilterra per fox da harold schuster, wings of the morning, con henry fonda e annabella. per allusioni al titolo di questo film (soprattutto nell’ultima pagina del romanzo – fw, , - – associato a due canzoni dello stesso mccormack) si veda c. brown – l. knuth, the tenor and the vehicle: a study of the john mccormack / james joyce connection, cit., pp. - . “at that meet hour of night […] mallymedears’” allude alla canzone irlandese settecentesca o molly my dear. “sweetheart emmas” rimanda invece alla ballata irlandese di fine ottocento sweetheart may, ma anche a lady hamilton amante dell’ammiraglio horatio nelson: la famosa battaglia del nilo nella baia di aboukir, era stata vinta da nelson contro la flotta napoleonica nel . si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “well, but remind tu think you where yestoday ys morganas war and that it is always tomorrow in toth’s tother’s place”. “morganas” si riferisce semmai alla fata morgana, sorella di re artù. si veda a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo soggetto di una pellicola entri in osmosi con la pagina di finnegans wake dove la citazione è inserita. quando nel capitolo l’autore evoca la folgore divina che caccia adamo ed eva dal giardino dell’eden inserendoli nel tempo umano del mattino e della sera, egli ribadisce ancora una volta la struttura ciclica e vichiana del suo romanzo: “the folgor of the frightfools is olympically optimominous; there is bound to be a lovleg day for mirrages in the open; murnane and aveling are undertoken to berry that ortchert: provided that” (fw, , - ). nulla di certo permette al lettore cinefilo di collegare uno dei soci di questa ditta, che dovrà seppellire l’ascia di guerra facendo largo al ritmo giornaliero della luce e del buio, al nome di friedrich wilhelm murnau. tuttavia è proprio di un sunrise che joyce sta qui parlando, un’alba allegorica come quella del capolavoro prodotto nel da william fox per il grande regista tedesco, che concede alla coppia dei protagonisti (come a earwicker e sua moglie) una nuova vita e un nuovo ciclico inizio. . il modello del cinema l’interrogatorio che apre il capitolo di finnegans wake cerca di chiarire le responsabilità di earwicker per il suo mitico peccato nel parco, con i tre soldati e le due ragazze. ma l’inchiesta è difficile, la nebbia limita la visibilità e “it is a slopperish matter, given the wet and low visibility […] to idendifine the individuone” (fw, , - e ). quando la visuale migliora e un po’ di luce si fa strada nell’oscurità (“wolfbone balefires cfr. c. hart, structure and motif in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “ […] with so many of his sources […] joyce seems to have made direct use only of the title”. cfr. rfw, , - e : “it is a slipperish matter, given the wet and low visibility […] to idendifine the individuone”. parole rubate / purloined letters blaze the trailmost […] when they set fire then she’s got to glow”) (fw, , - ), joyce non esita a impiegare una metafora televisiva, anzi la televisione stessa come emblema di questo sguardo liberato: “television kills telephony in brothers’ broil. our eyes demand their turn. let them be seen!” (fw, , - ). e se earwicker appare sullo sfondo dell’antica dublino fra appartenenza cristiana e invasione danese, vestito di tutto punto come un primo attore che recita la sua scena (“he aptly sketched for our soontube second parents (sukand see whybe!) the touching seene”) (fw, , - ), la ripresa propriamente cinematografica da parte di uno studio pseudo-rumeno non allude solo a the picture of dorian gray dell’irlandese oscar wilde ma al gioco filmico fra il ‘silenzio si gira!’ e le parole del dialogo pronunciate per i microfoni, fra muto e sonoro: “the solence of that stilling! here one might a fin fell. boomster rombombonant! it scene like a landescape from wildu picturescu or some seem on some dimb arras, dumb as mum’s mutyness, this mimage of the seventyseventh kusin of kristansen is odable to os across the wineless ere no œdor nor mere eerie nor liss potent of suggestion than in the tales of the tingmount” (fw, , – , - ). con riferimento ai tradizionali falò di primavera e all’antica festa celtica del ° maggio. cfr. anche fw, , : “on baalfire’s night of this year” (rfw, , : “on baalfire’s eve of this year”). si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “television kills telephony in brothers’ broil. our eyes demand their turn. let there be seen!”. sul rapporto dello scrittore con la televisione si veda c. hart, structure and motif in “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - . cfr. rfw, , - – , - : “the solence of that stilling! here one might a fin fell. boomster rombombonant! it scene like a landescape from wildu picturescu or some seem om some dimb arras, dumb as mum’s mutyness, this mimage of the seventyseventh kusin of kristansen is odable to os across the wineless ere no oedor nor mere eerie nor liss potent of suggestion than in the tales of the tingmount”. per una dettagliata e acuta lettura di questo passaggio, che riprende un luogo preciso di a portrait of the artist as a young man, si veda b. benstock, the anti-schematics of “finnegans wake”, in “joyce studies annual”, , , pp. - . benstock rimanda anche all’analogo panorama dublinese di fw, , – , - : “behove this sound of irish sense. really? here english might be seen. royally? one sovereign punned to petery pence. regally? the silence speaks the scene. fake! so this is dyoublong? hush! caution! echoland!”. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo la concorrenza fra le tecnologie può comporsi in una nuova collaborazione, come avviene nel romanzo per le dispute fra i gemelli shem e shaun. la nuova tecnica sostituisce la vecchia assimilandola ed è precisamente la vista, o meglio la sincronizzazione di immagine e suono, a conquistare il futuro, vincitrice nella grande corsa verso l’innovazione (con rinvio al veni, vidi, vici di giulio cesare, al paradise lost di john milton e al concorso ippico inglese grand national): “rhythm and colour at park mooting. peredos last in the grand natural. velivision victor” (fw, , - ). come dirà shem di sé e del fratello, accennando alla patria del cinema attraverso l’american english ma anche ad una futura televisione dublinese: “we were in one class of age like to two clots of egg. i am most beholding to him, my namesick, as we sayed it in our amharican, through the doubly telewisher” (fw, , - ). la tecnica audiovisiva della tv non è dunque contrapposta al cinema, sembra anzi potenziare al massimo la sua qualità essenziale di spettacolo “televisible […] teilweisioned” (fw, , e , ) ovvero di “verbivocovisual presentment” (fw, , - ). come tale essa trionfa sulle parole senza immagine del telefono ma anche della letteratura (il poema del cieco milton) e della radio, con allusione al ventriloquo protagonista di un romanzo di henry cockton (“mr televox, mrs taubiestimm and invisible friends!”) (fw, , ). il fatto che joyce analogamente in fw, , l : “hearasay in paradox lust”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . valentine vox, the ventriloquist ( ). si veda per altre occorrenze j. s. atherton, the books at the wake. a study of literary allusions in james joyce’s “finnegans wake”, cit., p. e a. glasheen, third census of “finnegans wake”. an index of the characters and their roles, cit., p. . parole rubate / purloined letters evochi con “taubiestimm” i sordomuti (taubstumm) ma anche il procedimento tedesco tobis-klangfilm, che commercializzava dal un brevetto di suono ottico tedesco in concorrenza con il movietone e il photophone americani, indica precisamente che il futuro della voce è soltanto quello di una banda sonora e che il rapporto fra suono e immagine forma uno dei temi centrali di finnegans wake. cinema e televisione corrispondono infatti precisamente alla tecnica compositiva joyciana e al metodo di lettura che essa richiede: una sistematica deformazione del linguaggio, indecifrabile se non si sovrappone ad ogni istante l’immagine della parola scritta al suono della sua pronuncia (“with an earsighted view”) (fw, , - ), l’una e l’altro mai coincidenti e montati insieme allo scopo di suggerire più significati concomitanti o contraddittori. ma il cinema rappresenta finnegans wake non solo dal punto di vista tecnico, è anche la figura più appropriata della sua struttura che si ispira al flusso universale e ciclico del tempo, sul modello dichiarato di giovan battista vico e su quello non dichiarato di david wark griffith in intolerance (wark producing corporation, ) che ha per sottotitolo si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. e, sullo stesso tema, cl. jacquet, deaf mutes, in “a wake newslitter”, n.s., xiii, , february , p. . un effetto unicamente acustico legato a nuove tecnologie è quello descritto in fw, , - , dove echeggia la voce di shaun (nei panni del suo alter ego mccormack durante un recital) descritta come una comunicazione transatlantica senza fili, con allusione all’invio di segnali radio fra irlanda e canada sperimentato dalla compagnia marconi nel . per un commento di queste righe si veda j. dalton, – – –, in a wake digest, cit., pp. - e l. o. mink, a “finnegans wake” gazetteer, bloomington, indiana university press, , p. e p. . sul rapporto fra suono e immagine si veda c. hart, structure and motif in “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - . il tema è strettamente legato alla dimensione orale e gestuale di finnegans wake sul filo di un ritrovamento mitico della memoria del mondo che si ispira alle teorie linguistiche di marcel jousse. si veda l. weir, the choreography of gesture. marcel jousse and “finnegans wake”, in “james joyce quarterly”, , spring , pp. - . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo love’s struggle throughout the ages. non a caso, durante lo scontro archetipico fra earwicker e il cad, joyce raffigura il passare del tempo con il movimento di una culla, ripetendo l’immagine degli intermezzi che separano i quattro episodi del film di griffith: una donna che dondola un neonato, “out of the cradle endlessly rocking”: “the pair […] struggled apairently for some considerable time (the cradle rocking equally to one and oppositely from the other on its law of capture and recapture)” (fw, , - – , - ). come si è già visto, lo scrittore gioca sovente con la parola reel, la bobina di pellicola che scorre durante la ripresa e durante la proiezione (“reeled the titleroll opposite a brace of girdles in silver on the screen”) (fw, , - ), associando il suo movimento (in palindromo) a un riso e uno sguardo provocatorio (“he, he, he! at that do you leer, a setting up? […] but on what do you again leer? i am not leering. i pink you pardons. i am highly sheshe sherious” (fw, , - e , - ) o più spesso (per antifrasi) alla realtà (“and roll away the reel world, the reel world, the reel world!”, “of course it was downright verry wickred of him, reely si veda th. burkdall, joycean frames. film and the fiction of james joyce, cit., pp. - . potremmo aggiungere anche il già citato les perles de la couronne (tobis-imperia film-cinéas, ), un film co-diretto da sacha guitry e christian- jacque che proprio allo schema ciclico di intolerance si ispira: la storia delle sette perle della corona permette infatti al narratore (lo stesso guitry) di attraversare tutte le epoche storiche, mentre gli attori incarnano diversi personaggi lontani nel tempo. per un’eventuale allusione alla cattedrale dublinese christ church si veda m. p. worthington, the world as christ church, dublin, in “a wake newslitter”, n. s., ii, , february , p. . cfr. rfw, , : “reeled the titleroll opposite a brace of girdles in silver on the screen”. il riferimento è all’attrice inglese del primo settecento, anne bracegirdle: si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , e , - : “he, he, he! at what do you leer, a setting up? […] but on what do you again leer? i am not leering. i pink your pardons. i am highly sheshe sherious” parole rubate / purloined letters meeting me disguised, bortolo mio”) (fw, , - e , - ). al cinema la finzione del teatro o dell’opera lirica si trasforma in un’illusione di realtà grazie alle immagini in movimento, poichè è proprio il movimento a formare l’essenza dei movies e i film raccontano le loro storie fino al canonico (happy o acid) “essied anding” grazie all’incessante “moving motion” (fw, , e ): “the movibles are scrawling in motions, marching, all of them ago, in pitpat and zingzang for every busy eerie whig’s a bit of a torytale to tell.” (fw, , - ). la bobina che scorre diventa così l’immagine del moto ma anche del tempo che passa e della vita stessa con la sua vicenda sempre uguale (come le nursery rhymes) di comico e tragico, amore e dolore, “a reel of funnish ficts apout the shee”, “funny funereels”, “this nonday diary, this allnights newseryreel” (fw, , - e , e , ). televisione e cinema catturano gli eventi e li riproducono più tardi per l’occhio e l’orecchio, unendo alla percezione istantanea al primo quella lineare del secondo, fermando l’istante e permettendo di ripeterlo a volontà quando si è già trasformato in passato, affidandolo alla memoria degli spettatori: “a halt for hearsake. a scene at sight. or dreamoneire. which they shall memorise. by her freewritten hopely for ear that annalykeses if scares for eye that cfr. rfw, , - : “of course it was downright verry vicked of him, reelly, meeting me disguised, bortolo mio”. si allude al personaggio del barbiere di siviglia rossiniano. il tema è svolto magistralmente nel primo e nel quarto capitolo, thèses sur le mouvement (premier commentaire de bergson) e l’image-mouvement et ses trois variétés (second commentaire de bergson), di g. deleuze, cinéma : l’image- mouvement, paris, les Éditons de minuit, , pp. - e pp. - . cfr. rfw, , - : “the movibles are scrawling in motions, marching, all of them ago, in pitpat and zingzang, for every busy eerie whig’s a bit of a torytale to tell”. la narrazione fa riferimento ai whigs e ai tories. “funny funereels” si riferisce anche a “a danced ‘reel’” come parte del processo di morte e resurrezione negli antichi riti egiziani. cfr. m. l. troy, mummeries of resurrection. the cycle of osiris in “finnegans wake”, cit., p. rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo sumns” (fw, , – , ). essi funzionano insomma come la macchina ciclica che sta alla base del romanzo (“the whool of the whaal in the wheel of the whorl”) (fw, , - ), con la sua cosmica ripetizione del tempo e l’incessante riapparizione dei personaggi in altri panni e altri nomi. non a caso nel teorema geometrico del capitolo i movimenti circolari degli occhi di shaun e shem sono paragonati alle orbite sempre uguali dei pianeti e assimilati al film ovvero alla rotazione di una panoramica, con allusione sessuale al discoprimento del “triagonal delta” (fw, , ) della madre: “or hence shall the vectorious readyeyes of evertwo circumflicksrent serclhers never film in the elipsities of their gyribouts those fickers which are returnally reprodictive of themselves. which is unpassible” (fw, , - ). non a caso joyce, evocando earwicker come tolomeo i soter e il meraviglioso sardanapalo ma anche i servitori joe e kate come figure ricorrenti, ricorda il carattere di ‘mangiarealtà’ che è proprio dello strumento audiovisivo: “doth it not all come aft to you, puritysnooper, in the way television opes longtimes ofter when potollomuck sotyr or sourdanapplous the lollapaloosa? the charges are, you will remember, the chances are, you won’t; bit it’sold joe, the java jane, older even than odam costollo, and we are recurrently meeting em, par mahun cfr. rfw, , – , - : “a halt for hearsake. a scene at sight. or dreamoneire. which they shall memorise. by her freewritten. hopely for ear that annalykeses if scares for eye that sumns”. si allude alle riprese progressive nelle strofe della canzone ottocentesca the wild man of borneo: “the wild man of borneo has just come to town […] the wife of the wild man […] the daughter of the wife […] the dog […] the tail […] the hair […] the flea […] the whiskers […] the wind […] ”. si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. . cfr. rfw, , - : “or hence shall the vectorious readyeyes of evertwo circumflickrent serclhers never film in the elipsities of their gyribouts those fickers which are returnally reprodictive of themselves. which is unpassible”. parole rubate / purloined letters mesme, in cycloannalism, from space to space, time after time, in various phases of scripture as in various poses of sepulture” (fw, , - ). È tuttavia la natura effimera e insieme illusoria della realtà cinematografica, il suo trascorrere nel nulla per ogni volta ricominciare, che corrisponde al motivo più profondo di finnegans wake: quello che le ultime splendide righe del romanzo e le parole di anna livia (“i am passing out. o bitter ending!”) (fw, , - ) fanno risuonare con splendido slancio lirico. se la letteratura è un film nato dalla penna (“pens picture”) (fw, , ), anche l’esistenza è infatti un’ombra che passa e rapida svanisce come “the flimsyfilmsies” (fw, , n. , ). e vita e scrittura, come il cinematografo, sono un impalpabile gioco di immagini e suoni, che nel suo monologo finale anna livia paragona alle fantasie, ai sogni, ai castelli in aria, “dreamoneire”: “and i’ll be your aural eyeness. but we vain. plain fancies. it’s in the castles air. my currant bread’s full of sillymottocraft” (fw, , - ). la vanitas vanitatum che risuona nel finale di finnegans wake ha il suo corrispettivo teorico nelle “phyllisophies of bussup bulkeley” (fw, , - ), note a joyce grazie alla lettura di an essay towards a new theory of vision ( ). già nel terzo capitolo di ulysses il protagonista medita sulla definizione berkeleyana della res extensa come una semplice percezione tattile-locomotoria ben distinta dalla percezione visiva (quest’ultima limitata alla luce e al colore); e si sofferma a più riprese sull’analogia fra impressioni visive e linguaggio verbale che il vescovo di cfr. rfw, , - : “doth all this two way teleopic come aft to you, puritysnooper, as eft it were longtimes ofter when potollomuck sotyr or sourdanapplous the lollapaloosa put back omega with the beths of alpability? the charges are, you will remember; the chances are, you won’t. we are recurrently meeting em, par mahun mesme, in cycloannalism, from space to space, time after time, in various phases of scripture as in various poses of sepulture”. si veda r. mchugh, annotations to “finnegans wake”, cit., p. . rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo cloyne aveva posto al centro del suo saggio. berkeley esaminava l’apparenza stabile e naturale del nesso che stringe insieme “the signification of tangible figures by visible figures”, e per suggerirne la radicale arbitrarietà (perfettamente parallela a quella che lega ogni parola al suo significato) faceva l’esempio di un inglese che incontri “a foreigner who used the same words with the english, but in a direct contrary signification”. l’imbarazzo del native speaker, in questo caso paradossale, corrisponde a quello di chi cerca di prender coscienza dell’arbitrarietà linguistica: “though he endeavour to disunite the meaning from the sound, it will nevertheless intrude into his thoughts, and he shall find it extreme difficult, if not impossible, to put himself exactly in the posture of a foreigner that never learnt the language, so as to be affected barely with the sounds themselves, and not perceive the signification annexed to them.” come il “foreigner” di berkeley, come chi tenta di separare “the meaning from the sound”, joyce realizza in finnegans wake un gigantesco straniamento del linguaggio e lo trasforma in un oggetto mobile e indeterminato, in un flusso di suoni e in un “collideorscape” (fw, , ) di significati che non corrispondono mai esattamente. le parole del romanzo, al pari delle percezioni visive berkeleyane, sono infatti uno spettacolo affascinante ma fallace, capace di evocare l’universo ma sempre sul punto di dissolversi, trasformandosi in altro come le parvenze di un si veda p. vitoux, aristotle, berkeley and newman [ma deve essere newton], in “james joyce quarterly”, , winter , pp. - . cfr. g. berkeley, an essay towards a new theory of vision, in id., the works, collected and edited with prefaces and annotations by a. campbell fraser, oxford, at the clarendon press, , vol. i, p. . cfr. ivi, p. . ivi, p. . parole rubate / purloined letters miraggio, come le immagini e le parole del cinema. non a caso, quando berkeley appare come “archdruid” irlandese nelle ultime pagine del romanzo a dialogare con il colonizzatore cattolico san patrizio e la sua francescana “greysfriaryfamily” di “monkafellas” (fw, , - ), egli evoca l’illusorietà della vista riducendola alla pura percezione dei colori del prisma: “balkelly, archdruid of islish chinchinjoss […] he show along the his mister guest patholic […] all too many much illusiones through photoprismic velamina of hueful panepiphanal world spectacurum of lord joss, the of which zoantholitic furniture, from mineral through vegetal to animal, not appear to full up together fallen man than under but one photoreflection of the several iridals gradationes of solar light, that one which that part of it […] had shown itself […] unable to absorbere, whereas for […] inside true inwardness of reality, the ding hvad in idself id est, all obiects […] allside showed themselves in trues coloribus resplendent with sextuple gloria of light actually retained, untisintus, inside them” (fw, , - ). uno scambio analogo fra sguardo e cinema, legato a una prospettiva ‘dall’alto’, è suggerito nei taccuini: “nap[oleon] iii + perch = film or eye”. cfr. j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , prefaced & arranged by d. hayman, new york & london, garland publishing inc., , p. (vi.b. – ). il dialogo è un genere molto frequente in finnegans wake, come è noto, ma in questo caso non è fuori luogo un rinvio ai three dialogues between hylas and philonous, pubblicati da berkeley nel . cfr. rfw, , - : “belkelly, archdruid of islish chinchinjoss […] he show along the his mister guest patholic […] all too many much illusiones through photoprismic velamina of hueful panepiphanal world spectacurum of lord joss, the of which zoantholitic furniture, from mineral through vegetal to animal, not appear to full up together fallen man than under but one photoreflectione of the several iridals gradationes of solar light, that one which that part of it […] had shown itself […] unable to absorbere, whereas for […] inside true inwardness of reality, tha ding hvad in idself id ist, all obiects […] allside showed themselves in trues coloribus resplendent with sextuple gloria of light actually retained, untisintus, inside them”. “chinchinjoss” rinvia a chinchin (pidgin english per conversare educatamente) ma anche alla canzone chin chin chinaman nell’operetta inglese del the geisha. a story of a tea house (libretto di owen hall e harry greenbank, musica di sidney jones, lionel monckton e james phip). si veda m. j. c. hodgart – m. p. worthington, song in the works of james joyce, cit., p. e p. . una precedente versione del medesimo passaggio è di più agevole decifrazione: “the archdruid barkeley […] explained to silent […] patrick the […] illusiones of the colourful world of joss, its furniture, animal, vegetable and mineral, appearing to fallen men under but one […] reflectionem of the several iridal gradations of solar light, that one which it had been unable to […] absorbere while for the seer beholding reality, the thing as in itself it is, all objects showed themselves in rinaldo rinaldi, the films at the wake. per un catalogo san patrizio coi suoi monaci vestiti in bianco-e-nero (“niggerblonker […] shiroscuro blackinwhitepaddynger”) (fw, , - e , ) e berkeley “in the his heptachromatic sevenhued septicoloured roranyellgreenlindigan mantle” (fw, , - ) evocano insomma il contrasto fra una visione stereotipata cieca ai colori e una visione aperta alla molteplicità cromatica dell’universo, ma anche (ancora una volta) lo spettacolo cinematografico. il mondo stesso, “hueful panepiphanal world”, è lo “spectacurum” che dio offre agli uomini proiettandolo sugli schermi o “velamina” della sensazione; e non a caso la pagina joyciana si conclude con un triplice omaggio al dio del diluvio e di giona, signore dell’arcobaleno fenomenico (“greatest great balenoarch”) e unico garante delle immagini e dei suoni che appaiono agli uomini (“sound sense sympol”) (fw, , - ). anche la letteratura del resto, come i suoni e le immagini del mondo, proietta i suoi segni su uno schermo bianco e joyce lo indicava già in proteus, evocando proprio il velo fenomenico di berkeley e la sua teoria dell’invisibilità della distanza: their true […] coloribus, resplendent with sextuple […] gloria of the light actually […] retained within them” (cfr. j. joyce, a first-draft version of “finnegans wake”, cit., p. ). si veda w. y. tindall, a reader’s guide to “finnegans wake”, cit., pp. - . cfr. rfw, , - : “in the his heptachromatic sevenhued septicoloured roranyellgreeblindigan mantle”. questa lettura, in chiave politica e razziale, suggerisce v. j. cheng, white horse, dark horse. joyce’s allhorse of another color, cit., pp. - . nella coloritura pidgin english delle parole di berkeley, “lord joss” associa il signore cristiano alla divinità cinese. cfr. g. berkeley, a treatise concerning the principles of human knowledge ( a ed. ), in id., the works, cit., vol. i, p. : “the ideas imprinted on the senses by the author of nature are called real things”. su questo passo si veda p. vitoux, aristotle, berkeley and newman [ma deve essere newton], cit., pp. - . forse riecheggiando l’indovinello veronese del secolo viii: “se pareba boves, alba pratalia araba et albo versorio teneba et negro semen seminaba”. parole rubate / purloined letters “who ever anywhere will read these written words? signs on a white field. somewhere to someone in your flutiest voice. the good bishop of cloyne took the veil of the temple out of his shovel hat: veil of space with coloured emblems hatched on its field. hold hard. coloured on a flat: yes, that’s right. flat i see, then think distance, near, far, flat i see, east, back. ah, see now! falls back suddenly, frozen in stereoscope. click does the trick. you find my words dark. darkness is in our souls do you not think?” la realtà e la scrittura prendono vita e prospettiva unicamente sullo schermo del pensiero, nella sala oscura della coscienza, non solo perché esse est percipi ma anche perchè quello cinematografico (il “click” del proiettore, l’effimero flusso dei fantasmi) è uno dei principali modelli dell’espressione joyciana. se lo scrittore già dichiarava in una lettera del : “whenever i am obliged to lie with my eyes closed i see a cinematograph going on and on and it brings back to my memory things i had almost forgotten”; anna livia può concludere: “i’ll close me eyes. so not to see” (fw, , ). ricordiamo che in uno dei taccuini joyce trascrive il placito capuano del secolo x, primo documento della lingua italiana. si veda j. joyce, “finnegans wake”. a facsimile of buffalo notebooks vi.b. – vi.b. , cit., p. (vi.b. – ). id., ulysses, cit., p. . per una lettura in chiave fotografica di questa pagina si veda l. e. j. hornby, visual clockwork: photographic time and the instant in “proteus”, cit., pp. - . cfr. j. joyce, letters, cit., vol. i, p. (lettera a harriet shaw weaver del giugno ). il tema della cecità, non solo per ragioni autobiografiche, è uno dei più importanti in finnegans wake (si veda j. gordon, “finnegans wake”: a plot summary, cit., p. e pp. - ) ed è già presente in id., scribbledehobble. the ur-workbook for “finnegans wake”, cit., p. : “w [scil. woman] drawn to a blind man, to see behind closed eyes (bluebeard), to give helping hand (woman’s), to pity him who cannot see”. lo spunto di partenza è la meditazione di bloom sul giovane cieco incontrato per la strada (si veda id., ulysses, cit., pp. - ), ma l’allusione a “blubeard” sembra rinviare alla pièce simbolista di maurice maeterlinck ariane et barbe-bleu ( , musicata da paul dukas nel ): “je vois, les yeux fermés”, esclama ariane nel secondo atto, quando rompe la finestra della prigione ed è accecata dalla luce (cfr. m. maeterlinck, Œuvres, édition établie et présentée par p. gorceix, bruxelles, Éditions complexe, , vol. iii, p. ). f - _rinaldi_wake.pdf indice_fascicolo_ f - _rinaldi_wake template copyright breve rev medchile jun .indd historia de la medicina rev med chile ; : - florence nightingale ( - ), a años de su fallecimiento pablo young , verÓnica hortis de smitha, marÍa c. chambib, bÁrbara c. finn florence nightingale ( - ), years after her death we herein describe florence nightingale’s life and work. she is considered one of the pioneers in nursing practice. her greatest success was during the crimean war when, along with voluntary nurses, she cleaned and refurbished the hospital in scutari and reduced the mortality rate from to %. she used to make rounds at night in the wards under the light of a lamp, and therefore she was named “the lady with the lamp”. queen victory gave her the royal red cross and she was the fi rst woman who was honored with the order of merit in . she had solid knowledge on statistics and mathematics which were useful for her nursing job. (rev med chile ; : - ). key words: crimean war; history of nursing; nursing, practical. servicio de clínica médica, hospital británico de buenos aires. amatron. benfermera. recibido el de octubre de , aceptado el de mayo de . correspondencia a: pablo young hospital británico. perdriel ( ) buenos aires, argentina. tel: fax: e-mail: pabloyoung @ yahoo.com.ar perspectiva histórica f lorence nightingale (figura ) nació en florencia, italia, el de mayo de y es considerada una de las pioneras en la prác- tica de la enfermería. se le considera la madre de la enfermería moderna y verdadera creadora de una fi losofía en la enfermería - . la fi losofía de la enfermería explica el sig- nifi cado de los fenómenos observados a través del análisis, el razonamiento y la argumentación lógica. así pues, en esta categoría se han incluido los primeros trabajos que precedieron o conduje- ron a la construcción de los modelos teóricos y al desarrollo de los conocimientos en esta disciplina defi niendo las bases de los futuros trabajos. en cambio los modelos conceptuales (estructuración de ideas y teorías) comprenden los trabajos de las llamadas grandes teorías o pioneras en el campo de la enfermería. o sea un modelo conceptual ofrece un marco de referencia para sus seguidores. la mayoría de los autores entienden que la obra de nightingale está estrechamente relacionada con su orientación fi losófi ca sobre la interacción paciente- entorno y los principios y reglas sobre los que sustentó su ejercicio profesional más que con el desarrollo de un modelo conceptual, aunque esto es todavía motivo de controversia , . ella defi nía la enfermedad como el camino que utiliza la naturaleza para desembarazarse de los efectos o condiciones que han interferido en la salud. y defi nía salud diciendo que la salud es no solamente estar bien sino ser capaz de usar bien toda la energía que poseemos. la enfermería, entonces, es tanto ayudar al paciente que sufre una enfermedad a vivir, como poder o mantener el organismo del niño sano o del adulto en un estado tal que no padezca enfermedad . sostenía que para mantener una atención sanitaria adecuada era necesario disponer de un entorno saludable (aire puro, agua pura, alcantarillado efi caz, limpieza y luz) componentes que siguen teniendo vigencia al día de la fecha. y son sustentados en el concepto de enfermería del consejo internacional de enfer- meras (cie) cuando defi nen “la enfermería abarca los cuidados autónomos y en colaboración, que se presta a personas de todas las edades, grupos y comunidades, enfermos o sanos, en todos los contextos, e incluye la promoción de la salud, la prevención de la enfermedad, y los cuidados de historia de la medicina los enfermos, discapacitados, y personas mori- bundas. funciones esenciales de la enfermería son la defensa, el fomento de un entorno seguro, la investigación, la participación en la política de salud y en la gestión de los pacientes y los sistemas de salud, y la formación” . se rebeló contra los prejuicios de su época y contra su destino de mujer, que debía permanecer en el hogar, y eligió la profesión de enfermera. su mayor éxito fue su participación en la guerra de crimea. un informe suyo acerca de las condiciones de vida de los soldados heridos impulsó al secreta- rio de guerra sidney herbert a enviarla al campo de batalla. ella y sus compañeras reformaron y limpiaron el hospital, e hicieron caer la tasa de mortalidad de % al %. logró realizar su sueño de asistir a los enfermos después de enfrentarse a sus padres y familiares. su madre emily y su padre william se oponían a que su hija fuera enfermera, ya que estaba mal visto que una mujer perteneciente a una clase social alta desempeñara una tarea tan “denigrante”; la mujer debía casarse, formar y cuidar su familia. sin embargo, florence recibió ayuda de su abuelo materno, quien entendió su vocación por esta pro- fesión, y por otro lado ella misma buscó el apoyo de un amigo de la familia nightingale, samuel, médico de profesión. nunca se casó; dedicó su vida al servicio del prójimo y de aquellos que más lo necesitaban, buscando la forma de mejorar su salud y en otros casos de hacer más llevaderos sus últimos días . florence nightingale es recordada sobre todo por su trabajo como enfermera durante la guerra de crimea y por su contribución a la reforma de las condiciones sanitarias en los hospitales mili- tares de campo. su familia y estudios nightingale lleva el nombre de la ciudad don- de nació, florencia. sus padres, william edward nightingale y su esposa frances smith, viajaron por europa durante los primeros dos años de su matrimonio. la hermana mayor de florence había nacido un año antes en nápoles. william nightingale se apellidaba en verdad shore, cambia su apellido por nightingale después de heredar a un pariente rico, peter nightingale de lea, cerca de matlock, derbyshire. las niñas crecieron en el campo y pasaban mucho tiempo en lea hurst en derbyshire. cuando florence tenía unos cinco años su padre compró una casa llamada embley cerca de romsey en hampshire. con esto la familia pasaba los veranos en derbys- hire y el resto del año en embley. al viajar entre estos lugares visitaban londres, y la isla de wight , . en un principio, la educación de las niñas estuvo en manos de una institutriz, después su padre, educado en cambridge, asumió esa respon- sabilidad. a florence le encantaban sus lecciones y tenía una habilidad natural para estudiar. bajo la infl uencia de su padre se familiarizó con los clási- cos, euclides, aristóteles, la biblia y temas políticos. en suplicó a sus padres que la dejaran estudiar matemáticas en vez de trabajo de estam- bre y practicar las cuadrillas, pero su madre no aprobaba esta idea. aunque william nightingale amaba las matemáticas y había legado ese amor a su hija, la obligó a que siguiera estudiando temas más apropiados para una mujer. después de muchas batallas emocionales, sus padres fi - nalmente cedieron y comenzó su aprendizaje de matemáticas. entre sus tutores estuvo sylvester, quien desarrolló la teoría de invariantes junto con figura . florence nightingale. florence nightingale - p. young et al rev med chile ; : - historia de la medicina cayley. se dice que fue la alumna más destacada de sylvester. las lecciones incluían aritmética, geo- metría y álgebra. una de las personas que también infl uyeron en ella fue el científi co belga quetelet. Él había aplicado métodos estadísticos a datos de varios campos, incluyendo las estadísticas morales o ciencias sociales . la religión jugó un papel importante en su vida. aunque sus padres crecieron en la iglesia unitaria, frances nightingale prefi rió una de- nominación más convencional y a las niñas las criaron en la fe anglicana. la alianza entre florence y charles dickens tuvo una indudable infl uencia como factor de- terminante en su defi nición de la enfermería y la atención sanitaria. diálogos semejantes con otros intelectuales y reformadores sociales de aquellos días, como john stuart mill, benjamin jowett y harriet marineau, contribuyeron al desarrollo del pensamiento fi losófi co y lógico de nightingale, que se trasluce de forma notoria en sus apreciaciones sobre la práctica de la enfermería. florence nightingale y la enfermería nightingale desarrolló interés por los temas sociales de su época, pero en su familia se oponía fi rmemente a la idea de que ella trabajara en un hospital. hasta ese entonces, el único trabajo de enfermería que había hecho había sido cuidar de parientes y amigos enfermos. mientras estaba de viaje por europa y egipto en , tuvo la oportunidad de estudiar los distintos sistemas hospitalarios. a principios de , inició su entrenamiento como enfermera en el instituto de san vicente de paul en alejandría, egipto, que era un hospital perteneciente a la iglesia católica. nightingale visitó el hospital del pastor theodor fliedner en kaiserwerth, cerca de dusseldorf, ale- mania en julio de y regresó a esa ciudad en para entrenarse como enfermera durante tres meses en el instituto para diaconisas protestantes; y luego de alemania se trasladó a un hospital en saint germain, cerca de parís, dirigido por las hermanas de la caridad. a su regreso a londres en , tomó el puesto ad-honoren de superin- tendente en el establecimiento para damas en el número de la calle harley , . marzo de trajo consigo el inicio de la guerra de crimea que comenzó cuando rusia invadió turquía, este último en alianza con in- glaterra y francia. la guerra fi nalizó en . la mayor parte del confl icto tuvo lugar en la península de crimea en el mar negro . aunque los rusos fueron derrotados en la batalla del río alma, el de septiembre de , el periódico the times criticó duramente las instalaciones médicas británicas. en respuesta a ello, sidney herbert, le pidió a nightingale que se desempeñe como enfermera administradora para supervisar la introducción de enfermeras en los hospitales militares. su título ofi cial era superintendente del sistema de enfermeras de los hospitales generales ingleses en turquía. nightingale llegó a escutari, un suburbio asiático de constantinopla (hoy es- tambul) con enfermeras, el de noviembre de . firme e infatigable se ocupaba de su trabajo con tal criterio, sacrifi cio, valor, ternura y todo ello con una actitud tranquila y sin ostentación, que se ganaba los corazones de todos aquellos a quienes sus prejuicios de ofi ciales no les impedían apreciar la nobleza de su trabajo y de su carácter” . en la organización de los servicios hospitalarios, en dos semanas logró montar una cocina para preparar la comida de hombres; una lavandería en donde se desinfectaba la ropa de los pacientes, además dotó a los heridos y enfermos de mil camisas compradas con los donativos que conseguía y de su propio dinero. “la dama de la lámpara”, fue la denominación que le dieron a florence los hospi- talizados, debido a que por las noches recorría las salas con una lámpara (figuras y ) , . aunque ser mujer implicaba que tenía que luchar contra las autoridades militares, fue refor- mando el sistema hospitalario. bajo condiciones indignas con soldados depositados sobre el suelo y con operaciones poco higiénicas, no sorprende que en escutari enfermedades como el cólera y el tifus sucumbieran los hospitales. esto implicaba que los soldados heridos tuvieran una probabili- dad siete veces mayor de morir en el hospital que en el frente de batalla , . mientras estuvo en tur- quía, recolectó datos y organizó un sistema para llevar registro; esta información fue usada después como herramienta para mejorar los hospitales militares y de las ciudades. sus conocimientos matemáticos se volvieron evidentes cuando usó los datos que había recolectado para calcular la tasa de mortalidad en el hospital. estos cálculos demostraron que una mejora en los métodos sa- nitarios empleados, produciría una disminución florence nightingale - p. young et al rev med chile ; : - historia de la medicina en el número de muertes. para febrero de la tasa de mortalidad había caído de % al , %. mediante el establecimiento de una fuente de agua potable, así como usando su propio dinero para comprar fruta, vegetales y equipamiento hospi- talario, para la primavera siguiente la tasa había decrecido otro , % . nightingale usó esta información estadística para crear su diagrama de Área polar. estos fueron usados para dar una representación gráfi ca de las cifras de mortalidad durante la guerra de crimea. las muertes en los hospitales de campo británicos alcanzaron su máximo en enero de , cuando . soldados murieron por enfermedades con- tagiosas, por heridas y por otras causas, con un total de . muertes. el promedio de hombres en la armada ese mes fue de . . usando esta información, calculó una tasa de mortalidad de . por cada . , de los cuales . de cada . se debían a enfermedades infecciosas. de haber continuado así y sin la sustitución frecuente de tropas, entonces las enfermedades por sí mis- mas habrían acabado totalmente con el ejército británico en crimea. sin embargo, estas condiciones insalubres no se limitaban a los hospitales militares. al volver a londres en agosto de , cuatro meses después de la fi rma del tratado de paz, descubrió que en época de paz, los soldados de entre y años de edad tenían una tasa de mortalidad del doble de la de los civiles. usando sus estadísticas, ilustró la necesidad de una reforma sanitaria en todos los hospitales militares. al impulsar su causa, consi- guió llamar la atención de la reina victoria y el príncipe alberto así como la del primer ministro, lord palmeston. sus deseos de llevar a cabo inves- tigación formal le fueron concedidos en mayo de y llevaron al establecimiento de la comisión real para la salud del ejército. nightingale dejo de lado la atención pública y empezó a preocuparse por las tropas apostadas en la india . fue pionera en la revolucionaria idea de que los fenómenos sociales pueden medirse y someterse al análisis matemático. ella supo que cuando los valores individuales o profesionales entran en con- fl icto con los valores sociales, surge una posibilidad de inducir cambios en la sociedad y así lo hizo. aunque sus escritos se defi nen y analizan como una teoría, no contienen la complejidad y la verifi cabilidad propias de las modernas teorías de la enfermería. así, en su enfoque no emanan investigaciones que pueden utilizarse para con- trastar los aportes teóricos actuales. por otra parte, figura . monu- mento de crimea, en waterloo place. figura . florence nightingale: “la dama de la lámpara”. figura . la lámpara. florence nightingale - p. young et al rev med chile ; : - historia de la medicina los conceptos identifi cados por ella han servido como base de las teorías e investigaciones actuales, generando los modelos que se añaden a la ciencia y a la práctica moderna de la enfermería. este poema de henry wadsworth longfe- llow (quien estuvo muy próximo a ella por su participación en la guerra) condensa la historia casi legendaria de florence nightingale y su obra maravillosa como enfermera durante la guerra de crimea . los heridos en la batalla, en lúgubres hospitales de dolor; los tristes corredores, los fríos suelos de piedra. ¡mirad! en aquella casa de afl icción veo una dama con una lámpara. pasa a través de las vacilantes tinieblas y se desliza de sala en sala. y lentamente, como en un sueño de felicidad, el mudo paciente se vuelve a besar su sombra, cuando se proyecta en las obscuras paredes. florence nightingale y la escuela de enfermería en abrió la escuela de entrenamiento y hogar nightingale para enfermeras en el hospital de st. thomas en londres, con estudiantes - . era fi nanciada por medio del fondo nightingale, un fondo de contribuciones públicas establecido en la época en que estuvo en crimea. la escuela se basaba en dos principios. el primero, que las enfermeras debían adquirir experiencia práctica en hospitales organizados especialmente con ese propósito. el otro era que las enfermeras debían vivir en un hogar adecuado para formar una vida moral y disciplinada. con la fundación de esta es- cuela había logrado transformar la mala fama de la enfermería en el pasado en una carrera respetable. nightingale respondió a la petición de la ofi cina de guerra británica y aconsejo sobre los cuidados médicos para el ejército en canadá y también fue consultora del gobierno de los estados unidos sobre salud del ejército durante la guerra civil estadounidense. casi durante el resto de su vida estuvo postra- da en cama debido a una enfermedad contraída en crimea (para algunos brucelosis, para otros fi ebre tifoidea o fi ebre de crimea), que le impidió continuar con su trabajo como enfermera . no obstante, la enfermedad no la detuvo de hacer campaña para mejorar los estándares de salud; publicó aproximadamente libros. uno de ellos se tituló “notas sobre enfermería” ( ). este fue el primer libro para uso específi co en la enseñanza de la enfermería y fue traducido a muchos idiomas. otras obras publicadas incluyen “notas sobre los hospitales” ( ) y “notas sobre la enfermería para las clases trabajadoras” ( ). en se convirtió en miembro honorífi co de la american statistical association y en la reina victoria le otorgó la cruz roja real por su labor. también fue la primera mujer en recibir la orden al mérito de mano de eduardo vii en - . nightingale falleció en londres, inglaterra, el de agosto de a los años . está enterrada en la iglesia de st. margaret, en east wellow, cerca de embley park. el monumento de crimea, fue erigido en en waterloo place, londres, para honrar la contribución que hizo florence nightin- gale a esa guerra y a la salud del ejército (figura ). aportes a la enfermería sus aportes dentro de la enfermería se con- sideran en dos niveles, en el ámbito general de la disciplina inició la búsqueda de un cuerpo de conocimiento propio, organizó la enseñanza y la educación de la profesión, inició la investigación en enfermería y fue la primera en escribir sobre la disciplina; y en el ámbito particular organizó la enfermería militar y fue la primera en utilizar la estadística, y el concepto de higiene dentro de la profesión , . además se considera esencial de la reforma nightingale que la dirección de las escuelas debía estar en manos de una enfermera y no de un médico; había que seleccionar a las candidatas de acuerdo a sus aptitudes morales e intelectuales; y de impartir una enseñanza metódica en vez de ocasional, por medio de la práctica , . su aporte a la organización de los servicios de enfermería fueron su genio organizador y un ciento por ciento de efi cacia. no habría sido nunca la dama de la lámpara, si no hubiera sido también la dama con un propósito y con capacidad . florence nightingale - p. young et al rev med chile ; : - historia de la medicina florence nightingale marcó un hito en enfer- mería e inscribió para todas las generaciones de enfermeras el concepto de “cuidar de uno mismo, del entorno y al paciente”, a través de toda su obra. teniendo en cuenta sus declaraciones sobre los deberes de las enfermeras en , una comisión del colegio farrand del hospital harper de de- troit, redactó en reconocimiento a su trayectoria el juramento de florence nightingale, el cual ha sido adoptado y adaptado, por la mayoría de escuelas de enfermería para tomar el juramento sus los egresados, dice así: juro ante dios y teniendo por testigos a los aquí presentes, ayudar a las personas a desarrollar su capacidad de alcanzar una vida plena, ya sea promoviendo la salud o ayudando a restaurarla. juro brindar mis servicios situada en una visión integral del hombre, abarcando por igual su dignidad y su derecho al bienestar. juro no transgredir el derecho de mis pacientes, a su privacidad y confi dencialidad, reconociendo que la intimidad del ser humano constituye uno de sus valores más preciados. en el desempeño de mi profesión, me abstendré de todo tipo de discriminación, referente a ideología, religión o creencia, raza o nacionalidad, sexo, enfermedad o minusvalía de las personas. juro poner todo mi esfuerzo y conocimiento en brindar cuidados de la más alta calidad, en las distintas etapas de la vida de mis pacientes, hasta en sus últimos días. si leemos sus cuadernos de notas, encontra- remos el secreto de aquel celo con que consagró su vida a los demás, porque su extraordinaria inteligencia se alimentó en el constante estudio del misticismo cristiano, y su vida fue, manifi es- tamente, la expresión de sus creencias religiosas. he aquí una nota, que la representa típicamente: “el camino para vivir con dios es vivir con las ideas, no meramente pensar sobre los ideales, sino actuar y sufrir por ellos. los que tienen que trabajar como hombres y mujeres deben sobre todas las cosas tener un ideal espiritual, que es su fi nalidad, siempre presente. el estado místico es la esencia del sentido común” , , . a florence nightingale se la considera por todo lo antedicho la precursora de la enfermería moderna, y la fecha de su nacimiento se ha desig- nado como el día internacional de la enfermería . la escuela de enfermería en argentina y en nuestro hospital en se realizó el segundo congreso latino- americano de medicina, y la dra. cecilia grierson ( - ) (primera médica argentina) apro- vechó para dirigirse a sus colegas del continente, “lo que nosotros, los médicos latinoamericanos estamos discutiendo y poniendo sobre votación en los congresos, está resuelto y puesto en práctica en europa. no hay hospital sin escuela de enfer- mería”. en , fundó la escuela de enfermeras del círculo médico argentino, primera escuela de enfermería de argentina, la que dirigió hasta y que desde lleva su nombre . el hospital británico de buenos aires es funda- do por el reverendo barton lodge en el año . la escuela de enfermería del hospital británico de buenos aires (segunda del país) comenzó a funcionar en el año , bajo el sistema nightin- gale, con una formación sistemática de tres años, capacitando a mujeres allegadas a la colectividad inglesa, para ejercer con mayores conocimientos una tarea singular. en sus comienzos funcionó como un servicio a la comunidad, las clases se da- ban en inglés, y la mayoría de los pacientes también tenían esa misma lengua . en se contrató a la srta. e. taylor quien viajó desde inglaterra para ocupar el cargo de jefa de enfermeras den- tro del hospital y en el año llegaron cuatro enfermeras egresadas del st. thomas hospital de londres alumnas directas de florence nightinga- le , , . una de ellas fue la sta. ana eammes (del resto no existen registros de sus nombres) quien en es nombrada matron, y a la vez fue la primera que ocupó el cargo como directora de enfermería porque sólo se dedicó a la supervisión de sus enfermeras, dado que las anteriores tenían una actuación más relacionada con lo doméstico. en se adoptó la malla curricular formativa de la escuela del hospital santo tomás de londres florence nightingale - p. young et al rev med chile ; : - historia de la medicina con un plan de estudios y prácticas. en el año es reconocida ofi cialmente por el ministerio de salud pública de la nación. en , se asocia a la escuela de enfermería de la facultad de medicina de la universidad de buenos aires, incorporándose como unidad docente de enfermería. desde su creación y de manera ininterrumpida todos los años asistimos a la graduación de las enfermeras mejor formadas de nuestro país, con- tinuando con la mística de florence nightingale. en argentina la formación en enfermería se desarrolla en el nivel superior de enseñanza en establecimientos universitarios y terciarios no universitarios. existen escuelas de enfermería universitarias, de las cuales corresponden a universidades nacionales públicas (como la de nuestro hospital) y a universidades o institutos universitarios privados . vaya este trabajo con dedicación al rol de la enfermería dentro de la actividad del hospital por cuanto es el que permanece al lado del paciente día y noche para atender sus requerimientos y asistirlo durante la recuperación de su salud. de su respuesta efi caz depende la mayoría de las veces el pronóstico y la efectividad del tratamiento. agradecemos a la licenciada zulma silva, actual directora de la escuela de enfermería por la lectura crítica del manuscrito. referencias . young dab. florence nightingale’s fever. br med j ; : - . . raile alligood m, chog choi e. evolución del desarrollo de las teorías de enfermería. en: marrimer tomey a, raile alligood m, editores. modelos y teorías en enfer- mería. madrid, españa: editorial harcourt brace; º ed; . p. - . . pfettscher sa, de graaf kr, marriner tomey a, mossman cl, slebodnik m. florence nightingale. la enfermería moderna. en: marrimer tomey a, raile alligood m, editores. modelos y teorías en enfermería. madrid, españa: editorial harcourt brace; º ed; . p. - . . fawcett j. analysis and evaluation of contemporary nursing knowledge: models and theories. philadelphia: editorial davis company; . p. - . . monty ej, tingen ms. multiple paradigms of nursing science. adv nurs sci ; : - . . monteiro la. florence nightingale on public health nursing. am j public health ; : - . . tan sy, holland p. florence nightingale ( - ): founder of modern nursing. singapore med j ; : - . . dossey bm. florence nightingale: a th-century mystic. j holist nurs ; : - . . miracle va. the life and impact of florence nightingale. dimens crit care nurs ; : - . . stanley d, sherratt a. lamp light on leadership: clinical leadership and florence nightingale. j nurs manag ; : - . . stanley d. lights in the shadows: florence nightingale and others who made their mark. contemp nurse ; : - . . jackson b. florence nightingale and the crimean war. trans med soc lond ; : - . . olshansky e. in celebration of florence nightingale: as the year of the nurse. j prof nurs ; : - . . fee e, garofalo me. florence nightingale and the cri- mean war. am j public health ; : . . dossey bm. florence nightingale: her crimean fever and chronic illness. j holist nurs ; : - . . ellis h. florence nightingale: nurse and public health pioneer. br j hosp med (lond) ; : . . florence nightingale. california state journal of medi- cine ; : - . . salamendi de cattaneo v. escuela de enfermería del hospital británico de buenos aires. revista temas de enfermería ; : - . . attewell a. florence nightingale ( - ). perspec- tivas ; : - . . molina tm. historia de la enfermería. editorial intera- mericana. buenos aires, . . nightingale f. notas sobre enfermería: qué es y qué no es. barcelona, españa: editorial salvat; . p. - . . burgos moreno m, paravic klijn t. enfermería como profesión. revista index de enfermería ; : - . disponible en: www.scielo.cl [consultado el de abril de ]. . zuckerberg c. cecilia grierson ( - ). medicina (b aires) ; : - . . warneford-thomson hf. the british hospital of buenos aires. a history - . colin sharp editors. . p. - . . gonzález a, castro c, moreira s, cerino s, correa rojas mdv, atzemian r, et al. situación de la formación en las escuelas de enfermería terciarias no universitarias de la república argentina, . rev argent salud pública ; : - . florence nightingale - p. young et al rev med chile ; : - microsoft word - lmana sanhilario-openaccess.doc full metadata for this item is available in research@standrews:fulltext at: http://research- repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ “the ‘ars vivendi’ of laura mañà’s morir en san hilario /to die in san hilario ( )” bernard p. e. bentley date of deposit . . version this is an author version of this work. access rights © this item is protected by original copyright. this work is made available online in accordance with publisher policies. this is an author version of this work which may vary slightly from the published version. to see the final definitive version of this paper please visit the publisher’s website. citation for published version bentley, bernard p. e. ( ). “the ‘ars vivendi’ of laura mañà’s morir en san hilario/to die in san hilario ( )”. studies in european cinema, ( ): pp - link to published version http://dx.doi.org/ . /seci. . . _ http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ http://dx.doi.org/ . /seci. . . _ studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ bernard p. e. bentley the university of st andrews the ‘ars vivendi’ of laura mañà’s morir en san hilario/to die in san hilario ( ) abstract over the past decade spanish-language cinema has established itself beside spanish and latin american cinema, and morir en san hilario is a good example of these new flexible collaborations rather than strict transnational co-productions. billed as a comedy, the film could also be described as a variation on the road film, a circular journey to utopia, a spanish village/pueblo film and a twenty-first-century ‘ars moriendi’ developing the topos of homo viator. this is not a frequent combination to be found on cinema screens, and laura mañà’s gamble was to integrate all these ingredients and create a fable which reflects on life and death. she does this through comedy, exaggerations, parody and a narrative style identified as magic realism. her originality, however, overlaps with the lasting legacy of the fifteenth-century castilian soldier-poet jorge manrique (c. – ) and his ‘stanzas written upon the death of his father’, a landmark of spanish literature. [author’s note: studies in european cinema’s editorial policy is to publish quotations in english, if necessary placing original quotations in footnotes. keywords - laura mañà - morir en san hilario - road film - homo viator - jorge manrique - meditation on death - magical realism on august , the observer film critic wrote, laura mana’s to die in san hilario is a heavy-handed spanish comedy in which the inhabitants of an impoverished small town, famous for its beautiful cemetery, prepare to receive a rich, elderly painter who plans to be buried there. unfortunately, he croaks on the train two stations up the line and, through a series of misunderstandings, his place is taken by a fugitive gangster with a sackful of loot. the costumes and the steam train suggest the setting is some time between and , but there's no hint of anything troubling going on elsewhere in the country. (french : n.p., original formatting) this was the week of the film’s uk release when a similar review was published in the guardian two days previously (bradshaw : n.p.), but there is much more to this film than being a spanish comedy, whether failed or not. the film actually transcends national boundaries and specificities through its locations, collaborators and the issues it raises. it also transcends genres and could be described as a variation on the road film, a circular journey to utopia, a spanish village/pueblo film and a twenty- this film is an excellent example of spanish-language cinema/cine en español, as identified in bentley ( : – , – ). for the production details of this spanish-language film funded by spanish organizations and filmed in north-west argentina, see jaafar ( : ), and imdb title: morir en san hilario. studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ first-century ‘ars moriendi’. this contribution aims to go one step further and suggest how laura mañà presents her spectators with an original fable and meditation based on traditional reflections on the human condition. as a genre the ‘road film’ needs no introduction, but one can be found in the work of laderman ( : – ). the ‘pueblo’ or village film, however, is important to spanish cinema as a recurring location significant for its spectators because the rural setting also functions as a psychological space, usually characterized by stubborn traditional and conservative values. in spain the pueblo film has acquired generic status and under this label can be found melodramas, thrillers, horror and mostly comedies from the s and early s (bentley : – , – , – , – ); it has currently a strong nostalgic appeal, as evoked in recent almodóvar’s films like volver/to return ( ). integrated into the pueblo film and its values is the comic stereotype of the ‘paleto’, the country bumpkin, usually contrasted with the more sophisticated city dweller (bentley : – , – , – ). the ‘ars moriendi’, on the other hand, is a topic that flourished in fifteenth- and sixteenth- century europe to provide advice on dying well (see for instance eire : – ). death and, by implication, the purpose of life are the two major existential questions for which world religions have attempted to provide comforting answers. these themes have also been recently explored in spanish cinema, for instance by isabel coixet in my life without me ( ) or alejandro amenábar’s mar adentro/the sea within ( ). the bold stroke of the director and screenwriter laura mañà was to explore the themes through a fable that exploits comedy, parody and a narrative style, or rather mode, identified as magic realism: ‘in the magical realism text […] the supernatural is not a simple or obvious matter, but it is an ordinary matter, an everyday occurrence – admitted, accepted, and integrated into the rationality and materiality of literary realism’ (zamora and faris : , original emphasis). the brief pre-credit sequence introduces all the above directly with a close- up on the chairman of a village council, meeting in a hall in an unspecified location in the second quarter of the twentieth century – nothing more can be identified. the council is delighted that it has, after ten years without, received a written booking for one of its famous funeral celebrations from an ageing painter, germán cortés (italo damiano), who intends to die on october and wants to be buried on the . the council chairman, who is the village doctor (ulises dumont), subsequently clarifies that people no longer anticipate death the way they use to: they now prefer home, accident and life insurance, perhaps make arrangements with a funeral parlour for their last rite and then place thoughts of their own mortality out of mind, avoiding to recall the inevitable, in order to get on with their daily minutiae and commitments (see for instance ariès : ch. ). it is for this reason that the village’s economy has been in decline and, with no customers during the decade, the residents are now lacking confidence to organize another of their unforgettable celebrations. it is repeated later on a few occasions that the village, or small town, grew around a cemetery in a plain that cannot be located on any map, or the map in any country or continent. the predominant accents may be argentine, but there are important spanish voices in the village, for instance the studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ two central characters el piernas (lluís homar) or esther (ana fernández), and cándido the carpenter (eric bonicatto) does not hide his french intonation. the october ceremony may evoke the autumn to some, so does the landscape and vegetation, but if it were meant to be argentina rather than an unspecified location, the trees would be covered with their spring blossom. mañà has preferred the objective correlative of the end of the natural annual cycle and to emphasize this poetic trope in order to locate her fable through the pathetic fallacy. after the contextualizing prologue there follows the initial credits with the title at first projected above a steam train travelling across a vast plain bordered in the far distance by high mountains (figure ). following the discussion on death as an irrevocable fact of life, this credit sequence brings to mind the road film journey as a metaphor for the journey of life, which is here circular, opening and concluding in the village which is literally nowhere, a utopia. this ‘nowhere’ is first humorously presented and confirmed when the villagers congregate on the side of the railway tracks holding up a portable station sign ‘san hilario’ below a clock, that has stopped at noon and is mounted on a telegraph pole, in order to halt the train. the town is not on the map because, as explained by the endearing ‘paleto’ teodoro (ferrán rañé), it is just a cemetery. to come to the village willingly, rather than fortuitously like the fugitive gangster el piernas (lluís homar), is to accept one’s mortality as part of the natural cycle and not with the painful or sorrowful anticipation that it is the negation of life. the train journey and the forthcoming deaths are, in fact, the two topics that are repeated and clearly emphasized by the original trailer included on the dvd release. figure – title. for the factual record there is a town of san hilario in the province of formosa in northern argentina which, according to the wikipedia, had inhabitants in . there was also a saint hilarius, pope from to . studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ the journey, evoked by the steam train’s progress below the title shot, is a familiar metaphor for life which has had important oral, visual and written universal manifestations, and is probably part of the collective subconscious. each individual is seen as a traveller or pilgrim on the journey of life, a stranger in exile, homo viator (holloway : – ). two cinematographic examples representing this topos, albeit separated by half a century, could be det sjunde inseglet/the seventh seal (bergman ) and niwemang/half moon (ghobadi ). la strada/the road (fellini ) could also be included although not so closely focused on coming to terms with death as with one’s own potential or limitations starting and concluding by the sea, like morte a venezia/death in venice (visconti ) or bertrand blier’s most recent film le bruit des glaçons/the clink of ice ( ). life as a path is a topos shared by many cultural traditions and is universal, in no way limited to the western tradition. however, to remain close to the present context and by way of limited examples, one can recall, starting with the classical tradition, seneca’s letter ‘de brevitate vitae’: even as conversation or reading or deep meditation on some subject beguiles the traveller, and he finds that he has reached the end of his journey before he was aware that he was approaching it, just so with this unceasing and most swift journey of life, which we make at the same pace whether waking or sleeping; those who are engrossed become aware of it only at the end. (basore : ) or one can recall the ironical formulation from juvenal’s satire : though you’re carrying only a few cups of plain silver when you set out on a journey at night, you’ll be terrified of swords and sticks, and you’ll panic at the twitch of a reed’s shadow in the moonlight. a traveller who is empty- handed can sing in the mugger’s face. (braund : – ) there are also plenty of examples from the hebrew tradition. quoting from the king james version, cain was cursed ‘a fugitive and a vagabond shalt thou be in the earth’ (genesis : ), the psalmist sings, ‘i am a stranger with thee, and a sojourner, as all my fathers were’ (psalm : ) and david expands, ‘for we are all strangers before thee, and sojourners as were all our fathers: our days on earth are as a shadow, and there is none abiding’ (i chronicles : ), or ‘for the good man is not at home, he is gone a long journey’ (proverbs : ). the topos was adopted by the christian tradition. for instance hebrews : – is a gloss on genesis : , matthew : – develops the topos of the gates at the end of each of the two mutually exclusive paths evoked by jeremiah : and it was john’s gospel that surprisingly, a monograph that explores this important universal tradition is still to be identified as a single reference, hence this rather lengthy introduction. from the perspective of christianity complementary definitions can be found, for instance, in the works of holloway ( : – ) and edwards ( : – , – ), who distinguishes the literal terrestrial pilgrim visiting a shrine from the one on the journey of life or on a personal quest into the self; see also elsner and rubiés ( : especially – ). studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ gave a new twist to the metaphor: ‘then jesus saith unto him: i am the way, the truth and the life: no man cometh unto the father, but by me’ (john : ), as jesus himself becomes the path to tread and follow. the metaphor of life as a journey, the topos of homo viator, develops further through the following millennium (see for instance ladner : – ). two powerful examples are boethius’s echo of juvenal, ‘you are shuddering now at the thought of a club or knife, but if you had set out on the path of life with empty pockets, you would whistle past any highway man’ (watts : ), and dante’s divina commedia, the inferno: canto : – , opens with: in the middle of the journey of our life, i came to myself in a dark wood, for the straight way was lost. (durling : – ) another example, in english, might be john bunyan’s the pilgrim’s progress, whose full title proceeds from this world to that which is to come, delivered under the similitude of a dream ( ). in the spanish cultural tradition the topos is nationally encapsulated by the fifteenth-century soldier-poet jorge manrique (c. – ) in his famous ‘coplas a/por/sobre la muerte de su padre’/‘stanzas on the death of his father’, a landmark of spanish literature: ‘this world of ours is the pathway | that leads us to the next, our | heavenly home [literally: a dwelling place without sorrow]’ (grossman : – , stanza ). in the poem this image is contrasted with another image of life: ‘our lives are the rivers | that empty into the sea | that is our dying’ (grossman : – , stanza ). this evocation of the sea where all rivers necessarily flow, where any individuality is lost and annihilated, is used to evoke the topos of ‘death the leveller’ (see for instance eire : – ). it is a negative image which manrique’s poem rejects but which, as an image, has had a much more enduring presence in spanish culture, alluded to even in luis buñuel’s documentary las hurdes. tierra sin pan/land without bread (produced by ramón acín ). without contextualization a rapidly flowing river is included in one very brief shot at a crucial turning point towards the end of morir en san hilario, and yet it figures prominently in el piernas’s final mural. as an image it is one of heraclitus’s attributed aphorisms on the theme of universal flux, that one can never step twice in the same river for other waters are continuously flowing on, thus conveying the swift passage of time with no turning back (wheelwright : – , ). an important conclusion from this brief description of the topos that life is a path and journey for homo viator, rather than a river which links up more negatively with charon and the styx, is the emphasis that there is not so much a polarity or antithesis between life and death but a continuity: life has a purpose even if this cannot be apprehended without faith or belief. mañà’s film does not, however, speculate on the particular beliefs to be accepted. in the film, roman catholic rites, in henry wadsworth longfellow also published a free translation of the poem as the ‘coplas de don jorge manrique’, printed in boston by allen and ticknor. studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ physically represented by the church building, are the ideological references questioned by the priest’s own doubt. indeed, two-third of the way through when in the church, as father antonio (juan echanove) and teodoro try to comment politely on the first sketch of el piernas’s mural they call it an abstract, adding that this perhaps reflects more clearly the nature of god in the modern world: an abstraction. to return to the film’s initial credit sequence, after projecting the title and cutting briefly to the breathing difficulties of an elderly passenger inside one of the carriages, the actors’ names appear and the parodic mode is introduced. this is created through rapid montage, beginning with a straight cut to a high angle shot on a car arriving in an open space which cuts again onto the wheels of the car. the name of lluís homar, the presumed protagonist, is shown in the bottom right-hand corner and the credits continue with the close-up of a shoe and spats stepping out of the car, more shoes follow as often happens to create suspense. although journeys can be made on foot or by any other means of transport, the car is iconic to the road film and is another generic pointer for the spectator (laderman : ). this car and the spats locate the action in the possible late s or early s. the costumes, ambush, cries of betrayal, the shoot out, together with the facial close-ups on the fugitive gangster, el piernas, all enhanced by the non-diegetic sound-track, quickly build up the impression that this is a parody of the ‘prohibition’ gangster movie, where the outlaw on the run and the quest overlap with road films (laderman : , ff.). the narrative will concentrate on el piernas’s personal journey and transformation within the secluded village of san hilario but, to build up suspense and remind the spectator of the ‘real’ contrasting criminal world and parody, the narrative will periodically return to the police investigation and the exaggerated stereotypes of the gangsters attempting to recover the stolen money. in calling one of the gangsters ‘cráter’ (carlos bermejo), one wonders if the parody is not further enhanced through a playful reference to and inversion of the other more competent criminal jack carter, as represented by michael cain in get carter (hodges ) or by sylvester stallone in, the other remake of ted lewis’s novel, get carter (kay ), themselves being playful inversions of nick carter, the pulp fiction detective who triumphed in the s and of whom a few films were made, as well as many ¢ comics quoted visually in this film. back to el piernas’s establishing shot, his initial characterization sets him up as the loser and idiot of the plot among the mobsters controlled by el gordo (i.e. fatso (oscar alegre)). in his gangster setting, el piernas parallels the fool, the inept and clumsy ‘paleto’, as confirmed by his telephone calls to cráter, but in san hilario he becomes the more sophisticated and respected city man amongst the other innocent and naive fools, as he tries to run away down the street shouting that they are all mad! for those in the real and sane world he will grow into the fool who according to mediaeval tradition can nonetheless offer wisdom though irony (see for instance welsford : xi–xviv, – ). after his attempted escape, at first albeit in spite of himself and then reluctantly, el piernas does become the literal and allegorical ‘homo viator’, the ‘stranger’ in san hilario, an ‘exile’ in a world so different from his own studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ and from the spectators, and a ‘criminal’ who finds ‘redemption through his pilgrimage’ (holloway , – ). he will discover and demonstrate ‘that truth sits in your heart’ (edwards : – , ). this identification as homo viator is playfully confirmed by his name ‘el piernas’, which literally translates as ‘legs’, always on the run, since in spanish the use of the definite article indicates a nickname. the name germán cortés that he is given in the village, albeit a case of mistaken identity, is another joke echoing the conquistador hernán cortés, who came across unknown lands, as explained in the film. in this film many of the situations and events represented, both plausible and those implausible, which can be identified as examples of magical realism, can also be understood with reference to the topos of the allegorical homo viator in general and more specifically to the argument and imagery used and elaborated in jorge manrique’s poem, including the briefly evoked river. manrique’s poem presents structured reflections on life and death, formulated as a eulogy and tribute to his father don rodrigo manrique, who died on november at the age of with a probable facial cancer growth (domínguez : , , n. ). manrique and laura mañà’s reflections are separated by more than five centuries and exploit two different artistic genres, so it is not the present intention to argue that morir en san hilario is an adaptation of manrique’s ‘coplas’/‘stanzas’ but to point out ideological echoes, inescapable for one who knows both works. laura mañà presents her own meditation, updating the enduring traditional topoi, and thus also combining ‘originality with tradition’, which is the title and argument of pedro salinas’s study of the poem (salinas ). for instance the universal ubi sunt topos, developed by manrique with reference to recent political figures and other individuals with the lengthy anaphora ‘where now is […]’ and ‘where now are […]’ rounded off with ‘where shall we go to find them? | what were they but fleeting dewdrops | in the fields’ (grossman : – , stanza – ), is paralleled in the film through the presence of framed photographs commemorating past funerals, hanging on the hotel walls. it is also echoed through the visual reference to the more contemporary song ‘where have all the flowers gone? | long time passing […]’ (pete seeger ) by introducing berta (rita terranova), who looks after the good hope hotel, hotel buena esperanza, and whose tears, as they fall on the ground or by the graves in the cemetery, bring forth flowers the next morning. this is a good example of magical realism: because no one weeps at a happy san hilario funeral, berta’s tears are shown on three occasions metamorphosed from dewdrops into flowers for the dead. teodoro claims there is nothing depressing in helping others to be happy when they die and their life is fulfilled. the two meditations begin by establishing the fear of dying as a consequence of perceiving death as the negation of life. this is true especially for those who live perilously by violence and thus engrossed in the minutiae of surviving, as seneca put it (basore : ), enduring the anxieties experienced manrique’s poem has inspired many commentaries; two fundamental accounts are by the poet pedro salinas ( ) and the academic nicholas round ( ). studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ by the soldiers in manrique’s poem: ‘what is the use? | when you, death, arrive with rage, | and strike to pierce neatly through all | with your arrow’ (alda tesán : , vv. – ). so it is for el piernas as he runs away from the opening ambush and stows away on the train seen during the initial credit sequence, in a freight wagon appropriately carrying pigs, which get the better of him even though they are being sent to the slaughter house; at first he fears greatly for his life, as manrique puts it, tell me, death, where do you hide | and move them to? | and their glorious deeds | achieved in wars | and at peace, | when you, cruel, rip loose | and with force bring them down | to be destroyed. (alda tesán : , vv. – ) too busy checking over his shoulder to protect his back and his us dollars, el piernas is on the run, living the life of fear, full of threats and dangers, pursued by the police and his own criminal mob whose headquarters are concealed behind the cold storage room of a slaughter house. this is the setting evoked in manrique’s stanza , full of ambushes and traps: the glittering grand life that | we live here, | what are they but speeding racers | and death the snare, the ambush | where we fall? | not thinking of traps, of danger, | we run as fast as we can, | without pause; | but when we see the deception | and want to change our course, it | is too late. (grossman : – , stanza ) set on this course, hiding in the village to protect his life, el piernas is at first oblivious of the fact that it is his funeral that is being prepared, consequence of the mistaken identity with the expected painter, germán cortés, who died on the train making its way to san hilario at the beginning of the film. this generates the humorous situational and verbal irony that permeates el piernas’s exchanges with the villagers, who take it for granted that he had actually planned to come to them in order to die. a third into the film, awaiting his rescue and feeling a little safer on his second day in san hilario, outside the bar-café el piernas finally sees the notice that germán cortés has thirteen days left until his death. the realization that it is his own funeral that is being organized leads him to start fearing again and he runs back to the hotel to telephone cráter and el gordo to bring forward his getaway. until transport arrives and he is rescued from this impossible situation, ‘you live in an incredible town!’ which teodoro takes as a compliment, el piernas will temporarily exploit the situation and mistaken identity as a means of cover from the police, who are also after him and the stolen money. this stanza omitted by grossman is my own translation from the original (alda tesán : ), and it should be noted that the poem develops military images to suggest the perils of life, but these references are not always so evident in the translation. this original stanza (alda tesán : ) is also omitted from grossman’s translation. the ‘speeding racers’/corredores are in fact the scouts in the vanguard that precede the troops. the translations are those of the dvd’s subtitle. studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ however, remaining in san hilario gradually leads to changing priorities for el piernas, and he slowly begins to reflect attitudes also highlighted and valued in jorge manrique’s poem. firstly there is the slow appreciation that worldly goods and material wealth, his sack full of us dollars, are of no real use. this is humorously demonstrated when he plays poker late into the night with his new friends, and he realizes no one is worried by the rules of the game or actually concerned because they are loosing money; they are gambling as if with monopoly money. he will gradually stop worrying, hiding and caring about his dollars, as he eventually realizes that, according to manrique’s verses, ‘see what little value | lies in the things we strive for | and pursue, | for in this world of deceit, | even before we perish | they are lost […]’ (grossman : – , stanza ). so that at the end, as his relationship develops with esther, the village seamstress (ana fernández), he returns the money without any regrets but gets shot in the back when he makes his way back on foot to the village. prompted by teodoro, he also comes to appreciate that other things matter more: for instance finding a purpose for his life, a goal, and living every moment to the full, aware that it may be the last. for the people of san hilario this goal and purpose is preparing a memorable funeral to celebrate a life not to be forgotten; for el piernas this goal becomes painting the mural in the village church, which was the true germán cortés’s last wish. at first it was only to keep up the deception that he is the painter, and thus continue to hide in the village; later he accepts the mural as his own personal goal and teleology. he concludes with a mural that celebrates the village and its own teleology, including within its frame his own most recent fulfilling experiences. in manrique’s poem the importance of finding a purpose in life is established with reference to his own fifteenth-century values, being a good christian soldier: ‘he was an aurelius severus alexander | in his discipline and application | in war’ (vv. – , my translation), ‘he did not leave vast treasures | he did not achieve great riches, | immense wealth, | but he waged wars against moors’ (grossman : – , stanza – ). for el piernas this required a total change of attitude and to recreate himself. in san hilario he also learns the value of friendship, first with teodoro, and then with the other villagers, sealed after the drunken poker game in the bar, as manrique writes, ‘what a friend he was to friends!’ (grossman : – , stanza ). the all important catalyst to this change was falling in love and finding his platonic lady, the woman who motivates and inspires. teodoro describes esther as she who hears the last secrets of the dying, thus accompanying them to their death and transformation. from the first moment that el piernas sees esther, coinciding with his first arrival at the church to start on the mural, the non-diegetic soundtrack, the extended medium shots and the reverse shots establish that he has felt something, fallen in love, and that she too has been affected in a situation that occurs twice. at first he misunderstands their mutual attraction and tries to seduce her, a moment that affects their relationship and greatly upsets esther’s son (milton de la canal). through his persevering and more caring involvement with esther, he gradually comes to appreciate the difference between chasing an object of sexual studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ desire and genuine personal relationships. furthermore as he gets to know her son pablo and shares activities with him, el piernas learns to think beyond his own self-interest. he first tries to teach pablo to defend himself on his callipers and then makes him a pair of stilts (!) so that pablo can be accepted by the other children rather than be the object of their bullying. this allows the threesome to enjoy each other’s company on their own among the hills, beyond the confines of the village, as well as to remember pablo’s deceased father, in visual compositions that recall the holy family ( mm; figure ). the importance of the family, whether traditional or reconstructed in the case of esther and pablo, is also glorified at the end of the manrique poem: ‘and so with this understanding, | and with all human senses | still preserved, | surrounded by his wife, | his children, brothers, sisters, | and his servants, | he gave up his soul to the one’ (grossman : – , stanza ). figure : el piernas, pablo and esther. the evolution of the mural acts as a useful objective correlative with el piernas’s journey, his development, transformation and self-fulfilment. when he first takes on the task, as mentioned above in order to protect his false identity, he the relationship as viewed from esther’s perspective makes a very interesting narrative: her profession as seamstress like a modern penelope awaiting for an odysseus to return, her possible necrophiliac tendencies and her own scars, physical and allegorical, another example of magical realism, concealing a difficult past only alluded to in the film. this is an image and device also used by bergman in the seventh seal. in mañà’s film pablo even wears angel wings, which he then lends to el piernas. see rutherford’s ( ) ph.d. thesis, which examines and discusses the various family structures possible since spain recovered its democracy. studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ does not even know what a mural is. he has, furthermore, no personal memories that he can draw upon for his painting except perhaps how el flaco, skinny, was disposed of by el gordo’s men. rummaging through germán cortés’s trunk and belongings, he discovers a sketch book with drawings of houses which the painter had done as a -year-old. he also leafs through one of germán’s books, pintores inolvidables/unforgettable painters, where he sees the reproduction of an impressionist’s self-portrait beside his easel and wearing a large beret. the next morning to make his start on the mural, and thus preserve his false identity, el piernas shaves his moustache and changes his clothes. furthermore he also puts on a beret like the painter’s, and thus matches teodoro, who wears his own beret – so the two consolidate their friendship with a conspiratorial shot/reverse shot. his first attempt is to paint a house, so badly that teodoro and father antonio called it an abstract painting to spare his feelings, but these brush strokes are significant because he may have been subconsciously trying to paint what was really missing from his life: a home and a family. the second time he returns to the mural, there is still no genuine commitment on his part and teodoro takes over the painting until esther walks back into the church, but the two friends have held an important conversation about life and its relationship to death. el piernas attitude is changing, and the third time the mural is shown, he has completed three abstract compositions reminiscent of joan miró’s style, perhaps as a means of attracting esther’s attention. however, this third attempt is being blotted out by the angry and disappointed pablo after he has seen el piernas force himself on his mother. el piernas subsequently obliterates these compositions, this time with determination and purpose, and again with a blue wash, as if washing the wall clean. during his last few days in san hilario as his relationship with esther and her son blossoms he builds up happy memories to inspire his mural. following the fireworks rehearsal for his funeral, he makes a completely new start to what will be the definitive version: a mother with baby in arms, to which he adds a large tear below the mother’s right eye, and then a young boy with angel wings holding the mother’s hand, again representing his unspoken aspirations and dreams. the style of the new mural appears to be influenced by teodoro’s own paintings, which in turn can be identified as reflecting franz roh’s definition of visual magic realism as explained by irene guenther (zamora and faris : – ). intercut with el piernas’s brush strokes is a shot of a happy pablo now the centre of attention on his new stilts, and of a very moved esther praying in church, moving closer and closer to the mural. from there on the mural will be filled with visual reminders of el piernas’s most recent fulfilling experiences in the village and even anticipate his own cortège (figure ). as el piernas looks round from his mural to look at esther, who has by now moved from the altar to pray in front of the painter and his work, the low-key light on the side of el piernas’s face close to his ms beatriz tadeo fuica has a persuasive interpretation linking el piernas’s experimental mural with joan miró’s paintings, which she identified as ‘vuelo de pájaros’ ( ) and ‘la luna verde’ ( ). it is to be hoped that she will find time to write up and publish her hypothesis. studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ ‘mother and children’, together with the deep focus and selective lighting on the two-dimensional painting behind him, makes him very much part of his mural. figure – the mural. after his silent meditation by the flowing river, reflecting on his own mortality, painting the mural has become personally meaningful for him; it is no longer a cover for his criminal identity but a celebration of his new attitude to life. hence the ‘holy family’ sequence in the hills dissolves into the mural being painted. he has accepted teodoro’s obvious reflection on life: ‘everyone has to die. dying is hereditary’, so why deny or fear it? by this stage he has also stopped living engrossed in his own immediate preoccupations (basore : ), and when esther measures him for his funeral suit he has learnt that one need no longer fear to be surprised by death, recalling the ‘i don’t want death to surprise me’ from the pre-initial-credit sequence. he has accepted death as part of the natural cycle, not a negation but one of the different stages of a meaningful life, as manrique advises, ‘do not think of it as bitter, | the dreadful, dire battle | that awaits you’ (grossman : – , stanza ). a death should be celebrated and remembered, not to be wasted. el piernas has found time and the conviction to do something worthwhile and of quality, that does not necessarily bring with it material rewards, whereas before his attitude exemplified another of teodoro’s paradoxes that the fear of death prevents us from achieving as much. teodoro is the eternal optimist who has so much still to do that he must keep putting off his suicide, as he adds new items to his list of things to do in order to fulfil himself. teodoro evokes others who also came to san hilario to fulfil themselves and their dreams, like pablo’s father, esther’s husband, the aviator with angel wings. the aviator’s wings are those of an as dr belén vidal pointed out, the ‘list of things to do’ is also important to coixet’s my life without me ( ), and implicit in laura mañà’s recent comedy la vida empieza hoy/life begins today ( ), where the town council puts on free sexual education classes for its senior citizens. studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ angel on pablo, and become those of a fallen angel for el piernas with the possible threat of becoming icarus wings. all have left memories, and el piernas will be remembered by his mural, the work of art that transcends mortality. the completed mural is never shown in the film, but this is not important. the mural was a means to piernas’s transformation and acceptance of death, not an end itself. as for homo viator, in this phenomenological world the conscious journey matters more than its destination; it is the quality of life that matters, not its length. another important overlap between jorge manrique and laura mañà is the depiction of the swift passage of time. for jorge manrique this is achieved by the manipulation of verb tenses: if we look upon the present | and see how in a moment | it is done, | […] we will deem the yet-to-come | as past and gone. | oh, let no man be deceived | and think that what he hopes for | will endure | longer than what has gone by, | for all things are bound to pass | as they did before. (grossman : – , stanza ) laura mañà and bernat vilaplana, the film’s editor, convey this through the use of fades to black and dissolves, repeating brief links of el piernas going to bed or waking up, and the use of five rising orange suns to identify five different days, each time showing the sun in a slightly higher position on the horizon, then increasing briefer sequences as the narrative develops, with rapid editing, parallel montage, slightly dislocating and syncopating the chronology in the last minutes of the film, which logically cover a number of days so that the funeral can take place on day of the film’s narrative. examples of other strategies are the broken clock and the lack of radio news or news papers, since information is brought to the bar on bicycle by the postman rafael (martín pavlosky). the swift passage of time is balanced in both works by the important value placed on memory: ‘these old stories of his | which he defined with his strong arm | in his youth, | with other new victories | he now renewed | in his old age’ (alda tesán : , vv. – ). the village lives with the memory of those for whom the celebrations were organized and, as already mentioned, on the hotel walls hang numerous framed photographs of previous commemorations. esther and her son stroll through the cemetery talking about the departed, and she tells pablo that ‘the dead live [on] in our memories’, and so she helps him recall their achievements and their funeral. el piernas will also transcend his brief stay in san hilario through art with his mural on the church wall, thus recalling the title of germán cortés’s book found in the trunk. memories are also a consolation for jorge manrique’s family, ‘though he is dead, | his memory lives on to | comfort us’ (grossman : – , stanza ). also omitted from grossman, this is my own translation of stanza from the original (alda tesán : ). ‘so long as men can breathe or eyes can see, | so long lives this and this gives life to thee’ (shakespeare’s sonnet xviii). studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ since the cemetery is the origin and heart of the village, in the hotel buena esperanza the room in which el piernas is lodged, which is number , is the best because of its view over the cemetery. the cemetery is the perfect memento mori which urges us to live a full life and, as berta states in the same scene, the cemetery ‘is our past, our present, and our future’. within it, all the crosses are the same, the opportunity to espouse this attitude is available to all and any. this also brings to mind the topos of ‘death the leveller’: citizen, artist or criminal, all receive the same care, attention and cross, in san hilario. as doña rosita (maría elena rua), who runs the café-bar, pleads when they share the money purloined by mariano from the gangsters’ sack, in this town the dead are all equal, neither rich nor poor. this is echoed by mariano when the police want to prevent the celebration of el piernas’s funeral and he states that death wipes out all injustices and it is the same for all, rich, poor, intellectuals or idiots. jorge manrique expressed the same topos through his metaphor that our lives are rivers that flow to the sea: ‘there flow the mightiest rivers, | and the others, tributaries | and lesser streams, | joined together and equal | are those who live by their labor | and wealthy men’ (grossman : – , stanza , and consider as well stanzas – , pp. – ). death is the great leveller of differences. the narrative is divided into three parts: the flight of the gangster and his hiding in san hilario. a third of the way through, el piernas realizes that the villagers are preparing for his funeral in thirteen days’ time and this shatters his confidence as the film now builds up his fear of death. with the third dawn, almost two-third through the film, the transformation of the fool begins as he finally decides on a suitable subject for his mural, thus accepting and appreciating his situation. in fact el piernas gradually acknowledges his fate in very different circumstances but with the same resignation and equanimity as don rodrigo manrique’s ‘and i consent to my dying | and submit to a desire | bright and pure; | it is madness for a man | to wish to live when god wishes | him to die’ (grossman : – , stanza ). subsequently, el piernas receives his last phone call – cráter will finally pick him up the following night at kilometre . this time he is hesitant and indeed reluctant to leave the village in order to return to the ‘real’ world, the parody of the gangster movie. he considers his situation and options by the river, whose rapid flow is accentuated by the loud soundtrack. he finds it difficult to write his farewell message to esther before he puts on his gangster outfit. the body of the real germán cortés has arrived as el piernas leaves clutching his jute sack, as if an echo of the sack that keeps recurring in luis buñuel’s films, as if containing all sorts of worries and emotional problems. the new relationships el piernas has just established are too strong and have affected him greatly, so he plans to leave the money with cráter and return to the village. he does not, however, know that mariano has replaced the dollars with strips of paper. when el piernas leaves the sack in cráter’s car and walks away, cráter checks the contents and concludes that in keeping with the film’s humour, this democratic statement is balanced with humour as the scene in question echoes the venality of the islanders in whisky galore (mackendrick ) or ¡bienvenido mister marshall!/welcome mr marshall (berlanga ). studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ he has been double-crossed. as el piernas resolutely and fearlessly walks back towards san hilario, cráter shoots him in the back. el piernas makes it to his hotel room and, his wound bandaged, he receives extreme unction from father antonio, but ironically it is he who offers comfort to the doubting priest. meanwhile esther is distraught when she finds el piernas’s discarded message and concludes that until the day before she loved a man who left her to carry on with his life, thinking he is running away and not facing up to his commitments. the pathetic fallacy then asserts itself as a storm breaks when esther arrives to dress him for his funeral procession and undresses to lie down beside him. the close-up on el piernas’s face, wearing a gentle smile, then dissolves to show him walk alone and naked through the cemetery into the redemptive rain, as if it were washing him free of all his imperfections. the scene suggests that his soul is leaving his body behind, and is also consistent as a dream or vision within the magical-realist narrative, thus making no actual assertion as to what really lies beyond this moment. there is peace on el piernas’s face, as if echoing the resignation implicit in jorge manrique’s simple statements, in contrast to the tropes and rhetoric of the whole poem, introducing his father’s last moments: ‘after his memorable feats, | his memorable deeds, too many | to recount, | on his estate in ocaña | death came for him, death came knocking | on his door’ (grossman : – , stanza ). this is a statement of el piernas’s transformation from life into death. the spectators are not shown how or when he closes his eyes beside esther, but the screen fades to black, the final credits run and the soundtrack carries on playing the celebrations of his funeral with humour and the exaggerations expected from the magical-realist mode, concluding with the announcement that the following week the real germán cortés’s life will also be commemorated with a similar fanfare and more fireworks, in order to leave more good memories behind with the audience’s chuckle at the dialogue over the credits on a black screen. morir en san hilario is a reflective film with a universal appeal. the present contribution does not claim that it was inspired by a fifteenth-century poem, rather that with their overlaps mañà and manrique are both reiterating, each for their own age and each with great originality, basic human anxieties discussed long before they each started thinking about them. pedro salinas’s shrewd study of jorge manrique’s poem ‘tradition and originality’ can be seen to apply just as well to laura mañà: traditional values are presented in an engaging and original manner. secularized and displaced, el piernas journey follows ‘the mediaeval conception of homo viator, of the wayfarer in a strange world, who is also a pilgrim towards the divine order’ (ladner : ). a good ‘ars moriendi’ should in fact be an ‘ars vivendi’. el piernas’s journey offers those spectators who are willing to see it professor evans reminded me of the similar redemptive scene at the end of the shawshank redemption (darabont ). the spiritually cleansing power of water is, like the journey, another universal symbol evident for instance from asian new year celebrations, the river ganges and christian baptism; or in the words of the final chapter of the revelations of st john the divine: ‘and he shewed me a pure river of water of life, clear as crystal, proceeding out of the throne of god and of the lamb’ ( : ). studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ reflections on living well, making a good journey whatever the destination. it is not the length of our life but its quality that matters, the fulfilment of a worthwhile ambition. el piernas comforts the priest with the optimistic, and yet ironic, aphorism that ‘what awaits after death must be wonderful, that’s why no one comes back’. the journey begins where it concludes, in an unidentified village built around a cemetery; in that sense the journey is circular and death at the centre. however, as well as the present serious meditation on the subject of life and death, it is imperative to recall the humorous tone of the film, its delicate use of irony, its witty script, its visual gags, the balanced understated acting and the farce, the subtle visual conclusion, and the narrative mode of magical realism, exaggerations and excess. but then there is no point in spelling out the obvious: the spectator is to accept all the optimism expected from a comedy’s conclusion to enhance its reflections. author’s note studies in european cinema’s editorial policy is to publish quotations in english, if necessary placing original quotations in footnotes. acknowledgements dr h. partzsch, dr b. vidal and professor o. evans for their suggestions after reading draft typescripts. castelao producciones sl/filmax for copyright permission to include the three stills. references alda tesán, j. m. (ed.) ( ), jorge manrique, poesía, madrid: cátedra (letras hispánicas ). almodóvar, p. (dir.) ( ), volver/to return, el deseo. amenábar, a. (dir.) ( ), mar adentro/the sea within, sogepaq. ariès, p. ( ), l’homme devant la mort/the hour of our death, paris: seuil (trans. h. weaver [ ], harmondsworth: penguin). basore, j. w. (ed. and trans.) ( ), seneca. moral essays, vol. ii, loeb classical library , london: heinemann. bentley, b. p. e. ( ), a companion to spanish cinema, woodbridge: tamesis. berlanga, l. g. (dir.) ( ), ¡bienvenido mister marshall!/welcome mr marshall, uninci. bergman, i. (dir.) ( ), det sjunde inseglet/the seventh seal, svensk filmindustri. as professor nigel dennis and dr gustavo san román commented, the values highlighted above are not that different from those put forward by the humanist association, http://www.humanism.org.uk/about. accessed december . the last version of the mural shown includes a black figure in the sky which my colleague dr david martin jones interprets as an icon of death, the grim reaper; my reading is that it represents father antonio realizing his dream of resolving his doubts. studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ bible, king james version (n.d., rpt.) oxford university press. blier, b. (dir.) ( ), le bruit des glaçons/the clink of ice, thelma films. bradshaw, p. ( ), ‘to die in san hilario’, the guardian online, friday august , http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/ /aug/ /comedy.worldcinema. accessed may . braund, s. m. (ed. and trans.) ( ), juvenal and persius, loeb classical library , cambridge ma: harvard university press. bunyan, j. ([ ] ), the pilgrim’s progress (ed. r. pooley [ ]), harmondsworth: penguin classics. buñuel, l. (dir.) ( ), las hurdes. tierra sin pan/land without bread, ramón acín. coixet, i. (dir.) ( ), my life without me, el deseo and milestones productions. darabont, f. (dir.) ( ) the shawshank redemption, castle rock entertainment. domínguez, f. a. ( ), love and remembrance: the poetry of jorge manrique, lexington, ky: university press of kentucky. durling, r. m. (ed. and trans.) ( ), the divine comedy of dante alighieri. inferno, oxford and new york: oxford university press. edwards, p. ( ), pilgrimage and literary tradition, cambridge and new york: cambridge university press. eire, c. m. n. ( ), from madrid to purgatory: the art and craft of dying in sixteenth-century spain, cambridge: cambridge university press. elsner, j. and rubiés, j.-p. (eds) ( ), voyages & visions. towards a cultural history of travel, london: reaktion book. fellini, f. (dir.) ( ), la strada/the road, ponti-de laurentiis cinematografica. french, p. ( ), ‘to die in san hilario’, the observer online, sunday august , http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/ /aug/ /worldcinema.comedy. accessed may . ghobadi, b. (dir.) ( ), niwemang/half moon, mij film co, new crowned hope and silkroad production. grossman, e. (ed. and trans.) ( ), the golden age: poems of the spanish renaissance, new york: norton. hodges, m. (dir.) ( ), get carter, mgm-emi. holloway, j. b. ( ), the pilgrim and the book: a study of dante, langland, and chaucer, new york: peter lang. international movie database ( ), morir en san hilario, http://www.imdb.com/title/tt /. accessed may . jaafar, a. (september ), ‘review: to die in san hilario’, sight & sound, : , p. . kay, s. (dir.) ( ), get carter, morgan creek and franchise productions. laderman, d. ( ), driving visions: exploring the road movie, austin, tx: university of texas press. ladner, g. b. ( ), ‘homo viator: medieval ideas on alienation and order’, speculum, : , pp. – . mañà, l. (dir.) ( ), morir en san hilario, castelao producciones s.a.: dvd distributed by filmax. - - - (dir.) ( ), la vida empieza hoy/life begins today, ovídeo. http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/ /aug/ /worldcinema.comedy http://www.imdb.com/title/tt / studies in european cinema, volume number , pages - © intellect ltd article. english language doi: / /seci. . _ mackendrick, a. (dir.) ( ), whisky galore, ealing studios. round, n. g. ( ), ‘formal integration in jorge manrique’s coplas por la muerte de su padre’, in n. g. round and d. g. walters (eds.), readings in spanish and portuguese poetry for geoffrey connell, glasgow: university of glasgow, department of hispanic studies, pp. – . rutherford, j. r. ( ), ‘sites of struggle: representations of family in spanish film ( – )’, ph.d. thesis, university of st andrews. salinas, p. ([ ] ), jorge manrique, o tradición y originalidad, barcelona: seix barral. seeger, p. ( ) ‘where have all the flowers gone’, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v= y siieqy . accessed october . visconti, l. (dir.) ( ), morte a venezia/death in venice, alfa cinematografica. watts, v. e. (ed. and trans.) ( ), boethius: the consolation of philosophy, harmondsworth: penguin. wheelwright, p. ( ), heraclitus, princeton, nj: princeton university press. welsford, e. ([ ] ), the fool. his social and literary history, london: faber and faber. zamora, l. p. and faris, w. b. (eds.) ( ), magical realism: theory, history, community, durham, nc: duke university press. suggested citation bentley, b. p. e. ( ), ‘the “ars vivendi” of laura mañà’s morir en san hilario/to die in san hilario ( )’, studies in european cinema, : , pp. – , doi: . /seci. . . _ contributor details bernard p. e. bentley is senior lecturer and chairman of the spanish department in the school of modern languages at the university of st andrews. he teaches and lectures on the spanish language and translation, golden age literature with a special interest in seventeenth-century drama, and spanish cinema with a specific interest in narratology and film semantics. he recently authored a companion to spanish cinema (woodbridge: tamesis ). more information is available at http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/modlangs/people/spanish/bentley/ contact: bernard p. e. bentley, department of spanish, school of modern languages, the university of st andrews, st andrews, fife, ky al, uk. e-mail: bpeb@st-andrews.ac.ik http://www.youtube.com/watch?v= y siieqy http://www.st-andrews.ac.uk/modlangs/people/spanish/bentley/ mailto:bpeb@st-andrews.ac.ik% c/uip is left desiring more distinctions between coleridge and emerson, it is only because harvey has established their deep similarities and their importance to transatlantic transcendentalism so fully. jonathan koefoed university of texas at austin, austin, tx, usa jkoefoed@austin.utexas.edu © , jonathan koefoed http://dx.doi.org/ . / . . atlantic citizens: nineteenth-century american writers at work in the world, leslie elizabeth eckel, edinburgh, university press, , pp., £ , $ (hardback), isbn- : x, isbn- : - , including notes, bibliography, and index although henry wadsworth longfellow, margaret fuller, frederick douglass, ralph waldo emerson, grace greenwood, and walt whitman as a group make strange bed- fellows, eckel asserts that their identity as citizens of the world rather than proponents of american exceptionalism reveals them to be likely companions after all. some of these writers attained ‘partial cosmopolitanism’, what kwame anthony appiah, notes eckel, describes as a combination ‘that preserves its partiality to kindred, home, and nation even as it looks beyond those limits for opportunities to know and to serve others’ ( ). looking beyond those limits is the primary focus of the study undertaken by eckel, who summons an impressive variety of written and oral sources that have not received widespread attention: ‘transcripts of speeches, newspa- per articles, editorial columns, personal journals and letters, teaching notes, juvenile magazines, and critical reviews’ ( ). by juxtaposing these extraliterary sources along- side the lengthier works on which the reputation of these writers rests (longfellow’s evangeline, fuller’s woman in the nineteenth century, douglass’s autobiographies, emerson’s nature and the essays, greenwood’s eponymous greenwood leaves, and whitman’s leaves of grass), eckel illuminates their transatlantic affinities, albeit in varying degrees, which have largely gone without notice. as a result, eckel’s contri- bution to the edinburgh studies in transatlantic literatures offers a fresh perspective on the ties that bind these disparate nineteenth-century american writers together and suggests important continuities between them and two contemporary writers: the car- ibbean-american novelist paule marshall in her memoir, triangular road, and the journalist adam gopnik in his two essay collections, paris to the moon and americans in paris. eckel begins with longfellow whose comment in ‘the schoolmaster’ undergirds her entire project: ‘i said with the cosmopolite,’ ‘the world is a kind of book, in which he, who has seen his own country only, has read but one page’ ( ). longfellow clearly had read multiple pages by virtue of his extensive travel abroad, his command of greek and latin as well as several modern european languages, his translation of texts into english (e.g. dante’s divine comedy), and his many textbooks, all of which merit the designation of longfellow ‘as a founder of american comparative literary book reviews mailto:jkoefoed@gmail.com studies’, according to eckel ( ). she also finds that the transatlantic focus in evange- line counters the idea of manifest destiny promoted by many writers of the period. although none of the remaining five writers in her study embraced transatlanticism as fully as longfellow, two of them – margaret fuller and frederick douglass – excoriated the usa for failing to live up to its ideals by comparing it unfavourably with other countries. eckel highlights fuller’s notion of ‘cosmopolitian patriots’ to suggest that the ideals of world citizen and national patriot might be successfully com- bined or at least alternate. the latter seems evident in douglass, who used political transatlanticism to ‘skewer’ america but did not allow it to keep him from later reclaiming himself as a citizen of the usa despite his doubts about whether he actu- ally had a country, as eckel acknowledges. the global reach of emerson’s transatlanti- cism, however, extended far beyond longfellow’s comparativist claims or the political bent of fuller and douglass’s interests, making emerson – at least in eckel’s hands – not so much a cosmopolitan citizen of the world as a citizen of the cosmos. as for greenwood and whitman, entrepreneurship appears to have motivated what eckel calls their ‘transatlantic professionalism’: greenwood made many trips abroad to promote her juvenile magazine, the little pilgrim, and other writings whereas whitman, whose travels outside the u.s. were limited to canada, welcomed the opportunity to widen his readership for which he was greatly indebted to the london publication of michael rossetti’s selected poems of walt whitman in . in casting whitman as a poet without honour in his own country, rossetti depicted england as culturally superior to the usa in much the same way, argues eckel, that fuller and douglass enlisted social and political developments abroad to chal- lenge the ideals espoused back home. while eckel’s treatment of the transatlantic affi- nities of these six writers may be a bit of a stretch in some instances, her study nevertheless deepens our understanding of the period and of our own by exploring how these writers became part of an emergent internationalism. constance j. post department of english, iowa state university, ames, ia - , usa cjpost@iastate.edu © , constance j. post http://dx.doi.org/ . / . . book reviews resenas afranio coutinho, a literatura no brasil. editorial sul americana, s. a., rio de janeiro, vol. i, t. i, . pp. vol. ii, i - pp. sob a direcgo do professor e critico literario afranio coutinho, com a assistincia dos criticos literirios eugenio gomes e barieto filho, esta em elaboracgo uma revisao da literatura brasileira. cerca de cincoenta colaboradores e especialistas foram encarregados dos diversos temas. a obra esti dividida em tres partes, a saber: i parte: introdu§co compreen- dendo o estudo dos temas de ordem geral; ii parte: a literatura no brasil segundo os v rios estilos em que foi produzida: renascenga e barroco, classicismo e arcadismo, romantismo, realismo, naturalismo, parnasia- nismo, simbolismo, modernismo; iii parte: capitulos s bre temas isola- dos: a critica, o ensaismo, a orat ria, as relag es da literatura com a filo- sofia, com as id is politicas e juridicas, com o jornalismo, com as artes, etc. entre os colaboradores mais importantes salientam-se: luis da ca- mara cascudo, hern.ni cidade, clovis monteiro, otivio de faria, pere- grino jinior, andrade muricy, luis delgado, gilberto freyre, augusto meier, afonso arinos de melo franco, olivio montenegro e outros. a literatura no brasil representa, segundo o diretor, "mais uma tenta- tiva de reacgo contra o sociologismo, o naturalismo e o positivismo, e contra o historicismo, em nome dos valores est ticos, em nome da critica intrin- seca ou est tico-literaria, ou po tica". no estagio atual tem crescido tanto o acervo de trabalhos publicados que a um s homem a tarefa de escrever uma hist ria literaria se afigura insuperivel. por isso decidiram numa obra coletiva. apesar de que esta obra foi escrita por virios colaboradores hi, mesmo assim, uma unidade de planejamento. mas esta submissao ne- cessiria ao conjunto nao diminui o valor de cada critico. o resultado revista iberoamericana uma colefio de excelentes artigos escritos por especialistas -uma colecgo que, ao mesmo tempo, nos fornece una admirivel hist ria da literatura no brasil. a literatura no brasil , sem divida alguma, una obra impres- cindivel a t da pessoa interessada na vida liternria brasileira. valicsas sao as ilustrag es que documentam os temas e os autores. tamb m de grande valor s.o as bibliografias incluidas. dos volumes de que constar, a obra faltam o t. do primeiro que tratar, do romantismo, e o terceiro volume que abrangeri o simbolismo, o modernismo e as tendencias contemporineas. albert r. lopes universidade de novo mixico angel maria garibay, historia de la literatura nahuatl, primera parte (etapa aut noma: de c. i a , editorial porruia, s. a., av. de la repiblica argentina , m xico, d. f., ). obra fundamental es sta del padre garibay que viene a proyectar luz meridiana sobre la literatura elaborada por los nahuas en los mo- mentos en que alcanzaron su apogeo en el valle de m xico. el libro inicia la "biblioteca porruia". creemos que con este volumen -dicen los editores- se realiza una feliz conjunci n; en el tema, de prioridad obvia y en las calidades del autor. le conocen y aprecian muchos por su personalidad y por su talento; pero, no obstante, es grata y necesaria exigencia presentar su perfil biogrifico a mis numeroso piblico antes de hablar de su obra. angel ma. garibay k., sacerdote cat lico, ha de- dicado su actividad principalmente a sus ministerios. despues del profe- sorado en el seminario y de una vida de contacto con los indios durante su servicio parroquial, es hoy dia can nigo te logo del cabildo de gua- dalupe. especialmente dado a las letras cl.sicas, ofreci a la luz piblica una versi n de la trilogia de orestes, directamente hecha del griego y en versos castellanos. por lo que toca a la directa exploraci n de los monu- mentos literarios de la antigiiedad mexicana, ademis de este libro, que da suficiente idea de su trabajo, tiene mucho escrito sobre estos temas y principalmente versiones de todos los documentos de mayor importan- cia. todo lo cual fue como la preparaci n para esta obra, primer volu- men de la biblioteca porria. en la introducci n de la obra el p. garibay trata de la manera como re senas fue trasmitido por los nahuas su pensamiento a trav s de las genera- ciones. hubo ya una forma escrita, el c dice, la alfabetizaci n del idioma al pasar a los escritos castellanos. la lengua nihuatl era clara, concisa, capaz de miltiples sugestiones, ficilmente apta para la expre- si n de las imigenes, afecta al "paralelismo" que da belleza al concepto, grave por su acento. el autor divide su estudio en dos etapas: i a vida aut noma de la mente nahuatl y . el trauma de la conquista espafiola en la mente ni.huatl. inicia la primera con el sefiorio de izcoatl, momento en que se des- truy la documentaci n antigua para iniciar una nueva historiografia. el periodo se cierra en . la segunda epoca de la literatura n.huatl se inicia en el mismo afio de la conquista y lo cierra el p. garibay en o, afio en el que hace crisis la ensefianza del nihuatl. sigue la introducci n hablando de las fronteras de la expresi n nahuatl y de las fronteras de la producci n literaria y sus centros prin- cipales de realizaci n: tenoxtitlin, texcoco, cuauhtitln y lugares ve- cinos, azcapotzalco, tlacopan; despues chalco y otros lugares mis ale- jados, huexotzingo y cholula. se ocupa despues de los origenes lite- rarios, obscuros por insuficientemente explorados. fueron los huastecos los iniciadores? jinfluyeron los otomies en la producci n nahuatl? pasa despues a estudiar las fuentes de su investigaci n: anales, sagas heroicas, cantos picos, relatos y anecdotas. ocupan lugar importante en este campo las cr nicas de los misioneros y posteriormente los trabajos de los antrop logos nacionales y extranjeros: chavero, orozco y berra, gar- cia icazbalceta por un lado, prescott, brinton, seler, cornyn. particu- larmente interesante es la n mina de estas fuentes, con que cierra su introducci n el autor, que ademis de dar valor documental a la obra, servirin para que futuros investigadores se adentren en el estudio de varios de los temas que admiten futura valoraci n. entrando ya al examen de la obra, que tiene que ser naturalmente somero, expresaremos que en diez densos y exhaustivos capitulos realiza el examen de los diversos aspectos de la literatura nahuatl. en el pri- mero se ocupa de generalidades de la poesia: el verso, la m sica y la danza, y por tanto el ritmo, el paralelismo, las "palabras broches", las metiforas, el uso de ciertas particulas, que servian tal vez, para medir y modular el verso. por iltimo nos da el p. garibay los nombres que se daban a los poemas. "poesia religiosa", "poesia lirica", "poemas otomies", "poesia revista iberoamericana pica", "poesia dramtica", "la prosa en general", los "discursos di- dicticos", la "prosa hist rica", la "prosa imaginativa", constituyen los nueve capitulos restantes de esta monumental obra, cuya publicaci n ha constituido uno de los acontecimientos literarios de mayor envergadura de los iltimos tiempos. la conclusi n a que llega el autor al final de lo que l llama modestamente "una serie de capitulos monograficos sobre diversos temas" de la historia de la literatura nahuatl es muy sugestiva, a saber: "a pesar de la deficiente y precaria base de nuestros conocimien- tos, tenemos suficientes testimonios para juzgar del valor literario de la antigua producci n en nahuatl. no es una cultura que se pueda poner sobre la griega, la romana o la indostinica; es un aspecto del pensa- miento humano suficientemente conservado y que, para nosotros, tiene valioso interns de dar lo que pensaron nuestros predecesores en este suelo mexicano. tengamos o no sangre india, tenemos una herencia que nos toca a todos y de la que todos podemos gloriarnos". julio jimenez rueda, universidad nacional autdnoma de mexico. carlos garcia prada, poetas modernistas hispanoamericanos. antolo- gia. introduccidn, selecciones y notas criticas y bibliograficas, edi- ciones cultura hispinica, madrid, i . pp- el profesor de la universidad de washington, dr. carlos garcia prada, que fue meritisimo primer director de esta revista iberoamericana, acaba de publicar la antologia cuya referencia encabeza estas lineas. comienza el libro con un breve ensayo en el que el sr. garcia prada delinea primero el prop sito de su publicaci n: presentar con fines docentes quince poetas con los cuales puede comenzarse el estudio del modernismo hispanoamericano. tritase pues de un libro de intenci n pedag gica, des- tinado a estudiantes y a otros lectores que se inicien en el conocimiento del modernismo. con tal fin continuia garcia prada su pr ogo dando su propia definici n, ambientaci n, caracterizaci n e historia del modernismo. estampa luego el compilador las selecciones de poesias de quince poetas, precedida cada una de su breve nota critica sobre el poeta antologizado y de la lista de sus principales obras. son dichos poetas los siguientes: gon- zalez prada, marti, diaz mir n, gutierrez n.jera, casal, silva, dario, resenas nervo, jaimes freyre, gonzalez martinez, valencia, lugones, herrera y reissig, chocano y porfirio barba jacob. termina el libro con una bi- bliografia seleccionada de obras que pueden permitir al estudiante conti- nuar el iniciado conocimiento de los escritores modernistas y el moder- nismo. el ensayo introductorio a que antes me referia es breve y sustancioso. si este libro se usa, como seguramente ha de usarse, en clases de literatura hispanoamericana, dicho ensayo resulta aptisimo para que el maestro lo explique, lo comente y lo discuta parrafo por parrafo. su misma nece- saria brevedad ha forzado indudablemente al dr. garcia prada a ex- presarse en forma concisa, en frases epigramiticas, que tanto si se esti de acuerdo con su contenido como si no se esti de acuerdo, pueden ser excelente motivo de exegesis. las tesis basicas de garcia prada son: , que el modernismo es una de las manifestaciones de una constante de la cultura occidental que desde el alejandrinismo va hasta el superrealismo pasando por la edad de plata latina, por el barroquismo, el romanticis- mo y el mismo modernismo, constante cultural que se opone a otra cons- tante, la del clasicismo; , que el modernismo es la expresi n hispanoame- ricana de esa constante cultural resurgida simultineamente en varias litera- turas occidentales en el ltimo tercio del siglo xix, literaturas que debido a esa simultaneidad del fen meno pudieron inter-fertilizarse; y, , que precisamente por ser la expresi n de una constante cultural, el modernis- mo-en lo que tiene de esencial- no esta liquidado. estas tres tesis pueden dar ocasi n al profesor para exposiciones y discusiones en pro y en contra en su clase, afiadiendo asi al goce est tico de la lectura de las poesias contenidas en la antologia el interns intelectual de los temas de historia de la cultura y de la literatura que esas afirmaciones de gar- cia prada suscitan. las notas del compilador que preceden a cada una de las selecciones de poesias son claras, adecuadas a su prop sito docente, y est.n escritas tambien con la caracteristica elegancia de la pluma de su autor. las una sola observaci n respecto a dos de esas notas. en las pigs. y se afirma que ricardo jaimes freyre en sus leyes de la versificacidn castellacna ( ; ), present como suya, aduefiindose de ella, la teoria del verso.:que manuel gonzilez prada habia explicado en las notas a exdticas ( ). la pu- blicaci n en libro de las leyes data, en efecto, de con segunda edici n en ; pero la primera publicaci n de su teoria la habia hecho ya jaimes freyre en (afios antes, por lo tanto, de la aparici n del citado libro de de gonzalez prada), en dos articulos: "la ley del ritmo", revista de letras y ciencias sociales, la habana, nim. , septiembre , pigs. - , y "leyes de la revista iberoamericana selecciones muestran el mismo buen sentido pedag gico -y alto nivel de valor estetico-- en la presentaci n de las diversas facetas de la obra de ca- da autor y del conjunto de esa obra dentro del complejo modernista. en resumen, el profesor garcia prada proporciona con esta antologia un til instrumento de enseiianza a los maestros de literatura hispanoame- ricana, un eficaz y c modo texto a los estudiantes de la materia, y, final- mente, una prueba mis de su experta docencia y de su fino gusto literario. luis mongui mills college carlos mazzanti, el sustituto, ediciones botella al mar, buenos aires, . pp. con el sustituto, el joven escritor argentino carlos mazzanti . ( - ) ha logrado retratar al hombre angustioso de la poca actual. como "jesus agobiado por la incomprensi n del pueblo que lo cruci- ficaba", el hombre pasa por la vida sin que nadie le comprenda: ni aun sus padres ni su esposa. el siente personalmente los dolores del mundo. "creia experimentar cada uno de los dolores humanos, y cualquier perro desamparado en una esquina solitaria que encontraba cuando regresaba por las noches a su cuarto haciale revivir esos confusos tropeles de conoci- mientos donde se mezclaba la sangre, el polvo y las ligrimas de todos los siglos". el sustituto es un libro intenso, escrito en un solo pirrafo, que surge totalmente del interior del protagonista. el contenido de la obra puede dividirse en cuatro planos: los movimientos del protagonista, que trans- curren, a excepci n de las uiltimas piginas, en un solo dia; la preocupa- ci n por su vecino que va a morir ahorcado a las nueve y media de la noche por haber asesinado a un viejo; los recuerdos de toda la vida del protagonista; la semi-conciencia del protagonista de ser represen- tante de toda la humanidad. versificaci n castellana", ibid., num. , octubre , pigs. - . ver. dorothy clotelle clarke, una bibliografia de versificacion :espaola (berkeley [university of california publications in modern philology, vol. , ncm. , ), pag. . no parece, pues, justificada aquella afirmaci n. carlos mazzanti, el sustituto (buenos aires: ediciones botella al mar, ), p. .- ibid., pp. - . r e s e a s los movimientos del protagonista constituyen al principio el:plano menos significante del libro mas van acelerindose hasta culminar en un final heroico y glorioso, en el cual se reinen los cuatro pianos del libro. una mafiana el protagonista se rasura, toma una taza de cafe, se viste y sale de su departamento. baja la escalera, sale a la calle y se sienta en un banco en la plaza. a las once pasa por un jardin y luego entra en un caf donde pide una cerveza y toma una aspirina. a las cinco va a la bi- blioteca y lee todos los peri dicos que l evan datos sobre el crimen. en la calle otra vez, se encuentra con la esposa del reo. alocado, le grita que ~ mismo fue el asesino. huye por las calles. recoge todo su di- nero y se lo da a la lavandera. entonces se dirige a la c.rcel y se en- trega a la autoridad. algin tiempo despus lo llevan al cadalso y lo ahorcan. desde el principio del libro, el protagonista piensa en la suerte de su vecino sentenciado a morir a las nueve y media de esa misma noche. el vecino no ha confesado el asesinato y por eso el protagonista lo cree ino- cente y quiere ayudarlo. al bajar la escalera el protagonista recuerda que hace seis meses, la mafiana despues del crimen, habia encontrado alli una moneda de cincuenta centavos agujereada. durante el dia sigue pen- sando en el crimen cuyas circunstancias recuerdan crimen y cartigo de dostoyevsky. el viejo asesinado fue hallado con el crineo hundido y un martillo a su lado. al leer el reportaje sobre el proceso, el protago- nista se convence de la inocencia del acusado. este, en su defensa, dijo que habia bajado al departamento del viejo para recoger una moneda de cin- cuenta centavos agujereada. su niiio la habia dejado colarse por una de las rajaduras del piso. al entrar en el departamento del viejo, se aturdi al ver a este asesinado. en ese momento entr otro vecino y llam a los policias. el protagonista, convencido de la inocencia del acusado, ve la oportunidad de quitarse la mayor preocupaci n de su vida: el nunca ha- ber hecho nada por nadie, y sustituye al vecino en el cadalso. al realizar este acto heroico y glorioso -insisto en la palabra glorioso por su insinuaci n religiosa- el protagonista da sentido a su vida. durante el dia, poco a poco, van surgiendo los recuerdos de su existencia. de nifio vivia con sus padres en una casa entre el mar y un bosque de pinos. no tenia hermanos y andaba solo y desnudo por la playa, hablando con el viento y devolviendo los mariscos y las conchas al mar. cuando tenia doce afios, muri su padre. su madre alquil una habitaci n en la ciudad y re- gresaban a la playa los fines de semana. laura, una amiga que lo seguia por la playa, deja de aparecer un dia. la madre de la muchacha le informa revista iberoamericana que muri asfixiada en la ciudad. sin embargo, cuando piensa en los horrores que sufri su amigo en una ciudad ocupada por los nazis, le parece poco importante la muerte de laura. la madre del protagonista muri antes de que e cumpliera los diez y seis afios. hace unos seis afios e se estableci en la ciudad. recuerda a su amante elena quien le visita en la circel despues de su confesi n. despues de unas alusiones muy va- gas en distintas partes del libro, acabamos por saber la historia de su es- posa m nica en las timas quince piginas. despues de casarse, fueron a vivir en la casa de la playa. m nica, lo mismo que la madre del protago- nista, tiene que acostumbrarse a vivir sola mientras que este no puede dejar de comunicarse con la naturaleza. ni el nacimiento de su hijo puede cambiarlo. un dia mientras l vaga por la playa en medio de un huracin, m nica se asusta, trata de huir con el niflo y los dos mueren en la tem- pestad. la vida y la muerte del protagonista tienen una trascendencia filos - fica. representan la vida y la muerte de la humanidad. el protagonista aspira a la libertad de todo, inclusive su alma. le atormenta el recuerdo del barquito metido en la botella, el cual el queria devolver al mar tanto como habia devuelto los mariscos y las conchas. por todo el libro se oyen variaciones del motivo "cuando las estrellas comiencen a llorar... verbs, pequefio mio, que sus ligrimas son gotas de rocio que regresan desde el tiempo hacia el mar". de igual manera los hombres regresan a su padre despues de haber obrado bien. asi cristo, asi el sustituto. los dos murie- ron por una humanidad que no los comprendia y los dos fueron consolados en sus ltimos momentos por una prostituta. al lado de este concepto cristiano, se siente la coexistencia del materialismo que sefiala el mar como la cuna de la humanidad. al captar con gran sensibilidad la angustia del hombre del siglo veinte, carlos mazzanti, con su primer libro, se ha colocado al lado de novelistas argentinos tan distinguidos como manuel gilvez (el mal metafisico) y eduardo mallea (bahia de silencio, etc.). datos autobiogrificos de carlos mazzanti: "como datos biogrificos le dir que naci en buenos aires, pero que la mayor parte de mi vida transcurri en la patagonia, pues mi padre es ibid., pp. - . carta dirigida al autor de esta resefia, fechada en buenos aires, de sep- tiembre de . rese e as agrimensor. hemos recorrido gran parte de la zona cordillerana, sobre el limite con chile efectuando la medici n de tierras para entregarla a los po- bladores. me parece dificil que yo pueda liberar jamis mi obra de ese paisaje grandioso y de la deplorable miseria en que viven la inmensa mayo- ria de sus pobladores aut ctonos o descendientes en forma directa o indi- recta de los indigenas que antafio poseian todas esas magnificas tierras. puedo decirle que he recorrido una buena parte de los bosques templados de la cordillera a lomo de caballo ayudando a mi padre. naci en el afio de mil novecientos veintiseis y mis estudios no han pasado de los secundarios. actualmente poseo un pequefio taller de marcos para cuadros aqui, en bue- nos aires. eso es todo lo que puedo decirle respecto a mi vida. en cuanto a mi obra, ya le he manifestado mas arriba que el sustituto es mi primera novela. tengo escritas, ademis, tres obras de teatro: la comisidn de men- suras, la piel oscura y paralaje , ninguna de las cuales ha sido publicada o representada. poseo algunos cuentos, una novela terminada, el emisa- rio, y otras tres en preparaci n; al final de la calle, la casa en el bosque, y sobre la misma tierra. de estas tres, sobre la misma tierra transcurre en la patagonia y la casa en el bosque, en un pueblo cercano a buenos aires. al final de la calle, al igual que el sustituto, no tiene ubicaci n ni en el tiempo ni en el espacio, aunque puede presumirse que transcurre en eu- ropa, entre las tres filtimas guerras. ha acertado ud. en lo que se refiere a kafka y dostoyevski, pero no he leido a joyce. son tambien mis autores predilectos faulkner y jocelyn brooke, el autor de el chivo emisario'". seymour menton universidad de kansas cuentos de tomls carrasquilla "n~ufrago asombroso del siglo de oro' (colecci n popular de clasicos maiceros, iv), editado por b. a. gu- ti&rrez. medellin: editorial bedout, . pp. desde hace mis de cuarenta afios benigno a. gutierrez consagra sus energias (infinitas parecen ser juzgando por el alcance de sus labores lite- rarias) a los valores culturales de su patria chica, antioquia, "este terruiio, embotellado en los andes y harto diverso en un todo al resto del pais". la substanciosa lista de sus publicaciones comprende vol menes dedica- dso a los escritos de juan de dios uribe ("el indio") y de antonio jose restrepo, asi como varias compilaciones folkl ricas y populares que reu- nen las ma's insignes firmas de la literatura antioquefia. tales titulos como revista iberoamericana notas regionales, antioquia tipica, pro patria, de todo el maiz, arrume folkidrico -de todo el maiz (nueva edici n notablemente aumentada), gente maicera, serie tipica colombiana, abarcando el periodo entre y , proclaman elocuentemente el rumbo de su entusiasmo y de su pa- triotismo. en , guti&rrez inici su colecci n popular de clisicos maiceros con la edici n de cuentos y novelas de francisco de p. renddn, publica- da con motivo del primer centenario del natalicio del escritor antioquefio. los tomos ii y iii de la misma serie salieron en , consagrados a la obra del "ito" de concordia, el escritor, orador y diplomatico antonio jos restrepo. ahora el cuarto volumen de los clasicos maiceros acaba de salir de los talleres de la editorial bedout, medellin. revela el mismo esmero y el mismo carifio que los anteriores. hermosamente empastado en piel roja, bien impreso, ilustrado y escrupulosamente corregido, el tomo con- tiene una selecci n tipica de la prosa de tomas carrasquilla, ofrecida en orden cronol gico. est. por demis decir que tales compilaciones como sta, las que condensan la producci n literaria de un autor, no pueden me- nos de ser subjetivas, incorporando ciertas obras y omitiendo otras. me parece que, dejando aparte preferencias puramente personales, la selec- ci n esti muy acertada. benigno a. gutierrez se propone presentar a tomis carrasquilla "cuentista", y los ejemplos que escoge para ilustrar su tesis confirman el entusiasmo de los juicios criticos que adornan el vo- lumen. veinte y una obras tomadas de la entera carrera artistica del autor, cecsde hasta , componen el libro. "entrafias de nifio", "el padre casaffis" (incorporado bajo el titulo original de "luterito"), "dimitas arias" y "salve, regina", escritos todos durante la primera poca, tienen .ivs alcance que los demas y, por esto, son clasificados a veces de "nove- las cortas". al lado de stas figuran diecisiete cuentos no menos caracte- r~sticos por los dones de estilo que exponen. he alli "sim n el mago" (fir- rmado con el seud nimo de carlos malaquita), el inmortal cuento de peral- ta, el monmovedor relato de blanca, el cuento "poco antioquefio" que se titula "a la plata", "el rifle" (que tard tanto en aparecer), "la mata" y otros. el sefior guti&rrez basa su edici n sobre las principes, apuntando en el indice el afio de la primera publicaci n de cada uno de los cuentos y enumerando, al final del volumen, las obras publicadas por el autor. incorpora los dibujos de gabriel montoya y de horacio m.. rodriguez r e s enr a s que acompaiaron la primera publicaci n de los cuentos respectivos, y afia- de algunos hechos por i. g mez jaramillo, humberto chaves y horacio longas. de entre las demis ilustraciones que realzan el tomo se destacan la partida eclesiastica (p. xxiii) que descubre la verdadera fecha del na- talicio del autor, la reproducci n de una p gina del manuscrito de la mar- quesa de yolombd (p. ) que revela su modo de escribir "borrando, componiendo y enmendando", asi como el inolvidable perfil de carras- quilla visto por el doctor filix mexia a. con ojo de artista y con amor de familiar. aparecieron los primeros productos de la pluma de carrasquilla en el casino literario, la amiscelinea, el montanes y alpha, revistas lite- rarias que florecian en medellin durante las iltimas d cadas del siglo pasado y la primera del actual. las notas del compilador que utilizan, en parte, esas fuentes contemporneas, y, en parte, la correspondencia intima del autor, no s o alumbran los principios literarios de carras- quilla, aludiendo a la genesis de "sim n el mago", "en la diestra de dios padre", "a la plata" y "entraiias de nifio", asi como al "doloroso alumbramiento" de "blanca", sino que tambien le permiten al lector una ojeada de la fase formativa de la literatura antioquefia. se han deslizado en la edici n muy pocos errores y menos lagunas. en el indice (p. vi) figuran "mineros" bajo el afio de y "el .prefacio de francisco vera"- bajo . segin mis apuntes bibliogri- ficos salieron los dos, por primera vez, en el espectador de medellin en . el. indice (p. vi) apunta correctamente el afio que corresponde a la primera publicaci n del cuento "el rifle", o sea , pero la nota de la pagina (nota tan generosa como inmerecida) sefiala el afio equivocado de . una importante nota del compilador se encuentra en las p.ginas - sin dato correspondiente en el indice, y los deli- ciosos apuntes "el viejo carrasca" por cano, rend n y mexia no estin ubicados en la p.gina , sino al frente de la pagina . al indice de las obras publicadas por el autor (p. ) se debieran afiadir la edici n ligia cruz, rogelio (dos novelas cortas), bogota, edi- ciones colombia (i ), . , la titulada novelas (que contiene la auto- biografia, "salve, regina" y "dimitas arias"), bogota, editorial minerva, -s. a., , y, tal vez para aclarar la cronologia a los nimeros v y vi (p. ) el afio de . en la secci n post mortem (p. o) pudie- ran mencionarse al lado de las obras compleas de , las dos ediciones de la marquesa de yolombd, publicadas en buenos aires por w. m. jack- sn, inc. en y respectivamente, con el pr logo de rafael maya, revista ib eroamericana asi como la edici n de entrafas de nifio; salve, regina, bogota, biblio- teca popular de cultura colombiana, . el hermoso libro de gutirrez no s o es un homenaje "al viejo ca- rrasca" que anuncia dignamente el primer centenario de su natalicio en el mes de enero de , sino tambien uno a antioquia y a "la gran alma de nuestra america". la cordial invitaci n: "compre, lea y regale li- bros nacionales" que se encuentra en la cubierta, no tardara en aceptarse, quedando todos los "libros nacionales" tan atractivos de forma y tan subs- tanciosos de fondo como la edici n ilustrada de los cuentos de tomds carrasquilla. kurt l. levy, university of toronto toronto, ont., canada david vnias, los anos despiadados, edici n prensas universitarias, bue- nos aires, . el autor, que hace poco tiempo nos diera a conocer cayd sobre su rostro, fuerte y vigorosa expresi n de nuestra novelistica, hace entrega ahora de una nueva obra, los anos despiadados. el mismo titulo va a in- dicarnos el desusado descubrimiento de un adolescente -protagonista sobre la ciudad, la cual presta marco al relato. aqui vive un buenos aires aut ntico, con sus barrios y lugares caracteristicos, con un vocabulario sim- ple y cotidiano, al cual hemos ya acostumbrado el oido, con la cita de nombres que significan o simbolizan solamente al portefio una trayectoria o un desarrollo ciudadano. los personajes tienen por ello un decir fresco y que va cobrando autenticidad, a pesar de que el estilo a veces suele volverse confuso y pierde agilidad. este enumerativo planteo, nos recuerda a faulkner, por una parte, y siempre, lo cual podria reconfortar al autor, a otro novelista ejemplar y productor del medio ambiente, roberto arlt, quien dedic su obra a la descripci n de nuestras barriadas, costumbres y personajes, con una verdadera pasi n y esfuerzo. david vifias vuelve a ese camino. los anos despiadados muestra el proceso de un sector, una calle, una familia. alli, los pintados gestos, el grotesco tratamiento, la sabiduria popular, el "despiadado" aprendizaje, vienen lentamente en busca de una soluci n, el rechazo diriamos de esa existencia angustiada o bien la tolerancia, llamada a profetizarle una formaci n cruel e insatis- fecha. algunos dibujos de ambiente, "el guapo del barrio", fuente de resenas anecdotas, la amistad con el hijo del portero, su madre y la hermana, tocan humanamente al adolescente que sufre una realidad social cruel, que el autor sabe presentar y que ha de producirle una permanencia entre los j venes valores argentinos. horacio jorge becco buenos aires dora isella russell, oleaje. pr logo de ventura garcia calder n, im- presora uruguaya, s. a., montevideo, . pp. este libro de dora isella russell, autora ya de sonetos ( ), el canto irremediable ( ) y un ensayo sobre "peer gynt" (i ), es el testimonio po tico de la desorientaci n de la juventud actual en una epoca que le niega el cultivo del coraz n y la obliga a vivir una ma- durez prematura. dora isella russell ha nacido con la angustia moderna por patrimonio, y la nostalgia rom.ntica para castigo de su joven sensibilidad. su adolescen- cia sentimental casi parece no haber existido, pues hoy mas que nunca es "breve" la "rosa" gongorina. la vida acelera tanto su ritmo que ya no se es- pera la muerte para morir. se muere con cada hora ("tantos pasados van hacia su rio"), y uno a uno van cayendo los suefios, improvisados casi entre cataclismo y cataclismo; o mejor dicho, llegan casi en "cenizas", sin la esperanza de prolongar por unos instantes la ilusi n humana. en el mundo de hoy, que s o puede ofrecer "la triste seguridad de lo inmediato", re- gido por estas desconcertantes leyes de relatividad, hasta en el terreno psiquico, mas que nunca tambi n y con mayor urgencia que antes "reclama" el ser humano sus "eternidades". ya nada le pertenece al hombre. todos van por la finica senda "de soledad y desencanto" que les queda, sin fe en el absoluto. como poeta, dora isella russell necesita "el suefio" y "la canci n". como mujer, le sigue fiel a peer gynt que supo crear un mundo de encanto y de fantasia. si ruben dario se lamentaba en i de que ya no hubiera una "princesa que cantar", dora isella se lamenta hoy de la perdida, no ya s o de la belleza estetica ("ya no hay cisnes, ni g ndolas, ni liras") sino hasta de los sentimientos mas profundos del hombre, como lo es el de la naturaleza ("no existen ya... ni las montafias / ni las selvas ni el bosque..."). los "sonetos del encuentro" de la segunda parte del libro ponen de relieve la tendencia de su espiritu al equilibrio, a la belleza, a la gracia ele- gante, casi renacentista, de la expresi n selectiva. representan lo que es revista iberoamericana dora isella, lo que aspira a ser en su alma, y explican el sentido de los poe- mas de la primera parte, "voz de solveig", que, sin nombrarlo, hablan del destierro en que vive el poeta de hoy dentro de su propio ambiente y del todavia mayor destierro de la mujer en un mundo sin amor. el acento aut ntico de dora isella russell, la originalidad del pensa- miento, la transparencia y simplicidad de la expresi n, la emoci n conte- nida que encierran muchos versos, revelan a un gran poeta. helena percas grinnell college el paisaje en nuestra literatura (a prop sito del libro de enrique williams alzaga, la pampa en la novela argentina, buenos aires, estrada, ). son numerosos los articulos y ensayos breves sobre el paisaje ar- gentino en general, asi como los analisis e interpretaciones restringidas, ya en raz n de la zona geogrifica, ya del aspecto paisajistico consi- derado. faltan libros organicos que afronten el fecundo tema desde el punto de vista estetico y en su relaci n con la literatura. no me refiero por cierto a descripciones literarias, recuerdos de turistas o memorias de viajeros, cuya abundancia torrencial todos conocemos. aludo al analisis del paisaje desde el punto de vista est&ico, a la clarificaci n de su con- cepto y a la determinaci n de los elementos que lo integran. vinculando ese estudio con la literatura, esperamos el ensayo que explique estos ilti- mos en funci n de los rasgos estilisticos que el analisis critico puede re- velar en las obras mis representativas de los diversos imbitos regionales argentinos. este apasionante programa de investigaci n puede aprovechar valio- sas contribuciones existentes. algunas obras cumbres de nuestras letras, como la cautiva, facundo, martin fierro, don segundo sombra, zogoibi, han suscitado paginas interesantisimas desde este punto de vista. por otra parte, ningn paisaje como la pampa ha inspirado a tantos escritores ar- gentinos y extranjeros, ansiosos de captar y expresar su fisonomia esencial y su poderosa sugesti n. la abundancia de material, tanto descriptivo como exegetico, justi- fica su exposici n ordenada, su selecci n antol gica y su examen critico. es la dificil empresa que ha cumplido enrique williams alzaga en su r e s e r as reciente libro la pampa en la novela argentina. se trata de una tesis universitaria que el autor present en para optar al titulo doctoral en nuestra facultad de filosofia y letras de la universidad de buenos aires. en pirrafo intercalado en el actual prefacio cuenta el autor que don ricardo rojas le habia sefialado como tema "el paisaje nativo en la literatura argentina" y esa sigue siendo sugerencia que mantiene su validez. debemos agradecer a williams alzaga el serio avance que ha hecho en ese rumbo con su importante libro. e mismo ha considerado conveniente reducir aquel vasto programa en dos sentidos: circunscribirlo a la pampa y estudiarlo solamente en la novela. este volumen, de paginas, con- firma la amplitud del tema, que se despliega notablemente si lo conce- bimos proyectado a los demis paisajes caracteristicos del pais (por ejem- plo selva, puna, montafias y valles, lagos, mar) y los rastreamos en obras literarias de todos los g neros. aun demarcando el sector de "la pampa en la novela" resulta vas- tisimo. "no ha sido mi intenci n -dice el autor- realizar una obra ex- haustiva. (estimo, asi, innecesario disculparme de las omisiones)". esta franca declaraci n hace redundante, pues, el recuerdo de novelas no tra- tadas, aunque son ricas en material descriptivo de la pampa. el autor ha preferido elegir "obras y autores que signifiquen puntos de vista distintos, enfoques diversos del tema" (p. i ). para lograr este objetivo, williams alzaga ha estructurado su trabajo dedicando las ioo primeras piginas a temas introductorios, como la presentaci n de la pampa geogrifica y su rastreo a trav s de los viajeros extranjeros. aborda el campo literario con un capitulo sobre la cautiva y facundo, p rticos por los cuales la pampa irrumpe en nuestras letras. el tema principal se desarrolla desde ei capitulo iv hasta el x, con inclusi n de uno sobre narraciones de "fron- tera" (con las contribuciones tan valiosas de mansilla y zeballos) y otro muy justificado sobre hudson. por fin, el iltimo capitulo, de caricter complementario y tambien muy til como esquema panormrnico, se refiere a la pampa en el cuento. el criterio general adoptado es el hist rico. va presentando las obras a lo largo de pocas literariamente significativas, desde el romanticismo al modernismo, pasando por el aporte realista y naturalista. en cada caso, agrupa las novelas rurales separandolas de aquellas en que s o acciden- talmente aparece la pampa. es muy loable la seriedad con que el autor se ha documentado y la probidad con que ha cumplido su tarea, bien ardua por cierto. analiza revista iberoamericana los pasajes atinentes de cada novela tratada, destacando los rasgos que se explican por el enfoque est tico o las particulares condiciones del escritor. sus observaciones suelen apoyarse en la transcripci n adecuada, con lo cual el lector dispone de una verdadera antologia. cualquier estudio futuro tendr, en este libro s lido punto de par- tida. el autor cumple el objetivo que se propuso. no es mengua de este esfuerzo bien logrado el considerar que mantiene su vigencia la sugesti n recordada de ricardo rojas. el tema del paisaje en la literatura justifica el aporte de nuevas investigaciones. la que comento lo encara a trav s de periodos est tico-literarios y nos ofrece un verdadero inventario del contenido de cada novela en relaci n con el paisaje pampeano. por mi parte creo que se podria abordar el asunto desde otros flancos. dejo de lado la posibilidad de extender el campo de estudio a otros paisajes, tambien caracteristicos del pals. aun con respecto a la pampa, se ve la posibilidad de profundizar en el analisis con penetraci n esti- listica. tomando un caso cualquiera, zogoibi por ejemplo, he compro- bado de que manera prodigiosa se enriquece el paisaje, aparentemente esquemitico y mon tono de la pampa, si a trav s del estilo de larreta vamos poniendo de relieve los integrantes sensoriales. no s o las sensa- ciones visuales, con sus variedades luminidas y crom.ticas, sino los ma- tices de la luz, cambiante seguin se ofrezca al alba, en los crepusculos estremecidos de presagios o en las noches hondas; la luz como reveladora visual de las cosas y las cosas mismas dotadas de una interna vislumbre. caben tambien las sensaciones kinestsicas, olfativas, termicas y desde luego las auditivas como refuerzo de la percepci n del paisaje a travs de los ruidos del campo, de las voces y cantos de pijaros y animales y aun del silencio mismo, que por asociaci n sinestesica puede sugerir el transcurso del tiempo o la idea de distancia. el entrecruzamiento de sen- saciones de diverso orden es otro magnifico recurso para captar y ex- presar los aspectos mis sutiles del paisaje, hasta llegar a la concepci n de la realidad geogrifica con sentido trascendente y noci n metafisica. las posibilidades de buceo son innumerables y no pretendo ni si- quiera indicarlas. aunque algunas veces williams alzaga recurre a este procedimiento de anlisis, queda en este sentido, tanto en extensi n como en profundidad, mucho por hacer. la presentaci n cronol gica de las obras se explica por exigencias del enfoque hist rico ya dicho; pero no cabe duda que el lector agrade- ceria, ademis, el agrupamiento temitico comparativo de los aspectos m .s r e se n as caracteristicos del paisaje pampeano. asi por ejemplo, la luz, el color, el cielo, el horizonte como perspectiva dominante, la vida vegetal y animal, la obra del hombre incorporada plisticamente a la realidad geo- gr.fica. el paisaje ofrece tambien momentos y aspectos inusitados, me- te ricos o accidentales, como las tormentas, las inundaciones, las sequias, el incendio del campo, que por si solos enriquecen una antologia descrip- tiva. estos y otros aspectos estin sefialados en el libro de williams alzaga, pero es menester recorrerlo integro para localizar los pasajes o referencias correspondientes. las citas bibliogrificas de esta obra provocan a reparos t&cnicos en cuyos detalles no puedo entrar aqui. la ndmina de ediciones utilizadas muestra deficiencias en los encabezamientos, en las notas tipogr.ficas y de paginaci n; desconcierta al lector pues no guarda ningfin orden visible: ni alfab tico, ni cronol gico, ni temitico; las ediciones tenidas como base no son siempre las mis autorizadas ni definitivas. las referencias a obras y articulos criticos incluidas en el texto o en notas se pierden por la falta de una n mina general de autores citados. por lo mismo que las novelas estudiadas representan una selecci n, hubiera sido conveniente incluir en la n mina obras no examinadas, pero que de pleno derecho pueden ampararse bajo los terminos del titulo, pues son novelas y se refieren a la pampa. el lector siente tambien la ausencia de una sintesis final que apro- veche el fruto de los anilisis. si se tiene en cuenta que el libro fue ori- ginariamente una tesis, pareciera que falta precisamente una breve con- clusi n que la exponga. formulo estos reparos secundarios precisamente porque siento sincero respeto por la importante obra realizada y considero que por su docu- mentaci n y probidad seri este libro indispensable fuente de consulta sobre el tema que trata. el lector no sale defraudado y por el contrario, al provecho de la lectura afiade el agrado de manejar un volumen de extraordinaria dignidad tipogrifica, enriquecido con fotografias e ilus- traciones documentales y sugeridoras. el autor y la casa editora pueden tener la satisfacci n de haber realizado un importante aporte a la critica literaria en particular y a la cultura argentina en general. augusto rail cortazar universidad de buenos aires revista ibe:roamericana eugenio gomes. prata de casa (ensaios de literatura brasileira), a noite, rio de janeiro, [ ], pp. e particularmente feliz o titulo que o eminente ensaista deu a este novo livro. a maior parte dos seus estudos tinha versado sobre literaturas estrangeiras; este volume examina virios assuntos de literatura brasileira. eis o que explica a "casa". e a "prata"? esta foi escolhida pelo pr prio autor; nao foi imposicio do acaso. por isso que s encontramos aqui prata de lei: alvares de azevedo, castro alves, olavo bilac, machado de assis, raul pomp ia, joaquim nabuco entre outros. com a modestia de todo intelectual s ido, o sr. eugenio gomes teme que esta prata perca porventura o brilho e o valor entre as suas maos (p. ). quem lhe con- hece os livros anteriores passa adiante sem receio algum; e quem tomar contacto com o autor atrav s deste, nao querert perder os seguintes. pois a prata que ele trata com tanto carinho sai-lhe das maos com um novo lustre e novas qualidades ainda nao percebidas. o sr. eugenio gomes examina um aspecto s da obra de dado es- critor (o humorismo de alvares de azevedo, as imagens do movimento em castro alves, por exemplo), mas tao profundo conhecedor da obra estudada que sente a faz sentior as repercussoes desse aspecto na producao total do autor; assim alguns dos estudos chegam a ser visoes integrais de um poeta atrav s de certo elemento de sua feigao literaria. nio se trata de aspectos ja estudados por outros e repisados nos manuais de hist ria literaria; sao lados que, apesar de despercebidos pelos criticos, nao deixam por isso de ser caracteristicos. nem todos os estudos sao desta natureza. um traco notavel do livro mesmo a variedade; a curiosidade do autor se manifesta em varios ra- mos e com admiravel virtuosidade. pesquisador paciente, tira de versos atribuidos a castro alves, de um soneto esquecido de bilac, de um inddito de raul pompeia, considera~ es gerais sobre a criacio dos respectivos es- critores. sensibilidade aberta tanto ao prosaico como ao et reo, leva-nos a passear pela pasirgada dos poetas ("o mundo das sereias...") e pouco depois nos oferece um ensaio espirituoso sobre o trocadilho e as suas peripicias. baiano que preza as tradic es da sua terra, escreve notas sim- piticas sobre xavier marques e artur de sales. conhecedor entusiasta da literatura inglesa, analisa de perto traducses de shakespeare para o por- tugues( de machado de assis para o inglis; aos olhos de um estrangeiro, pelo menos, esses comentarios constituem proveitosa li§;o de portugues. de prop sito deixei para o fim dois autores de minha particular res e nas afeicao, machado de assis e joaquim nabuco. este forneee o assunto de breve mas substancioso ensaio sobre a papel da inglaterra e dos ingleses na formacao de um espirito essencialmente frances. aquele, ja dsde hi muitos anos longamente meditado, toma conta de sete ensaios. saa todos sugestivos, especialmente o sobre a metafora em machado de assis, um dos raros estudos de valor sobre o estilo do grande artista. o que diz o sr. eugrnio gomes -ao lado de tantos outros, alias- das reag es de machado perante a natureza ("machado de assis em friburgo") sofre, penso, ligeiras restrio es em vista de um trecho de carta de machado a magalhaes de azeredo citado a pagina da quinta edicao (rio de janeiro: jose olympio, ) do machado de assis da sra. lucia miguel pereira. em um dos estudos machadianos o autor volta a um tema pre- dileto: as influencias estrangeiras que machado assimilou. em escritos anteriores ja tinha assinalado rastros de leituras inglesas e francesas (ver influencias inglesas em machado de assis [bahia: imp. regina, e espelho contra espeiho [sao paulo: instituto progresso editorial, i ). aqui e a vez de voltaire, que teria influido, atraves de candide, na con- cepcao da filosofia do humanitismo e em outros aspectos das memorias postumas de bras cubas. alusoes especificas provam que machado con- heceu essa deliciosa satira; mas nao foi, penso, a unica fonte do humani- tismo-como alias o reconhece o pr prio sr. eugenio gomes (p. )- nem mesmo a principal. com outros eu ja inclinava a ver nessa filosofia uma satira as desumanas teorias cientificas do fim do seculo xix, e especialmente ao positivismo, quando um velho amigo encontrou entre seus papeis e me mandou um artigo de joaquim mattoso camara jr., "quincas borba e o humanitismo", publicado no boletim de filologia (rio de janeiro), ano ii, fasciculo (setembro de ), paginas - . autor aponta nao s o positivismo mas tambem conceitos de schopenhauer e nietzsche como possiveis componentes de uma filosofia que provocou a indignaca do humanista radical que foi machado de assis. quanto aos estudos do sr. eugenio gomes sobre as influencias estrangeiras, permito-me, salvo o respeito devido a um dos poucos verdadeiros conhece- dores da obra de machado, achar que o distinto ensaista exagera. alias, ver, por exemplo, raymundo magalhaes jinior, maachado de assis descon- hecido (rio de janeiro: civilizaao brasileira, ), pp. - ; ant nio noronha santos, "quincas borba: o personagem", correio da manha (rio de janeiro), de janeiro de , .a secao, pp. , . o artigo foi reproduzido quase textualmente no diario de noticias (rio de janeiro), de marco de , suplemento literario, pp. , . revista iberoamericana alguns criticos brasileiros ja disseram a mesma coisa quando do apareci- mento das influencias inglesas em machado de assis. ao lado de acertos incontrovertiveis o sr. eugenio gomes revelou o que nao passa, a meu ver, de interessantissimos paralelos; dai a influencia, ha um grande salto. parece-me que proclamar influencia onde nao ha prova irrecusavel e en- fraquecer um argumento ji de si valido. mas tudo e matiz em se tratando de machado; ninguem pode ter a certeza de estar corn a razao, e eu nao exprimo senao uma opiniao pessoal. sobre a questao muito delicada das influencias, ver um estudo do sr. augusto meyer, " delirio de bris cubas", publicado no diario carioca (rio de janeiro), em de julho de , . secao, paginas e , e reimpresso na segunda edigao (rio de janeiro: organiza oes simoes, ) do machado de assis do autor. e, alias, num estudo que aponta paralelos e nega influencias que o sr. eugenio gomes nos da toda a medida da sua capacidade de critico: "adelino magalhaes e a moderna literatura experimental". confesso que antes de ler esta interpretacao nao conhecia nem o nome de adelino ma- galhaes; pois bem, o ensaio e prova cabal de que nenhum estudioso da literatura mundial contemporanea tem o direito de ignorar esse escritor que por certos aspectos antecipa a gigantes como james joyce e virginia woolf. espero ter mostrado que prata de casa e um livro sugestivo; leva a pensar. nao me desculpo de discordar aqui e acola; tenho a certeza de que, para um escritor da estatura intelectual do sr. eugenio gomes, a ver- dadeira recompensa de seus esforcos reside nao na aceitacao cega de tudo quanto diz, e sim no estimulo que fornece aos seus leitores para pensarem por si. benjamin m. woodbridge, jr. universidade da california, berkeley francisco manrique cabrera, historia de la literatura puertorriquena, new york, las americas pub. co., , pags. (i: biblioteca puertorriquefia). la publicaci n de esta obra marca un jal n importante en la cultura iberoamericana por tratarse de, la primera historia de la literatura puerto- rriquefia escrita hasta la fecha. con ella se inicia la colecci n de la bi- blioteca puertorriquena, bajo la direcci n de gaeteano massa. el profesor manrique cabrera del departamento de estudios hispa- rese as nicos de la universidad de puerto rico ha hecho un estudio met dico de la evoluci n de las letras de la isla borincana desde la poca colonial hasta el presente. los movimientos mas significativos y las corrientes est ticas predominantes aparecen descritos en relaci n a la historia literaria del mundo hispinico, aportando cabrera la interpretaci n ajustada a la rea- lidad puertorriquefia. el par ntesis folkl rico y el capitulo sobre el modernismo superan otros aspectos de la obra, aunque en toda ella se aprecia el esfuerzo del escritor por interpretar y definir los hechos literarios en el devenir cul- tural de su patria ajustindose a un criterio objetivo. la lectura de la historia de la literatura puertorriqueia confirma lo que siempre hemos creido: la injusticia cometida por los antologistas y los historiadores de la literatura iberoamericana, quienes s o esporadica- mente recuerdan la existencia de puerto rico. un poeta de la calidad de jose gautier benitez, un ensayista de la talla de brau o de hostos, y li- ricos contempordneos de la talla de llorens torres, virgilio divila o ribera chevremont bien merecen figurar junto a sus pares en las letras del nuevo mundo. en el cuento, el teatro, la novela y el ensayo del si- glo xx, puerto rico tiene igualmente escritores de primer orden. al recoger el fruto de sus investigaciones en esta obra y al dar a co- nocer el desarrollo del quehacer literario en la vida de puerto rico, el profesor manrique cabrera facilita el estudio futuro de autores y temas puertorriquefios, ademas de dar fe de la existencia de una fructifera y valiosa actividad creadora en puerto rico que data del pasado y se inten- sifica con el correr de los afios, llegando a su plena madurez estdtica en la poca contemporanea. maria teresa babin new york university francisco romero: alejandro korn. fildsofo de la libertad. colecci n radar, editorial reconstruir, buenos aires, . korn muri el de octubre de . recuerdo el dia de fria pri- mavera en la plata, la suspensi n de las clases en la facultad de huma- nidades y la grave figura de coriolano alberini, a contraluz, en la puerta de la sala de profesores, esperando, con el sombrero puesto, el momento de ir a la casa del gran hombre, "el hombre del cual podemos decir con raz n re vista iberoamericana que, entre todos los de su tiempo que nos fue dado conocer, era el mejor, el mas sabio y el mas justo", como dijo plat n acerca de s crates, y ro- mero repite como acapite de su libro mas reciente sobre korn. romero se ha ocupado de korn muchas veces. aun en vida del fil - sofo habia publicado un articulo en nosotros, que debi aparecer trunco, pues korn le pidi que lo suspendiera cuando se enter de que romero lo, estaba escribiendo. despus de la muerte de korn, romero ha escrito en diversas ocasiones sobre el maestro y ha hablado de quiza mas ain. en el otofio de , probablemente en abril, muy poco despues que eu- genio pucciarelli me lo presentara en la facultad de humanidades, a la salida de una de sus clases, romero me invit a acompafiarlo hasta la casa de korn, donde se reunian los amigos que habian fundado la "sociedad de amigos de alejandro korn", a la cual me incorporaba. esa noche estaban presentes los duefios de casa: guillermo korn y emmy neddermann; ami- gos platenses, como los universales pedro henriquez urefia y arnaldo or- fila reynal; los abogados enrique galli, julio ratti, ernesto malmierca sanchez y juan manuel villarreal; los profesores de filosofia segundo tri, eugenio pucciarelli y anibal sanchez reulet; el profesor de historia luiz aznar y el profesor angel vasallo, que, si no me equivoco, venia de buenos aires para hacer oposiciones a la catedra de etica. quiza habia otras personas a quienes ahora no tengo presentes. a casi todos ellos, y a muchos otros, los encontre en afios siguientes en la universidad popular alejandro korn o en la facultad de humanidades, al cumplirse aniver- sarios de su muerte. hablaban henriquez urefia, alfonso reyes y, nue- vamente, romero. dos meses despues de la muerte de korn, la universidad de la plata resolvia publicar las obras completa de su ex-profesor, y encargaba la tarea a tres de sus amigos inmediatos: romero, pucciarelli y sanchez reulet. a principios de apareci el primer tomo con un extenso pr ogo de francisco romero, en el que, aparte de unos pocos datos biograficos, bos- queja la personalidad moral de korn. este trabajo fue reimpreso en el libro alejandro korn, por francisco romero, angel vasallo y luis aznar (losada, buenos aires, ), y ahora aparece impreso por tercera vez, como la contribuci n mas extensa al volumen titulado alejandro korn, fildsofo de la libertad, que, ademas, contiene tres opfisculos: "el testa- mento de un fil sofo" (los apuntes filoscficos), que se habia publicado como apendice del volumen alejandro korn; "tiempo y destiempo de alejandro korn", articulo de reimpreso anteriormente en filosofia de ayer y de hoy (argos, buenos aires, x ) y "alejandro korn en la resewas vida y en la muerte", que, probablemente, reproduce un texto ya publi- cado, pero que no recordamos haber visto con anterioridad. en todos los ensayos de romero acerca de alejandro korn encon- tramosel mismo tono de calida admiraci n por su maestro y amigo. en ellos se destaca mucho mas la personalidad moral de korn que su obra como pensador y como docente, aunque se nos dice m.s de una vez que en ambas su importancia ha sido muy grande. la exaltaci n que romero hace de los valores morales de korn corresponde muy bien a su con- cepto de persona, tal como lo ha expresado en otros libros, siguiendo las ensefianzas de max scheler y nicolai hartmann. pero no se encuentra todavia en estas piginas sobre korn una biografia completa o siquiera un bosquejo equilibrado de los diversos aspectos de su rica personalidad. es una pena que korn, tan capaz de dialogo brillante, no haya tenido cerca un boswell.* romero lo sabe y no deja de advertirnos al final de esta nueva recopilaci n que s o debe tomarse como "anotaci n de algunos rasgos suyos, pues su figura presenta muchas vertientes que aqui han sido omitidas". sin embargo, en el mismo libro de romero se encuentran sefialadas dos lineas que me parecen fundamentales para una comprensi n adecuada de la vida espiritual de korn. por una parte, sus condicionamientos so- ciales, desde sus origenes familiares, su vida profesional y su status eco- n mico en una poca relativamente respetuosa de los valores intelectua- les, si se la compara con la que le sigue y nos envuelve. "la familiaridad sefiorial de don alejandro, su continente amable y majestuoso, sus diva- gaciones ante el grupo cordial circundado por los libros de su biblioteca, la marcha lenta con los amigos... estaban muy en su punto en su casa de la calle o y a lo largo de la calle , y no lo hubieran estado tanto en un departamento portefio ni entre el apresurado anonimato callejero de buenos aires. en la plata se constituyeron los grupos que animaba y consolidaba korn, aunque participaban tambien de ellos gente de buenos aires (pigs. - ". la historia de estos grupos intelectuales de la plata esta por hacerse, pero ella seri necesaria para comprender la vida y la obra de alejandro korn. por otra parte, su vocaci n metafisico-religiosa, que tambien ha- .sido sefialada por romero cuando, dice, despubs de indicar su gusto por las * lo mas parecido que nos queda son los testimonios de angel poncio fe- rrando en el pequefio volumen alejandro korn (en colaboraci n con ana maria r. de aznar y maria de villarino, upak, la plata, ). revis ta iberoamerica na ciencias positivas: "pero no era s lo un hombre de hechos. no podia serlo el lector asiduo de plotino y del maestro eckart, el consumado co- nocedor de la mistica de todos los paises y de todos los tiempos... y acaso su humorismo no era sino la versi n profana y cotidiana de una inconfe- sada metafisica, de una visi n de lo trascendente que mantenia relegada a los estratos mas hondos de su conciencia" (pig. ). eugenio puccia- relli, en un articulo sobre korn, expresa que "afirmando de un modo absoluto -extrafia paradoja- la relatividad del conocimiento, s o queda una salida para la exigencia metafisica que el hombre no puede reprimir: la inmersi n mistica en lo absoluto". y afiade: "korn, a quien eran fa- miliares los textos de plotino, eckart, silesio, santa teresa y san juan de la cruz, poseia la disposici n feliz para comprender la experiencia mistica, a la que asignaba valor como fuente de revelaci n de lo absoluto. en sus iltimos afios prepar lecturas y orden experiencias y meditaciones con la esperanza de ahondar ese problema. la vida no le dio tiempo, y en su obra es facil advertir una ausencia, que, de haber sido realizada, nos habria dado el fruto mejor sazonado de su huerto". (congreso; interna- cional de filosofia. annais. instituto brasileiro de filosofia, so paulo, , tomo iii, pags. , -i,x .) pero, en realidad, hay en las obras de korn mas de una referencia al saber absoluto, y entre sus poemas en alemin hay uno que dice: "was ich getriumt, ward mir beschieden, / was ich ersehnt, ich habs erreicht / und fessellos, in reinem frieden, / hebt sich die seele frei und leicht." (lo que sofii me fue otorgado, / obtuve al fin lo que anhelaba; / y sin cadenas, en clara paz. / libre y ligera se alza mi alma.) la cuarta y filtima cuarteta reza asi: "num m gen dumpf die jahre schleichen. / vom alten joche neu beschwert, / ich trag des gliickes heilig zeichen, / ich bleib im kapfe unversehrt." (ya pueden seguir, bajo el viejo / yugo los afios su caravana. / yo, con el signo de la dicha, / me yergo, ileso, en la batalla.) estos versos, de , se encuentran en la pagina del vo- lumen de poemas, de alejandro korn, publicados con traducci n espafiola de ernesto palacio por el instituto de estudios germinicos de la uni- versidad de buenos aires en . seria muy deseable que el mismo romero nos diera mas recuerdos de korn, aunque no se ocupara sino de aquellos aspectos que se revelaron en el dialogo. pero el lector tiene el derecho de ser informado por el autor si el nuevo titulo que se publica contiene material nuevo o reimpre- siones. esta vez romero no nos dice nada acerca de los lugares y fechas donde los trabajos recopilados vieron la luz por primera vez. y ya que rese n as al trabajo mis extenso siguen los opisculos mencionados, el impresor hu- biera hecho bien en poner un indice a este simpatico volumen. juan adolfo vazquez universidad de cdrdoba, argentina fred p. ellison, brazil's new novel, university of california press, berkeley and los angeles, , i i pp., $ . . no pref.cio, o autor declara que ste trabalho lhe foi sugerido por uma votacao literaria de i, na qual i escritores brasileiros esclo- lheram os dez maiores romancistas do seu pais. os quatro romancistas contemporneos que conseguiram a decisao foram, nesta ordem, graci- liano ramos, jose lins do rego, jorge amado e rachel de queiroz, todos da regiao do brasil chamada "o nordeste" -- que abrange os estados da bahia, sergipe, alagoas, pernambuco, parahyba, rio grande do norte, ceari e as ireas costeiras de piauhy e maranhao. o nordeste terra de contrastes golpeantes -o litoral tr pico e ameno, com a sua cultura agricola, antigamente o centro da produc.o da cana de acucar- e o sertao do interior, exposto a secas trigicas, quando morre o gado e corre em fuga o faminto povo para outras partes do pais, s voltando talvez anos depois, quando chegam as chuvas torrenciais que fazem renascer o sertao esbraseado. alem dos fatores geogrificos e econ micos que a distinguem, esta regiao nordestina, desde os seus pri- meiros dias, encontra-se tamb n num remoinho de correntes sociol gicas particulares, cujos efeitos sao necessariamente refletidos nas obras dos quatro romancistas que estuda o professor ellison no seu livro. para compreender e avaliar os temas e os personagens duma regiao peculiar, preciso conhecer o ambiente hist rico, politico, econ mico e social que se respira nestas obras. no seu primeiro capitulo, realiza isto o professor ellison com grande sucesso. o leitor, ao termini-lo, esti esplandidamente preparado para a analise pormenorizada da materia literiria. clara e s lidamente explica o autor o que o nordeste, usando como base os trabalhos dos eminentes escritores brasileiros que se tmrn preocupado com esta regiao. destila para n s as conclus es principais das obras de gilberto freyre sobre a civilizacao e tradicges dos senhores de engenho -a convivencia dos brancos e pretos na casa-grande e senzala, os resultados da mesticagem. sublinha o professor ellison a importicia revista iberoamericana de os sertees de euclydes da cunha, essa obra de objetividade cientifica que agitou o brasil inteiro com as suas descri§ es da miseria e ignorancia dos sertanejos e f-lo consciente dum problema que havia de trazer re- formas sociais e fomentar um espirito de auto-critica que sem duvida inspirou a criasco dos romances nordestinos. outra influencia mais recente, do ano , foi o romance a bagaceira de jose americo de almeida, hist ria de retirantes que sofrem sob a autoridade tirinica do engenho onde trabalham -uma sintese da vida do sertao e do litoral. sao discutidas as varias rebelioes militares da segunda d cada deste seculo contra o gov&rno e a famosa marcha de luis carlos prestes e os seus i homens, que por dois anos tratavam de levar a revolucao poli- tica e social ao povo atrasado do interior. com a revolucao de , apodera-se getilio vargas do pais e faz-se ditador. estabelece o depar- tamento de imprensa e propaganda que censura revistas, jornais e livros e , especialmente feroz contra o que se chama "literatura proletiria". entre outros escritores, graciliano ramos, jorge amado e rachel de queiroz deixam de publicar. os liberais que continuam a escrever aban- donam temas sociais com inteno es politicas e substituem tramas psico- gicas. a semana de arte moderna, celebrada em sao paulp no ano de , que tinha como prop sito original a renovacao da misica, pintura e es- cultura na vida artistica brasileira, chegou tamb m a transformar a lite- ratura e encaminh-l a pelas sendas j a assinaladas pelos vanguardistas eu- ropeus. os poetas comecaram a luta, despedacando os velhos moldes simbolistas para empreender temas brasileiros e canti-los no vernaculo do seu pais. os romancistas, sem demorar demais, ligaram-se as filas dos poetas para ocupar-se com os povos, as regi es, a psicologia e os pro- blemas sociais do brasil, e, estre tsda a producao modernista, acha o professor ellison que a forca predominante liter.ria era o romance do nordeste porque os escritores dessa terra, por convicc es sociais prvias e experiencia pessoal no seu meio cultural, eram os mais capacitados. nos capitulos seguintes, o proffesor ellison se entrega ao estudo minucioso de cada um dos quatro escritores nordestinos. desenha os temas principais dos romances,.. d relvo aos acontecimentos na vida dos autores que constituem a base essencial da suas invenc es ficticias, exp e com sagaz criterio as faltas e as primazias das suas obras e examina corn cuidado e objetividade as opini es dos criticos brasileiros e norteameri- canos que tam julgado a literatura e a cultura do nordeste. desenrolou o vasto panorama sociol gico desde regi.o jos lins do resew as rego com seus -inco romances do ciclo da cana de acucar. apareceram um por ano, entre e i , atraindo a atencao de todo o pais para a velha civilizacio dos senhores de engenho que ia desaparecendo sob a agencia de novos impulsos econ micos e sociais. nestes romances deu vida lins do rego a tres figuras inolvidiveis -o coronel jos paulino, prototipo do altivo latifundiario patriarcal, seu neto carlos de mello, melanc lico, achacoso, inapto para administrar o engenho decadente, e o moleque ricardo, membro da classe baixa desgracada. e nao menos perito o autor na caracterizaiao das numerosas pessoas secundirias, tao importantes como as principais para integrar o quadro dos romances. o professor ellison aponta como defeito na obra de lins do rego sua pritica de narrar con excessiva repetigao o estado mental dos perso- nagens, em vez de usar mais diilogo que teria a vantagem de introduzir variedades e deixar que os individuos mesmos se revelem. mas os cri- ticos brasileiros preferem disculpar isto como toque artistico do romancista, herdado dos profissionais recitadores orais que tinha ouvido na sua meni- nice em parahyba. outra imperfeiao a pressa com que escreve lins do rego e a ausencia de revisao se faz sentir. tamb m, em virios roman- ces posteriores aos do ciclo da cana de acucar, onde o autor se afasta da terra oriunda e das lembrancas autobiograficas, ha claras evidencias de debilidades e incerteza na construcao e desenvolvimento das obras. e possivel, afirma o professor ellison, que outros escritores nordes- tinos contemporaneos superem lins do rego em ticnica estilistica e arte literria, mas le fica sem rival como interprete da sua regiao -na sua esplendida evocacao fisica do mundo do engenho, dentro do qual fervil- ham as paixoes daquela sociedades singular de brancos e pretos, de sonho- res e descendentes de escravos, na sua compreensao do ambiente e na sua simpatia humana por todos os seres que se agitam nas intensas comple- xidades daquela organizacao social. dos quatro escritores nordestinos, o melhor conhecido no estrangeiro jorge amado. os seus romances se acham traduzidos em vinte e quatro idiomas. esta fama, segundo o professor ellison, devida talvez mais a natureza esquerdista e revolucionaria dos seus livros que a qualidades lite- rarias. havendo sido escritos os mais violentos nos anos de crise econ - mica mundial e de grandes agita§ es politicas, quando pareceu a muitos que a peleja entre o comunismo e o fascismo ia acabar forcosamente no triunfo do partido dos obreiros, foi natural que este autor propagandista chamasse a atencao e entusiasmo de leitores radicais do brasil e das outras nacoes. revis ta beroamericana quase todos os romances de jorge amado baseam-se numa critica enraivecida das instituic es sociais e politicas que prevaleciam na regiao baiana--sejam nas fazendas de cacau com o seu proletariado rural ou na cidade da bahia, comrn o proletariado das fibricas e do mar. para amado s.o inteiramente bons os grevistas, os pobres -especialmente os negros-, os operarios militantes duma revolug marxista, tamb m os seus simpatizadores de classes mais altas e abastecidas. nao omite os crimi- nosos da categoria dos benignos, porque les resultam dum injusto sistema social. completamente maus para amado sao os explotadores dos pobres -os fazendeiros, os feitores, os capitalistas, a igreja e finalmente a po- licia e o :exercito, obedientes aos ricos. estas prevenc es ideol gicas perjudicam perceptivelmente a maioria dos romances de jorge amado. nao dao lugar para caracterizac es sutis, nao permitem um estudo equinime de situaq es e pessoas. ele tem que pregar a revolu§ao a brados -insinu.-la nao basta. todavia, nasceu ama- do com talento de romancista. os seus personagens, ainda que sejam estere tipos, tem forca, tem vida. interresam-nos, porque sao homens e mulheres de aqio e energia. a sua linguagem verdadeira, robusta, exatamente como fala o povo. a criticada frecii ncia de palavras obscenas provem deste realismo, nao indica nada' de prop sitos pornogrificos. o lirismo e a imaginacao de jorge amado ficam a suas qualidades salientes. a sua prosa canta, simples e poderosa, como os velhos bardos, sobretudo nas suas descri§ es de elementos folcl ricos -as macumbas, as supersti es, as po ticas tradic es do mar. eu concordo absolutamente com o professor ellison quando assevera que ao considerar a producao total de jorge amado, pensamos numa sucessio de epis dios, dos quais alguns sao pequenas obras-primas. graciliano ramos, que morreu em , entre os quatro roman- cistas do nordeste o escritor mais consciente e polido, possivelmente por- que dispunha duma cultura literaria muito mais ampla que les. nos seus livros percebem-se particularmente influencias de dostoevski, balzac e eca de queiroz. nascido nos soalheiros do imenso sertio e passados la os seus anos formativos, foi esta terra, que tao bem conhecia ramos, que the proporcionou o ambiente, os temas e os personagens para seus escritos mais notaveis, ainda que flagelasse tamb m em outros os homens e as instituicoes do litoral. preocupam-no as press es da sociedade nordestino s bre a alma e o carater das pessoas que estio condenados a viver neste meio de miseria econ mica e de desmoralizac.o espiritual. ramos nao se presta a solu- rese as cionar stes problemas. e misantropo demais, pessimista. o homen, para le, nunca pode gozar da felicidade. nos seus romances a justica iksoria. sempre se extravia, sempre falha. t da a sua critica dos males da sociedades e implicita; nao se descobre nada de propaganda politica direta. segredo n.o que ramos foi partidirio ardente do movimento revolucionario e ha quem encontre dificil reconciliar a filosofia inuma- nitaria des seus livros com as suas crengas radicais, mas aclara o professor ellison que, alum dos seus enraizadas dividas intimas pelo diz respeito a melhoramentos, foi graciliano ramos artista literaria demais para inserir serm es doutrinarias nas suas obras. graciliano ramos o mestre do romance psicol gico. revela e ex- plora o agitadissimo mundo mental dentro do qual sofrem os seus ator- mentados protagonistas. o brilhante emprego do mon logo interior em dois niveis de acao para entretecer as recordac es, pensamentos e terrores do passado e do presente, dando a tudo a qualidade de sonho ou delirio, a sua contribuic;o especial ao romance brasileiro. e o seu estilo s brio, esmerado e refinado, em perfeita harmonia com o assunto, os personagens e o lugar, alcanca uma forma artistica de beleza parnasiana. com rachel de queiroz, filha do sertio, alarga-se o horizonte do romance nordestino. entra nele o estudo penetrante da psicologia feminina e da posik;o da mulher naquela sociedade t.o restringida, dominada pelos homens que guardam para si todos os privil gios, e na qual a mulher tem representado o papel tradicional de ente submisso e inferior. nas obras de rachel, a mulher, seja noiva casta numa procissao faminta de retiran- tes da seca, seja prostituta numa aldeia, seja esp sa dum caixeiro numa cidade, seja colegiala num convento, protesta e rebela contra as convenc es que lhe tiram o direito de desempenhar livremente a sua personalidade e que a sujeitam a escravidao sexual. a autora nio suaviza as desgradaveis realidades da vida total do nordeste, nem o sofrimento humano que conseqiincia fatal desse am- biente. mas ela nao acusa chiadamente; a sua protesta social se patentea nas hist rias convincentes dos seus personagens. sabe pintar as profundas emo bes de amor, de aflilgo, e de desesperanca com sinceridade e com- paixio. nunca se serve das falsas cores de sentimentalidade. a mao de artista de raquel de queiroz certa, segura; para realizar o efeito dese- jado escolhe matizes, omite detalhes. possuida ela dum senso dramatico, os seus romances escapam a monotonia e a sua mestria dos muitos ritmos da fala popular veste a sua prosa flexivel de variedade. entre as obras dos quatro romancistas do nordeste examinadas revista i eroa mericana e analisadas pelo professor ellison, estas sao as que considera de mais merito literario e significacao social: de jose lins do rego, menino de en- genho ( ), doidinho (x ), bangue ( ), o moleque ricardo ( ), usina ( ), pedra bonita ( ) e fogo morto ( ); de jorge amado, jubiab ( ), mar morto ( ), terras do sem fim ( ), e sao jorge dos ilhdus ( ); de graciliano ramos, sao bernar- do (i ), ang istia ( ), e vidas secas ( ); de rachel de queiroz, quinze ( ), joau miguel ( ) e as tres marias ( i ). no seu capitulo final, o professor ellison sintetiza as caracteristicas principais desta ficcao nordestina -a importancia sociol gica da luta en- tre o homem e o ambiente, a critica aguda da sociedade, a nova atitude humanitiria e a grande simpatia pelos parias e oprimidos. todos n s que apreciamos a literatura brasileira contemporanea havemos de ficar agradeci- dos ao professor ellison pelo seu estudo substancioso -bem pensado, bem escrito e excelentemente documentado. leo kirschenbaum universidade da california los angeles hector rauil almanza brecha en la roca. colecci n ahuizote. obre- g n, s. a., mexico, . el tema es lo mas interesante de la presente novela de h&ctor raul almanza. tratase de las dificiles experiencias que han de sufrir los obreros petroleros en busca de su libertad econ mica, arrancando antes sus garantias que como seres humanos les corresponden, de manos de las empresas extranjeras. la culminaci n de tantos intentos por mejorar la situaci n, como todos sabemos, es la expropiaci n petrolera decretada por el gobierno del presidente lizaro cardenas, el de marzo de . el asunto, a mas de tener un interes nacional en si mismo, profundiza oe el problema desde sus origenes, a raiz de la revoluci n de , cuando las compafias extranjeras aprovechan las anormalidades por las que atraviesa el pais para hacerse de las tierras convenientes y emprender la explotaci n del petr leo para su unico beneficio. como centro o nucleo de esta historia aparece la de la familia de antonio g mez, cuya muerte y la de sus hijos mayores a manos de cri- rninales a sueldo de las compaiias extranjeras por arrebatarles la tierra, r e s e.i..a s deja en completo abandono a dofia teresa, que fuera mujer de g mez, y a su pequefio hijo arturo, quienes, huyendo de sus recuerdos, se refugian en ebano, san luis potosi,. a rehacer su vida destrozada apro- vechando el menguado patrimonio que logr salvarse del desastre. la to- talidad de la obra se desarrolla en el ebano, centro petrolero potosino muy adecuado para mostrar la vida de los obreros, su miseria, abandono, deso- rientaci n, atropellos a que son sometidos constantemente, y, por fin, el aprovechamiento de su sordo rencor contra las empresas, encauzado, des- pues de vencer muchos obsticulos, en especial el de los obreros "ven- didos", hacia la uni n de esfuerzos para llegar al bien colectivo, no s o de los trabajadores de este:lugar sino el de toda la industria petrolera de la repiblica, al lograr la formaci n de un sindicato inico, el stprm. aunque la novela busca la expresi n de una clase social, en este caso la obrera, y conduce al lector por todos los caminos que puedan ex- plicarle una situaci n o el por que de detalles mediatos o inmediatos, y aun cuando el vasto material empuja a la continuaci n del relato antes que a su consideraci n, destaca una figura que por su situaci n y simbolismo debe entenderse como personaje principal: dofia teresa, la madre. por su inter- x enci n directa o por su solo recuerdo o presencia, las escenas se dig- nifican y ennoblecen. astuta, audaz, inflexible, comprensiva o tierna, esta en el primer plano cuando se trata de hacer un sacrificio o de prestar luna ayuda. el puesto de comidas que regentea le sirve de tribuna y le da oportunidad para ejercer su positiva influencia en la vida del pueblo, tan afligido siempre por la miseria y la injusticia. esta mujer, recuerda por ms de una circunstancia a pelagia nilovna v asof, herencia de la novela de maximo gorki, la madre. ambas sirven con entusiasmo a una causa colectiva de caracteres semejantes, exponen sus vidas en misiones dificiles de propaganda buscando las conexiones de elementos claves; evitan actos de crueldad infitil; su edad y modestia las hace pasar inadvertidas para los contrarios, pero consiguen, en cambio, el aprecio cordial de los directores de los movimientos obreros. su intervenci n en los asuntos amorosos de sus hijos se reduce a discreta comprensi n y, sobre todo, el sentimiento material que las anima no limita sus beneficios a sus hijos, abarca a todo aqucl que est. caido, que es d bil, que necesita ayuda. los otros personajes, con ser muchos o quizi por ello, estan al servicio de una idea, de una tesis, y destacan mas o menos en alguno de los tres grupos que el autor ha querido presentar: los norteamericanos di- rigentes de las empresas petroleras, los obreros y--diriamos--, los trai- dores, espias o guardias blancas al servicio de los patrones. r e v i s t a ib e rom a m me ri c a na bien se ve que la novela lieva una finalidad y para conseguirla, el autor se vale de artificios un tanto convencionales. para demostrar, por ejemplo, cuin nociva e injusta es la explotaci n de los obreros mexicanos por parte de las empresas extranjeras y cuan dura e inhumana es la vida del trabajador, colmara de equivocaciones y vicios a unos para exaltar las virtudes de los otros. es decir, encontraremos a los buenos oponiendose a los malos en contrastes continuos. en alguna parte, hacia el final del libro, se usa el paralelismo simb lico recogiendo dos de los temas prin- cipales: el nacimiento de un niiio y el nacimiento de una industria me- xicana. procedimiento este, poco itil, cuando la fuerza de los asuntos, en lugar de sumarse, se resta. pero, no hay en brecha en la roca, general- mente, alardes tcnicos y es evidente que se ha atendido al mensaje antes que a la forma. los capitulos se encadenan con la gica natural de la cronologia y se cifien a la historia en las p.ginas de verdadero conte- vido que forman el libro. algunos fragmentos emotivos y humanos marcan una tregua en la acci n y nos ofrecen el entusiasmo sano y fresco de un hombre que cree en la generosidad de la tierra y se acerca a ella con amo- rosa esperanza. brecha en la roca pertenece al grupo de las novelas interesantes que deben leerse para conocer uno de los problemas mis intensos de nuestra economia nacional en todos sus pasos por conquistar una libertad dificil de alcanzar. almanza es un hombre que tiene fe y muestra, lo mismo aqui que en sus otras obras: huelga blanca y candelaria de los pates, c mo, a pesar de una realidad poco risuefia, se imponen, lenta pero seguramente, el sentido de responsabilidad, la aspiraci n hacia algo mejor y la conciencia de unidad. marfa del carmen millan universidad nacional autdnoma de mxico luis mario lozzia, domingo sin fzitbol, editorial sudamericana, buenos aires, . la trama simple de una barriada portefia que por circunstancias comu- nes, queda sin el partido de fitbol caracteristico, dan origen a luis mario lozzia para descubrirnos una emotiva y autentica realidad nacional. quizi la primera soluci n de esta novela se desprenda del ambiente, pues alli, en ese pequefio mundillo que sin darse cuenta se entrega a las alternativas r e s e as de un torneo deportivo, hemos de atrapar algunos personajes especificos e imborrables. luego, una tarde de liuvia, cierra para las criaturas del libro su evasi n. la cancha cerrada obliga a proyectar otros planes, y el cambio desconocido sirve para organizar la trama novelistica. buenos aires aguarda entonces con frialdad el destino que fabrica un autor. lozzia sabe predisponer de esta tarde, sin fallas documentales ni falsas pinturas, con una expresiva fidelidad narrativa. anteriormente habia publicado un libro de cuentos, estas noches que em piezan, donde se revelaba como justificado escritor y cuentista, teniendo siempre a la ciudad sembrada en sus manos. ahora, no puede decirse que la proyecci n no tuvo exito. al encontrar a los personajes vemos como todos ellos deben por prefijado azar unificarse con ese domingo sin f tbol. asi, el jugador y su padre, el cronista deportivo y su mujer, el duefio de la cantina con su familia, las hijas, la tia y su amante, s lo reflejan estados equilibrados del destino. surgen entre ellos, una muchacha y su hermana, nifia ain, hijas del canti- nero, para quienes en aquel dia total adquieren conciencia de un mundo cercano y palpable, dando dentro de una descripci n descarnada la en- trega fisica de la adolescente, y proyectando la realidad algo incierta de la relaci n humana, en la segunda. seguro como novelista, sabe apreciar la sencillez del medio ambiente y con una limpieza literaria sin recargos coloristas, ha cumplido en forma singular mostrindonos con gran autenticidad local, una empresa de crea- ci n plena y valedera. horacio jorge becco buenos aires mahfud massis, elegia bajo la tierra, ediciones pol micas, santiago, . la publicaci n mis reciente del poeta chileno mahfud massis es su volumen elegia bajo la tierra, poema en veintisiete partes, con pr logo del autor. el leitmotiv de esta poesia, como dice el mismo massis, es la muerte, pero no la muerte en su calidad de acontecimiento, de hecho final, sino una muerte que es a veces indistinguible de la vida. como a conti- nuaci n indica el poeta, en su obra encontrara el lector muertos que pa- recen vivos y vivos que tienen a veces el rostro de los espectros". en efecto, el poeta se sitia en la confluencia de la vida y la muerte, lugar de interpenetraci n de dos mundos. por esta area limitada se mue- re vista iberoa mericana ve sin salir nunca .de su circulo subterraneo de oscuridad finebre. en su trayectoria horizontal se encuentra con angeles y antepasados que legan a su nivel desde arriba o desde abajo, segin el caso. el poeta ni asciende ni desciende a la manera dantesca en el mundo de ultratumba, y su poema, mas que escatologia, es una simbiosis de vida y muerte. massis no canta a sta ni la glorifica, porque no concibe una muerte que se distin- ga netamente de la vida. tampoco hay en su poema una vida despues de la muerte. si actian en los muertos, esto no es sino una indica- ci n mas de la continuidad vida-muerte. a trav s de los veintisiete fragmentos del poema se desarrollan varios temas que establecen claramente la posici n del poeta. primero, massis se define a si mismo como un paria, un primitivo que esti fuera de lugar en la sociedad contemporinea: "yo era el hombre de java de la fa- milia". sin embargo, le es imposible cambiar sin "enviar al mercado mi alma". a continuaci n se identifica con un perro, simbolo doble aqui del proscrito y de la muerte. en su calidad de perro errante cava en la tierra y exhuma "cabezas, fragmentos de antepasados, una lengua cadavrica, morada por el tiempo, que alcanza s o a susurrar imaldito!" asi introduce en su poesia el tema de los antepasados arabes que le fascinan y que significan en su poesia la maldici n, la condena ab utero. condena doble para massis, poeta e hijo de inmigrantes y por esto doble- mente desarraigado. mis fuertes que son los antepasados, "maliciosos y dulces, agiles y contumaces, celebrando los ritos de la muerte en veloces danzas a caballo". le muerden la cabeza, "mi cabeza de pobre americano, porque en mi hundida frente de pastor s o anid la muerte y el cuervo desplumado de la belleza". en estas lineas encontramos sintetizada la posici n de massis, atacado por la fuerza ancestral, a la vez americano y pastor (arabe). tambi n se debe notar este pijaro que no es ya el cisne modernista ni el buho de la sabiduria, sino el cuervo, simbolo de la muerte. hasta en el cuervo se ve la confluencia de vida y muerte: el pa- jaro ha perdido sus plumas de color finebre y muestra la carne desnuda. entonces el poeta les pide a los antepasados que le den su poder y su "es- tructura vegetal contra el destino, a mi, sofiador extenuado, defensor de de- rechos indtiles, vendedor de sudarios y bolsas de colores". la muerte, que massis simboliza por medio del perro ya mencionado, tambi n aparece en forma de toro; pero el toro, como el cuervo, ha perdido su tradicional color negro. aparte de esto, la muerte vuelve siempre a manifestarse en el vocabulario del poeta, como se ha visto en las lineas ya citadas. . re se as en esta atm sfera de muerte y de condena ancestral el poeta se ve pequefio y perdidot consciente ademas de la contingencia de toda su acci n vital. si bien dice a veces: "soy un toro con el pecho de jade", o ilega a ser un angel para los sapos, la identificaci n en general es entre el yo y un perro, o se compara con "un pequefio dios celeste y pilido" de ojos de perro, o con un pequeio salvaje, un enano, un moscard n. hasta en el amor la muerte causa en massis un sentimiento de inferioridad, de contingencia: gladiadora en el lecho nupcial, las hienas vienen a comer de tu carne amorosa en la noche... sobre tu vientre caen aves de pico rojo, y la boca que balbuce la frase perdida y querida tiembla bajo el diente fino de los roedores. ah, c mo amarte con mi transitoriedad, con mi pobre medula de gusano, si la eternidad esti raida, y el porvenir ondula como una culebra en la resina funeral. el amor aqui no es un esfuerzo para escaparse de la muerte. representa en la poesia de massis quizis lo mis vital; pero hasta en este aspecto mis vivo de la vida, este presente la muerte, el deslizarse continuo de un estado hacia el otro, el confluir, en efecto, de los dos mundos de vida y muerte, el cual massis acepta francamente, aun cuando limite sus posibilidades de actuar en la vida. la muerte que de esta manera, junto con el poder de los antepasados, domina la poesia de massis, no es en su obra un problema. es mis bien un hecho que surge en la conciencia del poeta de varios incidentes que entre si no tienen conexi n necesaria: la contemplaci n de la propia muerte, la muerte de un ser querido, un paseo por la ciudad, el amor. el hecho de que el poeta est consciente de la presencia de la muerte en cada incidente le permite evocar el simbolismo de los acontecimientos y reinterpretarlos, recrearlos para formar un todo podtico. s o dos veces parece rebelarse massis activamente. en una ocasi n exclama: maestro en lenguas feroces, no siempre me contengo, acuso a mis antecesores, juzgo, olvido, asesino, invito a la extenuaci n, s o tengo el veneno de mis palabras ioh, lama mia! icufnta justificaci n para vivir! pero en seguida aparece la inevitable muerte y arrastra el alma del poeta. re v i s ta ib er oa m erican a otra vez en una reminiscencia del sueiio de jacob, el poeta dormido derriba a un angel y su alma herida asciende cantando. el lenguaje de elegia bajo la tierra esti cuidadosamente trabajado. no hay palabra que no lleve su carga emocional, no hay frase que no est llena de sugerencias simb licas y metaf ricas. n tese por ejemplo la fuerza emotiva de las lineas siguientes: y una pavana de costumbres estoicas caia del naranjo puedes tocar mi rostro, su lejana mariposa de hueso muertos planetas de hueso de mi contextura [dientes]. nuestros cuernos chocan contra el nix sombrio, y nos amamos. estoy muerto, pero me crece la barba. encontramos tambien lo que en otros poetas llamariamos juegos de pa- labras, aunque en massis nada tiene aspecto de juego: si entrara al cementerio en la noche, entre el oxidado aroma del oxiacanto como una flor sobre la negra caja estis en mi coraz n, y te ciernes, entre ciervos de oro, desciendes al olivar obscuro leyendo a massis, se nota sobre todo que la suya es una poesia que no admite los limites de lo tradicional y lo trillado, pero que tampoco siente la necesidad de abrirse camino por medio del exceso. las imigenes de mas- sis pueden ser osadisimas; pero al mismo tiempo se caracterizan por su gran sobriedad. es la sobriedad de un poeta que sabe encontrar la expre- si n justa para el concepto que expresa y rechazar siempre lo innecesario. massis es un poeta fuerte, duro, pero un poeta que opera ya en completa libertad. no tiene que derrumbar idolos. s o crea poesia. esta poesia, tan avanzada en cuanto a la forma, es a la vez clasica en su utilizaci n de experiencias personalisimas para el desarrollo de un tema universal. es una poesia que es imposible leer sin compartir la emoci n del poeta y sin sentir en su fuerza, su enfoque original de lo eterno, la obra de una per- sonalidad poderosa y segura de si. la misma lucidez que caracteriza la poesia de mahfud massis se ve tambi n en el pr logo que acompafia al poema. bajo el titulo sugestivo y polemico de "palabras en el muro", contiene una cantidad de auto- res e as an.lisis de gran perspicacia, evidenciando la clara conciencia que tiene el poeta de sus procedimientos. sin embargo, se encuentran tambien palabras como stas: ciertamente, si el poeta reparara en esas tristes merluzas [los criticos], estaria perdido. por tal raz n, pongo un muro de asbestos entre ellas y mi poesia, grandes piedras refractarias entre su cerebro pardo y mi conducta como individuo... en las paginas que siguen, elaboro una experiencia po tica en que el regimen de las visiones satisface mi necesidad de ex- presi n, y ello me basta... en consecuencia, no arguyo ni explico nada: s o trato de levantar mi grito en medio de la noche. en estas lineas hallamos tres ideas en demasia comunes -y muy discu- tibles- en nuestros tiempos: que el artista crea s lo para expresarse, que por lo tanto su creaci n es puramente personal, y que como consecuencia nadie tiene el derecho de criticar la obra de arte. la noci n de la crea- cion artistica por el solo motivo de la expresi n, amenaza ahora asumir todas las caracteristicas de un mito, como lo hizo en el siglo pasado "la inspiraci n". claro es que la critica puede ser estiipida y que nadie puede vedarle al artista el derecho de expresarse de la manera que mas le guste. pero abandonando la mitologia poetica que sobre la creaci n artistica se ha construido, y volviendo a los hechos, tendremos que reconocer que con contadas excepciones los artistas no crean solamente para expresarse, sino tambien para comunicarse con un piiblico, por restringido que sea. parece demasiado obvio, y sin embargo se olvida a menudo, que al artista que publica su obra no se expresa ya in vacuo, sino que trata de expresarse a alguien, es decir, de comunicarse. en el momento de creaci n, la obra podr ser una expresi n pura y nadie tendri derecho de criticarla, como tambi n nadie la conoceri. pero en el momento de comunicarse, de pu- blicar deliberadamente su obra, el artista entrega a su publico el derecho de leer o verla y tambien el derecho de criticarla en sentido favorable o adverso. no pasa, por lo tanto, de ser pueril la actitud de exhibirse y luego de negarles a los espectadores la capacidad intelectual de formar un juicio, por tonto que sea, sobre la exhibici n. es por esto que tales sen- timientos nos extraian en un autor tan poco pueril como lo es mahfud massis, sobre todo cuando tiene la ocurrencia rara de publicar al final de su libro toda una antologia de juicios criticos (favorables) sobre sus obras anteriores. sin embargo y a pesar de la poca estimaci n en que tiene r e v i sta iberoam ericana massis a los criticos, el lector tendri que agradecerle la publicaci n de un volumen de poesia fuerte, libre, y de una trascendencia sugestiva. john h. r. polt university of california, berkeley manuel de castro, el padre samuel, ediciones pauta, ed., monte- video, , pigs. entre los pocos autores en el campo de la literatura novelesca del uruguay que han alcanzado notoria fama en este pais apenas descuellan otros nombres que los de carlos reyles y javier de viana. puede extra- fiar al lector, por eso, saber que hay otros escritores y otras novelas que merecen atenci n. una de ellas, que consideraremos brevemente aqui, ha ganado fama considerable, a lo menos dentro de su propio pais; publi- cada en , al afio siguiente fue premiada por el ministerio de edu- caci n y la nueva edici n aparecida en el afio i da ain m~s prueba de la popularidad que sigue disfrutando. conviene decir que en la his- toria de la novela uruguaya, el padre samuel gozar, de una preeminencia segura. el padre samuel es ia segunda novela que ha salido de la pluma de manuel de castro, autor contemporaneo nacido en . como ha pa- sado en la carrera de otros muchos escritores de sud america, las primeras obras de manuel de castro fueron escritas en forma po tica. la primera novela, historia de un pequeio funcionario, vio la luz en y poco despubs al autor le fue otorgado el premio centenario. a pesar de su escasa producci n, esta le revela como autor de fina sensibilidad y posee- dor de un claro y penetrante entendimiento del coraz n humano. la historia politica en ambos margenes del rio de la plata ha sido tal que en tiempos pasados el uruguay ha dado asilo a los desterrados de la argentina y tambi n ha enviado a sus propios sibditos en exilio forzoso a la margen meridional del rio fronterizo. pero el termino region rioplatense ignora las fronteras nacionales, y hace dificil, por lo tanto, la exacta localizaci n de un autor en una sola de las dos repiblicas ribere- fias. tenido por uruguayo, ciudadano del pais en donde reside y trabaja, manuel de castro naci , sin embargo, en rosario, argentina.' luisa luisi barbagelata, hugo david, la novela y el cuento en hispanoamirica, mon- tevideo, , p. . resenas le designa compatriota suyo en su excelente articulo, the literature of uruguay in the year of its constitutional centenary y alberto zum felde le concede una posici n prominente en sus libros sobre la literatura del uruguay. cuando el padre samuel sali de las prensas, el autor anunci la publicaci n de otras tres obras, el garrote magico (cuentos), gabriel, buscavidas (novela picaresca) y cantos del. retorno (poesia), de las cuales s o el tomo de poesia ha llegado a mi conocimiento. el titulo completo de la obra de castro es el padre samuel (su vida sacra y profana evocada por un llamado su sobrino) novela picaresca americana, y mas adelante en la nota, -esta obra fue escrita bajo la ad- vocacidn del presbitero don manuel de castro y cobas, oriundo de noya y ordenado en santiago de compostela el de marzo de . (titulo servitii ecclesiaet indulto apostdlico) y fallecido en montevideo el de junio de . gustd el vino de la tierra y comic el pan de los angeles. llaman nuestra atenci n la coincidencia de la patria chica y de la iglesia del ordenamiento asi como de la localidad y la fecha del fallecimiento de ambos el personaje real y el ficticio, aunque no pueda saberse a ciencia cierta hasta qu punto haya podido servir el presbitero de modelo para el padre samuel. en cuanto a la calidad picaresca, designada en el sub- titulo, cabe algo de duda. el sentimiento con que queda el lector de el padre samuel es mas bien el de haber conocido en el protagonista a una buena persona, intensamente humana y dibujada con sensible linea por un autor hibil e inteligente. alberto zum felde caracteriza la novela como sigue: "su novela (el padre samuel) puede colocarse, en cierto modo y hasta cierto punto, dentro del g nero de la novela picaresca espa- fiola, por primera vez abordado en nuestros paises americanos, y con buen xito; y no porque campee en su novela nitngin picaro, sino por el sentido de ironia sabrosa con que la vida parece encarada". se podria afiadir que la ironia misma cae siempre dentro de los limites del buen gusto, no faltando por eso situaciones risibles que frisan en lo picaro. el primer intento del autor, sin embargo, parece haber sido crear un perso- naje de came y hueso, una persona fuerte y debil a la vez, noble pero impresionable. y asi lo hizo. luisi, luisa, the literature of uruguay in the year of its constitutional centenary, bulletin of the pan american union, vol. , pp. - . zum felde, alberto, la literatura del uruguay, buenos aires, , p. . -, proceso intelectual del uruguay y critica de su literatura, montevideo, , p. . zum felde, alberto, proceso intelectual del uruguay y critica de su litera- tura, montevideo, , p. . revista i b e r o a m e r ic ana la delineaci n de el padre samuel es bastante sencilla. la acci n empieza en rosario, argentina. gabriel, el narrador de la historia, tiene nueve afios cuando contempla a su madre muerta. su padre, despu s de asegurar al hijito que su madre se ha ido al cielo y alli le espera, se dis- pone para emprender un viaje largo dejando a gabriel en casa de un matrimonio, amigos oriundos de galicia. sollozando el ninio se despide de su padre que promete volver por el. pasados unos meses, le dicen a gabriel que ahora es hu rfano de padre y el nifio solitario se siente tras- pasado de tristeza y de confusi n. con el tiempo un rayo de luz penetra su noche. desde chile, un tio suyo, sacerdote, sabiendo el estado lasti- tnoso del huerfano manda una carta en que ofrece cuidar y educar a gabriel con tal que se reina con l. los preparativos se hacen y gabriel, acompafiado de villalonga, el muletero principal, que es tambien amigo del tio samuel en chile, se pone en marcha. en el camino, villalonga se muestra locuaz. pinta al padre samuel como var n guapo y alegre que en su juventud tenia entusiasmadas a cuantas muchachas le conocie- ron. antes de llegar a concepci n, gabriel ya se ha formado una idea algo concreta de c mo sera su tio, pero no esti preparado para el encuen- tro que sigue. en el and n ve acercarse a un hombre distinguido en quien reconoce a su padre por la forma de hablar. desde ese momento se establece entre ellos una relaci n como entre padre e hijo que se con- servara a lo largo de la novela; para el piblico, gabriel es sobrino; para esos raros momentos preciosos cuando los dos se hallan en conversaci n intima, es el hijo amado. la juventud pasada del padre samuel se desenvuelve o por confi- dencias hechas en conversaci n con gabriel o por conversaciones entre samuel y viejos amigos, escuchadas de paso por el nifio. de joven, no estaba samuel de talante para ser sacerdote, muy al contrario, pero ce- diendo al anhelo de una madre ciega, el hijo inimo acab por servir de cura en corufia, en la querida "tierruca" en donde naci . trasladado a ambrica sirvi en una parroquia en montevideo. de visita en galicia, samuel sinti un amor humano tan profundo que juzg justificado "colgar la sotana", casarse con soledad y volver con ella a america. pa- saron diez afios idilicos. soledad, moribunda, pidi a samuel la promesa de volver a la iglesia y despues de pasar un afio piadoso y penitente, le recibieron otra vez en el oficio sacerdotal. el amor por el padre y la admiraci n hacia el sacerdote tienen su influencia sobre el nifio. "-no tienes pasta para ello", replica samuel a la petici n de gabriel de seguir estudios teol gicos, pero un cambio re s e as de localidad geogrifica trae otros cambios. en victoria, en el sur de chile, el hijo, ayudando al padre en la misa comete errores ridiculos, y presencia la muerte trigica de su querida amiguita, blanca. el padre samuel suefia con volver a galicia. en la "tierruca" de su madre debe educarse el hijo, y samuel emprende el viaje a montevideo por barco adonde lega en plena gloria de la primavera. la casa de ami- gos gallegos es suya y alli se congregan los compatriotas, entretenidos en forma brillante por samuel que cuenta an cdotas, canta y se rie con todos. solo, con el amo de la casa y su esposa, samuel les abre el coraz n calmando sus sospechas y revelindoles la verdadera identidad de gabriel. un mal de coraz n le aflige y la condici n es agravada por noticias de espafia. la madre de soledad escribe para advertirle que fuera mejor no volver. "arrepentido al fin de esas sus andanzas por tierras de ame- rica" el buen padre samuel fallece. otra vez el nifio se halla solo. resulta obvio que el padre samuel no puede considerarse como no- vela picaresca de la misma manera que consideramos el lazarillo o el buscdn. hay en la obra de castro una ternura y tono lirico que nos hace pensar en el fondo po tico del autor. del cariiio por parte de samuel hacia su hijo hay muchos ejemplos. vueltos al uruguay desde chile, el padre disimula su enfermedad y sus dudas de llegar vivo a galicia, ani- mando a gabriel, -"non te afligas, rapacifio. llegaremos a galicia con el florecer de los almendros. ten por cierto que las mismas estrellas que guiaban a carlomagno nos conducirdn hasta la tierra de su santa madre". falta un picaro en el libro pero verdad es que hay incidentes narrados por un nifio inocente e ingenuo que colman lo c mico. la primera prueba de gabriel como monacillo trae confusi n completa y dice: -"pretendi ioh infeliz! levantar el extremo de la casulla antes del debido tiempo, pero la voz del padre samuel me hizo volver en mi, en tanto-mi rostro se puso al rojo vivo. -mejor seria que levantaras la cola a los perros- dijome por lo bajo y echindome una mirada fulminante". el conflicto en las novelas picarescas espafiolas se origina entre el picaro y una sociedad que le desdefia por su ociosidad y que a la vez mira desdefioso. conflicto hay en la vida del padre samuel pero surge del intento de suprimir un espiritu entusiasta y alegre entre los limites algo estrechos del regimien pastoral. bien sabia el padre lo que decia cuando contest la petici n de gabriel con "no tienes pasta para ello". el conflicto se declar en rebeli n abierta durante los afios de su matri- monio y cuando, despubs, volvi a ponerse la sotana ya tenia como con- suelo el fruto de esos afios. aun en victoria, el puro gozo de vivir le hizo pasar de los limites de la circunspecci n. en unos juegos inocentes, rev i s t a i beroamericana el padre samuel sorprende a gabriel besando a blanca, su compafiera, en los labios. esa noche samuel invita a gabriel a confesarse y siguen unas preguntas. "- quien te enseii a besar asi? -las palomas, tio. -las palomas? sabes que tiene crispa tu confesi n? ,de modo que las palomas te ensefiaron a besar? -si, tio, -afirm azoradisimo. -sin embargo, tengo para mi que las palomas no se cogen de la cintura para besarse. tu sabes algo mas. acaso alli en c rdoba, en casa de palacios... -no, no, tio; es la primera vez que beso a una nifia. -~nunca viste besar a una pareja de enamorados? enmudeci de nuevo. todo se con- fundia en mi mente, pareci me que aquella confesi n no terminaba nunca. ante el apremio de la pregunta, me arm de valor y dije con toda la ver- dad: -si, tio, he visto. una mafiana observ que besabas a isabel; quise hacer lo mismo y dios me castig . perd name... -exclam en tono de contrici n. el padre samuel dio un salto sobre la silla y frunci e! cefio: ... al fin me dijo: -si asi, como ti dices, hijo mio, no me queda mas remedio que absolverte y sin latines... lev~ntate y sigue jugando con blanca. eso si: ten cuidado y no des en imitar demasiado a las palomas". zum felde le llama "el buen cura espafiol, de recia contextura y noble fondo, pero no muy severo en sus disciplinas...". por medio de samuel y sus amigos esparcidos por el uruguay, chile y la argentina, sabemos lo que es la nostalgia por galicia, la "tierruca" amada. nunca cesa de llamar a sus hijos. en america el gallego busca amigos entre otros gallegos y sus entretenimientos son las canciones y reminiscencias de su tierra. manuel de castro, narrador y creador de personajes, nos permite comprender lo que es el alma de un hombre. a pesar de unos detalles t&cnicos, por ejemplo el uso por el narrador de la primera persona del singular, claramente el padre samuel rebasa los limites del genero pica- resco y queda como documento humano que merece larga vida y el interes del lector inteligente. margaret m. ramos dickinson college, pa. ralph e. warner, bibliografia de ignacio manuel altamirano, impren- ta universitaria, m xico, , pp. ralph e. warner, ampliamente conocido por su colaboraci n en la bibliografia de la poesia mexicana (harvard university press, cambridge, ibid., p. . resenas _ ) y por su valioso estudio historia de la novela mexicana en el si- glo xix (robredo, mexico, ), es, sin duda, uno de los estudiosos mns capacitados para la tarea que da sus frutos en este libro, instrumento indispensable no s o para el conocimiento de uno de los mas polifac&- ticos autores del siglo pasado en m xico, sino tambien para la total comprensi n de un periodo orientador y decisivo en el desarrollo de las letras patrias. como especialista en altamirano, warner cuenta en su haber una tesis doctoral (the life and wiorks of ignacio manuel altamirano, uni- versity of california, ) que, tal vez por permanecer inedita, no aparece en el presente libro entre los estudios sobre la vida y las obras de altamirano, cuyas fichas integran la segunda parte de esta bibliogra- fia; el pr logo y recopilaci n de paisajes y leyendas (tradiciones y cos- tumbres de mexico, segunda serie) (robredo, m xico, ) aparte de otras contribuciones al estudio de este autor, estos si incluidos en la secci n correspondiente. esta obra viene a completar la magnifica labor de rafael heliodoro valle en el homenaje a ignacio m. altamirano (imprenta universitaria, m xico, ) y en la bibliografia de manuel ignacio altamirano (d. a. p. p., m xico, ) y la del propio compilador warner, "bibliografia de las obras de ignacio manuel altamirano", en revista iberoamericana, vol. iii, niim. (mayo ), pp. - . en la "introducci n" warner apunta el metodo que sigue en la or- denaci n de su acerbo bibliografico, repartiendolo en las siguientes sec- ciones tradicionales: i. colecciones de generos varios. ii. poesia. iii. no- vela y novela corta. iv. paisajes y leyendas. v. critica literaria. biblio- grafia, biografia, cr nicas y revistas. vi. pr logos, cartas-pr ogos, in- troducciones, etc. vii. discursos. viii. cartas. ix. articulos varios. x. traducciones y adaptaciones, secciones que constituyen la primera parte de la obra, estando la segunda, como ya se dijo, dedicada a los escritos sobre altamirano. se incluye tambien un itil indice de personas. con visi n discernidora warner ha omitido numerosas entradas que figuraban en las bibliografias previas, explicando en la misma "intro- ducci n" la raz n de su procedimiento. son de especial interns algunas de las notas explicativas que el compilador afiade a ciertas fichas. a pesar de algunas erratas, son de alabarse la atractiva presentaci n tipogr- fica y la esmerada edici n de esta obra. manuel de ezcurdia university of california, berkeley revista iberoamericana robert g. mead, jr., breve historia del ensayo hispanoamericano, m - xico, ediciones de andrea, , pp. la breve historia del ensayo hispanoamericano, de robert g. mead, jr., la tercera de la serie de resimenes hist rico-criticos que viene publi- cando la libreria studium de la capital mexicana, nos merece una acogida muy calurosa a todos los que profesamos un amor entrafiable a las letras hispanoamericanas, seamos estudiosos o curiosos, profesores o estudiantes. a los estudiosos porque este pequefio libro, tan denso como lo es breve, es en realidad una especie de diario de navegaci n que documenta el rumbo seguido por el pensamiento en hispanoambrica, desde el descu- brimiento hasta nuestros dias, siendo asi tanto por su tema como por su contenido una manifestaci n mis de que la america de habla espaiiola ha llegado a la madurez intelectual; a los curiosos porque les ofrece la ocasi n de hacer una excursi n doblemente provechosa, puesto que es amena, por entre los mojones ensayisticos colocados por algunos de los pensadores ms recios que haya producido hispanoamerica; a los pro- fesores porque puede que les sefiale nuevos derroteros hacia una mejor comprensi n, mediante las bibliografias criticas generales e individuales, de nuestros ensayistas mis destacados; y a los estudiantes porque les suministra la indispensable orientaci n hist rico-critica, sugiriendoles a la vez selectas lecturas representativas y conduciendoles a las principales fuentes bibliograficas de la critica que se ha publicado respecto a cada ensayista comentado. todo esto lo ha logrado admirablemente el autor y, en realidad, es algo mis de lo que, con modestia, dice haberse pro- puesto, pues habia pretendido ocuparse particularmente de las necesida- des de los profesores y de los estudiantes a fin de ofrecerles un libro lo mis itil posible que les sirviera de guia y que les ayudara a ponerse en condiciones de ahondar en un g nero poco estudiado y cuyo signifi- cado est tico y cultural, por consiguiente, todavia sigue desconocido en gran parte. la organizaci n del libro es la siguiente: en los ocho capitulos de que consta se trata del ensayo como genero literario (i), de la prosa de la colonia y de la emancipaci n (ii), de los grandes precursores (iii), de los primeros ensayistas (iv), de la generaci n de i o (v), del ensayo durante el modernismo (vi), durante el posmodernismo (vii) y del ensayo de hoy (viii), llegando en este iltimo a los ensayistas nacidos por el afio de . ademas, se presentan una bibliografia general y el igualmente indispensable indice onomistico. los escritores a quienes rese nas el autor considera como los mis importantes van sefialados con dos as- teriscos, las lecturas sugeridas de igual importancia, con uno. las lectu- ras asi indicadas el autor proyecta reunirlas en antologia como comple- mento de la historia del ensayo. sumamente interesantes son las piginas que el autor dedica al en- sayo como genero literario. alli pasa revista a la historia antigua y mo- derna del desarrollo de la clase de escritos que hoy dia denominamos ensayos. traza su desenvolvimiento desde la antigiiedad clisica hasta nuestros dias, para lo cual sefiala a los autores que mas se han destacado a lo largo de los siglos en los paises diferentes. respecto a espafia, des- pues de indicar la importancia de feij o como precursor caracterizado del g nero, hace hincapie en la poca atenci n prestada a esta clase de prosa hasta fines del siglo pasado, epoca en que aparecieron figuras tan nobles como giner de los rios y joaquin costa; estos habian de influir de un modo profundo sobre los conocidisimos ensayistas de la generaci n del , de la misma manera que estos filtimos a su vez habian de ins- pirar y servir de modelo a los ensayistas espafioles que les siguieron. es curioso notar, como lo ha observado muy atinadamente el profesor mead, que la palabra "ensayo", en el sentido de describir un g nero literario, no logr plena aceptaci n en espafia hasta despues de x . ademis del aspecto hist rico del tema, se plantea en este capitulo el problema dificilisimo de los generos literarios y de si hay un g nero ensayistico susceptible de definirse. partiendo de la base de que la literatura, proteica por un lado y una manifestaci n de intuici n pura por otro, es incontenible dentro de marcos fijos y arbitrarios, se afirma que a los g neros literarios les falta un sentido de realidad y de valor inherente. el autor cree que las clasificaciones tienen, por lo menos, al- guna utilidad, porque en seguida empieza a analizar lo que se considera como ensayo y se propone ofrecer una definici n. principiando con la ms corriente y amplia, le poda unas ramas y presenta otra mas literaria, aunque todavia bastante difundida, para legar a la intrinsecamente lite- raria que ha formulado enrique anderson imbert, a quien cita al res- pecto para dar remate a su discusi n del ensayo como g nero literario. no todos los escritores estudiados concuerdan con la descripci n alu- dida, la cual hace hincapie en los aspectos literarios y de alto valor est- tico del ensayo. no debe extrafiar a nadie que la mitad de ellos, quizis, no alcance el alto nivel artistico que exige. mead lo sabe y lo deja explicito. hace historia y esta tarea supone, sobre todo, la organizaci n y ordenaci n de los datos interesantes al desarrollo del genero, lo mismo revista iberoamericana que del fondo sobre el cual actian los maestros del ensayo de las iltimas d&cadas. asi, ha incluido a no pocos escritores que, importantes para el desenvolvimiento del genero ensayistico en america, han permanecido en las regiones limitrofes del ensayo propiamente dicho. la actitud es sanisima y el resultado es feliz, produciendo un cuadro rico en detalles y matices de las valiosas aportaciones a la madurez del genero que han hecho en su pro infatigables trabajadores de la pluma. para cuando el autor piense en una segunda edici n -que ojala sea pronto, pues seguramente la primera se agotari en breve- aprovecha- mos para sefialarle dos defectillos que nos han llamado la atenci n: el c'lebre predicador padre vieira no era brasilefio, sino portugues, si bien es verdad que pas gran parte de su vida en el brasil colonial (pag. ), y las obras de sarmiento no suman volimenes, sino (pag. ). tambi n, y con el mismo prop sito, queremos participarle algunas ob- servaciones que se nos impusieron mientras leiamos su libro. como es de esperar en cuanto a manuales hist rico-criticos, no todos los lectores estarin contentos con los autores elegidos para integrar el libro; es inevi- table. unos se preguntarin por qu se ha dedicado todo un capitulo a los prosistas del periodo colonial, puesto que en espafia apenas habia asomo del ensayo en la forma en que lo comprendemos hoy, y mucho menos en hispanoamrica. a otros les extrafiara que se haya incluido a cierto escritor o que se haya dejado de mencionar a otro. a nosotros, por ejemplo, nos parece imprescindible la inclusi n de francisco bilbao en la n mina de los precursores hispanoamericanos del ensayo, no s o por sus escritos de caricter ensayistico, sino tambien por su vinculaci n con el desarrollo de las ideas filos ficas en america y por haberse ocupado de temas que con los afios les habrian de interesar hondamente a algunos de nuestros pensadores modernos mas caracterizados. tampoco les agradara a todos, quizis, cada detalle de los analisis hist rico-criticos que se han hecho de las corrientes literarias y de los escritores tratados. sin entrar en pormenores, sefialaremos los sitios en donde, a nuestro juicio, el autor podria haber robustecido sus interpre- tciones. en las introducciones a los capitulos iii ("los grandes precur- sores") y iv ("los primeros ensayistas") no quedarian mal cuatro pala- bras relativas a la importancia de las diversas filosofias (principalmente las humanitarias y las positivistas) que estaban en pugna a principios del siglo xix, las cuales han dejado sus huellas indeleblemente impresas en la vida de occidente desde aquellos tiempos. en las piginas que dedica al modernismo (cap. vi) habria resultado mas equilibrado el analisis resenas si se hubiera prestado mis atenci n a la gran deuda del modernismo al romanticismo, siendo aqu l en el fondo mas bien una liberaci n y una superaci n del estado de inimo romintico. tambi n, si bien nos damos cuenta de las limitaciones de espacio que se le impusieron al autor, no deja de extrafiarnos un poco que no se haya vinculado de alguna manera el desarrollo del pensamiento de fines del siglo xx y principios del actual y, por consiguiente, el del ensayo, su instrumento de expresi n por excelencia, con los prosistas de la genera- ci n espafiola de . poniendo a un lado las influencias, es inne- gable, a niuestro parecer, que nuestros autores y los espaiioles de aque- lla epoca arrostraban no pocos temas parecidos y que los m viles y la actitud frente a la vida de ambos grupos eran demasiado semejantes para que se les pasara por encima sin mentarlos. ademas, consta que a partir del modernismo, y desde ambos lados del atlintico, se empez a reparar y a estrechar los lazos, en especial los culturales, no s o entre los paises hispanoamericanos, sino tambien con espaia, lazos que habian permanecido o rotos del todo o muy mellados desde la epoca de las gue- rras de la independencia. a la casa editora, tambien, cuatro palabras. de gran provecho hu- biera sido la utilizaci n de alguna clase de tipo especial para asi distin- guir y poner aparte las paginas en las que se encuentra el comentario principal respecto a cada escritor; de esta manera el lector curioso no se veria en la necesidad de hojear tantas piginas para hallar lo medular. tambien, el indice de materias habria sido mas itil si tuviera una lista completa de los autores comentados, ordenados por capitulos, para que asi el lector se formase de un vistazo una idea global de la trayectoria que lleva el libro. no obstante los reparos que acabamos de indicar (ninguno de los cuales disminuye el alto valor intrinsico de la breve historia del ensayo hispanoamericano), la selecci n de los autores tratados, asi como las des- cripciones hist rico-criticas de los mismos y de las corrientes literarias, son excelentes y ilenan por completo los requisitos de un manual de esta indole. el profesor mead ha obrado con buen tino y con rigurosa hon- radez e imparcialidad frente a problemas de an.lisis y de sintesis no siempre f ciles de resolver. el resultado es un libro sumamente fitil y provechoso. claude l. hulet washington university, st. louis, missouri. re vis ta iberoa mericana rodrigo m. f. de andrade, as artes plasticas no brasil. emp. grif. ouvidor, rio de janeiro, . pp. esti a venda o primeiro dos tres volumes que constituir.o um estudo s bre a evolucgo das artes pl sticas no brasil. sob a dire. o de rodrigo melo franco de andrade, vinte-e-cinco especialistas trabalham na ela- boracgo desta obra gigantesca. o primeiro volume estuda a evolucgo das artes plisticas no brasil desde as primeiras manifestac es arqueol gicas (por frederico barata) e da arte indigena (por gastio cruls). seguem capitulos s bre as artes populares (por cecilia meireles), os antecedentes portugueses e ex ticos (por reynaldo dos santos), mobiliario (por j. wasth rodrigues), ourivesaria (por jose e gizella valladares), e o lti- mo capitulo, louga e porcelana (por francisco marques dos santos). cada capitulo termina corn uma bibliografia das obras mais importantes que tratam de cada assunto. este primeiro volume e de grande formato, enriquecido por nume- rosas e excelentes ilustracges. os volumes que devem aparecer incluirao capitulos s bre a pintura, a escultura e a arquitetura no brasil desde o periodo colonial ate hoje. e, realmente, uma obra monumental -um gran- de servico prestado a cultura brasileira. albert r. lopes universidade de novo maxico stanley t. williams, the spanish background of american literature. yale university press, new haven, , vols., xxvii + y viii + pp. $io.oo. segfn observa la enciclopedia universal ilustrada (barcelona, i ), los estados unidos de norteambrica han tomado la delantera en el cam- po del hispanismo literario: "en el desarrollo de este articulo ["hispanis- mo", t. xxvii, p. se sigue el orden marcado por la importancia que la tendencia misma tiene en los varios paises. se da, pues, la pre- ferencia a los estados unidos, siguiendo luego francia, alemania, ingla- terra, italia, etc." y son algunos estudiosos norteamericanos los que han logrado acabar con la leyenda de la crueldad espafiola en el nuevo mun- do: "una pujante, fecunda y reivindicadora hispanofilia hase desarrollado en la gran repiblica norteamericana. tratase no s lo de la exaltaci n de nuestras glorias literarias, sino de la reivindicaci n de nuestra historia, es- pecialmente en lo que concierne al descubrimiento, conquista, colonizaci n r e s e as y civilizaci n de america. no solamente se estudia y admira nuestro idio- ma y literatura, se traducen sus principales producciones y se realizan tra- bajos de investigaci n de las letras espafiolas, sino que tambien sacan a luz de los archivos los documentos que hablan la verdad acerca de la actuaci n de espafia en america y se destruye la famosa leyenda negra que nuestros enemigos y envidiosos habian forjado." sin embargo, salvo la obra de miguel romera-navarro, un esfuerzo inicial titulado el hispanismo en norteamrica ( ), algunas alusiones de van wyck brooks en sus famosas historias de la literatura norteame- ricana, unas tesis doctorales ineditas y varios articulos, los criticos esta- dounidenses, atraidos por el prestigio de otras culturas europeas, no han visto bien el constante interes que en nuestro pais se ha sentido por el mundo hispanico. ahora, con los dos grandes tomos de the spanish background of american literature ( ), esta laguna se ha llenado casi completamente, gracias a stanley t. williams, profesor de literatura norteamericana en la universidad de yale y celebre autoridad sobre wash- ington irving. asombrosa es la extensi n de este campo de especializaci n y ca ticas las innumerables ramificaciones. no obstante, con su libro met dicamente dividido en cuatro partes, con piginas de notas, indices y documen- taci n esmerada, williams ensaya comprender todo y nos ofrece un ver- dadero compendio de esta inmensa cantidad de materia. estudia el pe- riodo entero, es decir, desde el siglo diecisiete hasta ahora; incluye no s o las influencias peninsulares, sino tambien las de igual o mayor importan- cia, las hispanoamericanas y las del suroeste hispanizado de los estados unidos; ademis de los escritores de novelas, dramas y poesia, trata tam- bien de los otros que, en su opini n, constituyeron las fuentes principales de inspiraci n en los siglos diecinueve y veinte: los autores de literatura de viajes, los periodistas, los creadores de historias "rom nticas" de espafia, un genero muy en boga durante el siglo pasado, los modificadores de la "leyenda negra" y los maestros, traductores y criticos. sin limitarse a la literatura, pasa al campo de los pintores, miisicos, escultores y arqui- tectos que tambien han vuelto hacia lo espaiol. sin duda, lo muy significativo de este analisis es el reexamen, en estilo biogrifico, del mas conocido contingente de hispanistas: washington ir- ving y william hickling prescott, historiadores "rominticos" de espafia; george ticknor, historiador de la literatura castellana; henry wadsworth longfellow y william cullen bryant, traductores y poetas inspirados por temas hispinicos; james russell lowell, poeta y maestro del castellano; revista iberoame rican a francis bret harte, cuentista de la california hispanizada, y william dean howells, critico de la novela realista espafiola. tambien nos llama la atenci n la interpretaci n de williams de las preocupaciones de los no- velistas del siglo veinte por espafia: john dos passos, inspirado por la corriente del liberalismo de la peninsula; ernest hemingway, estimulado por el drama de la sangre y la muerte en la plaza de toros; gertrude stein y su afinidad con la mente espafiola, y willa cather, conmovida por el mundo religioso y misionero del estado de nuevo mexico. se ve que este tremendo trabajo ha resultado de un verdadero amor por el tema, y quiz, del inters del autor, desde hace muchos afios, por irving, en quien la inspiraci n hisp nica tuvo su xito mas brillante. el autor ha recogido todos los hilos de influencias para tejer un libro tan agradable y f cil de leer como esas historias "rominticas" de espafia de las cuales nos habla. indudablemente, ha introducido al mundo intelectual un nuevo campo de especializaci n sumamente extenso y rico. frederick s. stimson northwestern university la cultura y la literatura iberoamericana. memoria del septimo congreso del instituto internacional de literatura ibero- americanas. berkeley, california, . m xico, ediciones de an- drea, university of california press, berkeley and los angeles, , pigs. (coleccion studium, no. i ). el titulo de esta memoria fue el tema central del congreso reunido en berkeley los dias , y de agosto de , y su contenido es el texto de los trabajos leidos entonces; se han ordenado cronol gicamente, "segin la fecha del aspecto del problema" tratado en ellos, dice luis mongui , autor de la advertencia preliminar, pp. - , y presidente de la comisi n de trabajos. el volumen lleva como pr ogo una meditaci n general sobre el tema de la cultura, pp. -i , de arturo torres rioseco, presidente del instituto internacional de literatura iberoamericana .y del septimo congreso. las piginas de torres rioseco, aunque referidas a la cultura en la america hispinica, plantean el problema de la libertad intelectual en todo el mundo moderno: "una vez perdida la libertad, el artista o el pensador ya no tie- nen raz n de ser" y "el profesor que transige se convierte en un ser las- timoso". re s e as la seccin hispanoamericana reine dieciseis trabajos y la brasilefa, cuatro. es de notarse que seis de la primera se refieren en especial al mo- dernismo o a sus grandes figuras, y que s o tres escritores contemporineos merecieron la atenci n de los especialistas en literatura de lengua espafiola o brasilefia: mario monteforte toledo, marques rebelo y manuel bandeira. el orden cronol gico de la seccidn hispanoamericana nos presenta en primer t&rmino el .espiritu sentencioso de martin fierro, pp. - , segun maria de villarino; sea nuestro inico comentario la desaprobaci n que daria jorge luis borges a la cita mutilada de calixto oyuela, extraida de el "martin fierro" (buenos aires, editorial columba, , p. ), que la autora da sin fecha y sin paginaci n. enrique anderson imbert nos muestra la originalidad del "tabari", pp. - , reconociendo que "el tema no tiene importancia" y que "s o comprendiendo su firme concep- ci n cat lica de la vida puede apreciarse el valor de tabard". tres nom- bres en varona [renan, shakespeare y nietzsche], pp. - , por jose ferrer canales. kurt l. levy ejemplifica revuelta y tradicidn: dos valores del mosaico cultural iberoamericano, pp. - , con la figura de juan de dios uribe, el indio uribe colombiano. los seis estudios dedicados al periodo modernista vienen a conti- nuaci n: el mexico de gutierrez najera, pp. - , de julio jimenez rue- da, sugerente evocaci n que completa al de alfredo maillefert, al frente de los cuentos, crdnicas y ensayos, de gutierrez najera (m xico, ). el arte literario en la poesia de diaz mirdn, pp. - , de fran- cisco monterde, se public , bajo el titulo de la estetica de diaz mirdn, en su poesia, en su salvador diaz mirdn. documentos. estitica (m xico, ediciones filosofia y letras, , pp. - ). una posible rectificaci n, la fecha de al chorro del estanque..., ya fue hecha por el propio autor en su diaz mirdn. el hombre. la obra (mexico, ediciones de andrea, , p. ). en el signo de la cultura en la poesia hispanoamericana, pp. - , bernardo gicovate al proponer el elemento cultural como definitorio de "lo esencial de nuestra tradici n po tica", cita a heredia, bello, alfonso reyes, para concluir asi: "el significado del modernismo entonces es, m.s que nada, la vuelta a nuestra tradici n de cultura". george d. schade estudia la mitologia clcisica en la poesia modernista hispano- americana, pp. - . edmundo garcia-gir n considera el modernismo como evasidn cultural, pp. - . y donald f. fogelquist insiste sobre el caraicter hispanico del modernismo, pp. -i . (esta lista no es sim- plemente enumerativa; los tiempos verbales, a su modo, valorizan los ilti- mos trabajos). revista iber.oamerican a max henriquez urefia (urefi en la firma; urena en el indice) ofrece un panorama sint tico de las influencias francesas en la novela de la ame- rica hispanica, pp. o -i , desde las traducciones de jacobo de villa- urrutia ( ) y de fray servando (isoi) hasta la sangre hambrienta ( ), de enrique labrador ruiz. igual panorama de las letras brasile- fias nos da erico verissimo en su ensayo o novo descobrimento do brasil, pp. - . el resto de los trabajos son monografias sobre autores relacionados con el tema de la cultura o la vida: david bary, con informaciones de pri- mera mano, escribe sobre vicente huidobro, agente viajero de la poesia, pp. - ; hugo rodriguez alcala, en sentido y alcance de las compa- raciones en "don segundo sombra'", pp. - , ve a giiiraldes utilizando los elementos de la pampa para enriquecer la realidad; alfredo roggiano estudia la idea de la cultura en baldomiero. sanin cano, pp. - , par- tiendo de los propios textos del maestro desaparecido, y llega a la conclu- si n de que fue "un espiritualista con ribetes neokantianos, un tanto sedu- cido por nietzsche, sin duda, pero mas cerca de la escuela inglesa de bradley y royce; augusto tamayo vargas puntualiza las relaciones entre maritegui y la cultura peruana, pp. - ; gustavo correa hace un detenido estudio de la novela indianista de mario monteforte toledo y el problema de una cultura integral en guatemala, pp. i - ; jack h. parker en manuel antonio de almeida, balzac brasileiro, pp. i - , compara las memrias de um sargento de milicias con pasajes de eugenie grandet ( ) y pere goriot ( - ); leo kirschenbaum se ocupa detalladamente de marques rebelo e a vida carioca, pp. - ; y gerald m. moser traza la imagen de o brasil do poeta manuel bandeira, pp. - , con abundantes transcripciones y referencias bibliogrificas. imposible en breves lineas describir y valorar acertadamente los tra- bajos del apretado volumen que constituye esta memoria; estamos de acuerdo con luis mongui al afirmar que "hay en este libro trabajos, que en las mismas premisas o en las conclusiones, parecen divergir de otros aqui tambien impresos; todos ellos, sin embargo, asedian igualmente con inteligencia y con amor una cultura que por su complejidad de origen y de desarrollo admite en su estudio diversas hip tesis de trabajo y diversos caminos de entrada. mis investigaciones, mas descripciones, mas inter- pretaciones, mas evaluaciones como stas son precisamente la via que nos ha de llevar paso a paso al coraz n de la historia de la cultura literaria iberoamericana". una observaci n, que por cierto no invalida el merito de estos tra- k ese a s bajos, de investigaci n en su mayor parte, es la referente a la calidad del espafiol en que estan redactados. es visible el decoro lingiiistico de los profesores de la america hispinica que viven en ella y el esfuerzo de los norteamericanos que escriben en una lengua que no es la suya; no asi el de los latinos que viven en los estados unidos, quizi pensando en ingles: propensidad 'propensity' por propensidn (garcia-gir n), o han olvidado que los apellidos ya no se pluralizan: "los martis y los darios" (gicovate), por ejemplo. ernesto mejia sanchez el colegio de mexico luis leal, breve historia del cuento mexicano, manuales studium, ; ediciones de andrea, m xico, , i pp. el pequefio volumen de luis leal es una guia valiosa para quien se interese en el tema. utilisimo como recuento de las distintas manifesta- ciones del g nero desde los tiempos prehispinicos hasta nuestros dias, como indicador bibliogrifico y consejero de lecturas, resulta a veces poco homogeneo y original. el prurito de encasillar en rigurosos grupos a los diversos autores y de reducir a una ficha minima -aunque no siempre completa- la presentaci n de cada uno, la tendencia a echar mano de opiniones ajenas, disminuyen en ciertos momentos los meritos de la obra. por ejemplo, no vemos con demasiada claridad por que juan jose arreola (pp. -x ) figura, sin mis, entre los escritores expresionistas, cuando su producci n sobrepasa ese limite; no convence tampoco la inclusi n ro- tunda de juan rulfo (pp. - ) entre los continuadores del realismo, sin que por lo menos se advierta que el suyo es un realismo muy parti- cular. pero como el autor reconoce en la introducci n (p. ) que "la clasificaci n... es hasta cierto punto arbitraria" y no del todo "precisa", preferimos no insistir en el asunto. el af~n de sintesis lleva muchas veces a luis leal a conceder espacio equivalente a autores de muy distinta cate- goria: alfonso reyes, maestro consagrado, merece apenas unas lineas mis que emmanuel carballo, escritor principiante que nada ha publicado en materia de cuentos despubs de gran estorbo la esperanza (pp. - y ). por otra parte, nos hubiera gustado conocer mejor las opiniones del autor, pues por lo general prefiere recurrir a juicios de otros, no siempre lo suficientemente equilibrados por la edad y el rigor critico para servir de apoyo a un libro serio. r e v i s t a ib e r o a m e r i c a n a como luis leal se propone completar su obra, le recordamos que al mencionar a arreola ha omitido su primer libro (varia invencidn, tezon- tie, ), publicado hoy junto con confabulario en la serie letras mexi- canas del fondo de cultura econ mica y le indicamos que falta en la bi- bliografia de juan rulfo el estudio mis importante que se haya escrito sobre cl: el articulo de carlos blanco aguinaga aparecido en la revista mexicana de literatura, nuim. i, . todas las observaciones que hemos hecho no invalidan en modo al- guno el mcrito informativo del libro que, volvemos a repetir, es una guia de extrema utilidad. emma susana speratti pirero el colegio de mdxico, microsoft word - dissertation -final for the love of one’s country: the construction of a gendered memory in philadelphia and montgomery county, pennsylvania, - _______________________________________________________________________ a dissertation submitted to the temple university graduate board ________________________________________________________________________ in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree doctor of philosophy ________________________________________________________________________ by smadar shtuhl may, examining committee members: susan e. klepp, advisory chair, history wilbert l. jenkins, history jonathan daniel wells, history rebecca t. alpert, external member, temple university ii © by smadar shtuhl all rights reserved iii abstract the acquisition of the home of george washington by the mount vernon ladies association in was probably the first preservation project led by women in the united states. during the following decades, elite philadelphia and montgomery county women continued the construction of historical memory through the organization and popularization of exhibitions, fundraising galas, preservation of historical sites, publication of historical writings, and the erection of patriotic monuments. drawing from a wide variety of sources, including annual organizations’ reports, minutes of committees and of a dar chapter, correspondence, reminiscences, newspapers, circulars, and ephemera, the dissertation argues that privileged women constructed a classed and gendered historical memory, which aimed to write women into the national historical narrative and present themselves as custodians of history. they constructed a subversive historical account that placed women on equal footing with male historical figures and argued that women played a significant role in shaping the nation’s history. during the first three decades, privileged women advanced an idealized memory of martha and george washington with an intention to reconcile the sectional rift caused by the civil war. from the early s, with the formation of the daughters of the american revolution, elite women of colonial and revolutionary war ancestry constructed a more inclusive memory of revolutionary iv soldiers that aimed to inculcate the public, particularly recent immigrants, in patriotic and civic values. an introductory chapter demonstrates the social, political, and economic vulnerability of the elites and the institutions and historical memory they forged to shore up their privileged status from the colonial period to the civil war. through the organization of the great central fair held in philadelphia in , the fundraising campaign on behalf of the centennial exposition, the preservation of george washington’s headquarters at valley forge, the formation of the historical society of montgomery county, and the activities of the valley forge chapter dar the dissertation demonstrates that women employed their experience to expand their activities beyond regional boundaries while also tending to local history. the dissertation contributes to the discussion regarding the construction of memory by adding gender and class as categories of analysis. it also adds to the historical debate regarding the professionalization of history by exploring women’s historical writings during the period of institutionalization of history. v acknowledgements during the work on this study i have been extremely fortunate to have the support of many individuals and organizations. i am most fortunate to have insightful committee members who provided me with support, guidance, and encouragement. this project may not have existed without my main advisor, dr. susan klepp. an accomplished scholar and mentor, she offered me invaluable advice and support. our meetings kept me focused and enabled me to develop and grow. i particularly appreciate her patience and encouragement with my writing. as an immigrant who arrived at this country with rudimentary knowledge of the english language, i have continually strived to improve my vocabulary and writing skills. dr. klepp’s continuous support sustained me through months of struggle of finding my voice in a rich language, filled with subtle nuances that often eluded me. i am grateful for all she has done. i very much appreciate dr. wilbert jenkins for his support, enthusiasm, and helpful comments. as his ta, i observed a caring professor whose passion about his subject sparked interest among his students. he was similarly passionate about mentoring his tas and about the success of my project. i would like to thank dr. jonathan wells, who graciously agreed to serve on my committee when the dissertation had been in its last stages. i greatly appreciate his insight and suggestions. thanks to my external reader, dr. rebecca alpert, for her meticulous editing and insightful comments – they improved my work at its last stage. i would like to thank dr. elizabeth varon whose remarks on the introductory part of my dissertation helped vi shape my thinking on historical perspectives. i would also like to extend special thanks to dr. richard immerman who, as a department chair and graduate chair, provided me with all the help i needed to continue my project. none of this work would have been possible without the funding and the help of librarians and archivists from various institutions. the library company of philadelphia and the historical society of pennsylvania awarded me the andrew w. mellon foundation fellowship, which enabled me to conduct research in their incredible collections. this financial assistance was greatly appreciated. i would like to thank the librarians of both institutions for taking interest in my project and help with my research requests, and particularly to nicloe joniec, who accommodated my request for image copies. i offer a special thanks to florence r. j. young and jeff mcgranahan who willingly shared their great knowledge and enthusiasm about the history of montgomery county. their warm welcome and unrelenting assistance advanced my project and made my time at the society exciting and enjoyable. i very much appreciate the help provided by donna mcdermott and scott houting from the valley forge national park who patiently filled my research requests and willingly shared their perspective of public history. i would also like to thank rebecca baird of the dar office of the historian general for filling my research requests. thanks to kate shier, the regent of the valley forge chapter dar, for allowing me to access the chapter’s archival materials. i extend special thanks to deb scholl, a chapter member, who graciously opened her home and allowed me to research the materials for as long as i needed. special thanks to celia vii mullins at the stack’s bowers and pontorio for giving me permission to include the image of martha washington’s medal in this work. i would like to thank the support of fellow graduate students and my friends who encouraged me and were willing to listen and discuss my research and findings. thanks to my diana reinhard, janet galley, jen fry, uta kresse, darryl mace, lynette deem, julia oestreich, and sharon sidorick. thanks to pat williams and vangie campbell, the department coordinators, for their assistance and support. special thanks to my dear friends sarah kligman, lydia sardinas, neil sardinas, and liz ziets for their friendship and encouragement. they never tired of hearing about my findings and my writing process and provided me with great advice and encouragement. finally, i would like to thank my family who supported me throughout my entire college career. thanks to my sons, orr, tal, and nir who had seen me studying through most of their lives and encouraged me to pursue my goals. special thanks to orr and nir, who edited my work, and to nir, who also patiently helped me decipher some of the difficult manuscripts. and above all, i thank my husband, shlomo, who encouraged me to pursue my interest. thank you for your patience, your help in keeping things in good order, and for your endless support. i could not have done it without you! viii table of contents page abstract……………………………………………………………………...iii acknowledgements……………………………………………………….v list of figures……………………………………………………………….x introduction………………………………………………………………..xi chapter . forging elites: class and gender from the colonial era to the civil war……...…………………….. . civil war : local memory on display………………… . boston tea party revisited: women’s campaign for the centennial exposition……………...…………... . historical preservation in montgomery county, pennsylvania…………………………………………………. . patriotic honor: the valley forge chapter daughters of the american revolution, - ………………………………………………………………… ix . conclusion…………………………………………………….. references cited………………………………………………………… appendices a. permission from the library company of philadelphia……………………………………………….…. b. permission from stack’s bowers galleries………. x list of figures figure page . circular of the william pen parlor committee………………. . mrs. lardner brown in a martha washington costume…….................................................................................................... . martha washington medal……...……………………………............ . george washington’s headquarters, valley forge national park…………………………………………………………….... xi introduction on the evening of march , , a large group of enthusiastic privileged women and men congregated at the residence of mrs. j. g. thorp in madison, wisconsin. they intended to form a woman’s centennial club that would lead the fundraising campaign for the centennial exposition in the state. the first speaker, general atwood of the national centennial commission, who was grateful for the assistance the women offered the enterprise, asserted: nothing of vital importance has transpired in the land, unless it received, in some way, the aid of women…during the revolutionary war women took a prominent part. if they did not go into the field of battle, they encouraged their fathers, brothers, sweethearts, and friends to do so; and they molded bullets from pewter ware, for them to use in battle for freedom… it is reasonable to presume that, but for the hearty cooperation of women, we should never have had in the first place a free republic here. atwood’s acknowledgement of the contribution of women to the formation of the country was uttered at the wake of the centennial year, when elite northern americans emphasized their link to their revolutionary ancestors and established themselves as custodians of the national historical narrative. while both men and anna b. butler, emma c. bascom, and katherine f. kerr, eds., centennial records of the women of wisconsin (madison, wisconsin: atwookd and culver, ), . xii women can be made into public figures by the prominence of their actions, men – who traditionally occupied civil, political, and military positions – served as prominent subjects of historical accounts. the social convention that placed women in the domestic sphere generally omitted them from those chronicles. during the last four decades of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century privileged women attempted to include colonial women, who made proper marriages and appropriate social connections, in the nation’s history. while engaging in this process they ensured their own inclusion in the narrative. by forging their own classed and gendered memory centered on female participation in the national polity, these activists legitimized their social status and gave themselves public exposure. they also created organizations that transcended regional boundaries and established an efficient network that supported their campaigns. over the past two decades, scholars have explored the relationships of history and the political aims and impact of the construction of collective memory. these studies link individuals to group identities and primarily examine the process of the construction of memory within its chronological context. eric hobsbawm and terence ranger emphasize state rituals as a means of constructing collective memory. in their volume the invention of tradition they argue that traditions invent historic continuity, legitimize institutions and authority, and inculcate value systems. they also enhance patriotism and ritual and may assist in social cohesion while obscuring fragments of the past that contest eric hobsbawm and terence ranger, the invention of tradition (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), - . xiii their historical version. history, on the other hand, is an ideological social construct that is often popularized by the state or a movement. the scholars assert that traditions are employed to provide the community with a shared identity at a time of social or political instability. hobsbawm argues that the dar created a tradition of a superior class of native protestants based on genealogy to distinguish themselves from the masses of immigrants. the scholars offer a framework for interaction between memory and history. however, they do not distinguish between the use of material culture – customs, rituals, and monuments – and the use of historical figures in the process of construction of traditions. while hobsbawm and ranger perceive the construction of history and traditions as separate processes, david lowenthal argues that they are interconnected. memory, he argues, provides the awareness of the past, history offers the knowledge of it, and relics assist in believing in the past’s existence. the past is not fixed but is in a state of constant change according to the emerging needs of the present; the depiction of history, memory, and relics in addition to disregarded material may transform to fit changing agendas. in their search for the past, lowenthal asserts, people do not seek the truth but individual and collective identity. he draws his evidence from a large historical and geographical area – the renaissance, victorian england, and the founding fathers – which inevitably leads to some generalities. by contextualizing the american revolution within the metaphor of a mother – child relationship he sheds light on its cultural aspects but ignores economic, political, and military considerations. david lowenthal, the past is a foreign country (cambridge: cambridge university press, ). xiv with close attention to french history, pierre nora argues that history and memory are different entities: the former is an incomplete representation of the past based on analysis and criticism, while the latter is ever changing, occuring in space, images, and objects, and constructs and deconstructs its meanings. lieux de memoire, places of memory, nora argues, are attempts to preserve memory such as archives, museums, memorials, and anniversaries. nora locates memory in public places and considers its creation within a national context. he ignores the existence of contesting versions of memory by groups whose representation had been eliminated. michael kammen pays close attention to the emergence of contesting memories in his comprehensive study mystic chords of memory. he argues that there is a tendency in america to depoliticize traditions and seek reconciliation. in constructing the memory of the civil war, northern and southern whites, who intended to reconcile their differences, excluded african americans. for their part, african americans created the juneteenth celebrations. between and , white elites created traditions by collecting colonial furniture and memorializing their ancestry in order to halt change brought by increasing industrialization and urbanization. they wanted their ideal version of the past to mitigate social and political unrest and promote stability. memory, kammen argues, replaced faith and history inspired with knowledge of the past. pierre nora, “between memory and history: les lieux de memoire,” representations, special issue: memory and counter memory, (spring ): - . michael g. kammen, mystic chords of memory: the transformation of tradition in american culture (new york: knopf, ), . xv historians who have explored the construction of memory, history, and traditions have paid attention to the collective process of identity formation and emphasized institutional and group involvement. but because the ‘collective’ spells the ‘official’, many have ignored gender altogether because most women did not formally participate in political, military, and public campaigns. w. fitzhugh brundage, one of the few scholars who explore the relations between gender and memory, demonstrates that elite women assumed dominance over the representation of history in the post-bellum south and disseminated their version through textbooks and essay contests. they also exerted their influence over the rhetoric of the academic staff of southern universities. he argues that by portraying an ideal picture of the antebellum south with its dignified plantation owner, refined mistress, contented mammies, and satisfied slaves, elite southern women were able to re-imagine the old social hierarchy and ignore the violence of slavery. in the process they emerged as custodians of history, the authors as well as active participants in the narrative of southern history. in an additional article brundage admits that whites had the upper hand in a contestation over public representations of slavery because african americans did not have the means to erect impressive statues. brundage tells the story of a young history professor, enoch m. banks, in the university of florida who in concluded that the south was wrong to secede, and consequently resigned his post under the pressure of women’s organizations. see: w. fitzhugh brundage w. fitzhugh brundage, “white women and the politics of historical memory in the new south, - ,” in jumpin’ jim crow: southern politics from civil war to civil rights, ed. jane dailey, glenda elizabeth gilmore, and bryant simon (princeton: princeton university press, ), . w. fitzhugh brundage, “woman’s hand and heart and deathless love,” white women and the commemorative impulse in the new south,” in monuments to the lost cause: women, art, and landscapes of southern memory, ed. cynthia mills and pamela h. simpson, eds. (knoxville: university of tennessee press, ), - . xvi brundage demonstrates that class and race were prime factors in motivating the women to act but asserts that gender was significant to a lesser degree because men had their own historically-oriented groups. brundage assumes that because men and women worked for the cause gender was not a crucial factor in their activism. he attributes women’s activism to the victorian gender role that ascribed mourning to women and argues that the men did not realize the potential impact of the construction of history in affecting how generations of southerners would perceive their past. he does not emphasize the quality of the work executed and the means by which it had been achieved as an issue of managerial and political ability. however, his work demonstrates that women crafted a political approach that exceeded that of male clubs’ members and succeeded in gaining authority over the construction of the past. brundage’s article suggests that women constructed memory that often differed from that of men. privileged philadelphia and montgomery county women, who were often ignored by historical accounts, created memory that inserted their ancestors into history. their memory represented class and pedigree that intended to create class hierarchy and establish them as birthright aristocracy. between and , they concentrated their effort on regional reconciliation with martha and george washington ibid. . susan stabile demonstrates that women were able to create their own domesticated memory in the eighteenth century. by writing the history of their homes and recreating early republican gardens they were able to create local space for memories. see: susan stabile, memory’s daughters: the material culture of remembrance in eighteenth-century america (ithaca: cornell university press, ), , . e. digby baltzell, philadelphia gentlemen: the making of a national upper class (glencoe, illinois: the free press, ), - . see also: ralph e. pyle, persistence and change in the protestant establishment (westport, connecticut: praeger, ), - , , - . xvii as representatives of revolutionary unity. increasing immigration from eastern and southern europe and anxiety over the changing social and political landscape of the city and, to a lesser degree, of montgomery county, prompted privileged women to intensify their effort to inculcate the newcomers. elizabeth robins pennell possibly uttered the feelings of many privileged philadelphians when she wrote: it is the russian jew who, with an army of aliens at his back – thousands upon thousands of italians, slavs, lithuanians, a fresh emigration of negroes from the south, and statistics alone can say how many other varieties - is pushing and pushing philadelphians out the town… until who can say where there will be any room for them at all? the women aimed to instill loyalty and patriotism through the work of historical preservation, erection of monuments to revolutionary ancestors, and authorship of local history. this study argues that history and memory are similar in that they are generated as a result of a political standpoint. both are also selective, emphasize certain elements and obscure others. their difference lies in their objective. professional history seeks an analysis of new sources and exploration of old ones from new perspectives. as other scholars have pointed out, it is written for knowledge but is also subjected to revisions. in agreement with nora, the study assumes that memory is generated by a group or the state, and its products – monuments, commemorations, rituals, historical exhibits or other artifacts – offer the public ultimate, irrefutable conclusions. the creation of memory, as elizabeth robins pennell, our philadelphia (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & company, ), . xviii brundage demonstrates, depends on access to political and financial resources. the women in this study possessed both due to their husbands’ wealth, status, and ancestry. this study explores the paradoxical gendered and classed perception of the separate sphere ideology. the women who are the subject of this study had seemingly supported the ideology, but their actions contradicted its premises. eager to address regional reconciliation during and after the civil war and inculcate the increasing numbers of immigrants, they employed their skills in the public sphere but were sure to command respect as proper women who value conventional gender roles. i use the word “proper” as it is employed by cleveland amory to describe elite bostonian men from “first families” who exerted great influence on the city and the nation and represented traditional conduct that commanded respect to the family and its achievements. nathaniel burt argues that the use of this term does not apply to the relaxed and friendly city society that did not care for title or money but for birth and the family. burt is in fact in agreement with amory since birth and family are more exclusive than money and title; the former is inherent and cannot be acquired by any means while the latter might be difficult to attain but may be accessible to selected few. furthermore, in his study he demonstrates that birth and family translated to economic and political power, and friendliness was reserved to those included in elite social circles. cleveland amory, proper bostonians (new york, e. p. dutton, ). nathaniel burt, the perennial philadelphians: the anatomy of an american aristocracy (boston: little, brown, and company, ), - , . xix the philadelphia area was chosen for its association with the nation’s history. a considerable number of nineteenth-century members of local families could trace their ancestry to colonial america and the revolution. swedes were the first to arrive to the area in , encouraged by king gustavus adolphus, who authorized the swedish west india company for the purpose of missionary activity and trade. in charles ii granted william penn , acres known as the welsh tract, which is considered central to the philadelphia’s suburbs’ aristocracy. some of the first settlers in the philadelphia area were dutch, finnish, swedish, and english. william penn traveled to holland and germany to publicize his colony and created great interest particularly among those suffering from religious persecution such as the mennonites. in august , germans, led by francis daniel pastonius, were given a township northwest of the city, later to become germantown. many of philadelphia’s elite families originate from the settlers who came to the city in this period. the existence of a prosperous privileged society in philadelphia and montgomery county, as vulnerable as it was to economic, political, and social changes, provides an opportunity to explore how women of dutch and swedes preceded penn in the delaware by more than fifty years. the swedes settled in christiana (wilmington), tinicum, and wicaco; the dutch resided near the bay. see: ellis paxsen oberholtzen, philadelphia: a history of the city and its people, vol. (philadelphia: the s. j. clarke publishing company, ), . penn wrote in a description of the province once he returned to england, pointing to french, dutch, germans, swedes, danes, finns, scot, irish, and english settlers. see: lippincott, philadelphia, . see also: gary b. nash, first city: philadelphia and the forging of historical memory (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), , . roger daniels, coming to america: a history of immigration and ethnicity in american life (new york: perennial, ), - , , . including among them are: cadwalader, biddle, morris, roberts, pugh, and evans. burt, the perennial philadelphians, , . for quaker names who bought part of penn’s land in see: horace mather lippincott, philadelphia (philadelphia: macrae smith company publishers, ), . some families of german origin include pepper, who anglicized their name from pfeffer, wistar-wister, lewis, rittenhouse, and pennypecker. ibid., . see also: russell a. kazal, becoming old stock: the paradox of german- american identity (princeton: princeton university press, ), . xx established families attempted to magnify the reputation of their male and female ancestors. philadelphia, the second-largest city in the united states in the second half of the nineteenth century, became a center of manufacturing that attracted immigrants of european descent. the need for armaments, uniform, and the transportation of goods and wounded soldiers during the civil war stimulated industrialization and building of railway lines. in the post-civil war decades philadelphia witnessed growing numbers of factories due to the expansion of commerce precipitated by the convenient railway transportation. by the mid- s the city’s economy was based firmly on dozens of major enterprises in the textile, metal products, machine goods, printing and chemical industries. most laborers lived in the neighborhoods in which they worked while skilled workers moved to the western and northwestern parts of city. in the s eastern european jews and italians were also among the newcomers. in the last decades of the nineteenth century one’s social standing in philadelphia was determined by ethnicity as well as economic status and professional skills. in the s philadelphia was the nation’s second largest city, surpassed only by new york in population, commerce, and manufacturing. elite capital in the city was drawn to build transport networks. see: philip scranton, proprietary capitalism: the textile manufacture at philadelphia, - (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), . by the city had less than percent of the nation’s population but produced nearly percent of its products. see: bruce laurie and mark schmitz, “manufacture and productivity: the making of an industrial base, philadelphia - ,” in philadelphia: work, space, family, and group experience in nineteenth century, ed. theodore hershberg (new york: oxford university press, ), . for a discussion on the irish immigration into the area see: noel ignatiev, how the irish became white (new york: routledge, ). by the germans, irish, and british still made up well over two-thirds of philadelphia's foreign-born but close to , russian jews and , italians already lived in the city. ibid. xxi the creation of railroad lines was a major developer of rural areas outside of philadelphia. between and a railroad from philadelphia to harrisburg was constructed. the accessible transportation led to the expansion of montgomery county industries. immigrants were attracted to its iron and steel factories, textile mills, and stone quarries that provided economic opportunities and potential social mobility. decades before the civil war the county was home to germans, irish, and african americans. italians, austro-hungarians, and russians (as well as poles, slovaks, ukrainians, croats, slovenes serbs, czechs and hungarians) who immigrated during the last three decades of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century precipitated social tension between themselves and established americans over cultural and religious practices. the region resembles other urban centers in the northeast united states. raymound a. mohl finds that there were similar patterns of development in major american urban areas in the nineteenth century. heavy immigration in the s, which coupled with internal migration from rural to urban areas, weakened the social, ethnic, by montgomery county employed , manufacturing workers in iron, steel, textile, and apparel industries. toll and schwager, montgomery county the second hundred years, . a study of fifty american cities with populations exceeding , and , by found that they all had similar economic structure. cities manufacturing employment between the years and is attributed to increase of city size and industrialization. see: jeffrey g. williamson, “antebellum urbanization in american northeast,” the journal of economic history (dec. ), . roger f. riefler who examined a system of cities in the northeast was able to identify causes of urbanization patterns in the nineteenth century. he demonstrates that the cities had similar characteristics of development. see: roger f. riefler, “nineteenth-century urbanization patterns in the united states,” the journal of economic history (dec. ): - . major urban centers in america shared similar circumstances; most urbanites came from rural america and from peasant villages in europe, the development of transportation led to structural and spatial change, and physical growth of the city promoted social fragmentation, community life segregated by class, ethnicity, and race. see: raymond a. mohl, ed., the making of urban america, d ed., (wilmington, delaware: a scholarly resources inc., ), - . xxii and religious homogeneity of northeastern and midwestern cities. in the period between and urban regions split between the center, constituted of low income housing with commercial and business establishments, and suburbs where the wealthy and the middle class lived. large urban centers developed similar economies, highly diversified, that provided regional financial and marketing services. with comparable spatial, social, economic, and transportation development, the case of philadelphia can provide a reflection of other american cities in the period studied. the study explores the period between and , a time of increased opportunities in public activism for women. the first chapter explores the factors that led to the vulnerability of elite philadelphia and montgomery county and the social and political institutions they forged to shore up their elite status. it demonstrates that the boundaries between the privileged classes and the lower ranks were unstable and largely dependent on unpredictable political and economic forces. it also shows that the elites often faced contestation to their social and political dominance. the chapter discusses the effort that privileged philadelphians invested in attempting to instill a memory of revolutionary consensus and present themselves as custodians of historical accounts. the civil war was a watershed for women’s public activity as urgent demand for assistance justified their involvement in public affairs. the second chapter demonstrates that the effort to promote a memory of revolutionary consensus continued during the war. embroiled in a serious long-lasting crisis with a vast amount of casualties, privileged men and women constructed an ideal past of simplicity, domesticity and unaffected by ibid., . xxiii political and military conflicts. it intended to provide a respite from their daily violent reality. following the war, privileged women employed their newly acquired organizational skills in additional, more encompassing projects. the third chapter explores the preceding fundraising campaign organized by women in support of the centennial exposition held in fairmount park in . the popular events raised large sums of money for the enterprise and argued that elite women assumed a significant role in the nation’s history. by offering women of other localities a historical framework, which they could adopt to their own political and social views, centennial women were able to expand their local operation into a successful national campaign. the fourth chapter focuses on the preservation of george washington’s headquarters at valley forge and the formation of the historical society of montgomery county. it explores the activities of privileged rural women whose role in the preservation movement and the construction of memory has largely been ignored. believing in the historical significance of the site, they worked tirelessly to raise money that would enable them to own the headquarters and purchase additional land to create a memorial park. the women had also continued to construct local historical narrative amid the process of professionalization of history. influenced by early scientific historians, they wrote historical accounts that focused on local women’s contributions to history, their ancestral accounts, and their patriotic service. they intended to include women in the local history, assume elite status, and instill social hierarchy. xxiv with increased immigration primarily from eastern and southern europe in the last quarter of the nineteenth century the founding of hereditary societies proliferated. the fifth chapter explores the historical work of the daughters of the american revolution. it closely follows the work of the valley forge chapter, which had been founded by anna morris holstein who headed the campaign for the purchase of the headquarters at valley forge. the erection of monuments, marking of revolutionary graves, and writing local history were among the tasks the women undertook as patriotic projects. they advanced rhetoric of revolutionary heroism in order to inculcate immigrants to the american culture and promote loyalty to official institutions. their message differed from the progressive historians who criticized revolutionary figures for acting on behalf of personal gain. in their construction of historical memory, the dar inserted their ancestors and themselves into the local historical narrative and the narrative of the history of preservation. the memory women created was designed to portray their contribution to the foundation of the nation. it blurred the boundaries between the domestic and the public spheres and demonstrated that political and heroic deeds can be located at both. chapter forging elites: class and gender from the colonial era to the civil war from the s onward, urban elites faced threats to their social and political status from the lower classes who perceived the end of the revolution as an opportunity for a new order. “elite,” for the purpose of this study, represents multiple privileged groups from urban and rural pennsylvania, characterized by wealthy families who often produced business, professional, political, and religious leaders. these families fashioned social and cultural institutions intended to mitigate economic and political instability by the display of wealth, the forging of family networks, and the cultivation of a culture of genteel comportment. the chief distinction between high-ranking urban residents and their rural counterparts is in the extent in political and benevolent involvement and habits of sumptuous display. philadelphians tended to be more active in national (during the colonial and the early republic eras) and city affairs and support education, charity, and the arts. for practical purpose, the lower sorts are defined as the laboring classes, which included skilled and unskilled workers, artisans, shopkeepers, servants, and individuals of other occupations. the wealthy sought to construct a memory of revolutionary elizabeth m. geffen, “industrial development and social crisis - ,” in philadelphia: a -year history, ed. russell f. weigley (new york: w. w. norton & company, ), ; daniel kilbride, an american aristocracy: southern planters in antebellum philadelphia (columbia: university of south carolina press, ), . billy gordon smith, the “lower sort”: philadelphia’s laboring people, - (new york: cornell university press, ), . consensus that would emphasize broad support of the revolution’s fundamental values and political goals. in promoting their own historical view, the elites attempted to eliminate the radical aspects of the revolution, and promote law and order with wealthy, educated, and virtuous individuals like themselves in positions of political and economic power. women, typically wives, who moved in elite social circles, did not confine themselves to the domestic sphere. they closely followed political events, shared their opinions with like-minded individuals, and diligently advanced their husbands’ interests through personal contacts and social events. married women, who derived their social status from their husbands, could venture into the public sphere as long as their husbands approved their activities. single women had to tread judiciously to avoid tainting their reputation. daniel kilbride appropriately terms them the leisure class, for they possessed ample time which they could dedicate to friendly calls and ceremonial social events or volunteer on behalf of worthy causes. in the nineteenth century, these women became increasingly more interested in their families’ and local histories. they focused on the domestic arena, where they initially charted their family genealogies or preserved papers of noted family members. in the middle of the nineteenth century they expanded their activities and joined a national campaign to save mount vernon, george washington’s home, from ruin. the “leisure class” is daniel kilbride’s term to the upper classes during the early republic period. see: kilbride, an american aristocracy, . men and women of high social status possessed a combination of family name, wealth, travel experience, education, and a manner of conduct. elites included old families, whose members arrived to the country during the colonial era as well as those who accumulated their wealth during the early republic and the antebellum periods. great merchants, land speculators, and major industrial manufacturers attempted to influence public policies through professional and political organizations in order to manipulate outcomes that would favor their business interests. power and wealth often translated into political divisions among elites who withstood to lose greatly by shifts in major national and international policies. rural elites, represented by prominent residents of montgomery county, typically focused on local affairs and appealed to the state in attempt to shape policies that directly affected them. they measured their wealth by their sizeable land holdings and, like their city counterparts, valued pedigree and education but refrained from extravagant social conduct. they mostly lived in disperse farms, relied upon mutual assistance, and shared common heritage with their communities. in provincial philadelphia of , considerable demand for imported commodities enabled shrewd merchants to accumulate substantial wealth. skillful management certainly contributed to success, but even the most talented of businessmen was powerless when the effects of international conflicts and economic slumps hit their james t. lemon’s study focuses on chester and lancaster counties due to the availability of documentation. it is fairly safe to assume that montgomery county residents acted similarly for their communities included european immigrants of different backgrounds and the county’s proximity to the ones researched. see: james t. lemon, the best poor man’s country: a geographical study of early southeastern pennsylvania (baltimore: the john hopkins university press, ). colonial niche. the accumulation of wealth was matched by the difficulty of keeping it. the lack of proper credit and insurance, the dependence on shifts in weather patterns, and changes in the political landscape in europe all stood to affect philadelphia merchants and the industries that served their extended shipping fleet. philadelphia’s wealthy elites, however, were not exclusively merchants. the definition of elite - an elusive social construction - is complicated in the case of the colonial city and its surrounding rural areas, where social groups that represented wealth, land, manufacturing, religion, and political affiliation often overlapped. in addition, ubiquitous political and economic instability permitted the rise of wealthy social climbers and the fall down the social ladder of those whose wealth was reduced. * * * it was known that “dukes don’t emigrate,” but common people considered settling in the americas in their search for economic opportunity and social mobility. swedes, the earliest settlers, arrived in the delaware valley in by encouragement of king gustavus adolphus, who recognized the potential of trade and missionary activity in the new world and incorporated the swedish west india company for this purpose. in william penn organized an english colony and philadelphia under an official charter. the saying meant that scot-americans consisted of common people. see: ferenc morton szasz, abraham lincoln and robert burns: connected lives and legends (carbondale: southern illinois university press, ), . dutch and swedes preceded penn in the delaware by more than fifty years. the swedes settled in christiana (wilmington), tinicum, and wicaco. the dutch resided near the bay. see: ellis paxsen oberholtzen, philadelphia: a history of the city and its people, vol. (philadelphia: the s. j. clarke publishing company, ), . richard s. dunn and mary maples dunn, eds. the world of william penn (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ). germans led by francis daniel pastorius settled northwest of the city in august , in a town they appropriately called germantown. the germans received part of the welsh tract granted to william penn in the previous year by charles ii. prospects of success contributed to the emigration of diverse talented immigrants of welsh, scot, english, german, swedish, french, danish, jewish, and irish catholic origins. penn envisioned a community of prosperous landlords who would frequent the city to settle their business dealings. he granted ten acres in either northern or western liberties for every five hundred acres of rural land purchased. wealthy individuals who acquired land tracts provided their descendents with valuable assets that would serve as a foundation for a family fortune. many of philadelphia’s enduring elites came from settlers in this period, such as the roberts, pugh, price, evans, lloyd, biddle, cadwalader, morris, ingersoll, and chew families. eighteenth-century leaders of the city served as a major force in finance, politics, business, military affairs, law, and medicine. by the “german crescent” included the counties northampton, berks, lancaster, and york. see: russell a. kazal, becoming old stock: the paradox of german-american identity (princeton: princeton university press, ), . horace mather lippincott, philadelphia (philadelphia: macrae smith company publishers, ), . see also: gary b. nash, first city: philadelphia and the forging of historical memory (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), , . roger daniels, coming to america: a history of immigration and ethnicity in american life (new york: perennial, ), - , , . oberholtzen, philadelphia, - . nathaniel burt, the perennial philadelphians: the anatomy of an american aristocracy (boston: little, brown, and company, ), . ibid., , . for quaker names who bought part of penn’s land in see: lippincott, philadelphia, . some families of german origin include pepper, who anglicized their name from pfeffer, wistar-wister, lewis, rittenhouse, and pennypecker. ibid., . see also: kazal, becoming old stock, . for additional names of early settlers see: amy oakley, our pennsylvania: keys to the keystone state (new york: the bobbs-merrill company, inc. publishers, ), . for a list of names of philadelphia elite members from the end of the seventeenth century to see: e. digby baltzell, philadelphia gentlemen: the making of a national upper class (illinois: the free press, ), - . during its first decades, philadelphia was governed by the quakers who built it and transformed it into a busy trading post. they expanded the commerce with the west indies during the eighteenth century to include great britain and southern european countries. quaker merchants linked wealth with virtue and public service, and several of them assumed public positions, such as samuel carpenter, the deputy governor, assemblyman and provincial treasurer, james logan, secretary of the province and chief justice of pennsylvania, and david lloyd, the attorney general of pennsylvania. quakers controlled the legislature until the revolution despite the presence of a majority of germans and scots in the city from the mid-eighteenth century. the society of friends, their religious institution, sought public order and discipline and opposed theater, gambling, drinking, smoking in public, and engaging in competitive games. it emphasized the inner spirit and simplicity rather than extravagant appearance. plainness permeated all aspects of quaker life and included speech, dress, and architecture. wealthy individuals often found it difficult to reconcile these demands with their desire to exhibit their affluence in luxurious consumption and extravagant conduct. the keithian controversy, which turned into a question over the extent of political authority, stemmed from the desire of conservative friends to draw more defined boundaries for members of the community. in , george keith, a scot quaker, introduced a more hierarchical and committed form of practice. it included a confession of faith from those who wanted to join the society of friends and silencing of new members or those unsure ibid., , . of their beliefs. his measures provoked a long debate over quaker secular and religious practices. keith’s opponents, led by thomas lloyd, accused him of heresy, and he returned to england where he was disowned by the quakers in . gary b. nash argues that those who followed keith intended to challenge the individuals in positions of power. the quaker ethic of tolerance did not extend to groups that threatened their political dominance. the restrictions of quaker doctrine compelled a number of friends to abandon their faith and join the more lenient church of england. when episcopalians decided to build a church, quaker magistrates attempted unsuccessfully to halt it by appealing to the king william iii in . christ church was built by a few mostly wealthy individuals, among them robert quary, a representative of a group of english merchants who competed with quaker merchants. they included jasper yeats, a wealthy merchant from wilmington, and william trent, the founder of trenton, new jersey. from the outset, the church established a direct link with british authorities. sir william keith, lieutenant-governor of pennsylvania, frequented the church, and william of orange supported its clergy. episcopalians demonstrated their increasing power and wealth when they erected a new building, which according to an observer was “the handsomest structure of the kind that i ever saw in any part of the world.” built in stark ibid., . gary b. nash, the urban crucible: the northern seaports and the origins of the american revolution (cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, ), - . quoted in deborah mathias gough, christ church, philadelphia: the nation’s church in a changing city (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), . contrast to its surroundings, the ornate georgian-style edifice featured bricks imported from england. with a large palladian window, urns adorning its railing, and a brick tower topped by wooden spire, it rejected quaker simplicity. a crown adorned the top of the tall steeple that dominated the city’s skyline. the church’s opulent interior fit its impressive exterior. elaborate paintings, velvet drapery, and a twenty-four-branch imported chandelier decorated the vast space. several pews were upholstered with silk lace and velvet and the state pew of the governor was decorated with a wood carving of the royal arms of william and mary. while the church attracted prominent and wealthy members such as benjamin franklin and benjamin rush, the signers of the declaration of independence, john penn, the grandson of pennsylvania founder william penn, payton randolph, a prominent virginia planter, and james biddle, a commodore in the american navy and the brother of the banker nicholas biddle, it also served a large number of people of lesser means. it reinforced specific social hierarchy through conduct and outer display. until , quaker merchants and farmers composed nearly all of the members of the city’s elected assembly. penn’s pennsylvania charter of privileges ( ) acknowledged proprietors’ privileges but instituted an appointed governor and elected assembly for the colony. in , the quakers split between david lloyd, who was supported by provincial farmers, and james logan, the backer of the urban merchants’ interests. the constant conflict between the two factions demonstrates the split among the interests of wealthy proprietors and their opponents. the french and indian war presented a greater challenge. when governor robert hunter morris encouraged the formation of independent militia companies led by his proprietary friends in , quaker membership in the philadelphia assembly declined. twenty four members withdrew on a pacifist principle. assembly leadership remained in the hands of war supporters like isaac norris ii and benjamin franklin. elite philadelphia also included several jewish merchant families who kept business and social ties with quakers, anglicans, and presbyterians. david frank, a new york merchant, and solomon henry gratz, who emigrated from karkow via austria, were among the most prominent merchants. when the dancing assembly was formed in , david frank and samson levy were among its original subscribers. jews did not practice in public and several were absorbed into christian community. rebecca frank, david frank’s daughter was baptized at christ church. however, there was no outward evidence of anti-semitism in colonial philadelphia. when the jewish community needed funds to complete mikveh israel, its first synagogue, in , benjamin franklin, thomas mckean, charles biddle, and david rittenhouse came to their aid help. for a detailed description of the political conflicts of colonial quakers in philadelphia see: edward digby baltzell, puritan boston and quaker philadelphia: two protestant ethics and the spirit of class authority and leadership (new brunswick: transaction publishers, ), - . ralph l. ketcham, “conscience, war, and politics in pennsylvania, - ,” the william and mary quarterly, (july ): - . william pencak, “jews and anti-semitism in early pennsylvania,” pennsylvania magazine of history and biography, (july ): . montgomery county, the rural backcountry of the city, was part of philadelphia county until . early settlers were of english, welsh, and german origin, among them the roberts and hughes of wales. in , a group of swedes settled in upper merion. peter rambo, gunner rambo, matthias holstein, and peter yocum purchased an estimated thousand acres each at the bank of the schuylkill, where the land was fertile, and pursued farming. however removed from philadelphia, upper merion inhabitants stayed active in township affairs. in , the pennsylvania assembly appointed tax collectors at the county level to replace the justices of the peace who presided at the courts of quarter session. these commissioners were elected, unlike the justices, who were appointed officeholders. joan de lourdes leonard persuasively argues that the commissioners, who scrutinized the activities of the executive officials, were de-facto representatives of local colonists and acted on behalf of the voters’ interests. she also stresses that when the proprietary faction controlled the assembly, the number of justices increased. in , edward roberts of upper merion was commissioned one of the justices of philadelphia county, and kept his appointment until . it correlates to leonard’s findings that justices who were selected from the city’s surroundings tended to be large farmers of higher social status than commissioners. justices continued to fill their position as long as they served the government loyally. wealthy farmers tended to support the proprietors in the assembly and were less likely to be elected as local commissioners than small farmers and artisans. joan de lourdes leonard, “elections in colonial pennsylvania,” the william and mary quarterly, third series, (july ). william j. buck, history of montgomery county within the schuylkill valley (norristown, pennsylvania: e.l. acker, ), . large farmers assumed leadership and acted decisively when they perceived a threat to their rural settlements. when tension arose due to the threat of the french and the indians on the frontier, upper merion prominent residents organized a volunteer company in with john hughes as captain, matthias holstein as lieutenant, and frederick holstein as ensign. religious practice was generally institutionalized with the building of a house of worship. in , swedes built christ church in bridgeport, known as swedes’ church, on morris rambo’s property. it was built of stone in the form of a cross with a tall spire. upon petitioning to governor john penn, the swedes’ churches in bridgeport, wicaco, and kingsessing in philadelphia were incorporated in as the swedish lutheran churches. prosperous philadelphia elites adopted cultural and conspicuous conduct that separated them from their lesser sorts. stephanie grauman wolf and richard bushman argue that the elites depended on fortune, birth, occupation, manners, education, and lifestyle to establish their status. while wealth ranked highly, gentility was an essential ibid., . louise kantrow, “philadelphia gentry: fertility and family limitations among an american aristocracy,” population studies, (march ): ; louise kantrow, “life expectancy of the gentry in eighteenth and nineteenth-century philadelphia,” proceedings of the american philosophical society, , symposium on the demographic history of the philadelphia region, - (jun., ): - . daniel kilbride asserts likewise about the early republic period, see: kilbride, american aristocracy, . in only , out of population of . million were wealthy gentry. the top two percent of the population controlled quarter of the wealth and top one percent controlled about fifteen percent. see: stephanie grauman wolf, “rarer than riches: gentility in eighteenth-century america,” in the portrait in eighteenth-century america, ed. ellen g. miles (newark: university of delaware press, ), , . stephanie grauman wolf, as various as their land: the everyday lives of eighteenth-century americans mode of conduct, which included cultivated taste, refinement, and good breeding. conventional decorum called for an upright posture, disciplined manner, sensibility, and a keen interest in polite conversation. social gatherings were the sites of the creation of social hierarchy, where inclusion and exclusion determined rank and status. balls, assemblies, tea parties, and formal dinners were important to the hosts and attendees alike. “calling,” a mere social visit, held such significance that individuals shared their excitement about visits in their diaries and often saved their cards as a token of recognition and popularity. with the lack of formal professional or political interaction to mark prestigious hierarchy, women employed social circles to generate rank order. they signaled social standing through intricate connections that were directly linked to family, marriage, and wealth, but had been further enhanced by admittance into highly selected groups. polly shippen’s numerous calling cards reveal that she “was a favorite in society” who had been accepted into exclusive social circles. houses were noticeable emblems of wealth and refinement. city elites boasted their status with grand houses furnished with valuable articles and surrounded by lush gardens. international commerce that flourished after the depression of the s and (new york: harper collins publishers, ), . wealthy philadelphians modeled themselves after the english upper class. see: kantrow, “philadelphia gentry,” . for a description of genteel life in eighteenth-century america see: richard l. bushman, the refinement of america: persons, houses, cities (new york: alfred a. knopf, ), - . calling carried strict gendered and deference rules. for nineteenth-century calling etiquette see: kenneth l. ames, death in the dining room and other tales of victorian culture (philadelphia: temple university press, ), - . thomas willing balch, the philadelphia assemblies (philadelphia: allen, lane and scott, ), . polly (mary) shippen was the daughter of lieutenant-colonel joseph shippen, a member of a prominent philadelphia family, who participated in the battle of fort duquesne during the french and indian war. increased wealth brought sophisticated tastes and a desire for european comfort and luxury. yet even with their splendor, city mansions could not match the status of owning a country estate. the schuylkill river area attracted prosperous individuals who wished to own a secluded residence removed from the city’s occasional epidemics, to display their accumulated wealth, and to savor the view of the waterway. prosperous owners enjoyed entertaining their peers and have them marvel at their houses’ architectural designs, comfort, and extravagance. north of philadelphia, germantown had also emerged as a fashionable location for its proximity to the city and its country atmosphere. montgomery county residents did not abide by the city decorum. they often met at church services and conducted informal visits. the original settlers built modest stone houses, which were enlarged throughout the years to meet the needs of their growing families. wealth was marked by the size of land holding rather than of the residence. the only entertainment venue available, a tavern named swedes ford, opened in in bridgeport in a log cabin. most social interactions occurred during christian holidays and around community activities anchored in seasonal chores. log rolling, wood sidney george fisher notes in his diary in that many villas were erected particularly on lanes leading from germantown to ridge road. see: nicolas b. wainwright, ed., a philadelphia perspective: a diary of sidney george fisher covering the years - (philadelphia: historical society of pennsylvania, ), . the tavern was turned into a stone structure in . the holstein family owned it throughout most of the eighteenth century. see: ; e. george alderfer, the montgomery county story (norristown, pennsylvania: the commissioners of montgomery county, ), . chopping, apple cutting, and quilting provided opportunities for hospitality in addition to completing necessary tasks. urban elites tended to socialize amongst themselves. they encouraged establishment of close ties at an early age through school and church attendance. since the colonial government did not exert power over education, churches dominated it in pennsylvania until the formation of a public education system. colonial education reinforced socio-economic distinction and gender inequalities. elite boys attended grammar schools and colleges while women were educated in primary schools in domestic and religious instructions. elite american boys, who were expected to excel in their professions, travelled to britain for education in medicine and law and continued their apprenticeships in london. the oldest private school for boys in philadelphia, william penn charter school, chartered by penn in , was the only grammar school for boys in the first half of the eighteenth century. in , it began offering education for girls. the quakers indoctrinated their charges with the history and beliefs of the society of friends. they diligently guarded against the introduction of any foreign ideas and promoted discipline and obedience. additional sectarian schools were established by lutherans and baptists during the mid-eighteenth century. benjamin franklin was the first to lay the foundation for a secular liberal arts curriculum, differentiated from sectarian institutions such as harvard, yale, and william philip s. klein and ari hoogenboom, a history of pennsylvania (university park: pennsylvania state university press, ), . lawrence cremin, american education: the colonial experience, - (new york: harper & row, ), . and mary. the academy and charity school opened as the first nonsectarian college in america with the support of prominent anglican richard peters and presbyterians william allen and the shippen family. most quakers opposed it for fear of loss of power over education to the anglican-dominated board of trustees. the germantown academy followed with non-sectarian education in . these institutions largely served paid male students who often pursued further education and work experience in london. medicine, law, and merchants’ apprenticeships constituted a foundation for a successful career in the growing colony. in the absence of a central education system, residents of rural pennsylvania often organized and hired a teacher who held classes in a farmer’s home during the winter. this individual served as hired worker in the farm during the rest of the year. some churches built a modest school house to instruct children in reading. they attempted to dispense education at the church in the absence of a separate structure in order to enable students to read the scriptures. great attention was given to the education of boys who needed to obtain a profession. girls were offered the ornamental curriculum of embroidery, dancing, and painting. by the middle of the eighteenth century, some philadelphia elite women adopted the british education model that called for learning the sciences, natural in his essay “proposals relating to the education of youth in pennsylvania,” published in , benjamin franklin proposed english instruction of history, logic and philosophy. see: benjamin franklin, “proposals relating to the education of youth in pennsylvania,” (philadelphia, ). the sons of pennsylvania’s chief justice william allen studied in middle temple in london. see: julie m. flavell, “the ‘school for modesty and humility’: colonial american youth in london and their parents, - ,” the historical journal, (june ): . philosophy, astronomy, botany, and biology. the acquisition of such knowledge, prescriptive authors suggests, would demonstrate the qualities of well-bred girls and would distinguish them from their social inferiors. more importantly, it would produce informed republican mothers who would educate their sons and influence their husbands. the separate education men received and their commercial and political positions resulted in exclusive social networks. philadelphia elites founded institutions that extended their economic ties into leisure activities. one of the most restricted institutions, the club, constituted a male social space where members could connect in a cordial atmosphere. its significance lay in the implicit authority of its members and in their exclusivity. the “society of ancient britons” was possibly the first philadelphia club, formed in by a welshman who wished to observe st. david’s day, the celebration of the patron saint of wales. this gathering was an attempt at preserving the members’ cultural heritage and origins. the prestigious dancing assemblies, dominated by male managers, reinforced women’s secondary status. the philadelphia assembly, perhaps the oldest of its kind in america, served as social gathering for the city’s leading families. formed in , with sarah e. fatherly, “’the sweet recourse of reason’: elite women’s education in colonial philadelphia,” pennsylvania magazine of history and biography, (july ): - . linda kerber, “the republican mother: women and the enlightenment – an american perspective,” american quarterly, (summer ), - . membership in the lucrative clubs was limited and sons and grandsons joined to keep the privileged family’s position. see: shackleton, the book of philadelphia, . edwin b. bronner, “village into town, - ,” in weigley, philadelphia, . subscribers such as the shippens, willings, swifts, and hopkinsons, the assembly employed the stricter rules of bath for a model rather than those of the more lenient london assembly. a few years later, quaker families who left their religion including the rawles, norrises, logans, and whartons joined the lucrative institution. in keeping with gender traditional roles, managers issued subscriptions for male participants as representatives of their family members. women drew their position from the men who controlled their lives, their fathers or their husbands, a fact clearly apparent in the assembly’s unwritten rules. if a man married outside of the inner circle his wife was asked to the assembly regardless of her origin, but a woman rarely brought a husband of a lesser status into the exclusive circle. divorce and remarriage warranted a prompt exclusion since the value of the traditional family was the only acceptable arrangement among the genteel. tradition also prevailed in the selection of married men to managerial positions and by the admittance of men at age and women at years of age, signaling that the male should be older than his female partner. it also hinted that women were ready for marriage earlier than men, who required time to complete their higher education. the assemblies provided an elite woman with opportunity to secure an advantageous matrimonial match, which would permit her to remain within the social baltzell, philadelphia gentlemen, . divorce also meant social exclusion in general “whatever the provocation.” wecter, the saga of american society, . john f. watson. watson’s annals of philadelphia and pennsylvania: a collection of memoirs, anecdotes, and incidents, of the city and its inhabitants and of the earliest settlements of the inland part of pennsylvania from the days of the founders ( ), chapter . circle into which she was born. chevalier de chastellux, an officer during the seven years’ war, remarked: “dancing is said to be at once the emblem of gaiety and love: here it seems to be the emblem of legislation and marriage.” by wearing fashionable clothes and quality jewels, and presenting superb dancing skills, women could distinguish themselves and capture the attention of young suitors. once married, the assemblies provided women with a social opportunity to demonstrate their status acquired by their new family. because wealth translated into status an affluent woman could command deference. it was said that mrs. morris was honored “as she is the richest woman in the city, and all ranks here being equal, men follow their natural bent, by giving the preference to riches.” susan e. marshall argues that etiquette increased woman’s role in status maintenance and rewarded those who conformed to agreed set of rituals. it also reinforced women’s gender role and emphasized the husband’s position as the head of the patriarchal family. philadelphia elites did not limit their social interactions to the assemblies. upper rank women often held private balls, formal dinners, and tea parties for great numbers of guests, demonstrating their impeccable taste and endless budget. as the most fashionable city in the colonies prior the revolution, social gatherings often served as an amicable space for informal political dealings. women exploited these domestic, social gatherings balch, the philadelphia assemblies, . in a bachelor’s ball was given in the franklin institute. it was given probably every year until the civil war. ibid. - , . balch, the philadelphia assemblies, . susan e. marshall, splintered sisterhood: gender and class in the campaign against woman suffrage (madison, wisconsin: university of wisconsin press, ), . for political ends. they sought to advance their husbands’ political agenda through their social contacts and charm. they closely followed colonial politics and eagerly discussed political issues with guests. sarah fatherly argues that elite women’s experience in managing private property and country estates helped them gain insight into the effects of government measures. their experience helped them in assessing the implications of the stamp act and the townshend duties inflicted by the british. in the s, wives of philadelphia merchants refused to buy imported goods and several joined the non- importation association. apart from social engagements, privileged women were expected to limit their activities to the private sphere. mothers encouraged their girls to embroider, practice their musical instruments, and read. leisure was the reward of good management as well as a mark of idleness. balancing the household budget offered women a challenge, particularly to those whose husbands limited their spending either by inadequate earnings or by will. deborah read franklin, the wife of benjamin franklin, administered her household during franklin’s long stay in london, a task that grew more demanding as she aged and suffered a stroke. franklin did not offer her any sympathy but was quick to reprimand her when she ran over her budget in : “you were not very attentive to money-matters in your best days… and i apprehend that your memory is too much sarah fatherly, gentlewomen and learned ladies: women and elite formation in eighteenth-century philadelphia (bethlehem, pennsylvania: lehigh university press, ), . impair’d for the management of unlimited sums, without injuring the future fortune of your daughter and grandson.” although colonial settlement in america dated back to the seventeenth century, the idea of chronicling its history did not emerge until the middle of the eighteenth century. early initiatives were closely associated with the heightened conflict between the proprietary faction of penn’s family and the executive branch and franklin and quakers in the elected assembly. joseph e. illick argues that pennsylvania colonial history writings reflected contestation of burgeoning political positions of leading groups over colonial rule. the first work, william smith’s a brief state of the province of pennsylvania, was published in london in . smith, who established the pennsylvania academy with benjamin franklin, criticized the provincial assembly, mainly composed of non-violent quakers, and argued that it had become too powerful in the generations that followed penn. franklin, who opposed proprietors’ power and supported the elected representatives in the assembly, wanted to have a contested view published. he approached the british author richard jackson, who authored an historical review of the constitution and government of pennsylvania in , a partisan depiction of william penn and the proprietary element. this political history of the colony emphasized the years of franklin’s public work. it sets a contested paradigm of despotic proprietors versus the people’s representatives. gordon s. wood, the americanization of benjamin franklin (new york: penguin press, ), . benjamin franklin papers “deborah franklin’s expenses,” . joseph e. illick, “the writing of colonial pennsylvania history,” pennsylvania history of history and biography, (jan. ): - . samuel smith and robert proud, the two other eighteenth-century pennsylvania historians, mirror quaker dissatisfaction with the colony’s politics. smith, a quaker merchant, received a large collection of significant quaker documents on which he based his manuscript. despite his attempt to keep his work impartial his laudatory view of penn and the avoidance of portraying conflicts fault his work. the history of the province of pennsylvania, which was published in after his death, was authorized by the friends yearly meeting. proud, a quaker who arrived philadelphia in , was not pleased with the radical political changes that overtook the country. he faulted immigrants from other countries and their descendants who joined the assembly in the province’s political woes. he praised william penn for his restraint and leadership. while men sought to recognize their political contributions, women’s earliest constructed memories were an outgrowth of their immediate domestic setting. laurel thatcher ulrich shows that in the beginning of the eighteenth century elite new englanders constructed a memory that accommodated domesticity at a time when the household served as a foundation of a couple’s economy. she demonstrates that women used their heirloom artifacts to establish female lineage over generations of kin. for example, in philadelphia mary hopkinson, the wife of the prominent lawyer and merchant thomas hopkinson, created the genealogy of her family. robert proud, the history of pennsylvania in north america (philadelphia: zachariah poulson, junior, ). women derived their identity by belonging to different membership groups. ulrich, the age of homespun, - . fatherly, “the sweet recouse of reason,” . at the conclusion of the seven years’ war, britain imposed the stamp act on the american colonies in order to offset the costs of maintaining its army in the territories it gained. some of philadelphia’s political elites opposed agitation and replacement of the provincial government that enabled them to manage their internal affairs. they were compelled to join the boycott of british goods at the behest of less prosperous city merchants who organized the protest. city council and elite merchants, who almost unanimously ignored the townshend acts, were moved by threats of mob violence and by the local press to join the non-importation agreement in . in june of , supporters of independence withdrew from the assembly and rendered it ineffective. during the revolution, influential elites had to tread judiciously to avoid anger by the winning side. when a formal poll was taken in the assembly on june , , over the question of whether to support the declaration of independence, benjamin franklin and john morton backed it, thomas willing opposed it, and john dickinson and robert morris abstained. notable members of the continental congress and signers of the declaration were benjamin rush, thomas mckean, robert morris, james smith, and benjamin franklin. willing stayed in philadelphia during its occupation by the british and conducted his business despite his refusal to take an oath of allegiance to the king. his assistance to the continental army earned him a position of president of the bank of north america in . the quakers did not posses influence. their meeting urged them to avoid participation in rebellion against the crown. their stance raised suspicion of british support, and a number of quakers including three pembertons, two fishers, henry drinker, and thomas wharton were arrested and exiled to virginia for eight months without trial. philadelphia’s social and political elites lost their power to the radical whigs, the constitutionalists, between the years and . they stood behind the state’s new constitution with its single-house legislature and a sweeping franchise of almost every male tax-payer over the age of twenty-one. by november john dickinson was elected president of the executive council of pennsylvania. when the constitutional convention was held in the city in , robert morris, thomas fitzsimons, jared ingersoll, thomas mifflin, george clymer, and john dickinson attended it and signed the federal constitution. in , with a conservative majority in the state assembly, a new state constitution that provided for a second legislative house and a strong executive was adopted. while some of philadelphia’s prominent leaders and merchants did not welcome the revolution, others fully supported it. upon anticipating a shift in political circumstances, a group of twenty-eight gentlemen met on november , , when the continental congress convened, and founded one of the city’s most esteemed organizations, the first city troop philadelphia city calvary. troopers participated in the battles of trenton, princeton, and brandywine. distinguished from troops organized in subsequent years, they paraded before the continental congress and general washington in . further assistance came from troop members in contributions for the organization of the pennsylvania bank in in order to provide funds for the continental army and save the national credit. twenty-eight members provided a fourth of the bank’s total capital. the alliance with the french during the american revolution brought new fashion and dancing to the city. the dramatic appearance adopted by both men and women in the s consisted of ample of luxurious fabrics and elaborate hair-styles. men’s wigs were effortless compared to women’s hair styles. their high rolls called for the addition of cow tail and horse hair, and often weighed more than a pound. following laborious hours of construction, women had to carry their heads gracefully, as though oblivious to the discomfort. the long combs they carried provided some relief to their irritated skin but the city’s humid weather posed a considerable challenge as it "itch & ach & burn like anything". observing the habits of his daughters, charles shippen commented in , “the style of life my fashionable daughters have introduced into my family, and their dress, will, i fear, before long, oblige me to change the scene.” maintaining extravagant appearance functioned not only as an expression of high status but also as a political posture. with the advent of the french revolution, women visibly articulated their support through their attire wearing the turbans, cockades, and sashes in balls and ceremonies. kate hauman, “fashion and the culture wars of revolutionary philadelphia,” william and mary quarterly, (oct. ): pt. . http://shelob.ocis.temple.edu: /journals/wm/ . /haulman.html accessed on: april, . lynn matluck brooks, “emblem of gaiety, love, and legislature: dance in eighteenth-century philadelphia,” pennsylvania magazine of history and biography, (jan. ): . susan branson, these fiery frenchified dames women and political culture in early national philadelphia (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), . in the last two decades of the eighteenth century, elite philadelphian women expressed their views in public spaces through their clothes, plays, and salons. susan branson points that “family position and wealth provided women with connections to the centers of national political, social, and cultural power that were taking shape in the capital city… they took full advantage of the opportunity.” the first woman to hold a social gathering in the new republic was martha washington, who invited noted women of every state and “numerous attended by all that was fashionable, elegant, and refined” a mere two days after her arrival in philadelphia. impressed by the event, sally mckean wrote: it was brilliant beyond anything you can imagine, and though there was a great deal of extravagance, there was so much of philadelphia taste in everything that it must have been confessed the most delightful occasion of the kind ever known in this country. known as the republican court, martha washington’s weekly formal receptions included elite philadelphians, politicians, and foreign dignitaries. while mrs. washington set the tone for social gatherings, other society women opened their homes for dignitaries and elite society. the organization of a salon provided a challenge. a talented salonnière possessed the ability to provide not only an appropriately amiable atmosphere and delectable food but also bring together an agreeable group of people. as a hostess she could facilitate meaningful political branson, these fiery frenchified dames, . wecter, the saga of american society, . lillian ione rhoades, the story of philadelphia (new york: american books co. ), . discussions and express ideas to key political figures. the most accomplished hostess of the early republic, ann willing bingham, the wife of federalist senator william bingham, drew to her mansion house scores of dignitaries, including thomas jefferson and alexander hamilton. she married at age sixteen and spent five years with her husband among the top european society, including an introduction to king louis xvi. she cultivated aristocratic manners and taste maintained by the immense wealth at her command. when mrs. adams introduced her to london society in she captivated the guests. ‘there she goes,’ cried one; ‘what an elegant woman!’ some gentlemen told mamma she had presented the finest woman they had ever seen… the intelligence of her countenance, or rather, i ought to say, its animation, the elegance of her form, and the affability of her manners, convert you into admiration. her entertainments in lansdowne, the bingham’s summer country estate, and their spacious city house gained reputation for their refinement and selection of guests. another socialite, mrs. james rush, the daughter-in-law of benjamin rush, established the european custom of entertaining on “saturday morning at eleven.” her exclusive salons attendees enjoyed guests such as joseph bonaparte, charles dickens, harriet martineau, and longfellow. she was also “independent enough to carry [her ideas about democracy] into her drawing-room.” mrs. george logan’s salon at stenton and mrs. elizabeth graeme’s salon attracted scientists, writers, and members of the assembly. ellet, the queens of american society, . ibid., . women, branson argues, fulfilled a much-needed service in a new republic. unlike the european salons, which were strictly limited to intellectual discussions, the american salons of the late eighteenth century accommodated the politicians with an appropriate social setting for negotiations and lobbying. once the revolution ended, an interest in constructing a conservative historical narrative of its events emerged. charles wilson peale, a painter and naturalist, initially hung pictures of george washington and the comte de rochambeau, the commander of the french force, in his windows signaling full support of the revolution. in he opened a museum in independence hall. charlene mires argues that the exhibitions conveyed “order and harmony” in contrast to political events that surrounded the state house. portraits of revolutionary leaders were in display as part of the natural museum, memorializing accomplished human species. * * * many pre-revolutionary colonists supported classical republicanism, adopted by english country gentlemen who mistrusted the merchants and political patronage in london. this form of republicanism relied on elected virtuous elite defined by property conservatism in this study means support of the status quo and attitudes to change. see: david y. allen, “modern conservatism: the problem of definition,” the review of politics, (oct. ): - . charlene mires, independence hall in american memory, (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), - . linda k. kerber, “the republican ideology of the revolutionary generation,” american quarterly, (autumn, ): . and gentility, and by the recognition of deference. the revolution challenged the legitimacy of the american elite and weakened their grip on the ruling institutions. the modern form of republicanism, held by the emerging commercial middle class, advanced an ideal based on individualism and merit “in which social mobility was possible and rightful reward for ingenious people of talent and hard work” and supported democratic policies. a major crisis undermined the elites’ rule in philadelphia and enabled anti- federalists to unite the lower sorts and gain control of city politics. a severe economic crisis in left many in jeopardy. those who suffered held federalist policies responsible for their misfortune. hamilton’s proposed excise on whiskey was unpopular among many of the city’s residents who perceived it as similar to the hated british taxes. anti-federalists led by dr. james hutchinson, a fellow of the college of physicians, john swanwick, a merchant, and alexander dallas, a rising lawyer, disputed elite rule. during the french revolution they organized “democratic societies” in support of the french and american revolutions. swanwick bested merchant thomas fitzsimons in the congressional elections of . federalists’ grip over city politics had increasingly been marshall smelser argues that the federalists did not accept equalitarian principles and held aristocratic attitudes. he approves of the republicans’ use of edmond burke’s description of the french aristocracy’s contempt of the masses in connection with the federalists. marshall smelser, “the federalist period as an age of passion,” american quarterly, (winter, ): - . isaac kramnick, republicanism and bourgeois radicalism: political ideology in late eighteenth- century england and america (ithaca, new york: cornell university press, ), . kristen a. foster argues that philadelphia middling sort constructed their own class identity around a hybrid republican culture. see: kristen a. foster, moral visions and material ambitions: philadelphia struggles to define the republic, - (lanham, maryland: lexington books, ), - . drew mccoy argues that this form of modern republicanism was rooted in commerce, the key for providing opportunities for farmers and entrepreneurs. drew r. mccoy, the elusive republic: political economy in jeffersonian america (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ). weakened in the last years of the eighteenth century and the elections of and ended their control. in republicans controlled the common council for the first time in philadelphia. the political revolution of was an outright rejection of the ruling merchants and large landowners by the small farmers and the city’s lower sorts and their allies. the mayors were still prominent elite figures, such as merchant robert wharton, who served several terms between and , but the downturn signaled the federalists’ gradual decline. although benjamin rush commented in , early into jefferson’s first presidential term, that the revolution “will certainly fail. it has already disappointed the expectations of its most sanguine and ardent friends,” the idea of social mobility gained popularity during the first decades of the century. benjamin franklin’s autobiography, which highlighted the notions of industry and education as a means of acquisition of wealth and social status, became attractive to entrepreneurs of all sorts and was published in twenty-two editions between and . hundreds of successful northern entrepreneurs followed with the publication of their own memoirs emphasizing their edgar p. richardson, “the athens of america - ,” in philadelphia, . daniel kilbride, “cultivation, conservatism, and early national gentry: the manigault family and their circle,” journal of the early republic, (summer ): and an american aristocracy, . digby baltzell argues that victorian elite withdrew from public service. see: baltzell, philadelphia gentlemen, . gordon s. wood, “the significance of the early republic,” journal of the early republic, (spring ): . gordon s. wood, the americanization of benjamin franklin (new york: penguin press, ), . humble origins, talent, and diligence. thomas mellon placed franklin’s statue in front of his newly founded bank to acknowledge the inspiration he derived from his deeds, while patrick lyon, a successful philadelphia manufacturer, had his own portrait painted, not in the traditional image of a well-dressed gentleman but as a blacksmith. during early s several talented industrialists gained wealth and social and political influence. philadelphia county’s population expanded as new residents found employment in the steel, cotton, and wool industries. matthias william baldwin built his first steam engine in and became one of the largest producers of engines in the country. textile mills were also financed by individual entrepreneurs who operated outside of the inner circle of society. faced with rapid industrialization, urbanization, and rise of new wealth, philadelphia elites, descendants of colonial families who comprised the local aristocracy in the s and s, cultivated their social connections and maintained their intellectual control through exclusive organizations and clubs. members of families such as chew, rush, cadwalader, biddle, morris, pemberton, norris, drinker, mckean, ingersoll, and willing comprised the exclusive group who institutionalized their status. members of the early junto, benjamin franklin’s organization which evolved into the american philosophical society (aps) in , promoted discourse among american intellectuals. with self-selected membership of amateur scholars in science, literature, linguistic, medicine, law, and philosophy, it encouraged a sense of elitism and american nicholas b. wainwright, “the age of nicholas biddle - ,” in philadelphia, . identity. the main objectives of the society, “sociability and promotion of learning,” were implemented by the weekly meeting at the house of its president dr. caspar wistar. distinguished invitees included dr. benjamin rush, dr. adam kuhn, nicolas biddle, and both william shippens, the father and the son. after wistar’s death in , his friends continued to convene at homes of various society members. exclusivity was assured by the requirements of membership in the philosophical society and a unanimous vote of the membership. guests received an invitation “beautifully engraved and styled “wistar party,” in the centre of which was a portrait of the doctor, and a pretty good likeness.” members included benjamin franklin bache, franklin’s grandson, rené la roche, a physician and epidemiologist, and george b. wood, a prominent professor of chemistry. the parties’ reputation was so great that noted european scholars who visited philadelphia made sure to attend them. one british guest, captain basil hall of the royal navy, commented: “certainly nothing can be imagined more advantageous than these parties for all travelers properly introduced to the agreeable society of philadelphia.” intellectual activities notwithstanding, elites sought to socialize in an amicable space that demonstrated a lack of concern with others outside of their own circle. perhaps the most prestigious institution formed for this purpose was the “philadelphia club,” kilbride, an american aristocracy, - . h. e. scudder, ed., recollections of samuel breck: with passages from his notebooks ( - ) (philadelphia: porter & coates, ), . he also noted that he met mr. du ponceau, one of the “most learned philologists alive” at one of the parties. see: basil hall, travels in north america in the years and (edinburgh: cadell and co. ), vol. ii, , - . the naturalist baron von humboldt and the botanist bonplaud were some of the notables who visited the parties. see: lippincott, philadelphia, . founded in by individuals from the oldest and most prominent families in the city, including james markoe, joseph parker norris, joseph r. ingersoll, george cadwalader, and commodore james biddle. its elders perpetuated membership by enlisting young men, relatives of current members, when they reached their twenties and thirties. an exceptional outsider could enter the exclusive circle if he proved highly successful in business and his close friendship with members resulted in a membership recommendation. this prestigious confirmation meant acceptance into a restricted clique not only for the individual but also for his sons, who would become members in due time. philadelphia elites believed in providing civic leadership. the quakers who opposed slavery were the first in the country to form an abolitionist organization, the pennsylvania abolitionist society, in . in the nineteenth century its supporters included the pemberton brothers, descendants of a wealthy merchant family, the prominent lawyer william rawle, caspar wistar, a physician and a political figure, roberts vaux, a philanthropist, legislator william b. reed, samuel mckean, and jonathan roberts (a senator from upper merion who traced his line to colonial welsh ancestry). they applied their professional experience to fight in the courts and the legislature. a welcome addition to the cause was the respected unitarian minister, among its prominent members were thirty five biddles, seventeen morrises, sixteen coxes, fourteen peppers, thirteen cadwaladers, twelve whartons, eleven ingersolls, ten bories, ten willings, seven rushes, and six drexels. see: e. digby baltzell, ed., the protestant establishment revisited (new brunswick, n.j.: transaction publishers, ), . richard s. newman, the transformation of american abolitionism: fighting in the early republic (chapel hill: the university of north carolina press, ), , . william henry furness, who became a passionate and outspoken advocate of abolition in . in the first half of the nineteenth century, schools remained sectarian and exclusive, particularly after pennsylvania provided for a public education system in . elite boys who reached the age of ten customarily attended a sequence of institutions: local academy, boarding school, and a military appointment. women were educated in separate institutions. advocates of women’s education, like the physician benjamin rush, argued in his thoughts upon female education ( ) for educated republican mothers who would raise proper republican citizens. other supporters argued that women would acquire household management skills and would serve as stimulating conversation mates for their husbands. parents enrolled girls in reputed private institutions, where they could socialize with mates of their social rank such as the young ladies’ academy of philadelphia, the first chartered school for higher education of women in the united states. mme. rivardi’s boarding school, an additional elite academy, offered not only the traditional disciplines of dance, music, drawing, and needlework, but also reading, writing, mathematics, geography, french, history, and science. betty-bright p. low; margaret manigault; and josephine du pont, “the youth of : more excerpts from the letters of josephine du pont and margaret manigault,” winterthur portfolio, ( ): . kerber, “women of the republic,” . see also: benjamin rush, thoughts upon female education, accommodated to the present state of society, manners, and government, in the united states of america. addressed to the visitors of the young ladies' academy in philadelphia, july, , at the close of the quarterly examination (boston: samuel hall, ), - . it was chartered five years after its founding in . nearly four decades had past before a second girls’ school had been granted a charter in . marion b. savin and harold j. abrahams, “young ladies’ academy of philadelphia,” history of education journal, (winter ): . parents showed great concern for their daughters’ education. thomas jefferson wanted his daughter martha, who studied in a boarding school in philadelphia, to make the most of her studies. he offered her a daily regimen from the early morning until bedtime and urged her to inform him of her readings and send him copies of all her lessons. he also warned: “take care that you never spell a word wrong… it produces great praise to a lady to spell well.” when elizabeth ridgely expressed her desire to leave her philadelphia boarding school her mother admonished her: “you will have to devote much of your time to study when you return home to improve your mind.” she added that elizabeth would be able to learn from her brother who “is so intelligent and very correct in his conduct.” formal education was not the sole opportunity for gaining knowledge. wealthy women could study with male relatives and attend local lectures and lyceums given by men if accompanied by friends or family members. reading offered exposure to different cultures, particularly for women who mastered a foreign language. fluency in french enabled margaret izard manigault and josephine de la fite de pelleport du pont to read a variety works of female french writers, including the infamous madame de staël. they also read the journals edinburgh review, port folio, american review, and wecter, the saga of american society, . see also: “to martha jefferson, annapolis, nov. , ,” http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/jefflett/let .htm jefferson held that good education would enable people to appreciate their rights and prevent tyranny. see: susan douglas franzosa, “schooling women in citizenship,” theory into practice, (autumn, ): . mrs. henry m. ridgely, dover, to elizabeth ridgely, dover, jan. , , folder ; quoted in bushman, the refinement of america, . lyceums traditionally excluded controversial religious and political issues. they primarily offered lectures in the sciences. see: vern wagenr, “the lecture lyceum and the problem of controversy,” journal of the history of ideas, (jan, ): . atlantic magazine. women could also take advantage of over three hundred private libraries that existed in the city by the end of the eighteenth century. subscription requirements of an annual fee and purchase of shares precluded all but prosperous philadelphians from their services. country houses provided ample grounds for exploration, allowing women with an interest in science to focus on gardening, botany, mineralogy, and wildlife. margaretta hare morris, a descendent of a wealthy colonial welsh family, received her rudimentary education in germantown schools and often attended charles john wister’s lectures on geology and mineralogy. she published a few articles that described her findings under the abbreviated m. h. morris to conceal her gender. montgomery county residents relied on private schools until public education was enacted. norristown’s academy, chartered in , educated the acclaimed john james audubon. the common school law of april , did not take effect in upper low, “the youth of ,” , . three hundred seventy six libraries were established between and ; two hundred sixty six of them opened in the s. see: branson, these fiery frenchified dames, - . kohlstedt, “in from the periphery,” . the article was published in the society’s journal. see: m. h. morris, “on the cecidomyia destructor, or hessian fly,” transactions of the american philosophical society, ( ): - . a decade later she presented her findings on locust before the american association for the advancement of science and later published an additional article. see: m. h. morris, “the potato curculio,” american agriculturist, (apr ): - . land ordinance of organized territories into “congressional townships” of six square miles. later congress provided that a sixteenth of each township’s revenue will be given to the state for maintenance of schools within that township. following the ratification of the u.s. constitution and its lack of mentioning education the responsibility of the schools shifted to the states. donald hugh parkerson and jo ann parkerson, the emergence of the common school in the united states countryside (lewiston, new york: edwin mellen press, ), - . merion until . patrons who built local schoolhouses typically selected trustees to manage the institutions and their property. these establishments provided grade-school education and employed teachers who often doubled as laborers, tavern keepers, or craftsmen to supplement their low wages. while education helped in maintaining class status, political decisions carried great implications for the future of philadelphia elites. one of the major setbacks for the city’s elites was the fall of the second bank of the united states. the row over the bank entered national politics when president andrew jackson vetoed congress’s renewed charter. convinced that it concentrated power in the hands of unelected and unregulated northeastern bankers who operated without checks and balances, he was determined to bring its downfall. the bank’s president nicholas biddle, son of the successful merchant and federalist charles biddle, was supported by philadelphia elite’s politicians george norris, “new ways to foster education found for old upper merion legacy,” montgomery county scrapbook, vol. b- : , the montgomery county historical society, norristown, pennsylvania. see also: sarah h. tyson, “an upper merion reminiscences,” historical sketches of montgomery county, vol. iv, ( ): . in there were seven schools with students in upper merion. see: see: “tax records of upper merion township,” bluebook , local history files, upper merion township library, king of prussia, pennsylvania. on legislation that affected education see: jean barth toll and michael j. schwager, eds., montgomery county: the second hundred years (norristown, pa.: montgomery county federation of historical societies, ) vol. : , . for thomas jefferson’s attempts at establishing a public school system see: daniel walker howe, “church, state, and education in the young american republic, journal of the early republic, (spring ): - . carl f. kaestle, pillars of the republic: common schools and american society, - (new york: hill and wang, ), - , - . a case in point is the biography of john roberts morris whose father held managerial position in swedes’ furncace at swedeland and later operated kilns near king of prusssia. he was born in and his early years were spent in the school of mrs. allen at swedeland, mrs. craig at norristown, and professor george baker at germantown. see: ellwood roberts, ed., biographical annals of montgomery county, pennsylvania: containing genealogical records of representative families ,including many of the early settlers and biographical sketches of prominent citizens (new york: t. s. benham & company and the lewis publishing company, ), vol. , . morris’s parents were able to provide him with adequate elementary education and he later attended oak street public school in norristown and after working as a bookkeeper he entered a partnership in manufacturing and dealing with lime in charles e. morris & sons. mifflin dallas, charles j. ingersoll, and richard rush. jackson won a landslide victory in the election of on a platform that attacked biddle. subsequently, he withdrew government deposits from the bank and led whigs to disassociate themselves from biddle and the financial institution. the bank’s demise was near. nathaniel burt argues that the destruction of the bank brought an end to the rule of old philadelphia. during the first years of the nineteenth century, philadelphia elites continued their attempt to construct their own version of memory that conveyed consensus with former revolutionary federalist leaders. members of the american philosophical society, the library company, and the historical society of pennsylvania collected sources that deemphasized conflict and contention. samuel breck, a prominent merchant, commissioned peale to paint a portrait of george washington, the figure that increasingly came to symbolize revolutionary consensus in subsequent decades. an attempt to memorialize the history of early philadelphia was made by benjamin rush who collected funds to commission the artist benjamin west to execute a series of paintings on the revolution. penn’s treaty with the indians had long intrigued roberts vaux, a quaker, who wanted to commemorate the state’s early history and its link to the quaker forefather. when a large elm tree, held by popular belief as the very tree under which penn signed his treaty, was felled by a storm in , vaux had small boxes crafted from it and presented them to his friends. taking advantage of the enthusiasm over lafayette’s visit burt, the perennial philadelphians, . nash, first city, - , . kilbride, american aristocracy, . that raised new interest in local history, vaux and fellow american philosophical society member and antiquarian john fanning watson formed the society for the commemoration of the landing of william penn, better known as the penn society. it aimed to commemorate penn’s landing in as well as his legacy and virtues. its twenty-two members included president john quincy adams, peter s. du ponceau, j. francis fisher, j. parker norris, and charles jared ingersoll. vaux and watson corresponded on having penn’s landing painted in philadelphia rather than in its actual location in new castle. the men who were determined to raise philadelphia into prominence in the state’s and the nation’s history were willing to overlook a few facts in order to create a perfect historical image. the society erected a monument to commemorate penn’s treaty in kensington, in . in addition to the construction of quaker memory, city professionals published articles and books that commemorated famous philadelphians and fostered tradition of professionalization and leadership. william rawle, the first president of the historical society of pennsylvania, contributed articles to its publication memoirs, joseph r. ingersoll, its fifth president, wrote an essay on the society, and horace binney authored the leaders of the old bar of philadelphia ( ). private collectors such as john mcallister, a retired wealthy businessman, started to gather materials related to the history of the city in and amassed an impressive collection of documents and ephemera. doris devine fanelli and karie diethorn, history of the portrait collection, independence national historical park (philadelphia: american philosophical society, ), - . women were often interested in their family history. the first female historian in pennsylvania, deborah norris logan, the daughter of charles norris and mary parker and the wife of dr. george logan, himself the grandson of the secretary and chief justice of pennsylvania, started her work when she found a bundle of papers at stenton, her country estate, in . it “had been much neglected, and treated as useless waste- paper, and were pile away in the garrets as worthless rubbish.” recognizing its historical value, she meticulously arranged, transcribed, and annotated thousands of the worn pages that consisted of james logan’s correspondence with william penn. her work was published by the historical society of pennsylvania in the early s. she also attempted to document her reminiscence of the signers of the declaration of independence but concluded that her memories were too faded to produce a valuable monograph. the city’s rapid growth continued in the two decades before the civil war. the population of the city and its surrounding area increased percent in the decade of the s and additional . percent in the s. in the city population topped , and its surrounding regions , . by the city numbered over half a million inhabitants. much of the increase was by immigrants, mainly from ireland but also from germany and england. the arrival of a large number of catholics caused religious tension in the city where protestants had long held the upper hand in defining civic rules. in addition, nearly , african americans found their homes in sarah butler wister and agnes irwin, eds., worthy women of our first century (philadelphia: lippincott, ), . elizabeth m. geffen, “industrial development and social crisis - ,” in philadelphia, . philadelphia in . by they numbered over , . the unprecedented expansion brought social and racial agitation that challenged political leaders. several of philadelphia elites who could trace their line to colonial families held key positions in national and local politics. the whigs experienced difficulty in finding a politician to replace u.s. representative john sergeant who resigned in . at length, joseph reed ingersoll joined his brother, charles jared ingersoll in congress. the democratic party attracted more members of local elites. richard rush, son of benjamin rush, served as u.s. attorney general, as minister to both great britain and france, and as secretary of the treasury. a descendant of the colonial merchant family, john cadwalader, started his civic service as a solicitor for the bank of the united states and continued as a congressman and a federal judge on the u.s. district court for eastern district of pennsylvania. the democratic mayor of philadelphia ( – ), richard vaux, the son of the quaker jurist roberts vaux, served as a representative of pennsylvania between and . and perhaps the most distinguished, george mifflin dallas, of scottish ancestry, served in various positions in his long civic career, among them mayor of philadelphia, senator, vice president of the united states under president james k. polk, and minister to britain and russia. anti-catholic and anti-immigrant sentiments permeated local politics. in a nativist society formed in germantown, and two years later the american republican party was established with a platform of curtailing immigration and appointment of american-born citizens to office. nativists drew support from workers and artisans who feared that immigrants threatened the security of their jobs. in july the city saw one of its most violent anti-catholic riots, resulting in twenty dead and the burning of a few churches and private homes of irish residents. philadelphia elites valued temperance and protestantism but civic order occupied higher degree of concern. they wanted to eliminate social unrest, particularly of those associated with labor, for fear of impacting business and commerce. as the party’s influence waned in the second part of the s, anti-immigration and anti-catholic sentiments were rekindled with an increase of immigration in and due to political instability in europe. it led to the formation of secret societies, which turned into the know-nothing party in the early s. in , the societies formed the american party and selected millard fillmore for the presidency. he carried only maryland in the election, bringing an end to the party. the riots of demonstrated the inadequacy of the city’s police force in maintaining public order. eli kirk price, a state senator, and matthias baldwin and william c. patterson, state congressmen fought for the consolidation of all the counties and boroughs of philadelphia county under the city’s government. the act that was approved in , conferred executive power to the mayor and considerable control over the police department and civic administration. it also placed the districts dominated by democrats under the city’s whig control. industry, real estate speculation, and mercantile ventures created a number of wealthy individuals by the s. among them were merchant richard ashhurst, druggist george w. carpenter, physician james rush, banker francis m. drexel, and noel ignatiev, how the irish became white (new york: routledge, ). joseph harrison, jr., a mechanical engineer. wealth, however, did not assure embrace by the city’s elites. family lineage proved more valuable than wealth. engulfed in unprecedented social transformation, an accelerated industrialization and urbanization, and a rise of new wealth, philadelphia elites were compelled to increase the membership of their exclusive institutions and form new ones to answer the growing needs of their strata. by the s the dancing assemblies customarily drew crowds of a few hundred guests, mostly from philadelphia but occasionally from other major cities such as boston, new york, and baltimore. however, the list of managers from the late s and early s reads like those of the colonial elites: cadwalader, willing, ingersoll, waln, biddle, swift, rawle, vaux, and shippen. old wealth gave in to expansion of membership but did not relinquish power and status. in philadelphia, breed and ancestry led the hierarchy of status. it was known that wealthy philadelphians evaluated their peers by their “social status, their business, their trustworthiness, [and] their clubbability.” new clubs accommodated the elite’s social and recreational needs when they retired to their country estates. william wister was among the few who attempted to teach his friends cricket on his estate in germantown. wealthy philadelphians initially snubbed the game, which was introduced by english mill workers in the eighteenth century, but it gained popularity when affluent english merchants founded the union cricket club in . the formation the bachelor assembly of had between four to five hundred attendees. cornelius weygandt, philadelphia folks: ways and institutions in and about the quaker city (port washington, n.y.: kennikat press, ), x. of the junior cricket club at the university of pennsylvania, the philadelphia cricket club, and the germantown cricket club followed. however, the clubs’ popularity declined as rapidly as it rose probably because it could not maintain an exclusive appeal. the germantown cricket club took an unprecedented measure when it welcomed both gentlemen and sons of english weavers to its facilities. the lack of costly equipment made it affordable for them to join. when cricket failed as a leisure pastime, rowing emerged as an acceptable alternative. glossy boats, fancy uniforms, and extravagant regattas accommodated the need for display and exclusivity. in the university barge club was founded complete with its own restored farm house above west river drive. membership had to be approved unanimously and was most exclusive. upon entering a boat everyone was required to wear uniform that “would bring a smile to the face of any one of you had you seen it in all its grotesqueness and absurdity.” it included white sailor’s shirt and pants, white broad leather belt with large metal letters “u.b.c.”, straw hat with long ribbon ends carrying the same letters, and a jacket with brass buttons. the outfit might have been a class indicator, but by no means accommodated the sport the wearers were to perform. only the philadelphia and the germantown clubs survived beyond the s. by the s, the major cricket clubs in philadelphia adopted tennis as a primary sport. the social class of fourteen charter members of the philadelphia cricket club included ten upper-class members but it also comprised of three middle-class members and one of lower class origin. see: j. thomas jable, “social class and the sport of cricket in philadelphia, - ,” journal of sport history, (summer, ): . john b. thayer, “the early years of the university barge club of philadelphia,” pennsylvania magazine of history and biography, ( ): . elites tended to settle among peers of similar religious background. george e. thomas argues that the pattern of settlement and the concentration of denominational churches in certain demographical areas correlated class with religious affiliation. he shows that in a span of two decades prior to the civil war, thirty new episcopal congregations were formed within five blocks of rittenhouse square, a noted elite area. north of market street, typically avoided by city elite society, they were outnumbered six to one, while methodist and baptist churches mainly appeared near factory districts. most of antebellum philadelphia’s elite population was affiliated with the american version of the church of england, keeping allegiance to their ancestry’s origin. they resided within certain city blocks, south of market street between chestnut and pine streets. the wealthy sorts who lived north along arch street did not belong to the city’s elites. harriet martineau who observed the emergence of caste in the city pointed out that girls in different sections never met each other because “the fathers of the arch street ladies having made their fortunes, while the chestnut street ladies owed theirs to their grandfathers.” george e. thomas, “architectural patronage and social stratification in philadelphia between and ,” in the divided metropolis: social and spatial dimensions of philadelphia, - , eds. william w. cutler iii and howard gillette, jr. (westport, connecticut: greenwood press, ), . the most affluent belonged to the quaker and anglican religions. see: theodore thayer, “town into city,” in philadelphia, . miller assets it for new york but it can be extended to the major cities in the northeast. douglas t. miller, jacksonian aristocracy: class and democracy in new york, - (new york: oxford university press, ), . harriet martineau, society in america, vol. iii, part iii, chapter i, section i,"caste" http://www .pfeiffer.edu/~lridener/dss/martineau/v p c s .html accessed on: march , . as the number of wealthy individuals steadily increased, a leisure industry emerged that intended to provide relief from the sweltering city summers. cape may, located in a comfortable distance of nine hours by a steamer or three hours by locomotive (in ), became a popular location in the s and s. nine large modern hotels gained popularity for their splendor and location. another attractive destination, atlantic city, boasted a two-mile promenade where ladies could showcase their elegant dresses on an afternoon walk. bristol, a quaint delaware town, lured visitors with cool breezes and the placid waters of its nearby river. obligatory locations for the fashionable elites in mid-century were the hot springs. philadelphians frequented saratoga springs in new york, newport in rhode island, and nearby yellow springs in chester county, pennsylvania. affluent vacationers brought extravagant parties and wealthy display. at a saratoga springs party in august , “some of the costumes could not be surpassed for costliness of material and exquisite designs… mrs. rush of philadelphia, wore a scarf of rich lace worth its weight in – gold will not answer here – its weight in diamonds. the jet and jewels upon her bosom seemed absolutely sparkling for a description of cape may in the middle of the nineteenth century see: edward strahan, ed. a century after, picturesque glimpses of philadelphia and pennsylvania including fairmount, the wissahickon, and other romantic localities, with the cities and landscapes of the state: a pictorial representation of scenery, architecture, life, manners, and character (philadelphia: allen, lane & scott and j. w. lauderbach, ), - . mrs. manigault in her letter to mrs. du pont wrote in the summer of that the “brilliant ladies of philadelphia” are in bristol. see: low, “the youth of ,” . miller points that saratoga springs was at its highest popularity in the s when elites from the north and south frequented its hotels. newport surpassed it by the late s as the center of fashion. see: miller, jacksonian aristocracy, - . carol shiels roark, “historic yellow springs, the restoration of an american spa,” pennsylvania folklife, (autumn ): - . through a wreath of mist.” thomas a. chambers argues that the springs supported a “national aristocracy” that attempted to create a culture based on economic success and moral and cultural superiority. their class experience articulated status in a contested space between old and new money. however, the springs and the ocean resorts may have also been an extension of a culture shaped by regional settings. the resorts’ public spaces may have been used as a stage to assert predominance in front of an eager, large audience whose sole purpose was to follow their betters in curiosity. the pompous arrival of the wealthy in their elegant carriages, rich attire, fine jewelry, and selective company sufficed to attract plenty of attention. the resorts provided an opportunity for elites of north and south to mingle, network, and exchange the latest news from distant regions about individuals’ fortune or misfortune. the idea of a creation of a “national aristocracy” prior to the civil war may be questioned on the grounds of nascent political differences. a southern gentleman, mr. jones from savannah, georgia, who spent his summers in newport, rhode island, declared “that there was no such thing as good society in new york or other northern cities; that new yorkers and northern people were simply a lot of tradespeople, having no antecedents, springing up like the mushroom.” ellet, the queens of american society, - . thomas a. chambers, drinking the waters: creating an american leisure class at nineteenth-century mineral springs (washington, d.c.: smithsonian institution press, ), xviii-xx. ward mcallister, society as i have found it (new york: cassell pub. co., ), - , - . city entertainment flourished particularly in the second quarter of the nineteenth century. the theater, circus, public lectures, vaux hall garden’s gatherings, tours of apollonian gallery, or a visit to peale’s museum provided leisure venues. the opening of the musical fund hall in served as center of culture, but the american academy of music, which opened in with large and elegant interiors for spacious audience of , , superseded all other city venues for opera, concert, and ball events. those who attended the opera at the academy of music demonstrated their cultivation for the arts and exhibited their exquisite fashions and jewelry. beyond the city limits activities such as riding, walking, and bathing were favorite pastimes in mild weather, while sleighing and skating could be enjoyed during the winter months. the entertainment of rural pennsylvanians often centered on their agricultural occupations. agricultural fairs were held in various counties, where locals competed for the best crops in various categories as well as in baked goods, preserves, and crafts. in the beginning of the nineteenth century the influence of the separate-sphere ideology had emerged as a result of a division of physical location of work that heightened gender difference. it located women within the domestic environment as low, “the youth of ,” . in william h. holstein won the prizes for the best tomatoes and quinces while his wife received an award for the best peach butter. see: “montgomery county agricultural society,” the norristown herald and free press, october , . barbara welter was the first to analyze domesticity and link it to women’s appropriate sphere. welter and historians who followed her footsteps in the s analyzed white middle-class women. see: barbara welter, “the cult of true womanhood: - ,” american quarterly, (summer, ): - and reprinted in barbara welter, dimity convictions: the american woman in the nineteenth century (athens: ohio university press, ) and ann braude, radical spirits: spiritualism and women's rights in nineteenth-century america (boston, mass.: beacon press, ). emphasizing the separate sphere moral and educational influence and the proper caretakers of the household. alexis de tocqueville observed in that the americans applied the “principles of political economy… by carefully dividing the duties of man from those of woman, in order the great work of society may be the better carried on.” he also pointed that “whilst they have allowed the social inferiority of woman to subsist, they have done all they could to raise her morally and intellectually to the level of man.” and although barbara bodichon, an english supporter of women’s rights, noted in that “there is in america, a large class of ladies who do absolutely nothing,” a different picture is revealed on a closer inspection. the responsibility for the upkeep of a household required managerial skills to oversee the work of servants, plan budgets, and produce elegant parties for tens, sometimes hundreds of guests. daily interactions between masters and servants often produced discontent for all involved. most employers perceived their servants as intellectually inferior and loathed the tiresome task of training them. many complied with mediocre service for fear of hiring an even inferior replacement. sidney george fisher refused his servant’s request for a raise and confided in his diary that he “would not keep him at all only that i fear to get a worse… [the servants’] stupidity, insubordination, impudence, & incompetency are unbearable. poor bet is harassed by them to such an extent that she is almost tempted to give up ideology: carroll smith rosenberg, “the female world of love and ritual: relations between women in nineteenth-century america,” signs ( ): - , argued that the domestic sphere was a nurturing environment for women. alexis de tocqueville, democracy in america, ed. richard d. heffner, th ed. (new york: the new american library, ), , . douglas t. miller, jacksonian aristocracy: class and democracy in new york, - (new york: oxford university press, ), . housekeeping & go to a hotel, much as she values home.” entertaining demanded not only great attention to detail but also social skills. a successful party required a splendid meal, an amiable atmosphere, and respected company. a rewarding evening reflected on the husband, and a wife would invest great effort into pleasing her visitors and leave an impression of an effortless undertaking. the mistresses of large estates carried heavier burdens than those of modest households. henry c. fisher’s mansion, brookwood, included a stable with ten to twelve horses, a greenhouse, conservatory, grapery, and gate lodges. daily dinners, served by two waiters, consisted of three to four courses in addition to elaborate desserts prepared by a french cook. maintenance of his farm cost between forty and fifty thousand dollars annually. his uncle privately pondered: it is impossible to have such an establishment in this country without a vast deal of trouble, without devoting to its management a great deal of thought that might be better employed. sarah ann does all this. she has much energy & seems to like it, but i think she would be better pleased if she had less to do. those with lesser responsibility grew frustrated with their chores. elizabeth morris, the daughter of an old colonial family, sounded her frustration to her male friend in the mid- s: all out of doors looks wintery and dreary, and in the house woman’s work must continue for some time to engross every faculty so completely, that it wainwright, a philadelphia perspective, . wainwright, philadelphia perspective, . will be more by good luck than good arrangement if i lose not the little brains i have, and degenerate into a complete household drudge. historians have shown that while women seemingly accepted their gender role, they did not comply with its constraints, and found means to act publicly in ways that neither compromised their own nor their husbands’ social status. publicly, elite women assumed leadership positions in benevolent work that fitted their status, wealth, and connections. they commanded several of the city’s private institutions in the aid of destitute women and children, extending their nurturing role into the public sphere. their seemingly independent managerial role had been typically limited by a male board of trustees who controlled the funds of these establishments. one of the socially prominent women, elizabeth e. hutter, was among the founding members of the northern home for friendless children in and an accomplished president of its board of managers for over a quarter of a century. decades later she would return and serve as the president of the unsuccessful newboys’ aid elizabeth morris to william darlington, november , , william darlington manuscripts, new york historical society library; quoted in branson, these fiery frenchified dames, . both mary ryan and rosalind rosenberg demonstrate that women did not accept the notion that their home was the boundary of their world: mary ryan, the cradle of the middle class: the family in oneida county, new york, - (new york: cambridge university press, ). rosalind rosenberg, beyond the separate spheres: intellectual roots of modern feminism (new haven: yale university press, ). historians have proved that women extended the boundaries of their sphere and acted publicly in the eighteenth century. some of the works include: paula baker, “the domestication of politics: women and american political society, - ,” american historical review, (june ): - . joan r. gundersen, to be useful to the world: women in revolutionary america, - (new york: prentice hall international, ). tina stewart brakebill, "circumstances are destiny": an antebellum woman's struggle to define sphere (kent, ohio: kent state university press, ). mary kelley, learning to stand and speak: women, education, and public life in america's republic (chapel hill: published for the omohundro institute of early american history and culture, williamsburg, virginia, by the university of north carolina press, ). association. women also gravitated to charities that involved religious affiliation. julia rush served as the second director of the orphans’ society for ladies associated with the presbyterian church. privileged jews such as mrs. henry cohen, mrs. e. simpson, mrs. e. j. etting, and rebecca and louisa gratz served on the board of managers in the jewish foster home. occasionally, family members raised interest in a particular project among their relatives. mr. james lawrence claghorn, a leading businessman and banker, was a trustee of the home for the friendless children along with c. eugene claghorn. louise e. claghorn and mrs. j. r. claghorn were both members of its board of managers. charity provided a moral cause, but women were also enthusiastic about saving buildings that significantly related to the nation’s past. mount vernon, one of the first preservation projects in the united states, marked women’s initial involvement in shaping public memory. the project was the brainchild of a south carolinian socialite louise dalton bird cunningham, who urged her daughter ann pamela cunningham in late after seeing the deteriorating building: "the thought passed through my mind: why was it the women of his country did not try to keep it in repair, if the men could not do it?" cunningham’s intention to provide a goal for her daughter, bedridden for twenty-one years after a riding accident, paved the way for a national undertaking. the work of the mount vernon ladies' association had expanded to include northern women on behest of northern newspapers. under the direction of the pennsylvania vice regent, “ann pamela cunningham, phoebe apperson hearst, and frances payne bolton,” http://www.smithsonianmag.si.edu/smithsonian/issues /feb /mall.html accessed january , . ms. lily macalester, women organized in clubs and set collection boxes in public places, including independence hall, where george washington had been appointed commander in chief of the continental army in . leading men in the city censured the activity “because it was a women’s effort, and they disapproved of women mixing in public affairs.” their hostility ended when the women raised ten thousand dollars for the association. the women hoped that a memory of unity, when colonists banded against a common foe under george washington, would convince the increasingly estranged sections to overcome their differences. in april , when a group of congress members and civic and military officials visited mount vernon with their wives, cunningham doubted that her project could inspire a political compromise. she wrote to one of her vice regents: “all seemed to enjoy the excursion, i trust the good effect of it will be confined to washington city. time will tell whether my hopes (which induced all this daring on my part) are delusive.” privileged philadelphians developed genteel culture to convey exclusivity and status. they provided their boys with outstanding education and the connections and opportunities that would enable them to remain within the social circle in which they were brought up. women, whose future depended on their marriage, did not lead life of karal ann marling, george washington slept here: colonial revivals and american culture, - (cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, ), . historical sketch of ann pamela cunningham “the southern matron” founder of “the mount vernon ladies’ association” (new york: printed for the association, ), . ignorance. they followed current affairs closely, read literary and philosophical manuscripts, and managed their husband’s vast estates. precarious economic and political circumstances often caused the loss or gain of wealth and fortune. philadelphia elites emphasized their families’ names as an indicator of status and stability at a time when their civic and political dominance was threatened by social unrest due to increased urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. they attempted to create a memory that would emphasize consensus with the revolution and downplay radical figures such as thomas paine and patrick henry. such memory would emphasize hierarchical society, in which the masses follow educated and virtuous leaders like themselves. women interested in memory started with the preservation of papers and genealogies of their prominent ancestors, typically of the families they married into, not their birth families, as required by social conventions. with their involvement in the mount vernon project they hoped to avert the impending regional conflict by uniting the nation behind its revolutionary past. unsuccessful, many joined the war effort eager to stand behind the union cause. chapter civil war: local memory on display early in the morning of april , , the first shots fired at fort sumter indicated that political compromises had given way to a full-fledged military conflict. union supporters enthusiastically lent political, military, and material support to the government in order to secure victory. serious political differences not only plagued the warring sides but also caused internal conflicts, particularly in philadelphia, where many members of the privileged classes identified with the democratic party. during the war, when fierce battles resulted in heavy casualties and endless suffering, the memory of consensus had gained popularity as a representation of an ideal period. northerners evoked the memory of the american revolution as a time of cooperation that transcended economic, cultural, and geographic boundaries for the creation of a democratic nation. the revolutionary memory was central to the work of affluent republican men and women who volunteered to make the lives of soldiers more bearable. anna morris holstein, who nursed soldiers in the field hospitals of the army of philadelphia’s lawyers, merchants, and manufacturers, among them charles j. biddle, edward ingersoll, richard vaux, and j. francis fisher supported the democratic platform. see: gary b. nash, first city: philadelphia and the forging of historical memory (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), . russell weigley argues that the democratic campaign of , when james buchanan won percent of the city’s vote, was a rebuke of the antislavery party and its antislavery stance. he concludes that republicans did not advance their cause in the s in the city. see: russell f. weigley, nicholas b. wainwright, and edwin wolf, eds., philadelphia: a -year history (new york: w. w. norton & co., ), , . the potomac, had an acute sense of a unified history during the war and in her later published memoir. philadelphia elite women who assisted the war effort through the city’s offices of the united states sanitary commission (ussc) also constructed memory of consensus whereby prominent women led by martha washington occupied central stage. one of the major fund-raising events held in philadelphia, the great central fair, was a locus for the construction of colonial, revolutionary, and civil war memories. historians have argued that the civil war was a watershed for women’s public work. women also found opportunities to fashion a national past that placed revolutionary women and domesticity on equal footing with major revolutionary leaders. by so doing they empowered themselves as the authority in construction of the national historical narrative. in the few years that preceded the civil war the city of philadelphia had vastly grown. the act of consolidation of february , incorporated the large populations of adjacent townships and boroughs under the city’s jurisdiction. in the s philadelphia was the nation’s second largest city, surpassed only by new york in elizabeth leonard and jane e. schultz argue that women expanded their sphere through nursing. the opportunity to practice medicine had helped to alter attitudes toward the nursing profession. elizabeth d. leonard, yankee women: gender battles in the civil war (new york: w. w. norton & company, ); jane e. schultz, women at the front: hospital workers in civil war america (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ). jeanie attie argues that it was the first american war where women expected their work to affect their political rights. see: jeannie attie, patriotic toil: northern women and the american civil war (ithaca, n.y.: cornell university press, ), , . judith giesberg perceives women’s work for the unites states sanitary commission as a link between antebellum voluntarism and temperance and suffrage movements. judith giesberg, civil war sisterhood: the u.s. sanitary commission and women's politics in transition (boston: northeastern university press, ). population, commerce, finance, and manufacturing. entrepreneurs such as samuel merrick, matthias baldwin, and alfred jenks pioneered production of metal and metal products in their foundries in the s and s. their use of steam in production expanded their enterprises and attracted more capital than older industry. elite city capital was drawn to build transport networks that linked the philadelphia with chicago via pittsburgh by a railroad system by . new transportation encouraged commerce and opened distant areas to development and expansion. by , eighteen street railways operated in the city, reaching the most heavily populated areas. politically, great numbers of the city’s wealthiest families supported the south and opposed abolitionism due to commercial ties and social connections. baldwin locomotives and philadelphia carriages and wagons were in use in many parts of the south. southerners engaged in business in the city trading their cotton where it was much in demand for the textile industry. the support proved so solid that in the s the republicans did not gain additional followers in the city. two years later republicans managed to replace the democratic mayor richard vaux with alexander henry and philip scranton, proprietary capitalism: the textile manufacture at philadelphia, - (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), . thomas c. cochran, “philadelphia: the american industrial center, - ,” the pennsylvania magazine of history and biography, (july ): . weigley, philadelphia, - , . urban growth in america between and depended on manufacturing, not commerce. by all cities had manufacturing with diverse production methods. see: zane l. miller, the urbanization of modern america: a brief history (new york: harcourt brace jovanovich, ), . frank h. taylor, philadelphia in the civil war, - (philadelphia: the city, ), - . defeat four of the city’s democratic congressmen. in the federal election, however, democrats had the upper hand. democratic elected representative of philadelphia charles john biddle, son of nicholas biddle, president of the second bank of the united states, and nephew of congressman richard biddle, served as congressman from to . while acting as a member of the u.s. house of representatives, he opposed the overturning of the fugitive slave act and the second confiscation act that freed slaves from their owners. once war broke out and massive military mobilization mounted, a spontaneous desire to contribute engulfed the republican public. anna morris holstein, a thirty- seven-year old resident of upper merion, pennsylvania, shared this “irresistible impulse to do, to act. anything but idleness.” the excitement caused people in the nearby town of norristown to crowd the streets following the news of the u.s. army major robert anderson’s surrender at fort sumter. they immediately organized a public meeting where an effigy of a traitor, possibly jefferson finis davis, was hanged from the gallows to the sound of the town’s brass band march in support of the union. it was the departure of the fourth regiment of pennsylvania volunteers that stirred the local democrats of old families included charles ingersoll, william b. reed (prominent former whig), george m. wharton, and benjamin h. brewster. for a political map of philadelphia in the decade that preceded the civil war see: weigley, philadelphia, - , - , - . mrs. h. three years in field hospitals of the army of the potomac (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & co. ): ; anna morris holstein, “women of montgomery county in war time,” historical sketches of the montgomery county historical society, vol. (norristown, pennsylvania: published by the society, ), - ; linus pierpont brockett and mary c. vaughan, woman's work in the civil war: a record of heroism, patriotism and patience (philadelphia: zeigler, mccurdy, ), . “the war excitement in norristown – public meeting,” national defender, april, , p. . public meetings in support of the union were organized in nearby towns as well. see: “meeting in norritonville,” national defender, may, , p. . women into action. although the swedeland aid society had been organized through her church, holstein chose to join the society that was formed in her own village. aid societies proliferated on both sides during the war; historians estimate that ten thousand were created in the first year alone. the overwhelming eagerness to help in war relief often left women disorganized and bewildered as katherine prescott wormeley, a war nurse from new york, observed - “women mustered in churches, school-houses, and parlors, working before they well knew at what to work, and calling everywhere for instructions. what were they to make? where were they to send?” holstein and her neighbors organized with the objective of non-consumption and patriotic display without delay. on april , , she assumed a position of vice president of the upper merion aid society. the society’s members took an immediate action. on their first meeting they resolved to …devote their utmost energies to aid and encourage the brave men who have gone to meet a treacherous and rebellious foe; that no new bonnets should be procured or dresses purchased while the war continued, excepting calico; while the money these articles would cost should be used in our army aid society.” “resolved, that our union colors, emblematic of our national flag, should be worn by us until peace was re-established.” a tiny silk flag was placed upon the left shoulder, or arranged among loops of ribbon in front of hat or bonnet. schultz, women at the front, . katherine prescott wormeley, the other side of war: with the army of the potomac; letters from the headquarters of the united states sanitary commission during the peninsular campaign in virginia in , rd ed., (boston: roberts brothers, ), . alice lees eastwick, history of christ church (old swedes) upper merion, - (upper merion, pennsylvania, ), . holstein, “women of montgomery county in war time,” . in order to establish a continuous source of funds, they resorted to a measure inspired by patriotic colonial women – they resolved to avoid purchasing any apparel except inexpensive calico until the end of the war. the funds saved would be donated for the war effort. colonial women had joined non-importation agreements as a protest against the stamp act in and the townshend duties in . by boycotting british goods and producing their own homespun attire leading society women politicized their mundane domestic duties and consumerism. the calico, an imported british fabric during the colonial period, linked upper merion aid society women’s decision to the colonists. the upper merion women had probably mistaken it for homespun cotton due to its wide use in the colonial and early republic periods and because of its original unfinished quality. the aid society women demonstrated their union support with thrift and domesticity. they curtailed their spending and symbolically agreed to obtain articles that recalled a homespun look. upper merion women did not need to limit their consumption in order to raise funds for their organization. the members could have easily provided for its solvency by karin wulf, not all wives: women of colonial philadelphia (ithaca: cornell university press, ), . colonists did not produce it readily, but rather purchased or exchanged their own homespun wool for the more desirable printed calico. when britain amended its sugar act of with the american revenue act of , calico was among the products included in the levy. admittedly, a revolutionary soldier, john hewson, established a calico printing workshop in philadelphia, in , but neither its size nor its productivity could be considered a major american industrial enterprise at the time. evidence of fabric exchange can be found in: laurel thatcher ulrich, the age of homespun: objects and stories in the creation of an america myth (new york: alfred a. knopf, ), . for the development of the production of printed fabrics in philadelphia during the revolution and the early republic period see: thomas j. scharf, and thompson westcott. history of philadelphia, - . vol. ii (philadelphia: l. h. everts & co., ), - . personal donations or through fundraising activities. on their first meeting they contributed a large sum and on the following day two members singlehandedly collected five hundred and thirty five dollars – estimated at over ten thousand dollars in – from upper merion residents. their anti-consumption act had been a political demonstration of union support, which they had linked to astute revolutionary women. in wearing calico throughout the war, they sought to uphold the values of their predecessors – domesticity, simplicity, self-sacrifice and patriotism – at time of a national crisis. they also deemed the preservation of the union essential to the protection of the revolution’s legacy. overwhelmingly, historians have shown that northern women teamed up in local and state organizations to help the war but have not noticed that women related their actions to revolutionary historical discourse. through the symbolic non-purchase act the upper merion women intended to establish continuity between themselves and their colonial predecessors and attribute historical significance to their local organization. equally important was the women’s decision to wear a silk american flag throughout the war. it resembled the act of philadelphia women in the s who wore sashes, cockades, and turbans at public affairs to show their support of the french revolutionaries. men and women have long expressed their political identity through their holstein, “women of montgomery county in war time,” . some of the studies are: attie, patriotic toil, ginsberg, civil war sisterhood, elizabeth d. leonard, yankee women: gender battles in the civil war (new york: w. w. norton & company, ), matthew j. gallman, mastering wartime: a social history of philadelphia during the civil war (new york: cambridge university press, ). clothes. the union flag selected by the upper merion women was a visible statement of republican support. holstein’s testimony in that – “the [flag] which i wore continuously throughout the war is still preserved among war relics in our home. as far as i know among those with whom i was most intimately associated the members of upper merion army aid continued true to their pledge” demonstrates that the women faithfully demonstrated their republican support even after the emancipation proclamation. the officers of the aid society - eliza h. roberts, president, anna morris holstein, vice president, and sarah h. tyson, secretary – were all locally prominent women due to their husbands’ occupations. roberts’ late husband, jonathan roberts, had served in both houses of the state legislature and acted as a u.s. senator from to . tyson was her daughter. holstein, wife of a farmer from a prominent local family, had gained considerable recognition and valuable experience in raising funds when she joined the mount vernon ladies’ association in . as the lady manager for montgomery county she participated in a successful effort to acquire george washington’s estate for preservation. holstein’s first public role marked her interest in the commemoration of structures of revolutionary significance. she might have been instrumental in the aid society’s decision to adopt the symbolic non-purchase rule and the wearing of the union flag. for a discussion of philadelphia women and their display of support of the french revolution see: susan branson, these fiery frenchified dames women and political culture in early national philadelphia (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), , , - . holstein, “women of montgomery county in war time,” . during the first months of the civil war holstein stayed with her husband, william hyman holstein, on their upper merion farm and collected items for soldiers’ benefit through the aid society. her experience, she emphasized, was “blended as it is, (and should be) so intimately with [the experience] of my husband”. with her parenthesized remark holstein disclosed her traditional view of woman’s gendered role, acknowledged man’s leading role within the family and affirmed ascribed gender differences. the holsteins were dedicated members of the christ (swedes) church in bridgeport, pennsylvania – an episcopalian institution formed with the help of william holstein’s ancestors. in the summer of , lincoln called for three hundred thousand volunteers when the peninsula campaign of general john pope near washington d.c. failed and confederate forces advanced into maryland. the forty-six-year-old william hyman holstein joined the seventeenth regiment of the pennsylvania militia organized at the call of governor andrew gregg curtin on september th . on the same day thousands of wounded soldiers who required vital medical care were scattered on the fields of sharpsburg following the bloodiest single-day battle in the nation’s history, the battle of antietam. an urgent appeal for nurses and supplies quickly followed. holstein did not accompany her husband and the six montgomery county women who volunteered to brockett, woman’s work in the civil war, . william holstein bequeathed money in his will to the church’s fund and ordered that $ , will be added annually to the rector of the church in perpetuity. see: william h. holstein, will, registered wills file no. . the montgomery county court, norristown, pennsylvania. nurse the wounded even though half of them were married and intended to travel without their husbands. nursing presented medical, physical, and moral difficulties. opponents of female nurses – particularly male doctors – insisted that women would not have the strength to lift patients, would volunteer with intention of finding mates, and would inevitably be exposed to the naked male body. they also believed that women were naturally frivolous and would not keep their composure at the sight of blood; instead, they would react with hysterics or fainting since their delicate nature would not be resilient enough to sustain their composure. these were serious considerations because they targeted the core of femininity and threatened women’s morality. holstein’s mother, who repeatedly commented on her daughter’s volunteerism with “i hope, my child, it will not be in the hospitals”, alluded to her own disapproval of such work. in the context of the battlefield, nursing was unfit for a respectable woman. it put women in a position of power, treating helpless men in a masculine environment. holstein acquiesced to the prevailing gender ideology that described women as frail creatures, who themselves required protection, when she initially rejected nursing. her recollection - “the idea of seeing and waiting upon wounded men, was one from which i shrank instinctively” the married women were rachel p. evans, anna carver, and alice hallowell holstein, holstein’s sister in law. theodore w. bean, ed. history of montgomery county pennsylvania, illustrated, (philadaelphia: everts & peck, ), . e. clark, “hospital memories,” atlantic monthly (august ): - . george worthington adams, doctors in blue: the medical history of the union army in the civil war (baton rouge: louisiana state university, ), . see also: leonard, yankee women, xxii. nina silber, daughters of the union: northern women fight the civil war (cambridge, mass.: harvard university press, ), . brockett, woman’s work in the civil war, . promptly demonstrated her version of femininity. nina silber argues that northern women upheld traditional ideas of womanhood and gender hierarchy but felt compelled to help the war effort. holstein eventually relented: but when my husband returned from the battle-field of antietam, whither the six women had gone, with the sad story that men were dying for food, home comforts and home care, lying by the road-side, in barns, sheds and out-houses, i hesitated no longer. she consented to undertake the challenge only upon learning of the urgent need for nurses and, perhaps more importantly, her husband’s plea. however, she expressed the soldiers’ need for female domestic tasks of “home comfort” and “home care”. holstein rationalized her work in the battlefield by asserting these as an extension of her domestic tasks. the pressing need for work only women could perform was precisely the reason for her public involvement. holstein embarked on her nursing duties in september with prudent foresight. she sought an interview with the united states sanitary commission (ussc) to establish her official placement. it was an essential step for any respectable woman who chose to assist the military. katherine prescott wormeley held firm opinions about h., three years in field hospitals, . silber, daughters of the union, - . bean, ed., history of montgomery county, pennsylvania, . for a close versions of this see: h. three years in field hospitals, ; brockett, woman’s work in the civil war, . the significance of a relative’s judgment is also evident in marry gardner holland’s account, an unmarried civil war nurse who emphasizes her mother’s approval: “well, my daughter, if you can go under government protection, your mother is willing.” see: mary a. gardner holland, our army nurses: interesting sketches, addresses, and photographs of nearly one hundred of the noble women who served in hospitals and on battlefields during our civil war (boston: b. wilkins & co. publishers, ), . the issue: “no lady should attempt to come here unless accepted or appointed by the government or the commission. ardent women with a mission should not come in any other way, if they value their own respectability.” women who independently offered their help came under attack for their doubtful character and questionable motives. dorothea dix, the superintendent for army nurses, devised strict guidelines for the hiring of nurses: “no woman under thirty years need apply to serve in the government hospitals. all nurses are required to be very plain-looking women. their dresses must be brown or black, with no bows, no curls, or jewelry, and no hoop skirts.” dix’s demands created dignified space for women in military hospitals and legitimized volunteering for privileged women. holstein was interviewed and appointed in washington d.c. before she arrived at antietam in the beginning of october . holstein proved adept to the arduous work of caring for a large group of patients with limited supplies and minimal means to alleviate pain. she never ceased to link the war to the revolution, justifying the suffering and the large number of casualties as a means to protect the union fiercely fought for during the revolutionary war. while serving as a matron of camp letterman, gettysburg, in charge of feeding three thousand soldiers, several local residents recommended hanging a flag on round top to honor the soldiers who “fought and won this great battle for our liberties.” holstein must have communicated the idea to the norristown aid society who routinely furnished her with anna morris holstein, to mrs. harry, army aid society, minute books, letters, ect., letters to army aid society mrs, c. p. harry secretary, montgomery county historical society, norristown, pennsylvania( mchs). wormeley, the other side of the war, . dix’s rule: see: margaret muckenhoupt, dorothea dix: advocate for mental health care (new york: oxford university press, ), . provisions for her patients. shortly thereafter her sister-in-law, alice h. holstein, arrived at the hospital along with mrs. harry, the secretary of the aid society of norristown with an impressive flag that measured twenty four feet long and thirteen feet wide. soldiers from camp letterman prepared and erected a fitting flagstaff for an impressive ceremony. on the morning of october th , , the flag was carried with great fanfare throughout the hospital area and up the hill where addresses were delivered. david wills, a noted local attorney; john f. seymour, the brother of the governor of new york; and henry c. may, a surgeon from the th new york state volunteers addressed the crowd. holstein took great pride in the flag and emphasized that donating it was an act expected of “a circle of patriotic ladies of a township of montgomery county, - the immediate vicinity of ‘valley forge,’ of precious revolutionary memory, - that they would contribute a flag for this purpose.” she believed that knowledge of historic events of a site might shape people’s understanding of their past and affect their conduct. pierre nora argues that memory is not fixed but is being manipulated for the changing needs of the present. its presentation is selective and absolute. holstein’s memory and holstein, “women of montgomery county in war time,” ; anna m. holstein, “the flag on round top, gettysburg,” historical sketches: collection of papers prepared for the historical society of montgomery county pennsylvania ( ): - . holstein does not mention the date of the dedication. for a date see: frank l. klement, “ohio and the dedication of the soldiers' cemetery at gettysburg,” ohio history : at: http://publications.ohiohistory.org/ohstemplate.cfm?action=detail&page= .html&startpage= &end page= &volume= &newtitle=volume% % page% accessed on august , . h. three years in field hospitals of the army of the potomac, . the women of montgomery county include only those of upper merion, bridgeport, and norristown. see: holstein, “women of montgomery county in war time,” . pierre nora, “between memory and history: les lieux de memoire,” representations, special issue: memory and counter memory, (spring ): - . inspiration were politically charged and significantly selective. she perceived the events that occurred at the site as significant episodes in the annals of the american revolution and in the creation of the nation. the civil war intended to preserve the result of the revolutionaries’ sacrifice, which induced the creation of a democratic country, and no state held the right to question the integrity of the union. she upheld george washington as the symbol of unification, a virtuous leader who “could not tell a lie,” an ardent supporter of democracy, and a patriotic commander who remained with his troops throughout the entire revolutionary campaign. while in fredericksburg, virginia in march , holstein dedicated time to visit the mary washington’s grave. she was dismayed to find it “in unfinished state in the outskirts of town.” she proceeded to washington’s house, where she raised her son george, and found it “stands in primitive state” yet unscathed by shelling. she could scarcely hide her awe and bewilderment when she stepped into the historical structure: …a small monument marks the spot where stood the noted cherry-tree cut down by the young washington, the history of which is familiar to every school-boy. i plucked a bough from a tree planted by his own hand, and for a brief moment set in the room where he nightly knelt in prayer by the side of his sainted mother. what a crowd of thoughts come rushing through the brain as one stands upon a spot so consecrated! holstein articulated her feelings in a sentimental and religious manner. she probably read the account written by elizabeth fries ellet that attested that mary washington’s household was “a sanctuary of domestic virtue” where she taught her son duty, mason locke weems, the life of george washington with curious anecdotes (philadelphia: joseph allen, ), . h. “letter from fredericksburg,” norristown herald and free press, march , . obedience, and religious reverence. washington’s image shaped, by the story of the cherry tree and at prayer at valley forge, was considered historical facts by the s. they were first published in a biography authored by supposed clergyman mason l. weems in . although he claimed to embellish some of the stories in a history of the life and death, virtues and exploits of general george washington no one seemed to question the images of the moral and pious leader. the monograph was highly popular and was published in more than forty editions. weems, however, did not emphasize mary washington. holstein constructed a christian imagery of a sainted mother, mary, who raised her moral son in a charitable manner. washington became a leader sent by god to lead the american people into freedom and democracy. in the midst of the turmoil of war, he did not neglect his duty and prayed in solitude among the trees of valley forge, hoping for divine assistance in achieving his goal. the deteriorated condition of mary washington’s grave and home was a metaphor for the painful disunion of the country. holstein shared her anguish on the pages of a local newspaper about the debilitated houses in fredericksburg “so full of historical interest and incidents connected with the memory of the past”, which now stood in ruin from bullets and shelling. sharing her thoughts on the pages of a local norristown newspaper, she reminded readers of mary washington’s significance to the nation’s history and alerted them of the danger of losing noteworthy historical buildings. in her mind, the preservation of sites related to notable revolutionary men was equally elizabeth fries ellet, women of the revolution, vol. i (new york: baker and scribner, ), . for the stories of washington and the cherry tree and the prayer at valley forge see: mason locke weems, a history of the life and death, virtues and exploits of general george washington (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott company, ), - , - . important to those relating to women and could potentially contribute to overcome the differences of the current conflict. a memory of consensus portraying colonial unity could evoke a past of shared cultural and political experiences and reinforce public sentiments. the war brought holstein in contact with african americans. antebellum society was a racist society and free african americans in the north were consistently discriminated against in education, hotels, public accommodations, and transportation. the emancipation proclamation did not change whites’ racial attitudes. wilbert l. jenkins argues that african americans, who were eager to fight in union ranks at the beginning of the war, experienced inequality once they were recruited. despite the deplorable treatment, they fought bravely to contribute to their earned freedom. at port royal, virginia, in , holstein saw many former slaves, who took the opportunity of the advancing union forces, leave their masters. holstein did not share the freedmen’s happiness. she reported that they were observed - “…all along the river banks, rushing down from every plantation and village, with cheers, waving hats, and other demonstrations of pleasure, manifesting their joy at sight of the old flag, which now meant freedom to them.” she termed the event a “strangely exciting scene” – unable to appreciate the meaning of freedom for people who had never known it. wilbert l. jenkins, climbing up to glory: a short history of african americans during the civil war and reconstruction (wilmington, delaware: sr books, ), - . three years in field hospitals of the army of the potomac, - . for an insightful description of the plight of african americans see: jenkins, climbing up to glory, - . the african american soldiers comprised ten percent of the union army but their losses were high - close to a third of all enlisted men. holstein witnessed it in city point. “…four out of every five” – she commented – “were either killed or wounded; yet the men behaved bravely.” more revealing is her reaction to the capture of a large number of confederate soldiers by one african american regiment: eight hundred captured rebels brought in, guarded by a negro regiment – the most humiliating thing to them that could have occurred; the sight was so novel that we all left our tents to look at them, one of our men, recognizing his former owner, ran up with a pleased look to speak to massa charles, but he refused to recognize him, and moved on with the crowd. holstein and her colleagues did not praise the heroic deed of the african american troops who fought courageously without supervision but rather sympathized with the southerners, whom the african americans guarded. in addition, holstein’s criticism of slavery was not based on the mistreatment of slaves or their lifelong bondage. she believed that southerners’ treatment of their slaves had made them indifferent to human pain and, thus, capable of starving their union prisoners. with great anger she wrote: “…distant lands might learn what refinements of cruelty slavery had educated a people!” her perception of the immorality of ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . slavery solely upon the treatment of northern whites may suggest that she believed in the inferiority of african americans. holstein’s attitude toward african americans was no different than that of many northern whites. she was sympathetic to whites, enemy soldiers as they were. however, while appreciating the courage and great sacrifice of african american soldiers, she could not consider them superior to whites, let alone to southerners. her racial sympathy crossed regional boundaries at the expense of racial heterogeneity. when northerners needed additional troops, lincoln’s emancipation proclamation set a political climate that tolerated african americans’ service but did nothing toward their social acceptance. military necessity enabled african americans to demonstrate their character and skills, but those did not suffice to alter whites’ deep-seated racial assumptions. the holsteins served in army hospitals until july , , when the end of the war brought “for the first time in all those long, eventful years, to overtasked mind and wearied body, the perfect rest of home! “ upon their return, holstein gathered all the notes she meticulously wrote during the long nights by candle light and compiled them into a memoir of the war. to remove any suspicion of seeking publicity, an unfit act for a this remark was uttered within the context of the arrival of three hundred starved prisoners from andersonville. evidence of holstein’s direct view of slavery could not be found. for duration of holstein’s service see: “report no. ,” senate committee on pensions, serial , congress - ( - ) vol. ; h. three years in field hospitals, . proper wife, she assured the readers that the notes as well as the book were “slight memento… for friends at home” and signed it as “mrs. h.” an ardent republican, she viewed lincoln’s administration as the “best government the world has ever yet beheld,” and believed that “devotion to the country and the flag” warranted the greatest of sacrifices – “life was at stake, homes deserted, property destroyed, and friends of early, happier years, all given up.” lyde cullen sizer asserts that women’s nursing memoirs emphasized self-sacrifice and pain rather than authority and strength. however, by publishing their work the nurses challenged the separate sphere ideology and received work opportunities. indeed, holstein’s nursing work and published articles and book enabled her to demonstrate her reverence for revolutionary figures, male and female, to call attention to historical preservation, and to showcase her political loyalty and organizational skills. * * * while holstein devoted her time to working in the fields of war, a score of privileged philadelphia elite women worked incessantly to ensure that a steady stream of supplies reached union hospitals. they witnessed the greatest crisis in the history of the nation and could not remain on the sidelines. as wormeley attests - “as men sprang to the prevailing gender ideology located women at the domestic sphere. seeking public role could potentially injure a woman’s reputation. for the premise of the ideology see: barbara welter, “the cult of true womanhood: - ” american quarterly, (summer, ), - h. three years in field hospitals, - , . lyde cullen sizer, the political work of northern women writers and the civil war, - (chapel hill: the university of north carolina, ), . arms, the women rose to find what they should do; nor had they far to seek … it is their right and their place to render to suffering.” the women collectively turned to the philadelphia agency of the united states sanitary commission offices and “volunteered to undertake the work, if the gentlemen of the commission thought proper to place it in their hands.” on march , , the committee on supplies transferred their own department to the women’s pennsylvania branch (wpb) and gave the women a new storage facility. like holstein, they sought public work while acknowledging men’s leadership as befitted their appropriate gender role. the executive committee of the wpb included leading society women such as the vice president mrs. robert m. lewis, whose husband raised over million and a half dollars for the ussc; mrs. william h. furness, the spouse of a prominent abolitionist; mrs. charles janeway stillé, whose attorney spouse would be a recognized author by the end of the war; and elizabeth duane gillespie, the great granddaughter of benjamin franklin. they delivered steady shipments of supplies to regiments by coordinating a large number of associated managers and nearly local organizations. as the war prolonged and the need for additional funds persisted, the pennsylvania women could not ignore the sanitary fairs successfully held in chicago and katherine prescott wormeley, the united states sanitary commission: a sketch of its purpose and its work (boston: little, brown and company, ), - . report of the general superintendent of the philadelphia branch of the united states sanitary commission february st , (philadelphia: king and baird, ), . in their network boasted thirty-nine associate managers in major pennsylvania towns, six in new jersey, three in delaware, and even one in san francisco. list of officers and associates of the united states sanitary commission in philadelphia and the officers and aids of the women’s pennsylvania branch of the united states sanitary commission, january , (philadelphia: king & baird, ), - . boston at the end of . jeanie attie points out that the fairs initiated by northern women were common antebellum fundraising events for benevolent organizations and a variety of reform movements. they typically featured entertainment, restaurants, and ample donated items for sale. the chicago sanitary fair served as a model for the multiple fairs that followed in other urban centers across the northern states. the executive committee of the wpb invited jane c. hoge, who along with mary livermore, managed the great northern fair in chicago. in a meeting held on january th , in philadelphia, hoge shared her experience and encouraged them to hold their own fair. convinced they had acquired sufficient information about staging the event, the executive committee of the wpb urged the male executive committee of the philadelphia branch of the ussc to organize a fair. the men initially refused, but the women exerted their influence through the union league of philadelphia. the league’s members’ promise to secure contributions forced the reluctant sanitary commission to hold the event. in the beginning of the commission announced their plan to hold the great central fair in june due to “outside pressure in this matter which they did not feel at liberty to resist.” the organization of the great central fair commenced with the appointment of an executive committee of twenty leading merchants and manufacturers, presided over by john welsh, one of the principle founders of the union league. they appointed nearly one hundred committees from most fields of industry by drawing upon the contributors to the popular annual exhibitions of manufactured goods sponsored by charles j. stillé, memorial of the great central fair for the u. s. sanitary commission, held at philadelphia, june (philadelphia: u. s. sanitary commission, ), - . “the great fair in philadelphia,” our daily fare, june , , - . the franklin institute. directorship in boards that often organized exhibitions such as the franklin institute, the pennsylvania academy of fine arts, and the pennsylvania horticultural society provided managerial experience and social ties. the executive committee attempted to form corresponding committees of women but found it a “difficult and delicate task.” instead, they selected ten prominent women, designated them as the committee on organization, and left the matter in their hands. the committee included mrs. j. c. stillé, mrs. aubrey h. smith, the wife of a prominent attorney, mrs. henry p. m. birkenbine, whose husband was chief engineer for the philadelphia water department, and mrs. henry cohen, an acknowledged benevolence activist for jewish causes. though the organizers’ goal was to secure funds for the sanitary commission, an undercurrent of competition was apparent when they summed up their objective as attracting visitors “at least equal to that which has attended similar undertakings in other cities.” department committees were required to collect a large number of appealing articles that would attract visitors to their displays and could be easily sold. the sanitary fairs differed from traditional exhibits of trades and commerce by featuring exhibits related to local and national history. the displays promoted a new kind of memory, an idealized version of the past that appealed to northerners living through matthew gallman argues that they relied on antebellum organizational patterns and associational networks. see: gallman, mastering wartime, - . stillé, memorial of the great central fair, - . john welsh et al. ussc philadelphia agency, march , mcallister collection, box , the library company of philadelphia (lcp). the daily consequences of a serious military conflict. the success of the brooklyn and long island fair’s new england kitchen confirmed that a portrayal of tranquil domesticity appealed to fairgoers. the philadelphia restaurant committee may have surmised that guests would enjoy a colonial meal served by women adorned with colonial costumes. guests could sit by the hearth and visualize better times when the daily tasks amounted to spinning wool and baking bread. they organized the pennsylvania kitchen in order to commemorate the life of german settlers, reminding local visitors of the state’s early colonists. the scene was meticulously choreographed with artifacts that celebrated a “happy age before tallow candles had succumbed to gas at three dollars per thousand feet, and government tax added.” a sizeable fireplace figured prominently in the dining room with pots and kettles by the hearth and an old german bible, signaling the protestant faith, by the mantelpiece. next to it stood a cupboard filled with century-old china and a dresser topped with pennsylvania dutch plates. benjamin franklin’s old desk and chair, placed in a prominent position opposite to the fire place, drew attention to the domestic life of the famous philadelphian, while spinning wheels, flax hacking tools and cards, and balls of raw material indicated household production. women dressed in colonial costumes would spin wool, peel apples, and knit stockings in front of the curious crowd. on the walls “grandmother’s picture,” as well as pictures of the “happy family,” “cook at work,” “german reformed dutch church at reading, built in ,” a map of philadelphia from , and a portrait of george washington, linked the domestic ideal “pennsylvania kitchen,” our daily fair, june , . with local and national history. the two muskets hung by the mantle and the copper kettle used by revolutionary soldiers, hinted on consensus in the battle for independence. a commentator concluded that the kitchen “provokes that hearty good feeling… a feeling of home.” the chairwoman of the pennsylvania kitchen sub-committee, mrs. henry p. m. birkinbine, and her team of over twenty members, did not neglect any aspect of the dining experience. from the bare pine tables and a lack of napkins and table cloths to noodle soup, summer wurst, and a variety of baked german goods – all awaited eager diners. the kitchen brings “enjoyableness which more elegant apartments sometimes fail to excite,” commented a visitor who neglected to notice that the space was constructed for display and not for food preparation. the actual cooking took place in a back kitchen equipped with technologically advanced amenities while americans of german descent supplied specialty food throughout the opening period. an additional exhibit staged by the restaurant committee featured the parlor of william penn. it originated in the correspondence between the antiquarian john a. mcallister and the american historian benson j. lossing. similar to the kitchen, penn’s parlor enabled the audience to enter a private space, but in contrast to the customary feminine domain this period room was intended to impress the audience with a domestic masculine space of the state’s founder. in reality, it was a demure room “the pennsylvania kitchen,” the press, june . colionian, “the great central fair,” new york times, june , . jno a. mcallister, philadelphia to mr. lossing, march , benson j. lossing papers, box , hsp. decorated with artifacts gathered by the subcommittees’ chairs, philadelphia attorney eli kirk price and ellen m. price, who did not attempt to recreate penn’s original dwelling. an observer described the exhibit as “true to quaker modest conduct no room [was] allowed for fancy display. all furnishing of the apartment [was] quiet and subdued.” their circular called for heirlooms of “historic interest connected with them from association with any of the prominent men or families of the early settlers of pennsylvania, new jersey, and delaware.” it was possibly the only circular printed with colonial lettering, for added old-fashioned charm, and perhaps the only one to post penn’s portrait as its letterhead instead of the fair’s emblem. realizing the sentimental value of the artifacts solicited, the organizers assured prospective donors that the articles could be returned if owners did not want to part with them. the committee claimed that it intended the exhibit to represent all settlers of the province since individuals of all origins helped the soldiers. yet, price publicly emphasized that: individually many of us are descendants of the early settlers, and have sincere respect and veneration for the character of william penn and his associates, who instituted the government of the infant province… the principles of these governments, state and national, owe their origin to william penn more than to any one who preceded their formation. “principle feature in the memory of great fair,” newspaper clipping, mcallister collection, box , lcp. memorial of the william penn parlor in the great central fair, held in logan square, june , for the benefit of the united states sanitary commission (philadelphia: published for the benefit of the fair), . eli k. price, “william penn parlor,” our daily fare, ; “an epistle to friends,” our daily fare, . figure . circular of the william penn parlor committee the library company of philadelphia price emphasized pennsylvania’s first settlers as the individuals who set the foundation for american governing institutions. by linking fair organizers to the settlers, he established a distinct social hierarchy based on ancestral origins. the exhibit portrayed a peaceful understanding between early pennsylvania settlers and the native american inhabitants. two of penn’s letters to the indians prior to his arrival demonstrated his “desire to win [their] love and friendship by just and peaceable life” while the wampum belt given to him when he made the treaty with the native americans, and a cup presented to him during the event served as additional attested that penn was true to his words. benjamin west’s painting, penn’s treaty with the indians, further reinforced this image. philadelphia’s charter, portraits of penn family members and those of the city’s first two mayors pointed to the origins of the urban center. reminiscence of the city’s central role in the birth of the country was represented in a mantelpiece from carpenter’s hall, where the first continental congress was held in , and chairs from the noteworthy gathering. the exhibitors further emphasized their colonial origin with the display of the great dish of william penn. the plate, owned by the state in schuylkill, was the “most ancient and highly respectable social society existing in the united states.” the catalogue presented a lengthy history of the club and urged visitors to: think of a single white perch carried in state on this great dish by our worthy ancestors, and delivered to the baron with grave decorum and memorial of the william penn parlor in the great central fair, . for more details on the prestigious club see chapter , pp. - . graceful eloquence! the patriots of the revolution were funny fellows, after all! it concluded that the club’s “active successors” – hinting at the fair’s organizers – should hold a similar prominence to that of their ancestors. in the spirit of historic significance, the organizers of the fair used the exhibit as a stage to advocate historic preservation. in local newspapers had raised concern that the slate-roof house, the city residence of penn during his second visit to the city ( - ), was in danger of demolition. members of the historical society of pennsylvania contemplated moving the structure to fairmount park and restoring it as a “unique monument to the memory of the founder of the state.” the committee placed a model of the house in the penn parlor to raise public awareness of the project and help its future funding. the penn parlor exhibit was among the three exhibits that were allowed to feature items intended exclusively for display. all the articles displayed by other exhibits were to be offered for sale and their donors would have willingly donated them. the relics collected for the parlor could be on loan, demonstrating that the fair organizers sought to memorial of the penn parlor, . news clipping in juno a. mcallister, philadelphia, to mr. lossing, april , benson j. lossing papers, box , hsp. the required sum was never collected and the house was demolished in . the other exhibits were organized by the committee of the relics, curiosities, and autographs and the art department. disseminate an agenda beyond patriotic consumerism. the men and women who meticulously selected and arranged the artifacts constructed a commemorative space that portrayed the founding of pennsylvania from their own perspective, out of peaceful consent, by a wise proprietor. subtly, in two different publications, they reminded fairgoers of their link to the colonial past. the message was sanctioned by an observer who speculated that penn’s parlor “will prove one of the great attractions, and having visited most of the other great fairs, i can safely say it has not been surpassed by anything of the kind.” an additional visitor confirmed that it is “a tribute to [penn’s] memory which all who visit this department will delight to recognize.” the fine arts committee, like the creators of the penn parlor, did not aim to portray the development of local or international artistic trends but called for paintings of certain type. a circular signed by joseph harrison, the chairman of the committee, declared that – it is particularly desirable, to obtain for exhibition as many portraits of distinguished philadelphians and pennsylvanians as possible, illustrating the history of our city and state, from the earliest colonial times to more recent periods, as well as portraits of eminent persons of our sister states of new jersey and delaware. elizabeth milroy, “avenue of dreams: patriotism and the spectator at philadelphia’s great central sanitary fair,” in making and remaking pennsylvania’s civil war, eds. william blair and william pencak, (university park, pa.: pennsylvania state university press, ), . colionian, “the great central fair,” ; “principle feature in the memory of great fair,” newspaper clipping, mcallister collection, box , lcp. gary nash points that the penn’s parlor was the first attempt by the historical society of pennsylvania to utilize artifacts in a didactic exhibit to foster public unity. see: gary b. nash, first city: philadelphia and the forging of historical memory (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), . “fine arts committee of great central fair,” mcallister collection, box , lcp. the committee aimed to fashion a historical interpretation that would emphasize patrician ancestors and foster state and local pride. the organizers paid tribute to the native americans as part of portraying historical figures. although they relegated the indian department to the children’s department, their intention was educational. under philanthropist clement b. barclay’s supervision, a group of native american dancers, who had excited audiences with their war dance at the metropolitan fair in new york city, was brought to philadelphia. the large crowd of children they attracted proved that “even the representation of savage life was made to help forward the great cause which all had at heart.” while the native americans’ contribution to the cause was acknowledged, albeit as “savage,” african americans’ effort was ignored. african americans did not hold any leadership role in the fair except for a single member of the labor income and revenue committee. restaurant committee members, however, found them suitable as waiters in their upscale main establishment, groomed and neatly dressed in white jackets and aprons, black pants, and tri-color rosettes. they were relegated to service rather than managerial tasks. for a full description of the work of the art committee see: milroy, “avenue of dreams: patriotism and the spectator at philadelphia’s great central sanitary fair,” pp. - . “plan of great central fair,” sanitary fair – committees, mcallister collection, lcp. stillé, memorial of the great central fair, . organizers listed josiah miller on the committee roll as “colored”, see: stillé, memorial of the great central fair, . women shared responsibilities with their male counterparts but the extent of their work is often difficult to assess. the effort of the ladies’ committee of the relics, curiosities, and autographs department emphasizes that influential women initiated projects independently and contributed greatly to the content of exhibits. in a joint circular of the men’s and women’s committees the chairman, franklin peale, solicited “memorials of the present rebellion, and of the former wars of this country, or any memento of our conquests by land or water.” for his display of american prowess he called for a wide variety of artifacts, from coins to documents to china and manuscripts. he defined relics as “all objects connected with the public or private life of distinguished individuals, of ancient and modern times: and with noted places, periods, and events, in the history of nations and of the world.” the chair of the ladies’ committee, isabella james, an accomplished botanist, offered a more focused approach when she announced that “it is believed that many articles, valuable for their historic associations, (particularly with the times of the revolution,) are in the hands of individuals in the city.” she also advised her potential donors that they might loan their cherished heirlooms if they did not wish to have them sold. eli k. price, the chairman of the william penn parlor committee, stressed quantity in his appeal – not historical context. franklin peale, “circular of the committee on relics, curiosities, and autographs;” mcallister collection, box , lcp. mrs. thomas p. james, “circular of the committee on relics, curiosities, and autographs,” mcallister collection, box , lcp. an obituary of mrs. james states that both she and her husband were botanists. see: “mrs. thomas p. james,” meehan’s’ monthly, xi ( ): . price’s appeal included: “it is believed that there is a sufficient number of such articles in this city and vicinity, to fit up and furnish a room in a manner that will be at once interesting and attractive, and render it prominent feature of the great exhibition” see: “circular of the william penn parlor committee,” mcallister collection, box , lcp. privately, james corresponded with influential acquaintances requesting particular artifacts she knew they had in their possession. j. lacy darlington, the son of william darlington, a recognized botanist and physician and a member of congress, consented to donate two (unspecified) portraits in addition to forty letters from twenty five soldiers and civilians of the revolutionary period. when darlington donated george washington’s letter he expressed his enthusiastic support of the fair: “i would not part with it under any consideration, except for the noble purpose to which i now most cheerfully devote it.” eliza susan quincy, the daughter of josiah quincy, a massachusetts judge who served as the mayor of boston and president of harvard college, could not offer her ailing father’s signature but contributed his photograph with a copy of his autograph. the significance james placed on george washington is evident in light of her decision to create a washington album that would feature mementos related to the revolutionary hero. in order to meet her goal she requested the historian benson j. lossing donate the engravings of his pictorial field book of the revolution. perhaps she hoped that her candid confession would convince him to assent: i make a request as if i did not anticipate a refusal, for everyone to whom i apply have so far acceded at once to my wishes, and i begin to take it as a matter of course that all the world are interested in the fairs for the benefit of the sanitary commission. j. lacey darlington, west chester, to mrs. thomas p. james, april ; eliza susan quincy, boston, to mrs. james, april , united states great central fair, box , hsp. isabella james, philadelphia, to mr. lossing, april . benson j. lossing papers, hsp. lossing promptly refused but her final product was nevertheless impressive. the album contained portraits of washington, an autographed letter by him, a lock of his hair, original manuscript pages from jared sparks’ the life of george washington, fifteen original watercolor paintings of places associated with him, and photographs of interest connected with his name. the album was bound in washington’s colors of crimson and white and decorated with his shield at its center. the presentation of the album was equally imposing – a draped platform held the first president’s portrait and underneath an american eagle with its wings spread looked over the precious volume. at length, edward everett, a whig politician from massachusetts and an orator in gettysburg, won the volume. the album was not the only display of washington by the women of the relics, curiosities, and autographs department. they celebrated him in a special exhibition under the supervision of mrs. john fallon. a lock of his hair, his portraits, busts and sketches decorated the department alongside several domestic articles from mount vernon including his china, sofa and bureau. one of the most impressive items was the revolutionary war quilt pieced by a group of women who lived in martha washington’s house while their husbands volunteered to fight. they used scraps of washington’s shirts and chintz from his mother’s and wife’s dresses. camaraderie, frugality, and the extraordinary circumstances under which the quilt had been produced reinforced that women and not only men were greatly affected by hostilities. the quilt emphasized domesticity in the service of the war and drew attention to female revolutionary actors. “our own great fair,” our daily fare, , . james’s committee effort brought to public display “more washington relics than were ever gathered together north of the potomac.” but theirs was not the only display of past notable figures. to remind visitors of philadelphia’s prominence in the nation’s history, the department chose to display the chair and table on which thomas jefferson drafted the declaration of independence and the chair used by benjamin franklin in the american philosophical society (and by every society president thereafter). franklin was the delegate to the second continental congress chosen by the pennsylvania assembly and later was one of the members who assisted in drafting the constitution. the presence of his articles linked philadelphia to the nation’s foundation and to the single most significant legal document that guides its political system. a vase of marie antoinette’s, the property of mrs. george worley, suggested a link between privileged americans and french nobility. a shell-work monument erected to the memory of general edward dickinson baker who fell in ball’s bluff concluded the history of celebratory individuals with a contemporary representation. an effective aspect of contemporary memory was the initiative of the committee of women of the newspaper editorial corps. they prepared a book of honor, where for one dollar, a soldier who had served in the war, or anyone otherwise active in favor of the union cause, was eligible for inscription. a brief account of his service would illustrate the individual’s deeds. the book was intended to be placed in the philadelphia library for utmost public visibility and for posterity. though a fund-raising initiative, the “the department of relics and curiosities,” ibid., - . “curiosities, relics, and autographs,” the press, june , mcallister collection, box , lcp. “book of honor,” mcallister collection, box , lcp. women’s understanding of commemoration as a process of emphasizing individualism and gaining public recognition was unusual. enabling ordinary people to memorialize their loved ones at a time when only past military and political leaders received recognition was a form of patriotic consumption – the popularization of memory to fund a patriotic cause. a large number of organizers were profoundly aware that their deeds ought to be documented for future generations. isabella james, who also served on the committee of women of the newspaper editorial corps and was responsible for the publication of the fair’s newspaper, wanted to ensure “that the journal shall preserve in as complete a form as possible everything relating to this great event.” the first edition of our daily fare, published from the eighth to the twenty-eighth of june, proudly announced that it would be “a lasting memorial of the great fair," and would enable future historians to learn about the event and the origins and means of operation of the sanitary commission. to encourage individual entries an appeal by the newspaper committee urged readers to write “short and spirited articles” about the benefits of the ussc “which may never be known to the public, unless our friends will kindly record them for us.” the newspaper committee documented “the fair movement in the loyal states” in a series that featured april , great sanitary fair, ussc newspaper commission minutes, hsp. “a word for “our daily fare,” our daily fare, june , . “great central fair, to be held in philadelphia, june ,” mcallister collection, box , lcp. detailed descriptions collected by mrs. clapp, mrs. randolph and mr. a. i. fish, members of the newspaper editorial corps. in a less publicized measure, the penn parlor committee resolved to present the catalogue of their exhibit to the pennsylvania historical society, the donor of most of their displayed articles and a leading archival institution, “for the purpose of preserving historical memoires of the sanitary fairs.” at the same time, the executive committee desired to preserve a recorded history of the fair in a printed pamphlet for general distribution among fairgoers. ultimately, they planned to have the affair comprehensively documented in a bound publication. charles janeway stillé was reputed for the “the fair movement in the loyal states” series, which he may have only edited. as mentioned above, three members of the newspaper committee collected descriptions of fairs held in different northern american cities. the accounts were occasionally published in the fair’s newspaper under the authorship of stillé. the series gained recognition and earned him the task of writing the history of the fair. he admitted that his memorial of the great central fair for the u. s. sanitary commission was “not merely […] a recognition of the faithful services of those to whom its success was due, but also may, great sanitary fair, ussc newspaper committee minutes, hsp. samuel l. smedley, philadelphia, to the executive committee of the great central fair, july , mcallister collection, box , lcp. “meeting executive committee,” june , , box , mcallister collection, lcp. an example to those who should come after us.” like holstein, he insisted that the history of a place shapes the character of its inhabitants: the occasion proved the great fact that here, where american independence and the true principles of our republican life had their birth… the spirit which gave that freedom birth and organization, still survives in freshness and vigor. there seemed to be a peculiar fitness, that on a spot sacred to such historical recollections, there should take place an imposing demonstration of popular sympathy towards those who were defending with their lives that nation which also assumed here later, the garb and force of true empire. the organizers of the fair wholly supported the republican cause and labored enthusiastically to raise funds for the ussc. the devastation of three years of combat with thousands of wounded soldiers and a great loss of life compelled them to provide assistance to the military on its “second war of independence.” whether watching the hundreds of battle-experienced soldiers who took respite at the refreshment saloons, oversaw volunteers in one of the city hospitals, or assisted impoverished widows, the consequences of combat produced profound emotional feelings and led prominent city inhabitants make significant contributions to the war effort. organizing the fair with its countless articles, departments, and events required great effort from a large group of people. its successful outcome – the most ever earned proceeds from any sanitary fair up to that date – over one million dollars was an evidence of the complex organization, performance, and diligence of everyone involved in the project. stillé, memorial of the great central fair for the u. s. sanitary commission, . ibid., . the term was probably coined by henry w. bellows in a letter signed by him and several other men to the secretary of war with a proposal for establishment of the sanitary commission on may , . see: wormeley, the united states sanitary commission, . the organizers employed the fair as a stage to construct a revolutionary memory of consensus, to offer a unified idealized past in the face of a country torn by military conflict. it ignored political and racial differences and proposed an era of collective action toward a mutual goal of creating a union led by the successors of early protestant settlers. by defining their protestant identity in opposition to catholicism they articulated influence, status, and leadership to catholic immigrants. they fitted the exhibits to local audiences by featuring artifacts related to the history of pennsylvania stressing its founder. they also included philadelphia in the national historical narrative by emphasizing its significance in the creation of the nation. the absence of war was filled by the presence of george washington, who prevailed after the revolution as a civilian leader. equally important was their attempt to convey themselves, men and women, as a body of civic authority – the true heirs of past colonial and revolutionary leaders. their historical memory held significant consequences for women. the narrative inserted women into history, emphasizing domesticity and household production as an essential role in the colonial and revolutionary narrative. on the other hand, it reinforced traditional gender roles by placing women in their supposedly appropriate sphere performing characteristically female tasks. one might wonder why women of privilege, who occupied highly skilled public positions as heads of committees, coordinators of thousands of donations, and editors of a daily newspaper, would construct a conservative narrative where women were relegated to traditional household tasks. during the civil war americans upheld a separate spheres ideology and adhered to rigid assumptions about gender roles. women’s domestic exhibits fitted these conventions but also empowered them with patriotic significance. by locating the pennsylvania kitchen and penn’s parlor across from each other along the main artery of the structure, appropriately named union avenue, they demonstrated these exhibits as equally meaningful. and by placing franklin’s desk in the kitchen and a quilt and dresses in penn’s parlor, they domesticated leading historical male figures and emphasized the role of women in the nation’s history. by blurring the boundary between the public and the private, female fair organizers asserted that domestic female work occupied a ratified place in the nation’s historical narrative and articulated a polity of shared gendered responsibility for the creation of the nation. organizers exerted great effort in publicizing the fair. generating a large number of visitors was important not only for the fair’s coffers but also to the dissemination of its historical message. admission tickets, priced at fifty cents, with additional charges for special exhibits such as the art gallery and the horticultural department, excluded many working class families. aware of this aspect, fair organizers made provisions that allowed public school children to attend. stillé notes that due to “a very small admission price” public school students from different sections of the city frequented the fair. organizers had also extended free admission tickets – possibly to low-income schools they thought would otherwise forgo the opportunity to attend the event. teaching working class children to unconditionally revere elite historical figures and accept the an admission price of $ . per person in today’s value in addition to admission tickets to many exhibits, refreshments, and transportation fees was an expensive preposition for families of modest means. stillé, memorial of the great central fair for the u. s. sanitary commission, ; in a folder of tickets at the collection of the library company of philadelphia one can find a free admission ticket for public school students for one day. see: box , macallister collection, lcp. memory exhibited was at the heart of the school publicity effort undertaken by fair organizers. children might bring the message home, but more importantly, may internalize it and recognize privileged americans as guides to the past and as leaders of the future. if collecting funds to help the soldiers was the primary goal of the fair’s immense undertaking, showcasing an authoritative memory was by no means a subordinate one. fair organizers sought local audiences in order to increase the financial capability of the philadelphia branch of the ussc, mobilize state citizenry behind the sanitary commission’s cause, exhibit their own historical perspective, and demonstrate their organizational skills to privileged americans of other northern cities. surpassing the accomplishments of previously held fairs in other urban centers, particularly those of new york city, was on the minds of many of the managers and is plainly evident in their circulars and communications with the press. fair organizers could have devised a less grandiose and far less challenging operation if fundraising was their only goal. it was privileged philadelphia women who first thought to hold the event, where they wanted to demonstrate their competence to elite women from other cities and advance their historical perspective, albeit with men’s leadership and assistance. indeed, they could not have launched their plan without the endorsement of union league members. the fair a sense of urgency to reach every possible individual who might spare even a scant donation is evident in an early circular which details the amount of money that had been raised in chicago, boston, and cincinnati and urges an appeal to the “great industrial classes” for donations. “circular,” march , , box ; “the great central fair,” city bulletin, box ; another observer pointed: “we have determined that this philadelphia exhibit shall surpass that of new york, not only in extent and beauty, but also in profit,” “the great central fair,” evening bulletin, june , , box ; l. montgomery bond, chairman of the labor, income, and revenue committee, proudly announced in his farewell speech on september : “philadelphia fair will produce more than a million dollars the same of that of new york” see: l. montgomery bond, “farewell speech,” box ; mcallister collection, lcp. rewarded them with the opportunity to initiate historical projects and incorporate women and the domestic sphere into the national historical narrative. politically, fair organizers supported the republican party. a large number of them belonged to the union league, which was formed in november to support lincoln’s policies and his party. however, in order to garner utmost support for their project they claimed to appeal “in the interest of no party, radical or conservative, republican or democratic, administration or anti-administration,” but merely to provide relief for the soldiers as a “work of intelligent patriotism.” matthew j. gallman agrees with this statement, but a closer inspection reveals that it was a republican enterprise. democrats would have argued that the war could have been avoided if the government was willing to negotiate with southern politicians and offer them proper concessions. the book of honor, with its descriptions of individuals’ contribution to the union army, praised volunteers who probably supported lincoln’s political and military policies. the proceeds from the fair were intended to help the ussc and – in essence – the soldiers who fought for the union. charles janeway stillé possibly uttered the thoughts of many of his colleagues when he dedicated his monograph on the fair “to those who still rally round that flag, and to the memory of those who have fallen while shielding it from dishonor.” he clearly devoted it to republicans who still supported the union at the time of publication, in november . ibid., . gallman, mastering wartime, . stillé, memorial of the great central fair for the u. s. sanitary commission, . scholars have demonstrated that had women actively created memories from colonial times throughout the antebellum period but historians have paid little attention to the construction of memory during the civil war. anna holstein’s concern for historical structures and several of the exhibits of the great central fair demonstrates that the military crisis did not halt the need for preservation, but rather rendered it more urgent and poignant. privileged philadelphia men and women constructed an ideal revolutionary memory that placed domesticity and household production at the center of historical discourse. it evoked a scene of ideal social and economic relations, unaffected by political and military conflicts and, more importantly, it argued for the centrality of women in the chronicles of the nation. affluent men attempted to legitimize their civic authority as successors of philadelphia’s colonial and revolutionary leaders. privileged women, whose task was to make historical women visible, argued for shared gendered contribution to the historical narrative. this image would gain greater popularity during the celebration of the nation’s centennial year. chapter boston tea party revisited: women’s campaign for the centennial exposition the occasional rain did not deter the hundreds who had arrived at the gates of the centennial exposition in fairmount park in philadelphia, hours before the opening-day ceremony on may , . after an artillery salute of one hundred guns, the assembled crowd dispersed in various directions, some eager to examine the exhibits and others to get a closer glimpse at the assembled dignitaries. years of planning and organization had produced a grand international exhibition intended to demonstrate that a century of democracy wrought progress and achievements that were equal to, or may have even surpassed, old world civilizations. the organizers had also hoped that cooperation among the states would aid sectional healing “so that the utmost harmony throughout the nation shall prevail in regard to this, the greatest event of the century.” by february , the organizers’ enthusiastic approach failed to raise adequate funds to make the project feasible. matters greatly improved after the recruitment of a selected group of philadelphia society women. all had proved their managerial expertise as officers for the great central fair, held in the city in june . they organized a successful campaign to raise funds by increasing interest in the nation’s centennial celebration and improve sales of the centennial stock. encouraged by the accomplishments of their local effort, they broadened the geographical scope of their operations to the states and territories. journal of the proceedings of the united states centennial commission at philadelphia, . the women organized lavish colonial- and revolutionary-themed events, which appealed to the historical sensibilities of potential subscribers by constructing a glorified past of revolutionary unity. the women took the opportunity to further develop the historical presentation they had exhibited in the great central fair, claiming a space for respectable women in the national historical narrative. historians who have studied the exhibition have emphasized its educational objectives within the national and international frameworks and stressed the issues of race, consumerism, and politics. elitist and racial attitudes found their way into the exhibits from nations from all over the world. the displays of new products and inventions encouraged consumption. one of the key scholars of america’s fairs, robert rydell, convincingly argues that the centennial fair emphasized american progress through the vision of wealthy and powerful elites. the organizers promoted patriotism through exhibits that featured american ingenuity in industrialism, commercialism, agriculture, and technology. they believed that the growth of business and commerce depended on social and political stability. in his synthesis fair america, rydell reiterates his findings about the intention of organizers to advance economic expansion and adds that they also sought to win the support of white america. racial attitudes of white superiority, promoted by some exhibits, targeted white sensibilities at the expense of other races. the organizers demonstrated that white protestants would guide progress by placing anglo-saxon nations in central locations of buildings. the death of cleopatra, by the female african american artist edmonia lewis was the only african- american work represented in the fair. racial bias of fair organizers prevented african american artists’ methodology and ideological dissemination are at the crux of more recent studies. bruno gilberti asserts that the elaborate system of classification of the artifacts used by the organizers was influenced by the enlightenment’s perception of world order. they created a taxonomy of goods by dividing the exhibit into four major groups and listing the order of exhibits under each section. they also adopted dual systems of classification, by country and by type, that established a grid in the exposition’s space. gilberti utilizes tony bennett’s idea of the “exhibition complex,” the juxtaposition of an object within a contextual public display to disseminate a message of power. early museums, bennett argues, demonstrated knowledge that emphasized institutional power and aimed at self - regulation of racial groups. the centennial introduced africans and groups from other parts of the world as subordinate people to the teutonic and anglo-saxon races. bridging sectional animosity is the subject of gary nash’s analysis. he stresses the role of the construction of a unified past to a nation still divided over social and political issues in the wake of the civil war. a nostalgic past with a depoliticized washington and women dressed in colonial attire fit the image of patriotic simplicity and consensus. in her recent dissertation, susanna gold disputes this view. she argues that past was constructed with a vision of progress, not sentimentality. the organizers representation. robert w. rydell, all the world's a fair: visions of empire at american international expositions, - (chicago: university of chicago press, ); robert w. rydell, john e. findling, and kimberly d. pelle, fair america: world's fairs in the united states (washington d.c.: smithsonian institution press, ). bruno gilberti, designing the centennial: a history of the international exhibition in philadelphia (lexington: university press of kentucky, ); tony bennett, the birth of the museum: history, theory, politics (london: routledge, ). nash, first city, - . intended to project a strong nation with a bright future. indeed, the organizers, who were influenced by world fairs of paris ( ) and vienna ( ), wanted to place america as an accomplished contender among advanced nations of the world. however, as nash argues, they also aimed at domestic reconciliation with a unifying memory of the revolution. the role of women at the fair is the subject of mary cordato’s study, which analyzes the exhibition of women’s building and follows the events and obstacles that led to its construction. she finds that the separate space allowed women to interpret progress in their own terms without the limits set by the classification system that restricted all other participants. since the women did not receive any monetary assistance in funding their building and exhibits, they were free to shape their exhibits to suit their needs. she argues that the women’s display challenged patriarchal domination by offering women new avenues of employment. she also emphasizes that the organizers were careful to avoid the issue of suffrage. celebrating womanhood, however, came with a price; the exhibit overlooked class, race, and ethnic differences and did not address the economic hardship of waged workers. susanna w. gold, “imagining memory: re-presentations of the civil war at the centennial exhibition” (ph.d. diss., university of pennsylvania, ). mary cordato, “representing the expansion of woman’s sphere: women’s work and culture at the world’s fairs of , , ” (ph.d. diss., new york university, ). in recent years scholars have increasingly related centennial exhibits to colonial revival, a building style that employed elements from colonial buildings into the design of contemporary houses. their analysis overwhelmingly focuses on architecture. remarkably, scholars almost completely ignored the events that preceded the centennial exposition. organizing a major exhibition required a large sum of money which neither the public nor the federal government were prepared to grant. added to the difficulty was the economic crisis that started in and brought a long depression, which hit commerce and industries. when a fundraising effort by philadelphia elites proved unsatisfactory, the organizers recruited several of philadelphia’s privileged women and trusted them with publicizing and raising money for the exposition. the women extended their vision of the past and produced sophisticated fund-raising galas that emphasized the significance of women in america’s past. they inserted women into the national historical narrative while, at the same time, ensuring their own place in history. in the decade between and the population of pennsylvania increased by nearly twenty percent. immigrants amounted to . % of state’s population in , a several scholars point to the firm of mckim, mead & white as the one responsible in introducing the colonial revival to america in the s. mardges bacon, “toward a national style of architecture: the beaux-arts interpretation of the colonial revival,” the colonial revival in america, alan axelrod, ed. (winterthur, delaware: w. w. norton & company, ), . edward teitelman and betsy fahlman, “wilson eyre and the colonial revival in philadelphia,” axelrod, the colonial revival in america, . william b. rhodas shows that appreciation for colonial-style buildings had existed the s, but points to the restorer of independence hall, frank m. etting, as the catalyst for the increased interest in old architecture. see: william b. rhodas, “the colonial revival and american nationalism,” the journal of the society of architectural historians, (dec. ): . slight rise from . % a decade earlier. in two-thirds of philadelphia’s population was native born, . % were irish immigrants, . % german, and less than % african americans. by the city contained more than a third of the state’s foreign born. in contrast, montgomery county had not seen a change as a result of the war, and remained a rural, sparsely populated, area. in the county had a total of eight stores, three coal yards, and three dealers in flour and feed. philadelphia emerged from the civil war as a manufacturing center. the need for armaments, uniforms, and the transportation of goods and soldiers stimulated rapid industrialization and the building of railway lines. in the post civil war decades the city witnessed growing numbers of factories due to the expansion of commerce precipitated by improved transportation. capital released from war investments along with the arrival of immigrants and invention of new machinery enabled industrial growth. banking institutions, maritime commerce, shipbuilding, and large companies as the baldwin locomotive works and the philadelphia transportation company provided frank b. evans, pennsylvania politics, - : a study in political leadership (harrisburg: the pennsylvania historical and museum commission, ), . matthew j. gallman, j. mastering wartime: a social history of philadelphia during the civil war (new york: cambridge university press, ), . frank b. evans, pennsylvania politics, - : a study in political leadership (harrisburg: the pennsylvania historical and museum commission, ): . by the s the city’s population was nearly , inhabitants. russell f. weigley, nicholas b. wainwright, and edwin wolf, eds., philadelphia: a -year history (new york: w. w. norton & company, ), - . blue book # , tax records, local history, upper merion library, king of prussia, pennsylvania. in the s philadelphia was the nation’s second largest city, surpassed only by new york in population, commerce, and manufacturing. elite capital in the city was drawn to build transportation networks. see: philip scranton, proprietary capitalism: the textile manufacture at philadelphia, - (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), . work to thousands of skilled and semi-skilled employees. in , the city had over eight thousand business enterprises with total annual product valued at more than three hundred and twenty million dollars. in the mid s its economy was firmly based on dozens of major enterprises in the textile, metal products, machine goods, printing and chemical industries. european immigrants constituted a pool of cheap labor that contributed their skills and sweat to industrial growth. german immigrants, refugees of the franco-prussian war, often possessed formal skilled trades, unlike many of the irish, who were primarily employed as farm laborers or domestic servants. theodore hershberg divides philadelphia’s workforce into two distinct groups. by , highly skilled workers moved to better housing in the suburbs while the greater number of workers resided close to their workplace. for those who could acquire social and residential mobility the city offered new neighborhoods, across the schuylkill river, with street railways for easy access to the center. agents of industrial and commercial growth associated in the philadelphia board of trade, the largest one in the country, where they found a forum for their interests. at their annual meeting in june , they formed the national board of trade with frederick fraley, president of the schuylkill navigation company and a principle ibid., . philadelphia businessmen relied on immigrants for cheap labor. as late as representatives of the national board of trade from philadelphia and other major cities opposed a federal proposal of an immigration law. see: morrell heald, “business attitudes toward european immigration, - ” the journal of economic history, (summer, ): . theodore hershberg, philadelphia: work, space, family, and group experience in the nineteenth century (new york: oxford university press, ), , - . founder of the philadelphia board of trade in . fraley, who was also a founding member of the union league, served in the executive committee of the great central fair. john welsh, a prominent merchant and the chairman of the central fair, had also served as president of the national board. in a city where power and prestige had been largely represented by commerce and manufacturing, a war of great length and proportions had produced wealth in new hands and diminished the capital of others. social climbers, shoddy aristocracy as they were contemptuously called by privileged northerners, could afford the luxuries their counterparts had acquired but lacked education, refinement, and decorum according to the old elites. the description of the philadelphian republican journalist, alexander k. mcclure, leaves no doubt about the disdainful spectacle social ascendants had created in the eyes of established society: wealth came suddenly, and in large measure, to a class of our industrial people who had never dreamed of gaining more than a generous competence in their business. many of them possessed little or no culture themselves, and they and their children, with rare exceptions, plunged into the most extravagant display in effort not merely to imitate, but to surpass the hospitality and social distinction of the cultured families of the city. in contrast to those who found their fortunes during the war stood those who lost it. sidney george fisher commented on mrs. jno. butler, who despite of having a father and several brothers in the south and owning half of the butlers’ estate, including its slaves, was loyal to the union and approved of emancipation. however, her income had alexander k. mcclure, old time notes of pennsylvania, vol. ii (philadelphia: the john c. winston company, ), . probably been reduced and she “will not be able to live at her place, a great misfortune to her as she likes it very much. she never expects to get anything more from her property in georgia.” the war changed the social orientations of philadelphia’s leadership. peace democrats could watch in dismay as the city’s leadership turned to republican hands. in the years that followed the civil war, the leaders of the old families of philadelphia had almost disappeared from the city’s civic and political life. many did not approve the new city governance and its political machine and sought reform through the state legislature. henry charles lea, a scholar and a publisher, founded the citizen’s municipal reform association in , and two years later, the reform club, a subsidiary organization with prominent members as joshua b. lippincott, and george w. childs, joseph harrison, and john welsh, all former officers of the great central fair. lea advanced a new state constitution that would rid city hall of corruption. scores of quakers and the reform club supported the initiative and the effort produced a new constitution and election law in . the idea to mark the nation’s centennial with an international exhibition was conceived over a decade before the intended celebration. professor j. l. campbell of wabash college in indiana wrote the mayor of philadelphia with the suggestion in december and reiterated his call for action two years later. the endorsement of the select council of philadelphia, the state legislature, and franklin institute hastened an sidney george fisher, jonathan w. white, a philadelphia perspective: the civil war diary of sidney george fisher (new york: fordham university press, ), . weigley, philadelphia, . introduction of a bill in congress. after the passage of the bill into law on march rd , , commissioners from the states and territories were selected. joseph roswell hawley, former governor of connecticut and a republican congressman, was appointed president of the centennial commission and alfred t. goshorn was elected director general due to his extensive experience in organizing the cincinnati industrial expositions. the commission estimated that they would require raising a sum of $ million from the public in order to make the project a reality. the commissioners established a quota for the states and territories in respect to their populations to facilitate a fair share of the burden. supporters could purchase a subscription to the centennial stock valued at $ , paid in $ installments. in june , , congress created the centennial board of finance (cbof) to manage the subscriptions and selected john welsh to preside it. his success in overseeing the great central fair, held in philadelphia during the civil war and as a prominent merchant, demonstrated that he was deeply involved in the city’s civic life. likewise, several of the members of the board of directors were prominent city merchants, including john wanamaker, clement m. biddle, henry winsor, and amos r. little. working with an extremely tight schedule, the cbof faced a difficult task; it needed to secure funds sufficient to erect the buildings at the earliest date to allow adequate time for foreign countries to prepare their exhibits. the act of congress of march , stipulated that the president of the united states would officially invite the nations to participate in the exhibition only after the governor of pennsylvania had notified him that the money for the exhibition buildings had been secured. the effort to collect subscriptions in philadelphia commenced without delay. a subcommittee of twenty- five was responsible for mapping a plan to popularize the exhibition. the members followed a similar strategy employed in the great central fair. several of them had worked to publicize it. in their attempt to reach the greatest numbers of people, they classified professional men under their trades, occupations, and social interests. the centennial stock’s value made it prohibitive for workers. the task of organizing the one hundred and seventy - eight sub-committees fell in the hands of the citizens’ centennial finance committee of three hundred. in the meantime, pennsylvania commissioners divided the states into county, ward, division, and township committees for efficient canvassing. in addition to finance, the event and its purpose had to be nationally publicized. the centennial executive commission (cec) was responsible for issuing an appeal to deliver throughout the country. astutely, the commission chose to direct its first address to the agricultural and mechanical associations in october, approximately a month before united states centennial commission, appendix to the reports of the united states centennial commission and centennial board of finance (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & co., ), . the executive documents printed by the order of the senate of the united states for the third session of the forty-fifth congress, -’ (washington: government printing office, ), . appropriately, j. edgar thompson, the president of the pennsylvania railroad, served as the head of the rail road and canal companies committee while the physician and charity activist, dr. henry t. childs, headed the arbitrations and indian affairs committee. robert m. huston, ed., the medical examiner and record of medical science, vol. iii – new series (philadelphia: lindsay & blakiston, ), ; “news,” the medical and surgical reporter, lxii (jan. –june ): ; list of members of various committees on trades, occupations, professions, & c. appointed under the resolution of the citizens’ centennial finance committee of three hundred, november , (philadelphia: king baird, printers, ). united states centennial board of finance board of corporators for pennsylvania, minutes for the proceedings of the corporation for pennsylvania of the centennial board of finance. (philadelphia, ), . the beginning of the stock sale. these associations included salaried professionals, skilled workers, and farmers, the majority of the nation’s workforce. in november the commission addressed “the people of the united states” from the pages of local newspapers. the cbof had officially opened the books of subscriptions of the centennial stocks for one hundred days on november , . at the end of the period, a board of trustees was to be elected by the stockholders. if the committee had hoped for an overwhelming response from the public, it would have certainly been gravely disappointed. the prospects of the monumental event neither attracted an adequate amount of speculators nor did it appeal to men’s patriotic sentiments. the commissioners, however, believed that with an efficient campaign they could accrue the considerable amount of funds required. on the commission’s annual meeting, on march , its president-elect, joseph r. hawley, stated confidently: that there will be a formal national celebration of the centennial anniversary there is no doubt. that, as a part or accompaniment thereof, there will be a grand international exhibition, is equally certain… i can use no language too serious and vigorous in assuring the public that this is to be, in every true and satisfactory sense of the word, a great national and international exhibition. upon invitation the commissioners visited two of philadelphia’s significant historical sites, independence hall and carpenters’ hall. following their excursion orestes journal of the proceedings of the united states centennial commission. at philadelphia, (philadelphia: e. c. markley & sons, printers, ), . cleveland, the commission’s first vice president, passionately expressed his delight at the exceptional tour: i was impressed with the grand and glorious memories clustering round about philadelphia, all pointing with solemn significance to the occasion we are preparing to celebrate. may we all have light and strength to appreciate that occasion, as it approaches! no such family gathering has ever been known in the world’s history, and we shall have passed away and been forgotten when the next one recurs. it was regrettable that the commissioners did not convey their enthusiasm over the nation’s past in their first two, and perhaps most important, appeals. in his appeal to agricultural and mechanical associations, william phipps blake emphasized the opportunity to participate in an international exhibit with a flat statement: “patriotism, as well as an appreciation of the industrial, educational, and moral influences of well- organized exhibitions, should impel all citizens to lend a helping hand.” in contrast, president joseph r. hawley in his public message via local newspapers attempted to entice people’s imagination with descriptions of artifacts from exotic countries and foster national pride among the “harmonious” union of “one united body politic.” in presenting their enterprise to the nation the commissioners chose to promote the idea of an american world’s fair rather than the reason for the celebration, the ibid., . united states centennial commission, international exhibition, : reports of the president, secretary, and executive commission together with the journal of the final session of the commission, vol. ii, appendix b (washington: government printing office, ), . ibid., . the message was to appear at all local newspapers on november , . see: report of the centennial commission to congress, - , united states centennial commission, correspondence & papers – reports to u. s. congress, record group — . , city archives, philadelphia, pennsylvania (ca thereafter). country’s centennial year. the commissioners were frank about their goal: a demonstration of america as a source of industrial and scientific advances in a grand show that would equal that of european exhibitions. in this vision the past existed as an elementary foundation worthy only as a comparison with the improvements that followed. the commissioners presented patriotism as an abstract obligation, not as an expression of national pride. their assumptions might have also generated adverse reactions from residents of southern states and territories who might not have perceived themselves as complacent members of the union. several of the circulars that followed contained short historical references. in their , copies of the appeal to “the people of the united states” the cec referred to the “self-sacrificing ancestors” in its last paragraph. on february , when the commissioners realized they had failed to raise public interest and were desperate for a solution, blake appealed to all the clergy and the religious associations in the country for assistance. in the longest of all addresses, which rings like a fine sermon, he describes the centennial as a “momentous import in universal history” for its establishment of freedom of religion. out of all the officers, the pennsylvania agents for cbof were the only ones to seriously attempt to tailor their appeal to their constituency by mentioning philadelphia’s sites and their meaning. daniel m. fox linked the exhibition to european world fairs and emphasized the significance of its historical location: the eyes of the world are upon this, the chosen state, which, above all, should be true to its heritage of that holy temple of freedom, independence hall, the sacred spot from which emanated that sublime declaration, the corner-stone of our nationality and progress, the palladium of our liberties and our rights. enamored of the vienna international exhibition of , which had been visited and thoroughly studied, the members of the cec intended to produce an event that would rank america among the advanced nations of western europe. their foresightedness was difficult to interpret to a people who, for the most part, lived several days’ travel from philadelphia and were interested primarily in local affairs. the commissioners scarcely capitalized on the significance of the centennial as an american historical milestone and thus failed to highlight an event more familiar to the public than a world’s fair: the founding of the nation. in a confidential report to congress, the centennial commission recognized two factors in the failure to raise interest in the exhibition: the lack of paid advertising and the inability of volunteers to reach great numbers of people. the reliance on volunteers who could canvass only after other avocations, they suggested, prevented them from completing their assignments. by february the city of philadelphia, its residents, and its local railroad companies had contributed $ . million, nearly double the quota of the state, but outside pennsylvania the effort of , agents proved ineffective. ibid., . j. e. mitchell and charles h. t. collis, vienna exposition: report of the commission to vienna (philadelphia: king & baird, printers, ). report of the centennial commission to congress, . “the nation’s centennial,” public ledger, february , . “report of the secretary,” journal of the proceedings of the united states centennial commission. at philadelphia, , . in the middle of that month the cbof decided to procure further assistance to promote the exhibition and increase the sales of its stock. it summoned thirteen leading philadelphia society women – thirteen to symbolize the colonies – who had all earned respect for their work during the great central fair. the nine women who responded met cbof president john welsh, secretary meyer asch, and mr. ziegler. welsh admitted to the women that the centennial commission and the cbof failed to raise adequate interest in the enterprise and asked for their help. at the behest of mr. ziegler, welsh added: “ladies, you will see that mrs. gillespie’s name is at the head of each list on your invitation.” welsh hinted the ladies that the centennial executive committee wanted elizabeth duane gillespie to lead the women’s operation. with such endorsement he ensured that no other woman would challenge her leadership. the women were promised space in the main building devoted to their own exhibit as a reward for their assistance. gillespie attested that she “went home depressed and with much of the astrakhan fur trimming on my coat picked off, leaving the skin as bare of fur as was my poor brain of ideas.” her despair did not last long. shortly thereafter she disclosed that she had “a plan [she] had formed several years before, hoping that some turn in the wheel of fortune might give me the contract for cleaning the streets of philadelphia. i had even gone so far in this ambitious dream that my arrangements were made for the fulfillment of it.” gillespie, who had worked for the ussc and the great central fair during the civil war and had to support her daughter and niece had probably designed a municipal project that could provide her with a paid position fitted for her managerial skills. ibid., . gillespie revealed her strategy to the organizational body the women had formed, promptly named the women’s centennial executive committee (wcec). the officers, all experienced managers from the sanitary fair, included the treasurer, mrs. j. edgar thomson; the secretary mrs. aubrey h. smith; mrs. henry cohen; mrs. john w. forney; and mrs. john j. stillé. a reputable officer would head each of the city’s wards and would form a committee of women of her choice. ward committees would be limited to thirty six members, equal the number of states in the union. the aides would canvass their respective areas in an attempt to reach working women at factories and assist them in teaming up for purchasing stock subscriptions. the plan, implemented after prominent citizens and businessmen had already given their share, succeeded in raising over $ , in the first three months of its operation. gillespie’s plan differed from that of the cbof in its target population. while the cbof approached professional men they reached through their business networks, the ward aides offered a larger constituency, previously ignored by the men, an affordable opportunity to contribute for the cause. by emphasizing that the campaign was a women’s effort the organizers could gain support of those who wanted to demonstrate women’s ability and competence. an initial mass meeting to launch the campaign was scheduled for february , , at the academy of music, a reputable hall for scores of respectable society’s events. gillespie, who headed the post office women’s committee in the great central fair and was a member of the fine arts committee, was well aware of other members included the vise president, mrs. john sanders, mrs. matthew simpson, wife of the prominent methodist episcopal bishop, and mrs. richard p. white. ibid., . the women’s branch united states centennial commission, final report of the women centennial executive committee, march , (philadelphia: press of henry b. ashmead, ), . the popularity of the fair’s historical presentations. she must have been convinced that promoting an ideal past would appeal to society women once more. the meeting was held on washington’s birthday. in her first public appearance, gillespie briefly recounted the events that led to the gathering and introduced the goals of the committee and the chairmen’s tasks. the reward for their effort, she emphasized, would be the opportunity to exhibit the work of american women and gain world-wide respect. she also announced her plan to turn the local effort into a national operation and shrewdly juxtaposed it in a significant historical framework: just as the declaration of independence brought freedom to all the states, so will this exposition bring high consideration for each state of the union. each signer of that precious old document did not insist upon trotting to his own state, there to give his signature. it was given here for the welfare of all; and here for the honor of all shall these commemorative ceremonies be held; and here we shall presently ask the women from our sister states to come up to help us. gillespie reinforced the historical character of the centennial by empowering women with a stately national role. in linking women’s enterprise with that of the signers of the declaration she conferred women with authority to impress history similar to the actions taken by the founding fathers. focusing on the notion of a revolutionary union allowed her to disregard the recent sectional strife and offer southern states an implicit reprieve and public acceptance. it was a minor gesture for southerners, who experienced the results of a debilitated economy and the legislation of the radical republicans. gillespie, ibid., . however, did not expect reconciliation but hoped that the opportunity to participate in a national campaign would convince southern women to join the enterprise. at length, she asserted the leadership of philadelphia women and her own by declaring that “any organization which might grow from this proposition must originate with us.” the intersection of women and history would be a repeated theme in meetings and balls organized by centennial women all over the country. linking women’s centennial effort to the contribution made by colonial women to the revolution celebrated their current project as a selfless patriotic act done for a country in need. centennial officials praised the deeds of colonial women in publicized fundraising meetings. they were careful, however, to emphasize their femininity in order to demonstrate that bold acts did not transform their identity. in his speech on the wcec’s first mass meeting at the academy of music on april , henry armitt brown, a renowned orator, illustrated women’s assistance to the revolution by singling out a mother who had sacrificed her three sons, rebecca matt for sacrificing her home, and lydia darrah, who saved washington’s “little army.” and though one woman was praised for checking the advancement of the british army by taking her dead husband’s “place beside the gun,” the orator insisted that a spirited woman “has to stamp her little women’s executive committee, “address of the women’s executive committee to the chairmen of the several committees of women in philadelphia,” hsp. foot” and men would do as she desires. brown did not neglect to mention the connection between the centennial women and their colonial female ancestors: in season and out of season, in joy and sorrow, in peace and war, you have proved yourselves worthy descendents of the women of our earlier days. it is right that the daughters of those whose patriotism and fortitude contributed so much to the foundation of the republic should share its maturer glories… it is blessing of america that her women have not yet fallen bellow the standard of her simpler days.” the wcec’s subsequent event proved pivotal to the success of their national campaign. in response to the historical association of the centennial, reverend reeves of gloucester, new jersey, proposed that gillespie commemorate the approaching centennial of the boston tea party in each city ward. gillespie sensed the occasion would be a fitting theme for a grand fund-raising gala, and the wcec promptly organized a joint-ward affair at the academy of music. gillespie generated great publicity by limiting the amount of tickets each patron could acquire. when demand for tickets exceeded expectations, the executive committee sought to utilize the adjacent horticultural hall for additional space. no detail escaped the women, as concern over winter chill prompted them to engage in a building project. they approached city officials and pulled a shelved plan to build a bridge between the academy of music and the horticultural hall. overcoming all obstacles, they helped fund the erection of an iron “patriotic women at work. women’s centennial mass meeting,” the philadelphia inquirer, april , . ibid., . first annual report of the women’s centennial executive committee (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & co., ), . gillespie, book of remembrance, . bridge that would allow the guests a safe crossing between the buildings. befitting a grand social event, gillespie invited governors, centennial commissioners, senators, government representatives, and other prominent men from all parts of the country. on december , , the celebration commenced with a program for children including choruses by public school students and a performance of waltz “centennial tea party,” composed and dedicated to the wcec by simon hassler, a local composer. it also featured an address by a prominent philadelphia woman who impersonated a witness to the events that unfolded in boston harbor in . the performance followed with a reading of an essay written by a public school student entitled “why is the centennial to be held in philadelphia?” describing the impact of the city on national history and, as expected, concluding that the city is the most suitable site for such a momentous event. this portion promptly closed with “the american hymn.” in the evening, a magnificent spectacle awaited hundreds of guests who arrived at the horticultural hall. flags of all nations and coats of arms of the states and territories decorated the walls, indicating of the national and international character of the centennial. elegantly decorated tea tables with abundance of evergreens, banners, flowers, fruits, lights, and objects of interest filled the gallery. the tables, arranged by different city wards, represented the states and territories. on the balcony, a model of the dartmouth, a merchant british vessel, complete with boxes of tea dangling over its deck and a youth dressed in an indian costume, indicated the theme of the celebration. “the tea party,” the philadelphia inquirer, december , . near the entrance, the massachusetts table, presided by mrs. a. rand of the fifteenth ward, exhibited a two-foot long candy miniature of the dartmouth, a representation of bunker hill made of flowers, an array of flags obtained from boston including one dated from the colonial period, silver tea pieces, and confections. the women of the ward selected massachusetts, an ally state of pennsylvania, but were careful to ignore “her degenerate son, john quincy adams.” they criticized president adams for losing his re-election as president to the democrat andrew jackson. he was the first president since his father, john adams, to serve one term. the twenty-second ward featured rhode sland. they emphasized the significance of colonial household production with a spinning wheel at the center of their display “suggestive of the industry of the state.” at other tables visitors could enjoy a display of a portrait of washington painted by charles wilson peale, spoons that had belonged to george washington engraved with his initials, a huge cake with an image of goddess of liberty supported by the figures of washington and franklin, an election cake, and a number of other artifacts. show pieces were attractively arranged among the sellable merchandise to entice patrons. the ward chairwomen and their aides served tea dressed in martha washington costumes including caps, kerchiefs or in dolly varden calico dresses. they filled tea cups imprinted with john hancock’s signature served on the women’s branch united states centennial commission, report of the fifteenth ward special committee (philadelphia: a. t. zeising, ), . the women’s branch united states centennial commission, report of the twenty second ward special committee (philadelphia: e. m. gans, printers, ), . dolly varden was a character from the novel barnaby rudge: a tale of the riots of ‘eighty, written by charles dickens, who wore colorful clothes with calico pattern. saucers marked with the event’s date. copies of a poem “the cup of tea”, written particularly for the occasion by eli kirk price, were offered for sale. it directly linked centennial women to colonists’ revolutionary deeds – “that men, down east, poured out the tea… but women now help out the tea” – and concluded with the theme of the event “for sacred now’s this cup of tea, / memorial of our liberty!” on the stage, the tables of the board of managers of the national museum and the wcec drew much attention. the national museum was the brainchild of frank m. etting, a descendant of a colonial jewish family, who served as chairman of the committee on restoration of independence hall. he sought to transform the building into a major repository of historical artifacts that would represent the nation’s history from the colonial period through war of . the women’s board of managers consisted of prominent society women including mrs. frank etting, mrs. albert biddle, mrs. owen wister, mrs. samuel chew, and miss agnes irwin. their table displayed revolutionary artifacts, portraits of robert morris and martha washington, a candlestick that once belonged to benjamin franklin, and the tables of james logan and william penn. the former was decorated with evergreens and a floral representation of the liberty bell and the year . the wcec’s table, presided by gillespie, featured the “the tea party. repetition of the entertainment,” philadelphia inquirer, dec. , . for a detailed account of the national museum see: mires, independence hall in american memory, - . dining table of william penn. a portrait of sarah franklin bache, the daughter of benjamin franklin and grandmother of gillespie, hung conspicuously above it. the ceremonial march from the horticultural hall of several hundred women, all dressed in martha washington-like costume, marked the beginning of the main program. nearly five hundred ward committee aides occupied their reserved spaces on the parquet at the academy of music. impressed by the sight, john welsh excitedly remarked “i have never seen so lovely a flower garden.” the stage was filled with members of the wcec and heads of ward committees, the restoration committee of independence hall, male members of the centennial executive committee and the cbof, and prominent citizens including rev. bishop simpson. former mayor daniel fox. william hepburn armstrong, a former republican congressman from pennsylvania, spoke about the centennial and its educational merit, and mayor william s. stokley surprised gillespie with a gavel made of the original wood upon which the liberty bell hung when it proclaimed “liberty throughout the land.” perhaps even more welcoming was the approval for the wcec to nationalize their enterprise and pursue the assistance of the states and territories. “the centennial tea party at the academy of music and horticultural hall,” public ledger, dec. , . gillespie, book of remembrance, . “’the cup that cheers’ the philadelphia tea party,” the philadelphia inquirer, dec. , . figure . mrs. lardner brown in a martha washington costume library company of philadelphia the event that “might have carried [guests], mentally, back to the times of one hundred years ago” proved exceptionally successful. the party was extended for a second day when an estimated additional three thousand children and caretakers participated in the early program and five thousand adults attended the evening ball. the tea party proved highly successful. adults and children relished the event, and the centennial project received a boost of publicity. the women earned over $ , . the tea cups had to be repeatedly ordered and brought additional profit. the money was used to purchase centennial stock in the name of the mount vernon national association, the first women’s organization dedicated to preservation, that of george washington’s home. the sum of money the women raised was significant considering the state of the nation’s economy. on september , , the philadelphia banking firm jay cooke went bankrupt. this event along with the meltdown of the vienna stock exchange in austria in may of the same year led to an economic depression that lasted several years. selecting a revolutionary incident as a theme for a highly publicized fundraising gala was undoubtedly the key to its success. the wcec capitalized on the interest in colonial artifacts they had seen in the great central fair and prominently displayed them “the tea party,” the philadelphia inquirer, dec. , . first annual report of the women’s centennial executive committee, february , (philadelphia: press of j. b. lippincott & co., ), . gillespie attests that ten thousands cups were sold. see: gillespie, book of remembrance, . for a better understanding of the panics in the latter part of the nineteenth century see: elmus wicker, banking panics of the gilded age (new york: cambridge university press, ). with decorations of familiar icons such as the liberty bell to emphasize unity in battling the british. defining martha washington as a prime historical actor provided a stark reminder of the participation of women in the revolutionary past to those who increasingly considered george washington as a representative symbol of the era. the reign of women and domesticity presented a refreshing change from the stern image of revolutionary political leaders typically exhibited in the national museum. similar to the great central fair, the wcec domesticated local revolutionary leaders by presenting their portraits, characteristically hung in parlors, along with their home furnishings and household items. martha washington costumes and the spinning wheel portrayed ideal past but also hinted at the importance of women’s work. hierarchy and pedigree had also been conspicuously expressed in the costumes and exhibits. attendance in colonial costume was the sole privilege of officers of the executive committee, ward chairs, and aides. gillespie, who was the only one to prominently exhibit her ancestor, left no doubt about her high position in the organization. her bold choice of displaying her ancestor sarah franklin bache, and not benjamin franklin, had symbolically created a lineage of women, asserting that women were as significant as men. elizabeth robins pennell, who was not asked to participate in the enterprise due to her father’s loss of the family fortune, commented: “i could not help knowing that she was [benjamin franklin’s] descendant, for no one could mention her without dragging in his name.” gillespie presented an additional name, that of her grandmother instead. laurel thatcher ulrich argues that eighteenth-century new england women used their heirloom pieces to construct female lineages of their families. they often gave their homespun articles, which they claimed as their own (not their husbands’), to female relatives for safekeeping. these objects linked women over time and enabled their owners to perpetuate family relations. since married women did not own property and could not bequeath to their daughters and female relatives valuable estates, they left their property – their own handiwork and those of their female ancestors. ulrich asserts that through their bequests, new england women established a female ancestral line. gillespie’s link to her grandmother was not based on domestic production but on patriotic public activity. bache’s deeds on behalf of the revolutionary soldiers matched gillespie’s work on behalf of the centennial. there was little reason to include public school children in a social event of proper philadelphia, unless the wcec saw an opportunity for educating the masses. as with the sanitary fair, the women made use of the opportunity to inculcate young minds in the history of the nation and the significance of the city to the creation of the nation. as hon. w. h. armstrong, one of the dignitaries to address the crowd in the academy, said, “the commemoration of leading events in national history tends to perpetuate the love of liberty and impress on our children virtuous emulation of the heroic examples of elizabeth robins pennell, our philadelphia (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & company, ), . ulrich, the age of homespun, - . patriotic devotion.” exposing young students of humble means, particularly at a time when many families suffered from the recent economic depression, to the frills and wealth of the horticultural hall would possibly have left them with a lasting impression. they would have been aware of the distinct sense of entitlement that the guests imparted through their opulent attire, their attitude, and above all, their conduct. the women would probably have liked to believe that the children would have perceived them and their male counterparts as authority and leadership figures. the wcec did not ignore leading men despite celebrating the deeds of female ancestors. they decided to mark george washington’s birthday, february , with an additional fund-raising event, the washington assembly, scheduled due to the beginning of lent for january in . unlike their tea party, this celebration was limited to centennial stock holders and the number of centennial managers was limited to thirteen, to symbolize of the number of colonies. however, exclusivity did not bring substantial profit, and ten days prior to the event the prerequisite of stock ownership was dropped and the required eighteenth-century costumes were made optional. curiously, major city newspapers and the wcec’s reports remained silent about the event and gillespie sole comment that “the entertainment was not a failure” did not reveal additional frank m. etting, “the tea party,” newspaper clipping, the philadelphia tea party of – a chapter of the old state house. lc. for a detailed description of gentility see: chapter , - . “the washington assembly,” philadelphia inquirer, january , . information. it is possible that the combination of the selective list of guests and the persistence of the national crisis, which had greatly affected professionals and corporate profits, contributed to the celebration’s meager success. as women in northern states joined the effort, the wcec, the ward chairs, and their aides continuously labored to raise additional funds. on their second celebration of washington’s birthday, february, , the wcec celebrated the global aspect of the centennial with the international assembly tea party. each city ward selected a country, collected representative articles for sale and display, and had the officers dressed in national costumes. the women’s selection of countries was overwhelmingly influenced by a view of the centrality of western nations in world affairs. france, britain, holland, sweden, ireland, austria, russia, italy, and germany were several of the chosen representatives from the western world, while egypt, india, and china, were chosen because they were all under british influence. north and south america were represented by mexico in addition to the u.s. america’s colonial past occupied center stage in the executive table under the chairmanship of gillespie, and represented both france and the united states. in recognition of the assistance france gave the colonies during the revolution, thirteen arches made of evergreens and flowers, decorated with shields and the french and second annual report of the women’s centennial executive committee (philadelphia: thomas s. dando, ), ; “first annual meeting. anniversary of the women’s centennial executive committee,” philadelphia inquirer, february , . tunis and liberia might not have been enticing spots to represent africa, but peru, brazil, argentine confederation, cuba, chili, and venezuela exhibited in the centennial but were not chosen by the women. american flags, rose from the table. gas jets spelled “france and the united states – sister republics” above the stage, in a recognition of the newly created french third republic. the british table similarly presented the british and american flags as a signal of mutual political and cultural interests. the women’s contemporary worldview, more than a historical one, could be observed in the north american table, where a lady dressed as goddess of liberty, and other ladies appeared in native american costumes without any apparent conflict. the women did not perceive any conflict between liberty and the confiscation of the native american lands. by the end of the s and the early s americans considered reservations the most suitable place for the native americans to live. philadelphia elite women, like other americans, did not consider the native americans as people who possessed rights to own their lands and did not see any wrong in their expulsion from it. refusing to acknowledge german eminence in europe, the women dedicated three tables to the united german nation: prussia, north germany and south germany. for almost eighty years, prior to the franco-prussian war (july - may ), france led europe in military matters. prussia, on the other hand, was one of the weakest european military forces in . otto eduard leopold von bismarck, the prime minister of prussia, managed to industrialize his country, build a greater prussia following the war with denmark in , and create the german confederacy after a war the centennial international entertainment brilliant gathering at the academy of music,” public ledger, february , . mark david spence, dispossessing the wilderness: indian removal and the making of the national parks (new york: oxford university press, ), . with austria in . within a month into the franco-prussian war, he established the imminent unification of germany under prussian leadership and demonstrated military superiority in europe. although a unified germany was in existence for two and a half years, the women chose to present the country as divided and as insignificant as it had been before its remarkable military campaign. by doing so, they demonstrated their support of france, the american ally during the revolution and the former military power in the continent. the women understood that a lavish affair would not only promote the centennial but would also reach deeper pockets. on the opening evening they announced on the pages of a city newspaper: the ladies have taken unwearied pains to make this spectacle one of the most beautiful ever seen in philadelphia. if the guests appear in their street costumes the beauty of the house will be destroyed. the ladies do not desire to exclude those who by reason of age desire to wear their bonnets, but they earnestly entreat the younger members of society to wear “demi- toilettes,” short dress and without bonnets. indeed, the guests attended in full evening dress and in large numbers. the program opened with a concert in the academy of music. invited dignitaries sat on the stage, among them members of the centennial executive committee and the cbof, the austrian minister to the u.s. and the consul of the argentine republic at philadelphia, michael howard, the franco-prussian war (london: rupert hart davis, ; reprint, new york: routledge, ), , (page references are to reprint edition). “centennial international assembly,” philadelphia evening bulletin, february , . military officers, and officers of the navy stationed at the navy yard. ward aides sat in the parquet in front of the stage. following the concert, the women, nearly a thousand in number and wearing costumes of different nationalities formed a procession on the stage and proceeded to the horticultural hall for refreshments at their respective tables. the evening commenced with dances that lasted until one in the morning. one impressed guest commented that “the gathering was exceptionally striking and brilliant.” the international assembly was the “largest entertainments ever held in the city” and netted a considerable $ , , half of which the women donated to the centennial building fund. with momentum high, media applause, and large sums in their coffers despite the ever-increasing economic difficulty, the women eagerly planned an event of a different sort, a loan exhibition for april, . with the help of the managers of the national museum, they solicited articles of historical interest through their ward managers and arranged them at the residence of george g. franciscus in rittenhouse square, an upscale city neighborhood. the effort produced an exhibition of paintings from galleries and individual owners as well as the sommerville collection of antique gems. the items on display included historical portraits, antique furniture, old books and manuscripts, and historical artifacts. second annual report of the women’s centennial executive committee, , . neither the catalogue of the exhibition nor the women’s reports divulge the identity of the owner of the residence where the exhibition was held at west rittenhouse square in philadelphia. for the owner see: charles j. cohen, rittenhouse square past and present (printed privately, ), . as visitors stepped in, the first collections encountered were the portraits associated with national, state, and city history executed by some of the country’s most illustrious artists. they could observe george washington and henry clay painted by charles w. peale, dr. benjamin rush painted by benjamin west, thomas jefferson and james madison painted by gilbert stuart, george washington painted by thomas sully. they could also view three leading women: cleopatra, the queen of ancient egypt, ariadne, a greek mythological queen, and a bas-relief of gillespie, the president centennial committee. the bas-relief was made in rome for the wcec and was presented to her by her centennial female friends as a token of their appreciation. on the second floor, audiences could stroll leisurely among the private collections of several of the city’s wealthy individuals and respect their appreciation for art. additional rooms displayed portraits of notable women including mrs. arnold, the daughter of chief justice shippen sketched by major john andŕe, mrs. fanny kemble, a famous british actress who married pierce butler, heir of one of the large plantation in georgia, sarah franklin bache, daughter of benjamin franklin, and mrs. thomas fitzgerald all painted by sully; miss elizabeth bordley, wife of james gibson, a respected city lawyer, by stuart; and the european duchess of sutherland and mme de sévigné, a french aristocrat. the american ladies had all earned respect for their social standing and several for their support of the revolution. alarmed by the prospect that esther de berdt’s war effort would pass unnoticed due to her maiden name, the catalogue “the centennial loan exhibition,” public ledger, april , ; catalogue of the centennial loan exhibition rittenhouse square (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & co. ), - . the collections exhibited belonged to james lawrence claghorn, a businessman and banker and a recognized art collector, john welsh, the president of the cbof, and the gallery of m. w. baldwin. pointed out that she was the wife of general joseph reed and the president of the women’s association for alleviating the suffering of revolutionary war soldiers. visitors could also explore miscellaneous articles such as a portrayal of the reception given to lafayette at the chew house in germantown and some personal articles that belonged to benjamin franklin, william penn, thomas jefferson, and general washington. viewing mount vernon furnishings – a cup, two glasses, a chair and a few pieces of martha washington’s dress – visitors could imagine her domestic domain, while the pictures of the signers of the declaration of independence with their autographs and the original manuscript of the oath of allegiance would remind them of the founding of the nation. gillespie’s goal in creating the exhibition was to gather - the portraits of those who ninety-nine years ago were struggling for our freedom. animated by the example of the men and women of the revolution, we must hope for a better inheritance for our native land than now belongs to it. let us devote our lives to restoring the purity and simplicity of . she aimed at an instructive exhibit where portraits of both men and women would inspire the audience with the mythic unity and legacy of the revolution. if gillespie sought to inspire viewers with great historical leaders, she did not shy from her inclusion among them. her image was situated between two queens and among some of the greatest catalogue of the centennial loan exhibition, . “centennial loan exhibition,” the philadelphia inquirer, april , . second annual report of the women’s centennial executive committee, - . figures of the nation’s history. this leaves no doubt that the wcec highly valued her leadership and probably perceived her achievements comparable to those of the esteemed male leaders. the presentation of privileged colonial women shaped a narrative of female heroines with an air of aristocracy hinted by the european portraits. elite philadelphia women created the exhibit in demonstration of their class and status. they considered themselves the american aristocracy of their period. the exhibition marked a transitional stage between that of the private collection and the institutional phase, the museum, termed by tony bennett the “exhibition complex.” he argues that in the nineteenth century, institutions of exhibitions arranged artifacts, previously displayed in private for a restricted audience, in a manner that would serve the elite’s interests, such as the innovation of centennial in its display of racial groups where oriental, black, and aboriginal populations of conquered territories were subordinate to displays of imperial powers. unlike the museum, where space was abundant and staff - professional, the loan exhibition was limited to one city mansion and was privately organized and displayed. but similar to a nineteenth-century art institution, it was an instrument in the hands of the privileged to disseminate their particular agenda to the general public. authority rested in the hands of organizers and collectors who selected particular works and methodologically arranged them to construct their own national historical narrative. limited space contributed to higher selective process and possibly a honed message that focused on fewer but more significant bennett, the birth of the museum, - , . artifacts. judging by the impression of the women of the third ward, the exhibit raised general interest and was “an instructive and pleasant place of resort.” the loan exhibit catalogue served as a site where class, memory, and authority intersected. it linked owners, people of extraordinary wealth and privilege, to most exhibited articles, remnants of the revolutionary era. thus, one might learn of mrs. edward shippen’s and mrs. mcclure’s connection to the colonists for the former owned a bottle that came over on the mayflower and the latter possessed a few artifacts from mount vernon. the link of mr. w. j. phillips to george washington was evident by his holdings of the general’s autographed letter, a piece of his sofa cover, and a lock of his hair. gillespie’s ancestry was demonstrated in several of benjamin franklin’s items she loaned for display. the exhibition committee, sensitive to the importance of crediting owners for their items, placed an announcement of regret about articles that did not accompany names of owners at the end of the catalogue. the catalogue linked wealth and pedigree with privilege and authority. it established the current generation of colonial descendents not only as custodians of american history but also as agents of social transformation, the creators of “better inheritance for our native land”. with the rising popularity of martha washington, the wcec initiated a production of a commemorative medal struck by the u.s. mint with the head of martha women’s branch united states centennial commission, report of the third ward special committee (philadelphia: a. t. zeising, ), . catalogue of the centennial loan exhibition, west rittenhouse square (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & co., ), . see quote: p. . washington on one side and “in honor of the women of the revolution” written on the other. patrons could purchase it in either silver or gilt. the official medals feminized american independence and american liberty by depicting them as greek mythological goddesses: one, ready to fight, and the second, a woman welcoming the arts and sciences. the former holds a sword in one hand and raises the other toward stars that represent the colonies. on its circumference appears the caption: “these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states,” while marks the creation of america. the liberty in the second medal represents the present. no longer in need of a sword, liberty has it tied to her girdle and the shield of stars and stripes is causally leaning by her side. she extends her hands to welcome the figures of arts and sciences who came to present themselves in the centennial. the year appears under the scene. liberty has been associated with american freedom from the time of the revolution during the s. america often appeared with the goddess of liberty and more importantly, the goddess was occasionally americanized. the official medals expressed a unified humble beginning of the nation’s history that led to the essence of progress in all areas of learning. while a memory of consensus, cbof members ignored the role of women whose assistance to the revolution did not depend on the use of weapons. the wcec’s medal singled out martha washington to personalize the gillespie, book of remembrance, ; minutes of the women’s centennial committee of philadelphia, - , feb. , , hsp. for details of the medal and illustrations of both sides of the medal see: “current memoranda,” potter’s american monthly, v (nov. ): . ray broadus browne, ed. frontiers of american cultures (west lafayette, ind.: purdue university studies, ), . figure . martha washington medal stack’s bowers galleries, stack’s – bowers and ponterio revolutionary effort of all women. it aimed at inserting women into the national revolutionary history. in june , a serious setback prompted gillespie to take extreme measures. mr. goshorn, the director general of the exhibition and mr. cochran, the chairman of the committees on grounds, plans, and buildings of the cbof separately wrote gillespie that due to overwhelming response from foreign countries there would be no space for the women’s display in the main building. they suggested that the women could collect the sum of $ , to erect their own building. they were apologetic that cbof could not assist her financially for its funds were tied in contracts beyond the amount they possessed. gillespie was flabbergasted. years later she reminisced: i was alone when i read those letters, and it was fortunate that i was, for i have lived many years since and have never forgotten the utter misery of those first moments, for the women of the whole country were working not only for patriotic motives, but with the hope that through this exhibition their own abilities would be recognized and their work carried beyond the needle and thread. i felt disposed to rebel, for my co-workers had the promise through our philadelphia organization that space in the main building was to be ours. after considering the situation gillespie, the wcec, and the chairmen of the ward committees agreed to raise money for a separate building. it was a difficult task. the exhibition was scheduled to open in less than a year and the funds they needed were the women earned a total of $ from their sale. final report of the women’s centennial executive committee, . gillespie, book of remembrance, . three fourths the amount they had collected since they had formed their organization over a year before. with the approach of the holiday season, the wcec set to organize a spectacular event to raise the needed amount. they decided to hold a martha washington tea party, a commemoration of her first official reception after george washington became president of the united states. the wcec was resolved to keep a strictly professional program and refused requests for performances submitted by residents of various wards. they hired an orchestra under the direction of mark hassler, a known philadelphia musician of german jewish origin who had performed in their previous galas. a local newspaper commented that “the affair created quite a stir in fashionable circles, and as had been anticipated, the spacious academy was crowded with ladies and gentlemen in costume and otherwise magnificently attired… the scene was such a one as had not been witnessed in this city during the present century.” a drawing room scene and a single painting of george washington painted by charles wilson peale adorned the stage. following some introductory music, the eminent martha washington, represented by mrs. john sanders, entered the stage wearing black silk dress adorned with lace ruffles and cap. once she took her place on the platform, the women’s branch united states centennial commission, report of the twenty second ward special committee (philadelphia: e. m. gans, printers, ), . minutes of the women’s centennial committee of philadelphia, - , hsp. henry samuel morais, the jews of philadelphia their history from earliest settlements to the present time (philadelphia: the levytype company, ), - . “martha washington her reception last night at the academy. dancing the minuet in costume a beautiful scene,” the philadelphia inquirer, december , . several hundred costumed men and women paid their respect to their hostess. following the reception, a group of men and women in continental costumes danced the minuet, originated at the court of louis xiv in at versailles. the evening concluded with dances while tea and refreshments were offered by colonial costumed women in the foyer. the wcec placed martha washington on a symbolic pedestal perhaps as a reaction to their disappointment by the centennial executive committee for going back on their promise for exhibition space, or by the influence of the tea party celebrated in new haven, connecticut, a few months earlier, where martha washington was the queen of the evening, or it might have been a conflation of both. but situating washington high on a platform with men and women treating her like a monarch, her husband a mere backdrop for the scene, clearly declared that women held influential positions, separate from those of their husbands. if only as a hostess, a characteristic feminine role expected of a politician’s wife, centennial women elevated it to a form of art; graceful, refined, and respectable. appropriately dressed, she received hundreds of guests with patience and elegance. the wcec sought to represent the “court of the republic.” in the local media they claimed that the event should be “instructive” and intended the “costumes worn in the minuet [to] give an accurate idea of what society was a century ago.” their historical construction spelled an elitist view, one led by selected educated and wealthy ibid. for connecticut’s celebration, see ahead. minutes of the women’s centennial committee of philadelphia, - , hsp. “the martha washington reception,” the philadelphia inquirer, december , . individuals, much in contrast to the idea of a popular revolution. the sons of liberty, the patriot colonists who organized to protect the rights of the colonists, originated from the professional and elite classes. they sought the support of the lower classes in order to demonstrate a forceful opposition to the british. patrick henry and thomas paine attempted to approach the masses and incite them into a revolution. their radical approach was one which elite philadelphians attempted to dismiss. in their version, the revolution was led by educated and experienced men and women who would lead the country for the betterment of all. washington signaled that women possessed power and influence that could markedly shape historical circumstances. the women blurred the boundaries between the private and the public by presenting washington’s parlor as a site of social and political exchange. an affair of cosmopolitan flavor, the carnival of authors, was the executive committee’s theme for washington’s birthday in february . ward committees chose authors as themes for their tables and appeared in costumes that resembled characters of fiction, poetry, and history. william shakespeare, charles dickens, sir walter scott, alfred tennyson, molière, george coleman, and arabian nights, represented world literature with overwhelming western european representation and a stereotypical image of the levant. the american representatives typically had written about the colonial period and the encounter with native americans. henry wadsworth longfellow, the popular poet, was featured by the fifteenth ward. they presented a wigwam and thatched cottage for his poems “hiawatha's wooing!” and “evangeline”, and the hardworking priscilla sitting by her spinning wheel with john alden by her side to recall “the courtship of miles standish,” “courtship” narrates a love story in the plymouth colony. because it was established by the mayflower pilgrims, most of the aides wore puritan costumes while several consented, somewhat reluctantly, to represent the native americans. native americans constituted an impediment to american westward expansion. after the mexican-american war ( - ) the lands of the plain indians were gradually confiscated by the government and its inhabitants were, removed to reservations, often forcefully. with little respect to the native americans by officials and the public, it is not surprising that the women preferred to wear the costumes of the esteemed pilgrims rather than the “savage’ indians”. colonial life continued in the table of the th ward with james fennimore cooper, a prolific novelist of the frontier. they also constructed a wigwam equipped with tomahawk, bow and arrow, camp fire, and moccasins. the indian friend of the english from the last of the mohicans and women with aboriginal costume completed the scene. nathaniel hawthorne, who wrote about new england and the puritans was the subject of the th ward. transforming popular american poetry and literature into an imagined world of pilgrims, colonists, and peace-making native americans constructed an ideal past. it promoted simplicity, tranquility, and domestic harmony. the carnival, which ended with over a thousand colorful costumed characters marching on the stage, perpetuated this myth. the women’s branch uscc, report of the th ward special commission, third report (philadelphia: a. t. zeising, ), . the women’s branch uscc, report of the th ward special commission (philadelphia: press of henry b. ashmead, ), - . the impressive events organized by the wcec raised interest in the centennial all over the country attracted large attendance, and raised the total of $ , required for the women’s building. the success was partially due to continued city wards fundraising events and canvassing that took place in philadelphia, boston, and minersville, pennsylvania. the plans for the building were finalized in september and at the end of february of the following year the completed construction was ceremoniously given to the wcec by thomas cochran, one of the directors of the cbof. the idea of a martha washington tea party grew in popularity. women in other parts of the state and the country organized local parties on behalf of the centennial. they fashioned their events on the original philadelphia tea party but constructed their own version of history, often with a local perspective, and portrayed their own historical and political views. such was the party held in february by the wcec of norristown, pennsylvania, under the chairwomanship of mrs. cadwalader evans. the two-day event featured tables themed after major revolutionary leaders and battles including valley forge, brandywine, bunker hill, and chadds ford in addition to george washington. the yorktown table featured flags decorating pictures of gen. washington but also of the county-born union general winfield scott hancock and john frederick hartranft, the newly elected governor of pennsylvania. the gen. wayne table, managed by mrs. dr. lees and anna morris holstein, a volunteer nurse in the civil war and an associate manager for norristown for the women’s pennsylvania branch of the united states sanitary commission, attracted attention to pistols used by gen. anthony wayne during the revolution and loaned by holstein’s husband. the stage, illuminated with gas jets, exhibited portraits in hierarchical importance. a gilt eagle suspended from george washington’s portrait topped the arrangement. underneath her husband’s picture was the portrait of martha washington, and below was a picture of general philip henry sheridan, a civil war officer whose cavalry was instrumental in forcing robert e. lee’s surrender at appomattox. the women of montgomery county held a more gender-conservative approach to the nation’s history than their philadelphia counterparts, and refrained from placing martha washington on the same footing with her husband. they perceived the recent war as a battle to uphold revolutionary values. their belief in the union prevented them from realizing that a tribute to a civil war hero was an affront toward southern sensibilities. although the women held traditional gender roles, they did not ignore revolutionary women altogether. they acknowledged their contribution in the john adams table with a cup and a saucer that belonged to mrs. haddon “who gave information to the american forces of the approach of the british at germantown.” the table represented the domestic space of the revolutionary statesman, while the china that adorned it belonged to a woman who helped the continental army. by blurring the boundary between the public and the private, montgomery county women demonstrated that men and women are capable to perform in both spheres without altering their character. the officers who wore a martha washington costume paid further tribute to annual report of the women’s pennsylvania branch, ussc (philadelphia: henry b. ashmead, ), . “the tea party,” norristown herald and free press, feb. , . revolutionary women. several proudly displayed their ancestry as they wore original period dresses and jewels. gillespie and mrs. col. john w. forney of the centennial executive committee visited the celebration along with additional local dignitaries. as the leading manager of the wcec, the presence of gillespie commanded respect and provided legitimacy to the event, while local officials demonstrated their support of the cause. like the officers in montgomery county, the women of trenton, new jersey, highlighted local history in addition to women’s deeds. trenton women recalled the event of washington’s passing through the city in april on his way to his inauguration in new york. leading society women erected a triumphal arch on the bridge he crossed decorated with the inscription “the defender of the mothers will be the protector of the daughters.” the women and their daughters, all dressed in white, strewed flowers in his path as they sang an ode composed especially for the event as he passed through the arch. the centennial women promptly erected an arch on the stage, decorated it with flowers, and staged a group of young girls outfitted with white dresses to strew flowers. but instead of respecting washington alone, they threw their flowers in front of both george and martha and sang the poem, written for the inauguration of the first president, for both of them. they changed the original inscription into “the heroes who defended the mothers will protect the daughters,” emphasizing the willingness of young men to protect their families if the need arose when they are older. perhaps they thought of the ibid., . for a full description of the event see: david w. belisle, history of independence hall from earliest period to the present time (philadelphia: james challen & son, ), - . civil war and wanted to convey that the men would always be ready to fight for the women’s safety. additional artifacts included a life-size figure of abigail smith, the future wife of john adams, dressed in her original dress, an array of revolutionary artifacts, and a cake that represented the temple of liberty. in his speech, governor joel parker announced enthusiastically: “in those initial steps of the revolution, the heroic ladies of america took the lead. the ladies – god bless them! – are always in advance of us men in every good patriotic work.” trenton’s privileged women constructed a narrative that highlighted colonial women. the juxtaposition of martha washington into a scene of a hero’s welcome and the presentation of abigail adams prior to her marriage marked women’s significance not as wives but as historical figures in their own right. unlike trenton, the women of new haven, connecticut, chose to exhibit their european heritage. the event, held in june , was cast in a courtly manner of the old regime with curtseying and “ladies being led in by the tips of their fingers.” a group of over fifty men and women who elegantly impersonated figures of america’s revolutionary elite entered the stage. they were all dressed in revolutionary costumes, several with authentic attire that confirmed their colonial roots. all the pomp and stately “centennial tea party taylor opera house packed in every part the display grand and befitting,” trenton state gazette, february , ; benson j. lossing, the pictorial field book of the revolution (new york: harper & brothers, publishers, ), vol. , - . new jersey centennial tea party held at taylor opera house, trenton (february - , ) (trenton, new jersey: naar., day & naar, ), . ritual reached its pinnacle with the appearance of the honorable guest, martha washington: ..the queen of the evening, led by the gentleman who represented president washington, advanced and took her place upon the dais followed by the members of her suite. she was elegantly attired in a robe of her white satin, with a train of lavender brocade, her hair surmounted by a tasteful cap. the president withdrew to a respectful distance, leaving to her the honors of the evening. significantly, it was the first incident where george washington disappeared into the background, leaving his wife in the spotlight. the receding president signaled that a woman could occupy the center stage both literally and figuratively. with her regal attire and courtly etiquette, martha’s status resembled that of a european monarch. her association with the nobility implied similar association for other colonial families. a gala of particular interest was celebrated by the women at mt. auburn, in cincinnati in may . historians have long considered the city the center of copperheadism for its population’s sympathy with the south and its economy. most of the settlers of the city arrived from the south and had similar customs, traditions, and prejudices as their ancestors. the city had long traded with the southern states through the ohio and mississippi rivers and, in the mid-nineteenth century, via railway to new orleans. the women planned an international bazaar, where they divided the united george d. curtis, souvenir of the centennial exhibition or connecticut’s representation at philadelphia, (hartford, connecticut: geo. d. curtis, ), - . eugene h. roseboom, “southern ohio and the union in ,” the mississippi valley historical review, (june ): . states into three main sections: the new england and the northern states, the southern states, and california and the pacific slope. the center of the hall “on a high pedestal… stands the goddess of liberty in wax, while at her side, but lower down, stands george washington also in wax, with his face turned toward the wall in disgrace. he has plainly been dissipating, and appears to be anxious to slink behind some protecting mountain.” the privileged women identified with the south as it had been long believed that trade with the south would increase significantly after secession. by positioning washington away from liberty, the women demonstrated their disapproval of the war via the first president who had fought for the nation’s independence. similar to northerners, who argued that the union was the original principle of the founding fathers, mt. auburn women employed washington to claim that state’s right to secede was a tenet on which the country had been established. the table of new england and the northern states was presided over by four northern women, a woman each from massachusetts and new hampshire, e. d. gillespie, and susan hale, a niece of edward everett, a whig party politician from massachusetts and a former u.s. secretary of state. most articles on the table were of new england manufacture. the southern states included a painting of george washington and the california and the pacific exhibited gold and silver from local mines, fruits, and trees. the ladies who tended the tables of the three united states sections wore “centennial glory. bewildering beauty in exposition hall. thousands of spectators astonished by the wonderful scene,” cincinnati daily gazette, may , . martha washington costumes, acknowledging the revolutionary consensus. an additional department of relics carried an autographed letter of washington, his tent flag, masonic emblem, sash, and sleeve buttons. they also displayed a writing desk that belonged to martha washington and a tea kettle brought over on the mayflower. in contrast to other tea parties, gender was not the focus of the cincinnati tea party. the women demonstrated indisputable support for the construction of a consensus and a revolutionary narrative by placing a picture of george washington on the southern table and with their martha washington costumes. they indicated their support for sectional healing with their invitation of northern women to preside over their regional table. but their most conspicuous comment, at the center of their display, was george washington, who remained speechless and dismayed because of the last war and could not face liberty. the women believed that the war, which forced them to stay in a union against their will, did not resonate with freedom and democracy. they placed washington, who could not justify northern actions to liberty, with his face toward the wall in an attempt to avoid her. this reproach had reminded the influential northern guests that disgruntled feelings over the conflict were strongly held by great many supporters of the southern cause. back in philadelphia, the wcec labored enthusiastically to furnish the woman’s building with exhibits devoted to woman’s labor. their goal was to offer women ways “the may tea party. what the ladies propose for the general entertainment,” cincinnati daily gazette, march , . “centennial glory” cincinnati daily gazette, - . “to earn their livelihood in branches of business yet unknown to them.” thus, among an array of needlework and lace one could find wood carvings, an exhibit of the school of design of massachusetts, and a pharmaceutical exhibit of the woman’s medical college of philadelphia. however, in the pages of their daily newspaper, the new century for women, the ideal past infrequently appeared. in their first issue, an unknown writer heaped derision on current men and trumpeted colonial women’s character: if men are what their mothers are surely something must have been wrong with some mothers of boys thirty and forty years ago, - some moral defect, some lack of honest fibre, some confusion of ideas on the subject of integrity … the women of a hundred years ago had purpose, endurance, and power, they were part of the nation’s life. the journalists were all northern women who actively assisted in the long fundraising campaign on behalf of the board of managers for a promise of space to exhibit in the main building in return. when their hope had been rebuffed and they were left to raise additional sum to erect a building without any assistance from the executive directors, they turned their dismay, anger, and disappointment toward additional appeals and events. the centennial executive committee would not even extend complementary entrance tickets to the women, who were required to purchase them each time they arrived to maintain their exhibits. perhaps the author wanted to point to her anger over the lack of honesty and integrity of the men who so blatantly recanted on their promise third annual report of the women’s centennial executive committee, march st , (philadelphia: press of henry & ashmead), . “the new century for woman,” the new century for woman, may , . in the beginning of september, four months into the exhibit, gillespie requested that ward chairmen and aides would receive reduced-rate tickets for the remainder of the exhibition and was flatly refused. see: september , september , minutes of the women’s centennial committee of philadelphia, - . due to the women’s fundraising success. unable to criticize nationally respected and well-connected men, the author blamed their mothers, on the premise that they must be blamed for their upbringing. the author also used the opportunity to contrast the inept mothers with an idealized image of the women of the revolution. an additional article about martha washington reinforced domesticity and simplicity when it discussed her residency in mount vernon. the author commended on her frugality and resourcefulness during the war and praised her sixteen spinning wheels and home-made dress. she also pointed to george washington’s home-spun suit, worn while the president was in new york, in order to demonstrate martha’s skillful frugality. the author mentioned that washington had servants, but ignored their contribution when character of martha is concerned. in addition, the author firmly maintained that washington and his wife each had a “public career.” the concluding event of the women’s work for the centennial was a calico party, celebrated in philadelphia on february , with the intention that women outfitted with calico dresses would dance the minuet. an observer commented that participants who “were garbed in the court dress worn one hundred years ago in this country” paid respects to the receiving party before they danced. the ladies wore the long, flowing, gown-like dresses of rich material in style in the martha washington period, with the high powdered coiffures although john welsh, who headed the cbof, was years old, the president of the centennial, joseph r. hawley, celebrated his th birthday, and alfred traber goshorn, the director general was years old. e. e. g., “a night at mount vernon,” the new century for woman, june , - . of the same day, and the gentlemen appeared in full continental costume – silk, satin and velvet coats profusely laced, knee breeches, silk stockings, buckled shoes, &c., all surmounted with powdered wig and ribboned queue… in the extent to which calico was worn the party was not a success. despite the attempt to produce a celebration with inexpensive costumes in memory of the simple colonial attire, many guests ignored the decision and attended in luxurious evening gowns and continental costumes. most philadelphia elites did not feel comfortable to attend a formal society event with attire made of inexpensive material. luxurious clothes articulated their class identity and social status. the wards shared the proceeds to help their needy population with winter heating and additional essentials. befitting leading society women, racial attitudes and class distinction were rarely discussed, but they were not issues to be ignored. initially, the wcec appointed rebecca j. cole, who graduated from the woman's medical college of pennsylvania and became the second african american to receive a medical degree in united states, to lead an african american woman’s committee. cole started to organize branches of women who were “ready to canvas the city.” unbeknown to her recruited women, she agreed that the colored women’s centennial commission would be limited to fundraise solely within the african american community. once the african american activists learned about her plans, they refused to abide her terms claiming that “our womanhood would be compromised, our citizenship ignored or our rights questioned.” the african american “washington’s birthday,” philadelphia inquirer, february , . “another branch. organization of colored women’s centennial commission,” philadelphia inquirer, april , . recruits were deeply offended by the segregation placed upon them. they linked their womanhood to their citizenship and felt that preventing them equal participation in fundraising activities compromised both. the women attempted to explain their position by holding a meeting and protesting to gillespie but received no reply. at length, they disclosed on the pages of a local newspaper that they were deceived by cole and delia chew, who agreed on terms that were “unauthorized, and in no way binding or representing us.” gillespie acted swiftly. she allowed the african american women to canvass “among our colored population and with any others whom the committee might be able to influence through friendship” while promptly discharging cole from her duties. the resistance of elite african american women to accept racial boundaries forced them to abandon the enterprise altogether. the centennial women refused to admit their support of racial segregation. when questioned about the incident, miss mchenry stated that when the organization formed and the most suitable women for each ward were selected “they all happened to be white persons, and had colored women presented themselves they would… just as readily been appointed.” that the issue was settled without further deliberation demonstrates the existence of racism among white elites. the prominent men of the centennial executive committee, the national body that could influence the women, never got involved. and since the centennial was an official open doors to correspondents. the centennial,” philadelphia inquirer, may , . ibid. enterprise, partially funded, at the time, by the local and state governments, the exclusion of african americans from its ranks was essentially sanctioned by these bodies. officers of the wcec, heads of wards, and their aides were all white, privileged society women, who carefully guarded their ranks. elizabeth robins pennell could trace her ancestors to colonial families in virginia and maryland and was the niece of the folklorist charles godfrey leland. her father, a philadelphia stock broker lost his fortune when jay cooke’s bank bankrupted in september , a mere six months after the formation of the wcec. she was promptly removed from the lists of elite society, including that of centennial activists. pennell realized her misfortune when she was barred from the dancing assembly. sitting on the sideline she commented: …my gay friends, who were well on the inside, busy going to centennial balls at the academy of music in colonial dress… while i stayed at home and, seeing what lovely creatures powder and patches and panniers made of philadelphia girls with no more pretence to good looks than i. she later recalled that canvassers came to her door with “voluminous furs,” clear evidence of their affluence. centennial women contributed over $ , to the treasury of the cbof and raised a total of $ , . their meticulous organization and diligent canvassing resulted in remarkable success where male canvassers experienced low participation. but it was their magnificent tea parties with martha washington costumes that generated the pennell, our philadelphia, . j. s. ingram, the centennial exposition described and illustrated being a concise and graphic description of this grand enterprise commemorative of the first centennary of american independence (philadelphia: hubbard bros., ), . excitement and publicity the centennial enterprise lacked. they were the leading factors in the sales of its stock. the cult of martha washington represented integrity and simplicity but its celebration was anything but plain. elaborate costumes were produced for the affairs while the women assured the audience of their high value. the reverence of martha was fairly similar to that of mary washington. when mary died a neighbor wrote in her memory, “there is no fame in the world more pure than that of the mother of washington, and no woman since the mother of christ has left a better claim to the affectionate reverence of mankind.” by comparing washington to the biblical figure she evoked a memory of the sacrifice of a son for a higher cause. while jesus died for his people, washington gave his life to the american people in battle and in executive leadership. on may , in a ceremony with distinguished guests and between ten and fifteen thousand people, a cornerstone was laid on washington’s grave. mr. bassett, a relative of washington and the chairman of the monument committee spoke about a memory of “her fortitude, her piety, her every grace of life” and “her sure hope of a blessed immortality.” in march , the post advocated for a fitting memorial to mary washington after a firm placed an advertisement announcing that the property containing mary washington’s grave would be sold in an auction. the following year, after the fredericksburg mary washington association was formed, an appeal for aid for in new haven “miss hadley wore a dress embroidered by miss nabby wadsworth before the revolutionary war – coarse cotton cloth (then very expensive).” curtis, souvenir of the centennial exhibition or connecticut’s representation, . marion harland, the story of mary washington (boston: houghton, mifflin and company, ), . ibid., . “the mary washington monument,” in the post almanac weather forecasts and book of facts of the office, home, and farm, (washington, d. c.: the post company, ), . the women of the country circulated. the significance of the project was as “the first monument ever erected by woman to a woman.” the daughters of the american revolution designated the monument as their first national project and helped raise the required funds that enabled to complete it. it was dedicated by president grover cleveland on may , . while mary and martha washington both projected unity and simplicity, the latter also projected opulence and extravagance. these qualities enabled martha to appeal to privileged classes in northern and border states. affluent women marveled at the opportunity to organize luxurious galas for a patriotic cause, particularly ones that emphasized their ancestors and complimented their virtues. the cult of martha washington had been forged when george washington had increasingly come to symbolize the unified past revolutionary past. people flocked to view his portraits at the sanitary fair and the national museum in philadelphia, and his refurbished home, mount vernon, attracted growing number of visitors. like the practice of leading men, centennial women constructed their own heroines, white, protestant, and largely active in the public arena, to represent colonial womanhood. many privileged women agreed that martha washington was regal and resourceful, but other localities did not necessarily follow the lead of philadelphia women when it came to gender hierarchy and regional harmony. women of urban centers tended to convey an image of an assertive martha washington, while rural women could not margaret hetzel, “mary washington,” american woman magazine, ii (march ): . fathom placing a woman on equal status with her husband. when w. h. armstrong announced at the first tea party, in february , that “the north and the south are fast forgetting that they ever were estranged” followed by alexander h. stephens of georgia, who echoed his predecessor with “the nation, north and south, will drop the curtain upon all that is bitter in the past, and will rise to new interests, new friendships, new hopes, and new affections,” their words seemed more hopeful than factual. the cincinnati tea party proved that animosity held strong, and neither martha nor george could evince a meaningful change. the women of mt. auburn, cincinnati, consented to participate in the campaign to raise money for the centennial, but their blatant exhibit of washington articulated a message of strong disagreement with the civil war. with such a harsh display from a border city and without meaningful help from southern states, it was clear that a mere decade left southerners bitter and un-reconciled over the long military conflict. as the exposition neared the end, the wcec contemplated future goals for a national organization. in a meeting held in mid-october, the philadelphia officers decided to continue the centennial’s goal of “uniting of the people of our country” under the name women’s centennial national league. mrs. rand suggested teaming with the women of massachusetts to preserve the old south church in boston which is “a legacy “the tea party,” newspaper clipping, etting, the philadelphia tea party of , lc. october , minutes of the women’s centennial committee of philadelphia, - , hsp; the media called the organization women’s national centennial league. “report of the adjourned meeting of the women’s centennial committee,” the new century for woman, november , . to our country as independence hall”. in a later meeting, which included the wcec and delegated from the states, the issue was raised again by rand. opponents argued that the first project of an organization founded on “no creed” should not be the restoration of a church. proponents contended that the old south is not a church but a historical relic. this remark was of utmost importance. possibly for the first time in the history of the preservation movement the idea of religious affiliation was linked to historical site. religious affiliation could present a controversial issue for a historical preservation project executed by a national organization that aimed at pleasing members from all over the country. though elite women were typically protestant, they may have belonged to several different denominations. further, the women might have used religion as a pretext to oppose a project in the northeast of the country. the debate underpinned a more poignant issue – the politics of memory: the choice of preservation project, its interpretation, and the public support it can garner were all inextricably enmeshed and could directly affect a preservation effort’s outcome. the plan to assist in the restoration of the old south was not accepted; the women were not ready to face such complex issues when the future of their organization had not been firmly established. in a following general meeting with representative of states and officers of philadelphia wards, gillespie indicated that the men would leave memorial hall as a monument for their work in the exposition and “women should leave such a memorial as october , minutes of the women’s centennial committee of philadelphia, - , hsp. the names of the women who voiced their opinions are absent. see: “report of adjourned meeting of the women’s centennial committees,” the new century for women, november , . would testify a hundred years hence to what the women of to-day had done.” to some of the participants’ surprise, she announced that a national organization had been organized. it would consist of thirteen representatives of each state, and that of pennsylvania would be selected by the chairwomen of the wards. following some tension over the elections, most of philadelphia officers were elected with gillespie as president. despite of the women’s lofty aspirations, their organization fizzled rather quickly. in their final report, the wcec established a memorial fund for “erection of this city of some useful memorial of the work accomplished by the women of america for the proper celebration of the centennial anniversary of the establishment of our government.” new york and connecticut withdrew, possibly in defiance of philadelphia’s leadership. requesting funds from women of the states for a commemorative project that would benefit the people of philadelphia did not spark great interest, even on the grounds of meeting the challenge of the men’s imposing centennial building. despite the demise of the new organization, centennial women had achieved several impressive goals. they increased national interest in the exposition and raised a considerable sum to defray its expenses. they also erected a woman’s building and arranged its american and international exhibits. they employed the organizational experience they had obtained during their work for the great central fair in appealing to greater and diverse population and in overcoming unpredicted setbacks. the work on “centennial women,” philadelphia inquirer, november , . final report of the women’s centennial executive committee, march , (philadelphia: press of henry b. ashmead, ), . behalf of the centennial enabled them to increase their managerial skills, produce a feminine historical version that crossed state boundaries, and demonstrated that they could bring a failed project to a successful conclusion. centennial women organizers constructed a subversive memory by arguing that women played a significant role in the national historical narrative. their account transformed into a national campaign, which enabled elite women in other towns and states to alter its presentation to suit their local history and social and political leanings. elite professional and public activist men did not object to the campaign because the representation of the historic women remained within their gendered roles. revolutionary women appeared largely in social scenes or as the makers of homespun articles. however, centennial women inserted themselves and their talented and formidable leader, elizabeth duane gillespie, into the historical narrative. they asserted that elite women have been influencing national history from the colonial era to their contemporary time. the centennial raised greater interest in revolutionary sites and brought attention to their neglect. near the hills of valley forge, where george washington encamped during the harsh winter of and , a group of men and women would employ the memory of the military leader as a means to preserve his former headquarters. chapter historical preservation in montgomery county, pennsylvania “our people had not begun to remember” - this concise and profound observation, published in the preface to worthy women of our first century, comes from editors who lamented the loss of invaluable historical evidence and deeply felt the urgency to preserve salvageable records before the past would be erased forever and the annals of significant individuals could never be told. the centennial exposition, held in philadelphia in , portrayed colonial life in architecture, artifacts, and food and inspired a nostalgic interest in returning to the idealized simplicity of the past. termed the colonial revival, this movement was manifest in the arts, architecture, and history, and was visible in enthusiastic attempts to preserve colonial and revolutionary period buildings, objects, and family papers. a strong popular interest in genealogy also developed during this period. prompted by shifting social and economic conditions, privileged white americans attempted to expose the immigrant working classes to this idealized version of the sarah butler wister and agnes irwin, eds., worthy women of our first century (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott & co., ), . the book was a project initiated by the women’s department of the centennial commission “to offer to [their] young country women honorable models and examples.” the editors conducted a lengthy correspondence campaign before they finalized the women to be included in the monograph, a fact that undoubtedly delayed its publication to the following year. ibid., . nation’s early past as a means of inculcating patriotism, self-sacrifice, and hard work. the educated and powerful believed that exposure to evidence of the supposed virtues of the colonial and revolutionary period would impress upon youth and immigrants the need to appreciate their country and lead a civic-minded life. enthusiasts in montgomery county, pennsylvania, started the restoration of george washington’s headquarters in valley forge and formed the montgomery county historical society. public-spirited influential white women, when approached by their fellow male organizers, applied the organizational skills they had acquired in previous projects and diligently worked to raise public interest and gain the needed funds for the acquisition and preservation of george washington’s headquarters. as members of the historical society, women contributed articles on different subjects than their male counterparts, favoring social, cultural and familial histories over political and military history. these experiences taught women that despite the growing interest in the nation’s past it was difficult to transform public enthusiasm into a continuous flow of donations. involvement in local historical organizations offered public exposure of their knowledge, research, and experience at a critical time when the professionalization of the historical field was taking place. harvey green, “looking backward to the future: the colonial revival and american culture,” in creating a dignified past: museums and the colonial revival, ed. geoffrey l. rossano (savage, maryland: fowman & littlefield publishers, inc., ), - . the most prominent historical writers of the nineteenth century are george bancroft, the author of the ten- volume history of the united states from the discovery of the american continent ( - ), francis parkman who authored the nine-volume france and england in north america - ), and henry adams the author of the nine-volume history of the united states during the administrations of thomas jefferson and james madison ( – ). david w. noble argues that they related to the world view of the puritans in new england who believed that they had a covenant with god to lead pure and simple life. see: david w. noble, historians against history: the frontier thesis and the national covenant in american historical writing since (minneapolis: university of minnesota press, ), . see also in the centennial exposition’s main goal was to commemorate “the birthday of our nation, after a century of such prosperity, expansion, and progress, and after such a development of the material resources of this mighty continent.” organizers sought to demonstrate that in merely a century a resourceful people living under a democratic system had reached, and perhaps surpassed, the cultural, economic, technological, and educational achievements of the competent and well-established old world. in articulating america’s progress, some exhibits portrayed the past as an initial point of comparison with a century of accomplishments. the audience, however, was fascinated by the colonial and revolutionary era scenes and artifacts. the exhibitions aroused general public interest in american history and genealogy, particularly among white men and women of the leisured classes who possessed the time and the means to invest in them. elizabeth pennell robins observed that due to the centennial “[philadelphians] devoted every hour of leisure to the study of genealogy, they besieged the historical society in search of inconsiderate ancestors who had neglected to make conspicuous figures of themselves and so had to be hunted up, they left no stone unturned to prove their colonial descent.” evidence of lineage that reached revolutionary or colonial eras his work: the end of american history: democracy, capitalism, and the metaphor of two worlds in anglo-american historical writing, - (minneapolis: university of minnesota press, ), . for an analysis of the three historians’ works see: richard c. vitzthum, the american compromise: theme and method in the histories of bancroft, parkman, and adams (norman, alabama: university of oklahoma press, ). for late nineteenth-century historians see: ellen fitzpatrick, history’s memory: writing america’s past, - (cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, ). united states centennial commission, appendix to the reports of the united states centennial commission and centennial board of finance (philadelphia: j. b. lippincott &co., ), . elizabeth robins pennell, our philadelphia. philadelphia (j. b. lippincott & company, ), . became an additional requisite to social elite memberships. prominent citizens, ignorant of their family history, saved no effort into finding ancestors who would enhance their social status. prior to the exhibition, only a small number of groups and individuals acted to preserve of historical buildings and battle sites, but the centennial’s colonial state houses, the historical exhibition in the main building, and the new england kitchen exhibit raised awareness of an ideal simplicity and domestic harmony. opinions of scholars who argued against the existence of an original colonial architecture did not resonate with activists who rallied behind historical projects. historians agree that during the last three decades of the nineteenth century, a new style of architecture and art resulted from longing for an ideal past. old structures or newly designed colonial-styled houses, furnishings, and domestic articles were sought for their ability to project the values of that image. the growing of industrialization and the immigrant population of american cities ended the “protestant consensus” that controlled urban centers and the nation since its formation. scholars agree that anglo-protestants embedded objects and physical surrounding with the power to influence immigrants’ belief system, culture, and character. richard morris hunt, a prominent american architect who designed the façade of the metropolitan museum of art in new york city, and the pedestal of the statue of liberty, argued that the massachusetts building in the centennial was a combination of a gothic villa and italian tower while the building that represented connecticut was in a romantic revival style. edith wharton and ogden codman discarded the idea of colonial style for the georgian style, prominent in the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth century in england. see: wayne andrews, “reflection on the colonial revival,” archives of american art journal, (apr. ): - . nathaniel burt and wallace e. davis, “the iron age, - ,” in philadelphia: a -year history, eds. russell f. weigley, nicholas b. wainwright, and edwin wolf (new york: w. w. norton & company, ), . one prominent study about the colonial revival, an edited volume by alan axelrod, demonstrates the influence of the movement on american culture and artistic practices. as one of the first to tackle the subject, it includes a variety of case studies that suggest the movement, which had been initially popular in the original colonies in the s, spread to include mid-western states via the chicago exposition of . the collected essays demonstrate that architecture and artifacts were used to project the attitudes of anglo-saxon protestants who feared the disappearance of their culture and resorted to using them as a means to escape the growing cities and americanize immigrants. drawing from architecture, paintings, sculpture, and furniture, scholars detail how architects, installers of exhibitions, and collectors sought to inspire the foreign-born with colonial virtues of morality and democracy. the essays conclusively show that the past had been idealized and different versions of it often evolved as a result of the regional messages proponents wished to convey. a later collection of essays, creating a dignified past, arrives at similar conclusions to axelrod’s while exploring museums and renovated museum houses that idealized the colonial period or reflected the ideas of the occupants of houses rather than those who first lived in them. harvey green argues that urgency in preserving the republic was at the heart of the movement. with an accelerating rate of immigration, urbanization, and industrialization, growing numbers of anglo-saxon americans see: alan axelrod, colonial revival in america (new york: norton, ), . for example, as settlement houses received “picturesque” façade and great fireplaces, intended to inspire with simplicity and hospitality, the philadelphian architect wilson eyre incorporated gothic motives in designs that sought to instill past values of the city’s inhabitants of comfort and prosperity. ibid., , . believed that the survival of the country was in danger if a decidedly action of instilling values of loyalty and support in peaceful democratic process among the foreigners had not taken place. the sedentary lifestyle of the upper and middle classes in the industrial age made america susceptible to less developed yet physically stronger nations. additional essays about colonial houses and museums argue that preservationists manipulated the past to answer the needs of the present. the evidence of the two essay collections suggests that by the s native-born protestant americans, alarmed by the changing physical and social landscape of the cities, went into action in ways that permeated public and private living spaces. their attempts aimed to affect immigrants on rational and emotional levels in order to regain their political dominance. invariably, an amorphous movement, its manifestations appeared wherever a need arose although it tended to concentrate in the northern parts of the country. the studies focus mainly on male projects, creating the impression that women’s contribution was less significant. charlene mires, who examines the changes to independence hall over an extended period of time, asserts that ancestry and protestant hegemony prompted the buildings’ preservation efforts in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. during the celebration of the constitution’s centennial supreme court justice samuel f. miller linked the historical document to protestant rule and tradition, an observation that had harvey green, “looking backward to the future,” in creating a dignified past, , . been further reinforced in the occupation of independence hall by hereditary societies in the s. the building, she concludes, symbolized order and consensus. seth bruggeman demonstrates that powerful elite women could shape historical memory and construct a mythic past in the face of contradictory evidence. bruggeman shows that the colonial house erected at the birthplace of george washington in wakefield, virginia was constructed in the wrong spot and in a colonial style that did not resemble architectural findings of the original house. the lack of documents led george washington curtis to place a birthplace marker at popes creek, several hundred feet away from the house’s original place. in the early twentieth century, local elite women raised the funds to build the house, which they donated to the national park service in . the nps continued the women’s historical vision by portraying the house as an ideal plantation that evoked the memory of washington, who had lived in wakefield until age three. they neglected to emphasize slavery due to the effect of racial segregation, preferring to ignore the issue rather than face negative criticism. the preservation of valley forge reflected similar goals. lorette treese follows the attempts at the park’s preservation from its outset, in the s, to the late twentieth century. she asserts that the preservation of valley forge was motivated by the idea of constructing an image of selfless suffering soldiers led by an inspirational leader, george charlene mires, independence hall in american memory (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), , . seth c. bruggeman, here, george washington was born: memory, material culture, and the public history of a national monument (athens: the university of georgia press, ). washington, in order to inculcate the masses – particularly the foreign born – with civic loyalty and patriotism. treese reveals that the park was a contested terrain where several organizations and individuals, eager to capitalize on the success of the first celebration of evacuation day of the colonial army from valley forge, invested a great effort in promoting their view and gaining support of wealthy individuals and state and federal politicians. her detailed and thorough study, however, does not delve into the actions taken by women involved in the national preservation attempt. with greater attention to gender issues, karal marling argues that the colonial revival of the s and s shifted the view of the american revolution from the battlefront to domesticity. in her discussion about the creation of the memory of george washington in the last decades of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries she demonstrates that class distinction was a significant aspect of the history that women had constructed. similar to the centennial tea parties, where women recreated the “republican court,” the lady managers of the chicago exposition of wore old ball gowns to emphasize the ruling elite and discourage immigrants’ social mobility. marling’s focus on the role of women in the movement is one of the study’s greatest strengths. by emphasizing domesticity, women offered the orderly home as a refuge from progress and shifted the view of the revolution from military campaigns lorette treese, valley forge: making and remaking a national symbol (university park, pennsylvania: the pennsylvania state university press, ). karal ann marling, george washington slept here: colonial revivals and american culture, - (cambridge, mass.: harvard university press, ), - , . the argument that immigrants threatened the cultural hegemony of protestant elites is cited by: jacqueline calder, “evolution of a colonial revival home, - ,” in creating a dignified past, . toward domesticity and social balls. she also argues that between the years and women domesticated history through their preservation of mount vernon, washington’s headquarters at valley forge, pennsylvania, newburgh, new york, and the old south meeting house in boston, massachusetts. marling’s thorough study mainly focuses on urban women while the work of rural women remains largely obscured. in general, historians who study the preservation movement with gender as a category of analysis find a significant difference between men’s and women’s projects. barbara j. howe concludes that middle and upper middle class women typically acted alone or as auxiliaries to male organizations, mainly because men formed exclusive associations that barred women’s membership. the preservation projects that men selected focused on political power and economy, apparent in the restoration of the george marshall house and colonial williamsburg. women centered on issues that appealed to their lives, the family and religion, as they chose to focus on mary washington’s house and anglican churches. howe agrees with other scholars when she finds that white female preservationists often excluded those who came to america after the revolution and ignored native americans and african americans. the popular new england kitchen exhibit in the centennial exposition is often mistakenly cited as the main source that inaugurated the colonial revival. the exhibit marling, george washington slept here, , . barbara j. howe, “women in the nineteenth-century preservation movement,” in restoring women’s history through historic preservation eds. gail lee dubrow and jennifer b. goodman (baltimore, md: the john hopkins university press, ), , - . originated over a decade earlier in new york. the kitchen had been the brainchild of mrs. ray potter, the president of the sanitary aid society in brooklyn, whose sanitary fair in february featured the exhibit. the enthusiastic committee that orchestrated the project promised that “the grand old fire-place shall glow again – the spinning wheel shall whirl as of old – the walls shall be garnished with products of the forest and the field… we shall try to reproduce the manners, customs, dress, and if possible, the idiom of the time.” though she had not realized it, potter introduced a construction of the past that would resonate with american audiences for decades thereafter. when visitors who viewed the exhibit agreed that “the old is better,” they uttered a sentimental feeling shared by many who endorsed the colonial revival – preservationists, architects, artists, authors, and general audiences. versions of the northern kitchen appeared in subsequent sanitary fairs and over a decade later in the centennial exposition. in her centennial application for a “new england home of one hundred years ago” emma d. southwick of boston, massachusetts suggested having a house fitted and furnished “as nearly as possible to the style in .” the exhibit included a supposedly typical colonial setting in addition to an array of artifacts including english china, quilts, and furnishings mostly owned by political and military leaders. similar to the brooklyn fair, women in colonial costumes spun, weaved, history of the brooklyn and long island fair, february , (brooklyn: “the union” steam presses, ), . ibid., . “exhibitor’s application for space # ,” u. s. centennial commission, record group , city archives, philadelphia, pennsylvania. quilted, cooked, and baked by the hearth. a keen observer commented: “it would have been a sacrifice of more than half the good things that delight the visitors, to have kept the log house, only a new england log house.” his remark demonstrates that proponents of the movement did not seek an accurate representation of the past but rather an idealized domestic space created by the warmth of the hearth, the plain clothes, domestic production, and walls lined with period artifacts. it provided a stark contrast to the economic hardship that followed the civil war. the celebration of america’s centennial inaugurated scores of celebrations linked to events that occurred during and following the american revolution. at the same time, valley forge, the encampment site of the continental army during the winter of - , became the subject of a preservation attempt by a local group of historical-minded men. the site had received recognition when henry woodman published a series of letters in describing the encampment area through the eyes of a child who hunted revolutionary relics and as a mid-century quaint village. local residents, people from other parts of the country, and legislators took notice. valley forge received further acknowledgement by the popular historian benson j. lossing‘s biography of george washington who emphasized the soldiers’ self-sacrifice and heroism. the site became a popular destination for picnic groups who could easily reach it via a train operated by the philadelphia and reading railroad company. “new england log house (concluded),” the new century for woman, july , . treese, valley forge, - . the first to advocate its preservation was isaac a. pennypacker, a physician from phoenixville, who wrote to the local historian john fanning watson in about the possibility of protecting the area. the advent of the civil war prompted local residents to congregate on the camp’s grounds. within days after the fall of fort sumter, they held a grand parade with musical fanfare and a thirty-four guns’ salute, “and pledge[d] themselves to stand by the stars and stripes as those before them had done in .” in the meeting that ensued at the valley forge mansion, known as george washington’s headquarters, local dignitaries pledged to “remember unparallel suffering of our revolutionary forefathers at valley forge and elsewhere” and support the union. once sectional differences broke into full-fledged war, republicans inextricably linked their political stance to that of the revolutionary colonists to rationalize their prowess and their resolve to support military conflict. valley forge represented the connection to their forefathers and their determination to protect their achievements. the grounds became the subject of increased attention when the centennial exposition had closed its doors. in december , several prominent men, among them theodore bean, a lawyer and solicitor for the montgomery county treasurer, daniel webster, an agent of the railroad company stationed at valley forge, isaac w. smith, dr. nathan a. pennypacker, and major r. r. corson, met and formed the valley forge ibid., . “patriotism at valley forge,” the national defender, april , . centennial association with the goal of commemorating the one hundredth anniversary of evacuation day by washington’s troops in an impressive civic, religious, and military celebration. in a subsequent meeting a seemingly insignificant controversy arose over the phrasing of the invitation for the affair, but its resolution affected the construction of the memory that generations of americans would internalize for decades thereafter. the invitation had originally named the event the centennial celebration of the occupation and evacuation of valley forge. upon a call to strike out the word “evacuation” one board member opposed by claiming that the soldiers were happy to leave the camp. others argued that the planned event should commemorate the occupation of the grounds rather than mark its end. celebrating the evacuation would have inevitably shifted the attention from the soldiers’ self-sacrifice to subsequent – and perhaps more impressive – achievements such as the battle of monmouth in new jersey. it would have presented the encampment as a prelude to future events rather than as a significant site for what had transpired on its grounds during the encampment. at length, a compromise had been reached and the final version, proposed by j. p. hale jenkins, emphasized the winter camp and mentioned the evacuation day as the date of celebration. the invitation called to attend the “centennial celebration of the occupation of valley forge by the continental army under washington, june , , the date of the evacuation.” see: “valley forge. meeting of the centennial association,” philadelphia inquirer, february , . figure . george washington’s headquarters, valley forge national park picture taken by author the following item on the agenda of the committee on memorial design and erection was finding the right monument for the park grounds – a small georgian stone house that once belonged to isaac potts. it served as washington’s headquarters during his winter stay at the camp. the members were aware that hannah ogden, the property’s owner, requested a higher price than its value due to the interest of several potential buyers. the committee laid out a detailed plan for a national fundraiser headed by women because “ample evidence has been shown in the past that where patriotism inspires their labors success will crown their efforts.” it followed the structure of the mount vernon ladies’ association (mvla) whose members successfully purchased the first president’s house with public donations in . a lady regent would supervise managers for the city in philadelphia, montgomery, chester, delaware, lancaster, berks, bucks, lehigh, northampton, and schuylkill counties, including the cities within them. local managers would recruit canvassers who would approach their respective districts. the regent would recruit vice regents in other states to supervise the campaign in their territories. the success of the mvla inspired other organizations that sought public support of preservation projects. ann pamela cunningham founded the association in with a call to the southern women to rescue the grave of the “father of his country” and a declaration that “it is a woman’s office to be a vestal, and even the “fire of liberty” may need the care of her devotion and the purity of her guardianship.” morality and mrs. william h. holstein, “valley forge centennial preparations,” daily local news, april . an appeal for the future preservation of the home and grave of washington (philadelphia: t. k. and p. g. collins, printers, ), . domestic care caught the attention of northern newspapers and the campaign turned into a national undertaking. by , the first pennsylvania vice regent, lily lytle macalester (later berghman) encouraged women to organize clubs to oversee the state’s counties. anna morris holstein, a farmer’s wife in her early thirties, was appointed lady manager of montgomery county. she enthusiastically devoted her time to the cause despite a loud opposition of prominent philadelphia men who “disapproved of women mixing in public affairs.” valley forge centennial members hoped that holstein, with her past experience and connections she had developed, would successfully orchestrate a national operation and appointed her regent of their organization on the following month. in some ways, the members on the committee on memorial and design’s high expectations of holstein were not realistic. only three months short of the centennial celebration of the encampment, the establishment of a national network of talented and well-connected vice regents who would be willing to orchestrate extensive campaigns in their states was utterly impossible. in addition, holstein had to establish the campaign in ms. macalester collected $ , for the cause. in , when cunningham resigned, she was elected regent of the association by the grand council. see: thomas j scharf, and thompson westcott, history of philadelphia, - (philadelphia: l. h. everts & co., ), vol. ii, . h. j. stager, history of the centennial and memorial association of valley forge: from its origin in , and reorganization in particularly to the date of voluntary dissolution in . preceded by album and biography of directors (pennsylvania: ), . mount vernon ladies’ association of the union, historical sketch of ann pamela cunningham ”the southern matron,” (printed for the association, ), . “valley forge,” philadelphia inquirer, march , . stager, history of the centennial and memorial association of valley forge, . pennsylvania, organize the fundraising operations for the centennial events, negotiate the acquisition of the headquarters, and recruit civic organizations to join the effort. even with the most dedicated staff and ample time it would have been a challenge to accomplish all the required tasks. under the constraints of time acute shortage of funds and with only several dedicated women by her side, holstein had to prioritize, delegate, and act swiftly to accomplish as much as possible before the celebration. without delay, she recruited her husband and rebecca mcinnes and entered negotiations to purchase the headquarters. they resolved to pay the exorbitant price of $ , and an agreement of sale was signed in less than two weeks following her appointment. with a major obstacle removed, holstein set out to raise the funds for the purchase. she sought the help of nearby relatives and friends, some of whom had assisted her when she nursed soldiers during the civil war. they included rachel evans, abby (mrs. george) w. holstein, alice hallowell (mrs. isaac) holstein, helen cushman hooven, rebecca mcinnes, and mrs. mercer. the women met regularly in order to coordinate the effort of collecting provisions for sale on the day of the centennial celebration. in the meantime, holstein attempted to recruit men’s organizations in order to capitalize on their national networks and reach a greater number of influential people of the final agreement stipulated that the first payment of $ will be made on may , , the second payment of $ , on august , the third payment of $ , on october , and the vfcma will mortgage the remaining $ , . local daily news, march , valley forge, county clippings, revolutionary wars collection, west chester historical society (cchs), west chester, pennsylvania. william hayman holstein received the deed for the property from hannah ogden and passed it to the cmavf on may , . see: ibid., . means. she approached the freemasons (of which washington had been a member), the society of the cincinnati, the order of odd fellows, and other secret societies, but none extended a helping hand. when the state’s superintendent of education agreed to back her effort, holstein encouraged schools to organize fundraising events citing his auspices. she enthusiastically promised that once the headquarters was purchased it would become “an attractive point in the historic region” since it would “restore, in measure, the appearance it wore when washington was resident beneath its roof.” signs that the task the association had undertaken would not be easily achieved appeared rather quickly. in april, a norristown newspaper reported that, except for j. n. smith of valley forge and joseph e. thropp, who owned property in the neighborhood, …none of the people in the vicinity take any interest in the matter… men who boast of holding their lands by deeds long ant[e]-dating the revolution feel no patriotic pride, and evince no respect to the memory of the men by whose courage and endurance on that very ground enables them now to hold their tenures securely. philadelphians did not exhibit great interest either. in the following month, the society of the cincinnati accepted the invitation to attend the centennial but was “more occupied with other affairs” and did not extend further assistance. at the same time, a philadelphia holstein, “valley forge centennial preparations.” “meeting of centennial committees at valley forge,” norristown register, april , . newspaper reported that subscriptions to purchase the headquarters “do not come in very brisk.” however, holstein was not discouraged. she decided to capitalize on her ties to the mvla. she obtained a copy of the organization’s constitution, charter, and by-laws and handed them to lawyers to use as a guide for the valley forge association. in may, she contacted margaret j. m. sweat, the vice regent of maine and requested the names and addresses of women from across the country that were instrumental in furnishing the rooms at mount vernon. she hoped they would assist furnishing the headquarters. in her letter she reminded sweat that she had served as regent of her county in the initial mount vernon fundraising campaign and that she has “continued to feel the deepest interest in all pertaining to it.” when sweat decidedly replied that all the contributions they receive would remain in mount vernon and neglected to disclose names of any women, holstein inquired the names of women from the thirteen colonies who would be suitable to serve as vice regents for her organization. holstein’s focus on the original colonies would ultimately become the organization’s strategy. at the same time she recruited additional acquaintances to persuade potential candidates from various states to head campaigns in their regions. thus, sweat received a “the triennial session of the society of the cincinnati,” north american, may , ; “state and vicinity,” philadelphia inquirer, may , . following the centennial celebration at valley forge, an observer determined that “philadelphia and norristown took little interest in the movement.” see: “valley forge - ,” norristown register, june , . a letter from mrs. holstein to mrs. lorenzo sweat from may , , quoted in: charles b. hosmer, the presence of the past: the history of the preservation movement in the united states before williamsburg (new york: putnam, ), . letter from david g. haskins of boston in which he expressed his hope that she would serve as a vice regent for maine. he also sent her cmavf’s shares of stock that he was selling. despite her difficulty in recruiting managers, holstein was able to fill several positions before the centennial celebration on june th , . three vice regents for massachusetts, maryland, and ohio joined the campaign and representatives from west chester, philadelphia, and reading volunteered in pennsylvania. the women who joined holstein were connected to public figures and deeply involved in civic and historical issues. isabella james, the vice regent of massachusetts, was a descendant of isaac potts, the original owner of washington’s headquarters, and the author of her family’s history. harriet lane johnson of baltimore, who joined as vice regent of maryland, was the niece of president james buchanan. known for her beauty and decorum, she served as a hostess in the white house during his presidency and had been a close friend of lily berghman, who served as the regent of the mvla from until her death in . ibid. “woman’s work at valley forge,” daily local news, june . the historical volume of nearly pages includes an illustration of the headquarters at valley forge. see: mrs. thomas potts james, memorial of the thomas potts, junior, who settled in pennsylvania (cambridge: privately printed, ), . “capricious washington,” table talk ix (april ): . lily macalester, the daughter of charles macalester, the government director of the second bank of the united states in philadelphia, was later known as mrs. berghman and, after the death of her first husband, as mrs. laughton. see: milton stern, harriet lane, america’s first lady ( ), . harriet lane was one of the bridesmaids in macalester’s wedding to berghman. see: “notable marriage,” philadelphia inquirer, dec. , . locally, mary rose smith, daughter of justice robert c. grier of the u.s. supreme court and formerly a member of the executive committees of the great central fair and the centennial exposition, volunteered to occupy the vice regency of philadelphia. committed to women’s work, she edited the volume of the history of world charities that were founded and managed by women, which was later published for the centennial in . adelaide ermentrout, wife of democratic state senator daniel ermentrout, filled the position of the vice regent of reading. her husband, who served as a member of the pennsylvania statuary commission, worked closely with four commissioners interested in commemorating distinguished historical figures. a vice regent with a strong interest in education, sarah w. starkweather of west chester, was the superintendent of the county’s public schools. at the end of may, the valley forge centennial association issued an invitation calling for a “general holiday” to unite “all people” to celebrate on the encampment grounds. despite their declaration for a national celebration, the association’s focus had been much narrower. their advanced invitation list included the national guard, local see: catalogue of charities conducted by women, as reported to the women’s centennial executive committee of the united states, international exhibition, (philadelphia: collins, printer, ). the additional commissioners included simon cameron, former secretary of war for abraham lincoln, george de b. keim, a leading philadelphia lawyer who had ties to the coal and railroad industries, j. r. hager of lancaster, dr. william mckenna of washington county, and col. francis a. osbourne of philadelphia. see: “statues of distinguished pennsylvanians,” philadelphia inquirer, august , . s. w. streeter, “west chester public schools, from - ,” in west chester, past and present: centennial souvenir with celebration proceedings (west chester: local daily news, ), . “valley forge – invitation of the centennial association,” philadelphia inquirer, may , ; “local summary,” philadelphia inquirer, may , . public schools, the american diplomatic corps, and governors and cabinets of the thirteen original states in additions to militias in full regalia. cmavf members approached these states because they were where individuals of colonial ancestry were most likely to reside. there was a greater chance that these individuals would be interested in undertaking the preservation project because it implied hierarchy of status and rank. with the special day quickly approaching, the association struck a commemorative medal to be sold at the headquarters. its center had a raised bust of washington, surrounded by a border with the words “george washington commander – in-chief” with two stars between the name and the title. on the reverse, the center was engraved with “in commemoration of the departure of the continental army, june ”. it was surrounded by olive branches and laurel wreath. a raised border carried the words “valley forge centennial, - .” similarly to the centennial exposition medals, such memorabilia struck a chord with an audience captivated by a momentous experience. interestingly, the medal did not mention the encampment but its end, commemorating the survival of the continental army. intended to be sold on evacuation day, it memorialized the day on which it would have been purchased. americans had idealized george washington since he became president and continued to do so throughout the nineteenth century. the washington “the valley forge centennial,” philadelphia inquirer, jan. , . “valley forge. the centennial today, medals stuck at the mint,” philadelphia inquirer, june , . image constructed by religious and civic leaders corresponded to their political and cultural needs. since the new republic period, the image of a self-sacrificing, self- controlled, and religious leader had emerged to preclude the idea of a general who sought political power. over time, as conflicts between northerners and southerners persisted, he also came to represent political consensus in order to bridge sectional differences and political disagreements. by the s he was the most popular historical figure in the country. the executive committee of the valley forge association selected him to decorate their medal trusting that he would better inspire visitors rather than the image of the headquarters. despite the mounting tasks that awaited their attention, association leaders managed to incorporate their organization on the eve of the celebration on june th , . they changed its name to the centennial and memorial association of valley forge (cmavf) denoting their intention to continue their effort of memory following the centennial celebration. their objective, as stated in the act of incorporation, was “to purchase, improve and preserve the lands and improvements thereon, occupied by general washington, at valley forge, and maintain them as a memorial park for all time to come.” clearly, the organizers sought to manage the memorial park they envisioned for perpetuity. on the morning of june th , a loud salute of thirteen guns signaled the commencement of the celebration. an impressive march of thousands of troops and barry schwartz, george washington: the making of an american symbol (new york: free press, ), , , . members of civic societies passed for review by governor john f. hartranft and general winfield scott. in full uniform and regalia the marchers presented an impressive procession of military and civic-minded men that they felt was sure to impress the thirty thousand visitors who were arriving at the site. susan g. davis, who studies nineteenth- century parades in philadelphia, recognizes the impression created by volunteer militia who interpreted patriotism and tied themselves to the historical narrative of the american revolution. she argues that they conveyed discipline and order through their impressive uniform and ceremonial parades. in contrast to the apparent military prowess, women tended to the memorial aspect by decorating local graves and scattering flowers on the ground, symbolically sanctifying the site. in the afternoon, henry armitt brown, a prominent orator, addressed the large crowd. he opened with a detailed description of the hungry and cold soldiers, praising their courage, virtue, and suffering. in an attempt to find common grounds for all religious denominations, he suggested that site was as sacred as that of moses’ burning bush: if freedom be any longer precious and faith in humanity be not banished from among you, if love of country still find a refuge among the hearts of men, “take your shoes from off your feet for the place of which you stand is holy ground.” susan davis, parades and power: street theatre in nineteenth-century philadelphia (philadelphia: temple university press, ), - . “one hundred years ago at valley forge,” philadelphia inquirer, june , . discussing more recent times, he included the memory of valley forge with that of lexington, bunker hill, and saratoga, where significant attempts of commemoration had taken place. it placed valley forge, where no battle had ever transpired, on the same level as pivotal battlefields of the revolutionary war. he concluded with a message about future generations “to them the union will seem as dear and liberty as sweet and progress as glorious as they were to our fathers.” by linking the notions of liberty and union brown connected the revolutionary war with the recent civil war and reiterated the anti-secessionist position. holstein, who had worked in the headquarters preparing the reception, later commented – “that was indeed a grand oration of armitt brown, it thrills one to read it; what must it have been to have heard it, amid such surroundings.” during the entire day the women of cmavf operated the open headquarters for hundreds of visitors who paid ten cents to view the structure and an exhibition of revolutionary period artifacts arranged in its first floor. holstein sold stereoscopic images and medals of bronze and silver while others served dinner in a large tent nearby. their the imposing bunker hill monument had been completed in . lexington had erected the first memorial to the war on july , , and at its centennial celebration it unveiled the statues of john adams and john hancock. see: “what a glorious morning. this is for america! the centennial everybody goes,” boston daily advertiser, april , . in saratoga, new york, a cornerstone for a foundation of a memorial that “will be visible for miles around” was laid at its centennial celebration. see: “an interesting centennial celebration,” new york herald, oct. , . anna m. holstien, bridgeport, pa, to francis m. brooke, june , , francis m. brooke collection, box , valley forge national historical park (vfnhp). effort netted $ , a sum that covered the $ payment isaac w. smith had advanced for the purchase of the headquarters. with the main event behind them and a pending mortgage of $ , , cmavf members had to organize impressive events that would attract donors. following the mvla’s footsteps, they might have hoped that armitt’s oration would move people to support their effort similarly to the manner in which edward everett’s oration of mount vernon benefited its cause. everett’s speech tour and article series published in the new york ledger raised nearly $ , . however, brown’s death a mere two months after the celebration terminated all plans if any had been considered. in november, mary rose smith, the vice regent of philadelphia, organized a meeting at the historical society of philadelphia (hsp) in the memory of brown in order to raise awareness of the association’s efforts in the city. a large gathering assembled to hear brown’s valley forge address delivered by daniel d. dougherty. theodore bean, one of the principal founders of the cmavf, presented the audience with the association’s goals and the stock offered for purchase. several days later, smith opened “celebration at valley forge,” norristown herald and free press, june , ; the headquarters collected $ and the dinner $ . “receipts at the ladies’ tent and at headquarters,” norristown herald and free press, june , . according to their agreement, the cmavf was to pay ogden a total of $ , by october and obtain a mortgage on the remaining sum of $ , . see: treese, valley forge, - . kenneth r. bowling and donald r. kennon, eds., establishing congress: the removal to washington, d.c., and the election of (athens: ohio university press, ), . “washington at valley forge,” north american, nov. , ; “memorial association of valley forge,” philadelphia inquirer, nov. , . her residence for an exclusive meeting. she wanted the fundraising effort managed by privileged and experienced women. the invitees included former participants of centennial exposition committees and current members of the new century club, where she had been a member of the board of directors. the women who answered the invitation were called to plead with state officials for appropriation for the project at a special dinner in wilkes-barre. on the morning of november , their special train left philadelphia. on its way, it collected additional activists in norristown, phoenixville, pottstown, and reading. in the interim, it stopped at valley forge where the travelers visited washington’s headquarters. the meeting did not bring material results despite the presence of the influential city women. philadelphia women organized into committees under the direction of smith and louisa claghorn, the former chairwoman of the ninth ward for the centennial exposition, who served as treasurer. by the winter, sixteen city wards had been actively canvassed for contributions. the hsp assisted by offering stocks for purchase on their premises. while the women of philadelphia labored to raise funds in the city, holstein turned to rural pennsylvania, a population generally kept at the fringe of major urban campaigns. with the help of mrs. ermentrout, wife of a state senator, a lavish evening “the valley forge project,” north american, nov. , . “washington’s headquarters,” philadelphia inquirer, nov. , . “washington’s headquarters at valley forge,” north american, feb. , ; “washington’s headquarters at valley forge,” philadelphia inquirer, feb. , . ball was organized in reading that had excited women far and wide across the countryside. in covering the preparations for the event, its main cause - historical preservation - was not mentioned. instead, the daily eagle dedicated two lengthy articles with detailed descriptions of dresses, hair-style, and jewels, emphasizing young women’s care for display. it portrayed the ball as an elite society’s social event where extravagant fashionable appearance would dominate the scene. ironically, it equated freedom with the privilege of attending such occasion – “go for you are like washington ‘holding the proud rank of independent, free american women and men.’” it seemed that the preservation of washington’s headquarters occupied the minds of the ball’s organizers, but not those of their guests. the prosperous families of rural pennsylvania were given a rare opportunity to mingle and they took full advantage of it. on the appropriate april evening, a large crowd gathered on the sidewalk by maennerchor hall, to view the guests who arrived at the ball. hundreds loudly commented in excitement on the silk, satin, and velvet gowns, amazed at the lacey trains, and dazzled by the array of diamonds, pearls, corals, and opals. upon entering the hall, the visitors were reminded of the fundraiser’s purpose by a program engraved with washington’s headquarters on its front page and a picture of a continental soldier on its last. additional colonial and revolutionary mementos were scarce. the flags and a bugle that decorated the walls belonged to civil war generals, and although one sword dated back to the revolutionary period, the second originated in the napoleonic wars. “the grand ball. all the excitement,” the daily eagle, april , . “the patriotic and vigorous,” the daily eagle, april , . the most obvious link with valley forge was the portraits of george and martha washington, each hung at the center of a wall, across from each other and equally important. they were garlanded with evergreens and two american flags crossed above them. the ball was a rare event. cmavf members realized that “there may not be another ball like this in reading for many, many, years” and perhaps preferred to keep the invitees excited about the opportunity in anticipation of obtaining large amount of funds. the hall was filled with dignitaries who arrived from massachusetts, maryland, new jersey, and new york, and included cabinet, senate, house, and army and navy officials. pennsylvania was represented by a large number of guests; two hundred visitors arrived from norristown in addition to lancaster, harrisburg, pottsville, lebanon, columbia, allentown, and philadelphia, all “fair women and brave men, representing the elite of society.” the “grand march” of those who presided over the ball, among them governor hoyt, former governor hartranft, holstein, and local women activists, was a faint remainder of the ball’s objective. noticeably missing from the party were privileged philadelphians, the very women smith recruited for the project. they probably attended the carnival of authors orchestrated on behalf of the society for the prevention of cruelty to animals (spca), which took place at the horticultural hall on the same evening. louisa e. claghorn, the “what to wear,” the reading daily eagle, april , . “valley forge – reading last night’s memorial fete,” reading times and dispatch, april ; “gala night to-morrow,” reading time and dispatch, april , . philadelphia cmavf branch’s treasurer, directed the gala along with other members of the general committee of arrangements. remarkably similar to the carnival organized by the women’s centennial executive committee on february , it featured costumed characters such as pickwick and macbeth, enacted or portrayed longfellow and whittier, and exhibited a model of the departure of the mayflower. literary and historical memory had no direct link to the spca’s agenda but revolution-themed events popularized by the women’s centennial executive committee became attractive fundraisers. one can only imagine holstein’s frustration when she learned that philadelphia’s wealthiest and exclusive elite easily shed thousands of dollars to help stray dogs and abandoned cats, while remaining unmoved by her organization’s patriotic cause. ironically, the sum spent on the event’s decorations alone, over $ , , could have satisfied the amount owed on the mortgage cmavf struggled to raise. the absence of the city’s wealthy and powerful elites deprived the project of a legitimacy that only an endorsement of the socially prominent could have bestowed. it also shaped its production. unlike the tea parties carried out on behalf of the centennial, the organizers of the ball lacked the funds and connections that could have enabled them to produce an opulent historically-centered affair. whereas the centennial committees had flowers, foods, and decorations brought from afar, occasionally from out of the state, reading women depended on local suppliers and a limited budget. the abundance of “author’s carnival. the opening of horticultural hall this evening. scones inside,” north american, april , ; “carnival of authors. brilliant opening scenes at the horticultural hall,” philadelphia inquirer, april , . see: chapter . valuable revolutionary articles in the hands of old philadelphia families, and the access the privileged city women had to prominent people in other parts of the state and the country enabled them to obtain the most appealing of artifacts for their displays. these circumstances, however, did not prevent cmavf women from presenting the headquarters and its planned memorial park in a more forceful manner. they could have organized a display of colonial and revolutionary artifacts and dedicated a table for articles found in valley forge. holstein’s husband held in his possession two cannon balls, a piece of shell, and a small hatchet found at the camp grounds in addition to anthony wayne’s pistols and many additional artifacts could be obtained from area inhabitants. the women could have loaned a great number of articles from their friends and acquaintances, similar to those loaned for the montgomery county centennial celebration a few years later. in addition, communication with the media could have been handled more judiciously. holstein and ermentrout could have informed the press about their organization’s goals and described the preparations for the event in order to promote their enterprise. they could have also employed the opportunity to appeal for public support. the expression of excitement over the ball that culminated in a fashionable display could william h. holstein loaned the cannon balls, the shell, and the hatchet to the exhibit arranged for the montgomery county centennial celebration in september . bean, history of montgomery county, pa, appendix , xxi; his pistols appear at his will, where he left them to george meade holstein. see: william hayman holstein, “will.” centennial of montgomery county organizers displayed exhibitors. for the list of artifacts see: freeland gotwalts hobson, william joseph buck, and henry sassaman dotterer, eds., centennial celebration of montgomery county at norristown, pennsylvania, (norristown, pa: published by the centennial association of montgomery county, ), - . have been channeled toward a historically meaningful exhibition similar to the one undertaken by the centennial women’s committees. requirement for colonial costumes for women and continental army uniform, or any old-style attire, for men could have helped construct a memory not only in visitors’ minds but also in the hundreds of spectators who came to observe them. it was clear that an opportunity went amiss when a local newspaper dedicated more space to lengthy lists of persons who attended the ball rather than to the account of the event itself. following the ball, the women could have also encouraged the media to discuss the total funds raised and to communicate that the ball had been part of a long, continuous effort. they could have called for additional support and spark public anticipation of future communal events on behalf of the cause. the silence that followed did not help to publicize the subsequent local event the women organized. in june, an outdoor event suffered from similar detachment from historical context and disconnect from the media. planned as a country festival, fête champêtre, near the mountains of pottsville, pennsylvania, it featured archery, races, and dancing. the only link to the preservation effort was the publication of three editions of edwin kirkman hart’s the sleeping sentinel of valley forge: a romance of the revolution on the festival’s grounds. the event took place a mere six days after the dedication of the headquarters on the one hundred and first anniversary of the evacuation of valley each couple paid $ for attending the ball. a cmavf stock valued at $ . the event must have been lucrative and raised a substantial sum. see: “grand ball in aid of centennial memorial association of valley forge,” revolutionary war collection, valley forge, box , cchs. the short story was publically published in . forge. it was a well-publicized ceremony that included a relay of a lost cornerstone with a granite replacement by master masons. the dedication could have served as an opportunity to disclose information about the upcoming event and encourage the public to attend. curiously, a leading philadelphia newspaper learned about it nearly a month later. the disclosure ended as a short notice under its “miscellaneous” items after the editors had confirmed the information with holstein. it seems that no activist from the valley forge association communicated with the media during the festival either. left without comments from cmavf women, a local journalist concluded his report with a historically-irrelevant comment on “how many pretty ladies pottsville has.” in the meantime, continuous grass-roots activities raised additional funds and hope for success had not diminished. dedicated individuals organized events in their rural communities, which served in lieu of city canvassers in areas where great distances between residences made canvassing inefficient. lectures, readings, and recitals presented by locals raised rural audiences’ curiosity in america’s past and educated attendees in history constructed by, typically, affluent white protestants. indeed, the effort of county superintendent of education in berks county demonstrated the merit of such initiatives. he ordered certificates of membership for public and other schools under his jurisdiction and brought the project to the attention of his teachers. in addition, he “valley forge dedication,” norristown herald and free press, june , . “miscellaneous,” philadelphia inquirer, july , . “$ for valley forge,” the reading daily eagle, june , . the amount mentioned refers to the sum raised by the women of philadelphia. see also: “the centennial memorial association of valley forge,” lowell daily citizen and news, june , . delivered two lectures, “valley forge in history,” in a local grammar school and for a library society. the funds collected at these events purchased additional cmavf stock. another fundraiser was the reading of poetry on an undisclosed subject by ms. m. fannie boice at the residence of rebecca mcinnes in conjunction with the twenty third annual meeting of the teachers’ institute of montgomery county. the proceeds of the evening were dedicated to the cmavf. despite these efforts, the economic difficulties of the early s gravely affected the association. the members had leased the headquarters and property, but the sluggish stream of funds was not sufficient to cover the mortgage payments and there was fear that it could be foreclosed. at length, when all venues had been exhausted, holstein and her women associates considered approaching the patriotic order of the sons of america (posa) of which theodore w. bean, a principal founder of the cmavf, had been an active member. established in philadelphia in , the posa fraternal organization advocated anti-catholic and anti-foreign sentiments. its goals included inculcation of american principles of patriotism and government, and opposing foreign interference in u.s. policies. the remaining male directors of the cmavf had no reason to oppose the appeal since they had also been active members of the posa. in a meeting held at the “valley forge memorial association,” the reading time and dispatch, april , . “miss boice’s reading,” norristown herald and free press, nov. , ; stager, history of the centennial and memorial association of valley forge, . harland d. unrau, administrative history valley forge national historical park, pennsylvania (u. s. department of the interior: national park service, northeast team), . scharf and westcott, history of philadelphia, vol. , ; kate m. scott, history of jefferson county, pa (syracus, ny: d. mason & co. publishers, ), . headquarters in january between holstein, bean, and the state executive commission of the posa, the cmavf received a promise for full monetary support. the president of the pennsylvania posa, henry john stager, whose ancestors settled near valley forge, recognized an opportunity for maintaining a site of civic significance which “will give to [posa] honor as enduring as the republic.” he issued three appeals before the organization’s camps (chapters) collected the required sum. during the campaign, camp news, the organization’s newspaper, published a series of articles authored by bean about washington at valley forge titled “footprints of the revolution” in attempt to spark further interest in the project. in return for rescuing the cmavf the posa entered joint ownership of the headquarters and formed a thirteen- member trustee committee whose members were also part of the directorship of the association. it gave the posa full control over the organization’s decisions, accepted by a board of eighteen, and later, twenty-one officers and directors. the association between the cmavf and the powerful and well-connected posa was a great relief to holstein. she cheerfully expressed it upon the pages of the camp a detailed description of events can be found in: james h. wolfe, in the matter of the audit of the account of the cmavf appeal by henry j. stager and henry j. stager, trustee from the court of common pleas of montgomery county, as of june term, , no. ,” box , valley forge national park (vfnp), pennsylvania. the description is cited from holstein’s letter. see: anna m. holstein, bridgeport, pa, to h. j. stager, april . ibid., . the camps collected $ , . with no help from the organization’s state treasury. see: ibid., . the book had been originally published during the centennial year in anticipation of peak interest in the subject. see: theodore w. bean, washington at valley forge one hundred years ago or the foot-prints of the revolution (norristown, pa: charles p. shreiner, ). new, comparing the celebration of queen victoria’s jubilee to that of the transformation of “the apathy and indifference, which rested like a weight upon the work” with “the earnest enthusiasm of those who are now taking part in the movement.” the involvement of the posa brought not only an end to the cmavf’s monetary troubles but also additional benefits through the new members’ political connections. in , mcinnes with the committee of state appropriation secured $ , from state legislature for restoration work on the headquarters. within a few years, cmavf were able to purchase additional property and create a park around the headquarters. there was no reason for holstein to worry when the state formed the valley forge commission of ten members in with the initial goal of mapping the military camp and, in later years, increasing the acquisition of the camp’s lands. the commission’s first president, francis brooke, was holstein’s cousin, and more importantly, the land owned by the cmavf had been excluded from the commission’s jurisdiction. holstein did not live to see the pennsylvania legislature‘s condemnation and acquisition of the cmavf grounds and headquarters in . at the time, j. p. hale jenkins, one of the principal members of the cmavf, served as a commissioner for the park. in , an act of the state legislature condemned the headquarters for the use of the park commission and awarded damages to the cmavf. the remaining funds of the association were awarded to the park commission by montgomery county courts in anna m. holstein, “the headquarters at valley forge,” the camp news, july , . she died on dec. , . stager, centennial and memorial association of valley forge, - . june of . henry stager, the former president of the posa, handled the appeal on behalf of the cmavf to the state supreme court. it was settled on february with the dissolution of the organization and the transfer of its funds to the valley forge park commission. holstein and her associates sought to link george washington with the headquarters because he resided there during most of the winter of and and because they could present him as a symbol of virtue, a man who sacrificed himself to defend freedom. holstein perceived martha washington as a traditional wife caring for the domestic sphere although she had slave laborers with her to do much of the work – “by her presence imparted something of a home appearance to her husband’s lonely dwelling among the forests. at her suggestion, an addition of logs was placed on the north side, and used as a dining room.” holstein, who had read benson john losing’s new monograph mary and martha and found it “charming,” knew that the wives of other officers stayed at the encampment throughout the winter to raise the morale of their husbands and the troops. however, she never attempted to mention them or any of the other officers. the popularity of washington must have been at the heart of her decision; she hoped his name would attract public attention and funds. unrau, administrative history valley forge national historical park, . holstein, “the headquarters at valley forge,” . holstein mentions the book in her letter to mrs. james: anna m. holstein, bridgeport, pennsylvania, to mrs. james, july , society collection, hsp; benson john lossing, mary and martha, the mother and the wife of george washington (new york: harper & brothers, ), . immortalizing washington as the sole hero of the encampment was not accepted by all women. mary thropp cone, whose ancestors settled in the area before the revolution, attempted to expand valley forge memory. in her opinion, advanced by the editor of the phoenixville messenger, john o. k. robarts, the headquarters did not truly represent “the names of the generals, regiments, the states represented there.” in a letter published in major local newspapers she argued for a fitting memory “in the honor of these grand men, unspeakably brave and true” in the shape of a granite shaft that would tell the story and names of “the prominent actors in that scene of the war drama enacted upon those bleak hills.” cone wanted to recognize the officers of the eleven states whose regiments camped at valley forge. such a memorial would have demonstrated a memory of “consensus” of a united north and south behind the cause of independence. like holstein, she also intended the memorial to educate foreign-born to trust governing institutions: it promotes the elevation of the human race, it educates the immigrants from all nations in honesty and virtue; it inculcates industry and expels foreign prejudices by the force of advancing intelligence. it provides for the visiting generations of europe and america a shelter and a home under ‘a government of the people and by the people.’ the phoenixville messenger, july . it would have excluded south carolina and georgia whose regiments did not participate in the encampment. for complete list of regiments who camped at valley forge see: frank hamilton taylor, valley forge, a chronicle of american heroism (philadelphia: james w. nagle, ), - . “valley forge,” the phoenixville messenger, july ; “open doors to correspondents. the neglected monument of valley forge,” philadelphia inquirer, july , ; edward payson cone, workizier, thropp & cone families: biographical notes (new york: privately printed, ), . cone formed the valley forge monument association and with the help of prominent civic leader among them john f. hartranft, a former state governor, george w. childs, the editor of the philadelphia public ledger, and cmavf members theodore w. bean, isaac w. smith, anna m. holstein, mrs. hugh mcinnes, and mary rose smith. in , when cone commenced her efforts to raise funds for a monument, the nation experienced an economic downturn and cmavf struggled to keep the headquarters. she might have thought that by rallying childs and hartranft and including southern states she could recruit a larger group of people. holstein joined the association despite of a personal attack by robarts who claimed that “the lady regency fashioned after that of mount vernon, while pretty in outline, in substance and practice does not come up to expectation.” pragmatically, she wanted to leave her mark on any campaign linked to the site. if the cmavf faced financial difficulty, the valley forge monument association met similar fate. both organizations vied for attention from the same historically-minded constituents for nearly identical goals. as public funds declined, the organizations resolved to cooperate in requesting appropriation from congress. on december , the one hundred and fifth anniversary of general washington’s entrance to the encampment, locals gathered for a town hall meeting at valley forge. they decided to request congress to include the encampment among the revolutionary battlefield sites it the phoenixville messenger, july . considered to help commemorate. four days later, a meeting of the council of the hsp resulted with an official request to congress. following an inquiry, government officials concluded that an appropriation would be awarded to cmavf, which would satisfy their mortgage. upon receiving the funds from the proposed bill, they would forward funds to the monument association. both organizations were satisfied with the arrangement. however, the bill did not pass, and the monument association attempted to obtain state appropriation. their effort resulted in the state act of , which established the valley forge park commission. the episode demonstrates that valley forge was the grounds for contestation over the construction of memory among elite rural women. as different as their approaches had been, the women selected to memorize officers, emphasizing leadership and class distinction. they wanted their example to instill social hierarchy, discipline, and deference. holstein intended to furnish the headquarters with period articles to inspire visitors, similar to the rooms at mount vernon. she had hoped that the mvla would assist in this task, but when her attempt to acquire assistance from the organization had been rebuffed by mrs. sweat, she tirelessly corresponded to achieve her goal. reminding no names of attendees are mentioned. “valley forge,” philadelphia inquirer, december , . congress, house, monuments for battle-fields of the revolution; also for valley forge and washington, headquarters at morristown, th cong., st sess., no. , ( july ), . william herbert burk, historical and topographical guide to valley forge (philadelphia: the john c. winston co., ), . francis m. brooke, holstein’s cousin and a descendant of general wayne, lobbied in for a state park. governor robert e. pattison created the commission and appropriated $ , for acquisition of land. see: lyman p. powell, “the renaissance of the historical pilgrimage,” review of reviews, viii (october ): . mrs. james of her potts ancestry, holstein wrote, “your influence, may possibly procure some things for the headquarters from the potts family.” her efforts succeeded in the acquisition of documents and pictures from the librarian and officer of the pennsylvania historical society, frederick d. stone. at length, local daughters of the american revolution chapters received permission to decorate the rooms. while decorating fitted women’s traditional role, it gave the press a hook for the publicity of the women’s campaign. when the reading daily eagle reported that the “patriotic women” would preserve the headquarters, it added that once they obtain the title for the property “it will be signal for the housekeepers of the whole country-side round about to look through their stores of time-honored furniture, so as not to be outdone in generosity by the bay state.” the rural press chose to emphasize women’s domestic task rather than the traditionally male roles of fundraising, public relations, and meetings with key political figures. holstein took great pride in her preservation of valley forge and in her conviction that it belonged to the whole nation was unwavering. she passionately wrote holstein to mrs. james, july , hsp. she also urged him to donate a clock. see: anna m. holstein, bridgeport, to mr. f. d. stone, june , and june, . see chapter . “the great ball,” the reading daily eagle, april , . on the pages of the camp news, the organ of the pennsylvania branch of posa: no state can have sole title to the old headquarters and hills of valley forge. they belong to the nation as much as does the name and fame of washington. ‘no north, no south, no east, no west,’ can claim them. her words suggest that she considered the site an ideal representation of the revolution, when colonies from north and south joined in battle for independence. with such a firm stand, it appears striking that she allowed civil war articles to decorate the walls of the reading ball. on the one hundred and ninth celebration of evacuation day, in june , upon receiving an american flag on behalf of the cmavf, she mentioned the soldiers of valley forge who fought for a just government but gave longer description of civil war heroes who “risked life and limb in [the flag’s] defense, when the last conscious word and loving look has been give to its care.” she continued with descriptions of the hospitals and “the starved andersonville men” who returned from the southern prison. holstein could have used the headquarters and washington as an ideal consensus behind the revolutionary war to foster reconciliation between north and south, but, curiously, she did not suppress her feelings about the civil war. the public honor given to civil war generals at the celebration did not suggest the existence of any sentiments of compromise or intention of unity on the part of the organizers or their guests. elizabeth anna m. holstein, “the headquarters at valley forge,” camp news, valley forge special edition, june , . she would reiterate this statement in almost the exact words in the dar magazine eight years later. see: anna morris holstein, “reminiscences of valley forge and general washington’s headquarters,” the american monthly magazine, (may ): . “valley forge. many thousands massed upon the famous hills,” norristown herald and free press, june , . varon’s findings that for many northern americans, disunion was associated with “fears of extreme political factionalism, tyranny, regionalism, economic decline, foreign intervention, class conflict, gender disorder, racial strife, widespread violence, and civil war, all of which could be interpreted as god’s retribution for america’s moral failings,” may hold the answer. holstein could not have accepted secession as a viable solution to the regional political crisis. to her, it meant a rejection of the very idea for which the revolutionaries had fought. she probably blamed the south for the war that generated great numbers of casualties, who she had witnessed suffering and, often, dying. valley forge, where no battle had been fought, was significant for the spirit of self-sacrifice for a greater cause. edwin kirkman hart expressed what a large number of valley forge preservationists wanted to memorialize in his introduction to his story of the the sleeping sentinel of valley forge: “the scene of trials and dangers of the little army which clung together, despite every hardship and discouragement and which was actuated by the love of country, love of home and love of mankind.” the act of self-sacrifice had been largely associated with female gender role. wives and mothers were often expected to serve the needs of their husbands and children before tending to their own necessities. the title of frank moore’s renowned monograph on the work of women in the civil war, women of the war: their heroism and self- sacrifice, rationalized women’s participation in acts of male aggression by conveying socially accepted female attributes. men’s self-sacrifice in war typically carried the hart, the sleeping sentinel of valley forge, . burden of the battlefield and possible disfigurement or death. valley forge preservationists altered the definition of self sacrifice without changing its function. male self-sacrifice had no longer been directly linked to combat but had been articulated as any risky deed taken on behalf of the war effort. it blurred the boundary between men’s and women’s contribution to the war effort; if soldiers were ceremoniously commended for self-sacrifice without fighting, there were plenty of women whose contributions were no less significant and equally instructive. in the last decades of the nineteenth century, the public had become increasingly aware of preservation of the american past and culture as immigrants appeared in greater numbers in city streets and towns. most immigrants who arrived to pennsylvania after the civil war settled in philadelphia where they could easily find work and affordable housing, but enough individuals of irish, italian, slovak, and ukrainian descent chose to settle in rural areas such as montgomery county that antagonism arose. with the bondage of slavery removed, a few african americans migrated northward and settled in norristown, the county seat of montgomery county, where sawmills, textile plants, furnace building, flour mills, and expanding retail business offered economic opportunity. propagating the fear of immigrants’ political power, rev. john p. newman observed in his speech during george washington’s day of , celebrated by the borough of bridgeport increased its population by more than twofold from to . de tweiler, jr., borough of bridgeport, box , bridgeport h mo-um, montgomery county historical society, norristown, pennsylvania. jean b. toll and michael j. schwager, eds., montgomery county: the second hundred years (norristown, pa: montgomery county federation of historical societies, ), vol. , . the posa, that there would be forty-three million foreigners in a population of sixty- seven million in twelve years. “who are these foreigners?” he asked only to describe unskilled and uneducated laborers. he reached the inevitable conclusion that “women and chinese are not allowed to vote… but the rum-drinking foreigner is allowed to vote. this should be remedied.” newman did not offer viable solution, but in a sermon he preached on thanksgiving of he suggested to extend the naturalization term, which had originally lasted five years, to ten or fifteen years in order for immigrants “to become indoctrinated in our free institutions… and then be prepared to love america for america’s sake.” if the newly arrived had to be inculcated in the political tradition of freedom, it had to be by established inhabitants connected to the values of the founders, mainly protestants of the wealthy leisure classes. they could command large sums when they found a worthy goal. valley forge, though an ideal site for patriotic education, lacked historical drama and suffered from a geographical disadvantage. it served only as a winter camp. as charles hosmer argues, it did not witness a monumental battle as bunker hill, nor did it claim to be a home for the first president, as mount vernon. and when empathetic descriptions of soldiers’ suffering in heavy winter months are the sole account for heroism it might have seemed to some history-minded preservationists that the attempt to portray the site as a pivotal point in the annals of the revolution was “washington’s memory. how it was celebrated at the academy of music,” philadelphia inquirer, feb. , . john p. newman, america for americans! the typical american. thanksgiving sermon (washington d.c.: rufus h. darby, printer, ), . exaggerated and, perhaps, unjustified. armies have long been known to suffer during winter time when roads froze and delayed the arrival of provisions and the turning point for washington had actually occurred upon crossing the delaware river with the victory in trenton. if the uneventful encampment months could have posed a question on the legitimacy of site’s historical value, its geographical position could have discouraged philadelphia visitors from frequent excursion due to its inaccessibility. when philadelphia’s elite had sponsored patriotic causes, such as the sanitary fair and the centennial exposition, they chose projects that had been located in the city. it enabled the city’s public school children to visit them and internalize the messages the exhibits presented. an excursion to valley forge would have been financially prohibitive for the public schools’ budgets. philadelphia’s leading social and financial elites preferred to support local causes that would instruct the city’s immigrant population and prevent new conflicts, such as the riots of the mid- s, from erupting. valley forge was not an attractive investment from the standpoint of distance and perhaps education. in addition, it is possible that the link between the civil war and the encampment by brown along with the focus on george washington did not encourage privileged city women to join the cause. the women, who participated in the centennial campaign, expressed a when philadelphia hsp members wanted to visit valley forge they had to schedule a special trip with train officials beforehand. many had not visited the site since , when it became the property of the cmavf. “historic valley forge,” philadelphia inquirer, june , . the centennial committee who wanted to ensure that children of philadelphia’s public schools attend the exhibits issued greatly discounted tickets for them. consensus historical memory centered on martha washington in order to reconcile with southern elite women. teaming with the cmavf could have lead to mistrust and a possible rift between themselves and their southern counterparts, and jeopardized the relationships they had worked so diligently to establish. in addition, the relegation of mary washington to an almost obscure position in the historical memory of the site might have irritated philadelphia women who believed that women’s influence on history was as significant as that of men. during the years that the cmavf struggled to establish fiscal existence, holstein and some of the members of the association immersed themselves in establishing a local historical society. the advent of the county’s centennial on september prompted a meeting to create a body that would organize a fitting celebration and would oversee the collection of historical evidence. on george washington’s birthday, february , , several prominent county men among them theodore w. bean, william h. holstein, hiram corson, isaac chism, isaac roberts, and samuel m. corson decided to form the historical society of montgomery county for the purpose of “the preservation of the civil, political and religious history of the county, as well as the promotion of the study of history, local, national and universal.” bean, who presided at the first meeting, spoke about the obligation and urgency in rescuing evidence before it was lost. the county was originally organized by william penn as philadelphia in and continued as such until september , , when it was organized as montgomery county. see: samuel t. wiley, ed., biographical and portrait cyclopedia of montgomery county, pennsylvania (philadelphia: biographical publishing company, ), . “constitution of the historical society of montgomery county, pennsylvania,” minute book – historical society of montgomery county, pennsylvania, - , mchs. the attendees resolved to admit women as members, but restricted the acceptance of new members and recognition of permanent ones. candidates required the support of two- thirds of the vote of members present at any meeting; honorary members required three- quarters of the votes, and life membership required paying $ in addition to two-thirds of members’ vote in a meeting. although the officers of the society were all male and included bean, william h. holstein, reuben kanibel and r. f. hoffecker, the constitution was signed by eighty-four members, among them thirty women. the centennial celebration of the county was successful and netted the organizers $ , . it enabled the members to purchase historical hall in norristown for use as a repository of documents and historical artifacts. in , the society launched the publication of historical sketches, a collection of articles on local history, prepared by members, and often previously read during society meetings. it served to document local historical research. the subjects of its articles varied, but men typically focused on military and political history such as officers and the events that occurred at valley forge, while women emphasized women’s history and their own ancestors. one of the first speakers, margaret d. rex, narrated the deeds of lydia darrah that she possibly gleaned from previous publications. her conclusion, an admonition of historical neglect, was directed at the public at large:”shame on the historical society of montgomery county, minute book - , p. , montgomery county historical society history, mchs; charter and by-laws of the historical society of montgomery county of pennsylvania,(norristown, pa, ). joseph fornance, ed., “introductory,” historical sketches: a collection of papers prepared for the historical society of montgomery county, pennsylvania, iv ( ), ix. american people that this brave woman should have gone to her grave without a mark of reward for this unselfish act of devotion to her country, while captain mollie, in the battle of monmouth, was rewarded for an act of bravery done impulsively to avenge her husband’s death.” in rex’s eyes, darrah’s act of risking her life in order to warn the continental army commanded more respect than mollie, who was recognized for operating her husband’s post after his death out of revenge, not a result of a calculated act. rex’s article on lydia darrah was intended to include her in history as a selfless woman whose decisive judgment surpassed that of her husband’s. it was her fearless actions that saved washington and his troops. the author demonstrated that darrah’s femininity did not affect her determination and courage: “she was a small delicate woman, but the cold december morning with the snow on the ground several inches deep did not deter her from her noble purpose.” rex’s historical account demonstrated that women could not only keep their composure under adverse conditions but could also act decisively and fearlessly in service of the common good. substance of a different sort was margaret b. harvey’s work on the history of lower merion. drawing from an old map, several interviews of older residents, and even local vegetation, she wrote a romantic history of her area, exonerating early settlers from blame for altering the environment, and prominently interweaving her own family history margaret d. rex, “the story of lydia darah,” historical sketches: a collection of papers prepared for the historical society of montgomery county, pennsylvania, i ( ), . ibid. and luxurious home into the tale. while outlining a detailed description of margaret boyle, her grandmother, and lamenting that “her beauty and accomplishments are alike forgotten,” she interrupted her glorified account to add a claim to aristocratic descent: and, now, do you ask, am i describing my ancestress simply because she was noted for her beauty? oh, no! but because it may be a matter of historic interest to the people of lower merion to know that such was the appearance of a descendant of the great earl of cork, who lived in lower merion. parochial as her approach may seem, she haphazardly notes bits of local quaker history, the development of local infrastructure, and the history of architecture, higher education, and botany. harvey’s goal was to insert her affluent family into the narrative of local history. “my dear old home,” she writes “…represents better than any other example of which i know the very ideal of a pennsylvania mansion of time past – of a time extending from the days of penn himself to the last decade.” her argument that “lower merion but repeats the history of the world at large; my grandfather’s farm, lilac grove, repeats the history of lower merion” demonstrates her generalization and ambiguity of the historical process. she argues that history repeats itself in the expansion of new patterns of settlement, in regional development, and in the resentment of newcomers by established margaret b. harvey, “something about lower merion,” ibid . for harvey’s family history see: dora harvey develin, margaret b. harvey, a. m.: a sketch of her life and work (west park, philadelphia: ), . harvey, “something about lower merion,” - . ibid., . inhabitants. she also laments the gradual disappearance of “gray stone mansions of ample proportions, built only for comfort and hospitality.” politely, she chooses to discuss the architecture as a comment on the new residents’ ostentatious character. her criticism is also evident in her idealization of her ancestor: my grandfather’s house, once considered elegant, has given place to a modern palace, a triumph of art and wealth; the trees and shrubs tended by his hand as a labor of love, are replaced by the marvelous leaf and color creations of the landscape gardener. facing rapid development due to settlement of wealthy neighbors who abandoned philadelphia and moved to the suburbs of the main line, she wants to distinguish herself through her family’s pedigree and luxurious estate. harvey realizes that acculturation would eventually occur and predicts that the new form of architecture would replace the old, hinting that the new way of life would prevail. while rex and harvey attempted to insert a revolutionary woman and family ancestors into history, holstein wanted herself memorialized through her activities in the civil war in addition to documenting local history. in her presentation in the montgomery county historical society on february , , she disclosed names of prominent women who joined local aid societies or volunteered as nurses and reports about women’s contribution of an enormous flag for round top at gettysburg and about mothers’ sacrifice of their fighting sons. upon conveying her nursing account, she ibid. philadelphia elites moved also to chestnut hill. see: baltzell, philadelphia gentlemen, - . reiterated her reservations to join the war effort for “the idea of seeing and nursing wounded men…from which i shrank instinctively.” with over three decades of public work experience, holstein remained precisely as she had always been: a model of an appropriate female role who acted in the public sphere out of a need to benefit her country. at length, she laments the “meager accounts” of revolutionary war women’s work and urges those who live in “every township and county,” members in other historical societies, to collect the evidence of the last conflict “without delay, now while many who took part in the work can recall all that was done.” holstein considers women’s work the “wonderful narrative of self-sacrifice and devotion” as significant as that of the soldiers who fought the war and wants it documented for posterity. if urgency prompted holstein to describe women’s civil war activities, it was her husband’s colonial ancestry that motivated her to write her second monograph swedish holsteins in america, from to . she modeled her work after the lives of the lindsays, a genealogy written by alexander crawford lindsay who traced his english lineage back to the tenth century. it was privately published in four volumes in britain in and publicly in three volumes, in and . like lindsay, holstein adds to her holstein, “women of montgomery county in war time,” . ibid., . dedication a quote from proverbs “the glory of children are their fathers,” and includes in her introduction some of his introductory thoughts, though without citation: we do not love our kindred for their glory or their genius, but for those domestic affections and private virtues that unobserved by the world expand in confidence toward ourselves… why should we not derive benefit from studying the virtues of our forefathers? conceding lindsay’s view that family history was a “most powerful but much neglected instrument of education,” and that the fathers, not mothers, should be memorialized, she commenced the work of collecting stories from families across the northeast, conducting oral histories, and searching wills, bible records, inventories, and local libraries, including the american philosophical society and the historical society of pennsylvania. but unlike lindsay, who cited his material with extensive footnotes, holstein did not cite her evidence, but added an appendix that included some of her sources. holstein divided her book by families and subdivided it by generations, an organization that resulted in a fragmented historical account. she expanded on the life and work of john hughes, the stamp officer of pennsylvania, and included several letters he received that demonstrated his high regard among the wealthy and highly connected individuals of his day. holstein based his association with general george washington on a family tradition “whose authenticity has never been questioned,” rather anna morris holstein, swedish holsteins in america, from to (norristown, pennsylvania: ), ; alexander crawford lindsay, lives of the lindsays or memoire of the houses of crawford and balcarres (london: john murray, albemarle street, ), vol. i, xi. than on written documents. washington, while encamped at valley forge, often frequented the residence of john hughes’ son, isaac hughes at his upper merion farm. colonial pedigree notwithstanding, holstein followed the family ancestry back to europe and provided links with nobility through a legend that claimed the family originated from an aristocratic line, and more substantial evidence that king charles xi of sweden sent one of the holsteins to america. she did not neglect to include her own story, pointing out that she and her husband settled on a farm that was part of the original holstein tract of one thousand acres dated to . in great detail she described her nursing work, the camps where she and her husband had served, and their march with the troops when the confederate army headed toward pennsylvania. she emphasized the fact that at gettysburg she sat within a few feet of president lincoln when he delivered his renowned address. but perhaps the most revealing is her disclosure that her husband, who worked for the united states sanitary commission (ussc), traveled to philadelphia to bring supplies while she nursed the soldiers. in her previous war accounts, she mentioned him as her partner, and created the impression that they worked in tandem in the camps and returned home when he fell sick and required rest. she never admitted to staying among the soldiers without his presence. nearly three decades after her nursing service, with much more experience in public roles, when scores of graduates of women’s colleges had changed the face of holstein, swedish holsteins in america, - . ibid., , . education, and with increasing agitation for women’s suffrage, holstein might have allowed herself to be more candid about her unconventional nursing assignment. holstein’s genealogical monograph demonstrates her adherence to victorian ideals of feminine deference. she chose to write about her husband’s ancestry, acknowledging male authority in the family, and believed that children were judged by their fathers, not their mothers. writing about her husband’s family was a significant decision, considering the distinction of her own quaker ancestors. the head of her father’s family, thomas ellis, arrived in pennsylvania from merionethshire, wales. he befriended william penn and was appointed registrar general of the province in . thomas’s grandson, william ellis, settled in the frontier, near fort muncy, pennsylvania. when he learned of an impending indian raid he rode through the night to the jersey shore and back to warn settlers about the danger. he consented to stay at the fort upon the settlers’ request only to find his house and orchards destroyed by the invaders. her father, william cox ellis, the first lawyer in muncy, had been elected to the seventeenth congress as a representative of the whig party in , but gave up his seat when his opponents questioned the election results. he failed to regain the seat when the election was repeated. subsequently, he was elected to the eighteenth congress in and stager, history of the centennial and memorial association of valley forge, . see also: anna schall fisher and mrs. john rex, “anna morris holstein,” in gertrude bosler biddle and sarah dickinson lowrie, eds., notable women of pennsylvania (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), . junior league of williamsport, homes and heritage of the west branch valley (williamsport, pa: junior league of williamsport, ), . george g. wood, “a partial list of muncy’s founders,” then and now, vii (oct. ): . served until . outside of politics, holstein’s cousin, william ellis tucker, was the first manufacturer of china in america. of her mother’s family, holstein was a direct descendant of captain samuel morris of the first city troop of philadelphia, who fought with washington at the battles of princeton and trenton, and served as washington’s bodyguard during the revolution. samuel wells morris, her uncle, was a district judge and a congressman from to . once she married, holstein became part of her husband’s family. like many women of her period, she internalized how society viewed women, and pursued her interests within acceptable paradigms. she worked on her genealogical manuscript for a long period, researching, writing, and editing. at the time of its publication, in the early s, genealogy became a popular interest and various works written by both men and women had already been published. holstein, however, apologetically recalls in her introduction that once her work was completed it “was put aside, thinking it would never be published. but at the solicitation of some of the descendants it was again taken in hand.” such a claim from a respectable woman in her late sixties, who had been involved in public affairs for most of her life and had published a book and scores of articles, might seem pretentious and disingenuous. but holstein was a product of the victorian age, and she was raised and lived in a rural setting, where deviating from gender role boundaries could seriously tarnish one’s reputation. her public work had been cautiously calculated to create the impression that she undertook new projects james grant wilson and john fiske, eds., appletons’ cyclopaedia of american biography, vol. iv (new york: d. appleton and company, ), . holstein, swedish holsteins in america, . seemingly at the behest of others, not out of her own ambition. this enabled her to step outside the domestic sphere, while keeping her proper image intact. rex, harvey, and holstein belong to a long tradition of women’s historical writing. american women have written histories since the earliest years of the republic, and women’s political, abolitionist, and literary writings proliferated during the nineteenth century. historians have long acknowledged that women received more recognition for their historical writings before the professionalization of the field in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. nina baym finds that the difference between women authors of the early republic and those of the first half of the nineteenth century stems from the influence of gender ideology. early writers were believed to be mentally equal to men due to teachings of the enlightenment. primarily of anglo-protestant faiths and of middle or upper class origin, early writers penned novels, short stories and reflections on social, religious, and political topics. with the rise of the separate sphere ideology and ascribed gender roles, women perceived themselves as spiritual, but different from men in their analytical faculties. in the act of publishing, they undertook a progressive step that enabled them to participate in the public historical discourse and insert themselves into history as record keepers. in the nineteenth century, women writers continued to explore the work of women who acted publicly and without contesting the limits set upon them by conventional gender roles. baym argues that elizabeth fries ellet’s history of the women of the american revolution was designed to oppose women’s rights. it demonstrates that women contributed to the body politic without possessing the privileges of full citizenship. ellet emphasized aristocratic, pioneer, and revolutionary women and excluded working women and african americans. baym expands the writings of history to include fiction, plays, poetry, travel narratives, and religious histories. bonnie smith adds gender to the discourse on historical writings. she argues that in the nineteenth century, male historians employed gender roles to claim professional status through the practice of scientific history and the exclusion of women from seminars and archives. during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, historical works by women were increasingly considered amateur and trivial. amateur historians differed from male professional historians in their tendency to write on worthy women in a descriptive manner. like baym, smith argues that amateur historians were conservative, particularly in their compliance with class and gender hierarchies. they also explored a wider range of topics than did their professional counterparts, including everyday life, material culture, the life of working class women, and women’s activism. while baym investigates the works of women from the republican period to , smith extends the time period to the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. julie des jardins studies the period between and . in focusing on the last two decades of the nineteenth century, she argues that with the nina baym, american women writers and the work of history, - (new brunswick, n.j.: rutgers university press, ), . bonnie g. smith, the gender of history: men, women, and historical practice (cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, ), , . increase of immigration and the fear of the loss of american culture women sought historical authority in order to teach the public civic values. women writing in the s on colonial history shifted the focus from the founding fathers and military history to women whose deeds proved extraordinary. in the twentieth century, women writers developed social and cultural perspectives and new methodologies using sources from everyday life, diaries, and oral histories. ultimately, these women shaped the profession, when decades after their work had been published, professional historians began to adopt their new approaches. the popularity and recognition that authors such as lydia maria child, alice morse earle, sarah josepha hale, elizabeth ellet, and martha lamb attained did not resemble the respect and authority that george bancroft, francis parkman, henry adams and other prominent historians received. female american historians of the late th century primarily examined the lives of women who, like themselves, were excluded from institutions of government and the armed forces and, for the most part, did not have direct impact on the outcomes of the nation’s major political and military events. male scholars studied influential leaders who fully participated in the national executive, legislative, and military branches and who created a democratic nation and governed its institutions. the privileged backgrounds of bancroft, parkman, and adams reinforced their similarities. having been sons of wealthy and politically connected families and harvard graduates, and having been invested with personal experience with european julie des jardins, women and the historical enterprise in america: gender, race, and the politics of memory, - (chapel hill: the university of north carolina, ), . social and political institutions, they acquired the tastes of the educated ruling elite. their belief in increased progress through civilization of the wilderness by educated elite leaders shaped their historical writings. these historians, asserts richard c. vitzthum, favored political actors who were dedicated to the common good, demonstrated self- discipline, and opposed the british. they perceived the american past as a conflict between anarchic forces on one extreme and tyranny on the other, and argued that america chose the middle course – centralization without subordination. the most influential among them, george bancroft, believed that the american people escaped the old world, governed by historical traditions of political and military conflicts, into a simple world governed by the natural frontier. the natural world in america shaped spiritual progress for white man. he identified george washington, daniel boone, and thomas jefferson as products of the frontier and agents of liberty. he also recognized the influence of god in history. bancroft interpreted the american revolution as a spontaneous rise of the american people against the encroachment of the british in order to establish protestant freedom. god led the american people to military and political progress and to the establishment of a free nation. he adopted a romantic style through the influence of his studies in germany and wrote to instruct his readers. richard c. vitzthum, the american compromise: theme and method in the histories of bancroft, parkman, and adams (university of oklahoma: norman press, ), - . david w. noble, historians against history: the frontier thesis and the national covenant in american historical writing since (minneapolis: university of minnesota, ), , ; russle b. nye, “the religion of george bancroft,” the journal of religion, (july ), ; vitzthum, the american compromise, . self-sacrifice for a better future was one of his major themes. in his speech before the new york historical society in november , he professed that: since progress of the race appears to be the great purpose of providence, it becomes us all to venerate the future. we must be ready to sacrifice ourselves for our successors, as they in their turn must live for their posterity. bancroft conducted meticulous research in multiple archives and studied private papers but did not reference them in footnotes or bibliographies. he focused on political and military history and excluded native americans and women from his narrative. while the works of male historians gained respectability, women’s histories generated their own devoted readership but were increasingly considered amateurish. at the end of the nineteenth century, the professionalization of history in the united states was institutionalized with the formation of the american historical association in . professional historians, largely influenced by the german historian leopold von ranke, called for scientific examination of economic and political documents. they insisted on training in methods and a body of knowledge to produce objective narratives. the acquisition of an advanced degree of doctor of philosophy provided professionals with authority, privilege, and access to exclusive associations and archival materials. although most women could not receive professional training and were barred from conferences and historical discourse, their marginalization provided them with george bancroft, oration delivered before the new york historical society november , (new york: printed for the society, ), . freedom to pursue their subjects without restrictions. as avid historians, women writers must have read at least several volumes of george bancroft’s history of the united states from the discovery of the american continent, the definitive monograph of colonial and revolutionary history. the women of the montgomery county historical society employed several of his methods in their historical writings. rex shares bancroft’s belief in the guidance of god in historical circumstances. she points out that darrah decided to listen to the conversation of the british by “a higher impulse than that of curiosity.” more important, she emphasizes the theme of self sacrifice – “noble service she had rendered her countrymen,” a deed, she insists, that should be recognized. like bancroft, rex’s article is clearly written and lacks footnotes and includes personal admonition to those who forgot the brave woman. harvey’s work is more aligned with bancroft’s style and beliefs. she describes a romantic ideal past where “towering trees,” “old-fashioned roses,” and “long, rambling stone mansion” decorated the landscape of lower merion. she fully believes in god’s direction of history and supports the newcomers, despite her subtle reservations. her declaration echoes bancroft’s speech: it is not without effort that i say it, but i, who represent the remaining few in lower merion, standing as it were between the past and the future, looking lovingly, even tearfully backward, and yet lovingly, trustfully, forward – i can say that god may have a use for a red-and-yellow palace, just as he had for a gray farm house. if, by removing the latter to make way for the former, he saw fit to indicate one of the means by which rex, “the story of lydia darrah,” , . harvey, “something about lower merion,” . humanity might go forward from a beautiful but still an imperfect past to a far more beautiful, a glorious future – still will i say, god’s will be done! holstein’s early monograph on her civil war activity is written in a romantic style with a strong religious leaning. she often describes soldiers’ fates as god’s will, as in the case of a soldier who died at white house who commended “his soul to god, and committing wife and children to the same loving care.” reiterating bancroft’s link between religion and history, she found her field nursing effort to be a manifestation of a divine will. upon her arrival at antietam to nurse the wounded, holstein reached the conclusion that “this is the work god has me to do in this war.” holstein’s later work did not resemble bancroft’s style. her genealogical manuscript, though opened with a biblical quote, is grounded in documents and family histories. holstein cites dates and great number of her sources in the body of the text, referring to archives where appropriate. the details collected from family members in a manner of oral traditions are carefully cited as such. only seldom does she revert to first person, as in her introduction to the dehaven family – “as i have been able to obtain it.” her article about women’s work ibid., . holstein, three years in field hospitals of the army of the potomac, , . ‘family legend,’ ‘family history states,’ or ‘it is said that’ are some of holstein’s descriptions of the undocumented sources. see: holstein, swedish holsteins in america, . , . ibid., . during the civil war demonstrates an additional attempt at detailed documentation. she had collected reports from several county aid societies in its preparation and had noted that lower merion’s activity is absent for the lack of their report. the theme of self-sacrifice is the only element reminiscent of bancroft’s historical moral. she lists the women who lost family members in the war as their contribution to the collective effort. montgomery county women’s historical accounts fit the histories of women of their time. they acted radically in publishing their manuscripts and in establishing themselves as custodians of historical records. however, they remained conservative in the history they authored, portraying women within conventional gender roles and sanctioning men’s leadership in public and within the family. during the last decades of the nineteenth century, women’s public visibility had significantly increased. women attended colleges in increasing numbers, although by the end of the nineteenth century very few of them entered graduate schools and joined college faculties. the founding of bryn mawr college in , in montgomery county, drew local attention to the advancement of women. it was the first institution to offer graduate degrees to women and quality education to “girls from wealthy and aristocratic homes of the country.” these decades also saw, the movement for woman suffrage increased its public influence. the pennsylvania woman suffrage association was “women students aim for rostrum. public speaking chief ambition of industrial workers at bryn mawr,” philadelphia inquirer, june , . organized in under mary grew. in matilda hinderman and eleven association members appeared before the joint committee of the state senate and house to urge legislature to strike the word “male” from the suffrage clause of the state’s constitution. the bill passed the house but lost in the senate. in the montgomery county woman suffrage association was organized with holstein and her husband among its nine charter members. the organization’s effort gained influence, and by out of twenty county newspaper editors only three declined to publish articles in favor of woman suffrage. perhaps this public move, more than any other, reveals holstein’s true feeling about the impeccable image a woman of her class had to keep. suffrage would have meant license for women’s public involvement, for it would sanction their participation in electoral politics. such a law would undermine gender assumptions and serve to eliminate the artificial boundaries between the public and the private. it would enable women activists to expand their involvement in public affairs without fear of social disapproval. although a radical step, holstein joined the association with her husband, continuing to appear in tandem with him and not striking out on an unconventional path on her own. * * * the historical work of montgomery county women during the last decades of the nineteenth century demonstrates that the manner in which women envisioned their role in “first d.a.r. regent active in many patriotic causes,” scrapbook b , a- , p. , mchs. “woman suffrage,” norristown weekly herald, may , . society shaped the memory they had constructed. holstein and her female associates, whose lives were passed in rural pennsylvania, tended to follow the expectations of contemporary gender roles more closely than did affluent philadelphia women. women of the centennial committees, who felt entitled to recognition for their engagement in cultural, benevolent, and educational work, sought to create a historical memory that focused on both martha and george washington. they perceived martha as a significant player in the history of the revolution and its aftermath and placed her on equal footing with her illustrious husband. montgomery county women who took part in the preservation of valley forge, the formation of the local historical society, and the publication of local histories held a more traditional view of women’s role in society. their construction of the history of valley forge reflected this social view. they cared for the preservation and the interior appearance of the headquarters and for the education of the public, an expansion of women’s role as housekeepers and instructors of children. they trusted george washington, the commander of the continental army, to occupy center stage as an accomplished leader who inspired the suffering forces and guided them through the difficult and crucial period of the revolution. martha washington was linked to the headquarters in a secondary role, domestic and lacking the emblem that came to symbolize colonial productivity and revolutionary political posture – the spinning wheel. holstein ignored her presence in the organization’s events and evacuation day celebrations. with the centennial tea parties as a model, it is difficult to comprehend the absence of a historical ball among the attempts to draw attention and contributions to the valley forge cause. perhaps, the recognition of martha washington did not resonate with montgomery county women’s perception of appropriate gender roles. they could not resolve to shift the focus from washington and the suffering soldiers to the dutiful wife, as dedicated as they might have been able to present her. initially, they had staged her in a subordinate status to her husband in their own centennial tea party. they possibly found it inappropriate to have her equally important as her husband in a site dedicated to a military episode. the contestation over valley forge the memory between the valley forge monument association and cmavf further validates rural women’s conservative attitude. the memory of war officers, not the soldiers’ wives or the women who had sacrificed their loved ones during the winter encampment, was the center of disagreement. they also completely ignored the presence of the wives of common soldiers and those of the laundresses and prostitutes. holstein did not even pay tribute to women in, what appears to be her only public speech, the acceptance of the american flag at the one hundred and ninth celebration of the valley forge evacuation day. mary thropp cone, the founder of the valley forge monument association, focused solely on the morals of the historical episode and its value in inculcating immigrants with loyalty and self-sacrifice. the memory of the valley forge demonstrates a shift in the representation of revolutionary history from consensus to northern unionist. the new position linked the restoration of the union in the civil war to the preservation of the values upheld by the founders in their fight against the british. the campaign of the cmavf demonstrates that during the last decades of the nineteenth century the politics of preservation required the unequivocal support of urban elites in order for women-led campaigns to succeed. wealthy pennsylvanians, owners of iron, railroad, and textile enterprises, who lent support, sought to mitigate the effects of labor agitation and trade unionism. their efforts were motivated as well by their intended moral inculcation of the european immigrants who comprised part of their work force. further, they possessed the political influence and financial means to support the campaigns. since socially prominent urban women played a significant role in charitable institutions and their husbands had long-held social and political ties with leading men of public and private enterprises, they could have easily commanded their talents and institutional access to benefit a project and increase its visibility and prospects of success. several philadelphia women, among them the respected mary rose smith, joined the campaign but failed to gather sufficient enthusiasm and funds. their preference for the spca event over the cmavf reading ball demonstrates that they favored the company of their social peers rather than that of rural pennsylvania elites. although their absence from such a monumental event was out of the ordinary, their involvement in terms of fund raising was impressive, considering they raised $ , by the summer of compared to a mere $ , raised by holstein, pennsylvania, and out-of-state members over a period spanning from to . cmavf vice regents from other states, undoubtedly experienced in fundraising activities and familiar with key community and political officials, encountered difficulty in raising support from urban prominent citizens in their states. boston women, for instance, valued the cause but preferred to donate furnishings rather than funds. their generosity was intended to display their colonial lineage through period artifacts and forgo the work of fundraising altogether. rural women’s public work experience and their access to men and women of highest social rank did not resemble that of privileged philadelphia activists. holstein, whose experience as a vice regent for the mvma had been limited to a sparsely populated area, did not move in the same social circles as the city’s privileged elite who could boast the “old philadelphian character…where nearly everyone was slightly related or connected to everyone else and they all [had] grown up together.” yet, she managed to obtain the support of distinguished politicians and generals and produced a memorable ball and outdoor country event. but the funds raised at the parochial events were limited and amounted to a fraction of what similar celebrations would have netted in philadelphia. the members of the cmavf worked at the dawn of the preservation movement. they brought the valley forge site to public consciousness and constructed a male- “the centennial memorial association of valley forge,” lowell daily citizen and news, . the women collected such a great number of artifacts that they even considered to apply furnish a second room. ibid. nathaniel burt and wallace e. davis, “the iron age - ,” in philadelphia, . dominated memory of a military encampment that incorporated the republican civil war position, but they failed to gain federal government support. in the s the building remained women’s domain. as at mount vernon, women would furnish its rooms and construct – what they perceived – as a colonial domestic home. pennsylvania gradually acquired the lands of the encampment and developed an accessible memorial park on the site. the members of the cmavf were the first to popularize the site as a valuable historical space and were the ones responsible for the annual increase of visitors through the first two decades of its existence. the diligence of holstein and her associates helped define early historical preservation as the rescue of a structure or a site linked to the revolutionary war, but not necessarily focused on a battle. their memory also presented a shift from the idealized revolutionary consensus, oriented at avoiding conflict with southern whites, toward an ideology that emphasized the role of the north in the preservation of the union in the civil war. the formation of the historical society, which played a leading role in orchestrating the centennial celebration of montgomery county, proved a more manageable project since it could commence with modest means and expand with the availability of funds. the need for an adequate repository for documents and artifacts valued by local prominent citizens arose from sentiments similar to those that drove the valley forge preservation - the inculcation of immigrants with the shared values of white protestant americans with colonial and revolutionary ancestry. local history authored by the female members of the society aimed to foster social distinction and include women in the historical narrative. they conducted their historical research at a time when professional historians had been increasingly defining history as the domain of academically trained, privileged professional men. the historical work of the montgomery county women shifted professionals’ focus from political history to accounts of women’s contributions and personal experiences. their history, however, remained conservative, portraying women within their gender roles. although conservative in her historical writings, holstein joined the suffrage movement, asserting women’s right for full citizenship. in doing so, she demonstrated that privileged women who were concerned with the nation’s past were assuming important leadership roles that would shape the status of women in the present. with the increase of immigration and anxiety over the possible loss of the american identity, women would expand their efforts to educate the masses in civic values and patriotism. the organization of the daughters of the american revolution would enable greater and more focused efforts to influence the foreign born and their children. chapter patriotic honor: the valley forge chapter daughters of the american revolution, - on a cold and windy november day in , a special train arrived at norristown, pennsylvania. its passengers, who boarded an exclusive car in washington d.c., were eager to meet anna morris holstein, the regent of the centennial memorial association of valley forge. as members of the newly formed daughters of the american revolution (dar), they were excited about touring local historic places and particularly the continental army generals’ headquarters at valley forge. following a tour that included the houses occupied by general henry knox, marquis lafayette, and general anthony wayne they arrived at their final destination, general washington’s headquarters. the guests were served lunch, courtesy of holstein and mrs. hugh mcinnes, a trustee and the secretary of the association. they “examined the interior of the headquarters with the deepest interest” and at the end of their tour were “enthusiastic in their determination to have some action taken which will lead to beneficial results as far as the historic sites of valley forge are concerned.” the centennial of the country, celebrated in a monumental exhibition in philadelphia, evoked the creation of a great number of hereditary societies in the last “patriots visit valley forge: a distinguished party inspects historic spots,” philadelphia inquirer, november , . quarter of the nineteenth century. as descendants of individuals who contributed to the formation of the nation, members of these groups cherished an identity of birth and implicitly suggested themselves to be at an advantageous position in a hierarchical society. the dar, an organization created when the sons of the american revolution refused women membership, proved to be one of the largest and most influential of the hereditary organizations. comprised of over , members just two decades after its formation, it consistently followed its main goals of recounting the memory of revolutionary ancestors, marking and preserving the graves of soldiers, and educating the public about the revolutionary past. true to these objectives, the valley forge chapter in montgomery county, pennsylvania, set priorities and acted with enthusiasm on behalf of projects that appealed to their sense of historical significance. they marked meaningful revolutionary spots, preserved a room in george washington’s headquarters in valley forge, and researched local history. the history the dar promoted – one of altruistic military brigades fighting for a greater cause – did not resonate with the socio-economic status of countless americans who observed the increased power of monopolies and great corporations in contrast to their own limited economic advancement and shrinking options of social mobility. the message of patriotism and government loyalty did not offer concrete solutions to the disproportionate political influence of the wealthy on governing institutions, the ongoing labor disputes, and the bursts of racial conflicts. the dar’s vision likewise contrasted with that of the new historians, the progressives, whose work had been affected by the circumstances that surrounded them. interpreting american history through an economic perspective and through conflicts of interest rather than admiring virtuous historical figures, they reflected on the urgent need for reform rather than complacency. the historiography of the dar is marked by the history of female authors and professional male historians. while the former focuses solely on the daughters and typically includes interviews but lacks society’s files and footnotes, the latter explores several hereditary societies and draws on organizational publications. wallace evan davies authored the first comprehensive study of hereditary societies, which explores their patriotic ideas within their social, economic, and cultural context. he asserts that their effort to inculcate patriotism was “sort of secular religion to unite the american republic” in order to bring together a population diverse in national origin, religion, and cultural background. they believed that substance would follow the acts of singing patriotic songs and saluting the american flag. davies attributes the proliferation of hereditary societies in the s to the great numbers of immigrants, the emergence of nationalism, and the culmination of the woman’s club movement. in contrast to public perception, he argues that most members joined for the social attraction and prestige, but also recognizes the societies’ contribution of preservation of revolutionary landmarks. the book’s great value is enhanced by its abundance of sources: a collection of reports of hereditary societies, societies’ magazines, and manuscripts. while davies’ monograph was a valuable milestone, its scope ended in . female authors, whose focus solely on the dar and its attitudes toward education, wallace evan davies, patriotism on parade: the study of veterans’ and hereditary organizations in america, - (cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, ), . immigration, race, and political issues, extended the organization’s history. martha strayer, a reporter for the washington daily news, did not receive any assistance from the society. she drew her information from two decades of reporting on the society to produce a history from to the end of the s. she asserts that the popularity of the organization was due to its publicity and objectives. the founders recruited the first lady, caroline harrison, as their president general and benefited from two receptions at the white house. following her, every president general was the wife of a politician or a diplomat until . the historical projects the members selected were likewise of prestigious women. the first grave they marked was that of abigail adams in quincy, in massachusetts, noting her management of the family farm when president john adams worked in congress. strayer argues that the dar upheld the notion of consensus during the revolution as an effort to unite the divided sections, still in conflict over the political and economic issues that stemmed from the war and reconstruction. strayer’s journalism background is evident when she traces the society’s origins in great detail but emphasizes the s in the greater portion of the book because of she spent most of her career with the dar during that period. consequently, the society’s attitudes toward foreign born americans commence with the immigration act of and its involvement with the spanish american war is absent. margaret gibbs also asserts that national exposure influenced the dar’s recognition but points to the presidents’ receptions, a tradition that commenced with they were held in october and february . these gave the organization national exposure. see: martha strayer, the d.a.r. an informal history (washington d.c.: public affairs press, ), . benjamin harrison and ended only when eleanor roosevelt left the society. she argues that education was the main goal of the daughters and hereditary societies. borrowing wallace’s argument, she maintains that in the last quarter of the nineteenth century patriotism became “a secular religion”. the lack of citations in this monograph is partially compensated with a bibliography. gibbs did not consult organizational files save a number of dar pamphlets. most of her study is drawn from secondary sources and periodicals. with no major findings, the book’s merit is the added decade of the society’s history. peggy anderson, another journalist, attempts to understand the activities of the dar within their social and cultural context. writing in the early s, she focuses on the history of the past four decades, demonstrating that despite their racist image a number of members volunteer in african american communities. she also indicates that the daughters built and have supported two schools in appalachia for destitute children. like gibbs, anderson employs mainly periodicals and newspaper articles. her attempt to distance the daughters from past controversies by emphasizing their quality educational work is not entirely convincing. the schools the daughters had built supported white children, and additional schools they have approved for charitable purposes included institutions for immigrant children or descendants of foreign-born parents. the few women who helped african americans seem an exceptional minority rather than an extensive change of society’s core dogmas. margaret gibbs, the dar (new york: holt, rinehart and winston, ), . peggy anderson, the daughters: an unconventional look at america’s fan club – the dar (new york: st. martin’s press, ), - . the increasing interest of social historians in the processes of the construction of memory in the s has generated studies on traditions, nostalgia, and patriotism. they have explored the creation of ideologies, national identities and monuments and their employment by selected groups in shaping the past to advance their preferred views. two studies have investigated the function of hereditary societies in this context. stuart mcconnell does not accept the explanation that native-born anxiety over increasing immigration combined with class antagonism resulted in the burst of patriotic sentiments in the s. in his essay “reading the flag: a reconsideration of the patriotic cults of the s” he claims that patriotic societies started to organize in the s, well before the great wave of immigration reached urban america. he also points out that republican industrialists did not support a curb on the arrival of cheap workers even at the peak of immigration. mcconnell argues that a new definition of “americanism,” which appeared in the s, manifested in different and interconnected ways. initially, a shift in the view of the flag from a symbol of family and a place of historical incident to a representation of national pride, gradually emerged. no longer an emblem of domestic heirloom and a regimental link of individuals to local history, the flag represented anglo- american whites who sought to establish a hierarchical social order. hereditary societies, the dar included, came to represent the nation as an extended family that excluded the body of literature about memory is extensive. several important works include: , eds., the invention of tradition (new york: cambridge university press, ); david lowenthal, the past is a foreign country (cambridge: cambridge university press, ); michael g. kammen, mystic chords of memory: the transformation of tradition in american culture (new york: knopf, ). stuart mcconnell, “reading the flag: a reconsideration of the patriotic cults of the s,” in bonds of affection: americans define their patriotism, ed. john bodnar (princeton, new jersey: princeton university press, ), . african americans. patriotism also meant military obligation and support of the national government. privileged groups, defined by their ancestry and social status, employed youths’ military drills to instill patriotism and civic values. mcconnell’s does not identify why the emergence of patriotic sentiments occurred in the s and not in the preceding decade, when labor unrest seen in events such as the haymarket riot of was prevalent, or the following decade, when a wave of russian pogroms signaled by the massacre of kishinev on easter of prompted scores of jewish immigrants to reach american shores. however, the value of his study is in the analysis of the flag as an emblem of collective identity and shifting social attitudes. woden teachout answers this question in his recent dissertation. he points to the depression of as a major shifting point in hereditary societies’ social and political activism. examining the sons of the revolution, the sons of the american revolution, the daughters of the revolution, and the daughters of the american revolution between and , teachout argues for three overlapping phases in their focus on an ideal revolutionary past. the societies aimed to reconcile sectional division caused by the civil war and distance americans from the materialism of the gilded age. at first, they memorialized the revolution by finding and preserving period relics. in agreement with davies, gibbs, and mcconnell, teachout finds that with the accumulation of historical artifacts members wanted to create a national civil religion. originally not anti- immigrants, members believed they could ameliorate cultural diversity through the promotion of the flag, patriotic songs, and by placing george washington’s portrait in schools. however, the depression and its resultant social and labor unrest led members of hereditary societies to perceive immigrants and labor unionists as a threat to the nation. they aligned themselves with the republican party whose platform included limited immigration and prevention of flag desecration. teachout’s significant study draws heavily from family papers of key national officers, organizational magazines, and newspapers. teachout explores the dar primarily from the national perspective. his meticulous evidence from particular chapters is mostly collected from the organization’s magazine. individual chapters, although subordinate to the policies of the national office, selected and funded their own projects. they included members of different generations who often held dissimilar views on various political issues. this chapter will explore the historical work of one chapter from its inception to the beginning of world war i. it will demonstrate that only a small number of members invested their energy in the painstaking work of historical research, attempting to reveal the stories of past men and women. it will also show that impressive projects such as erecting large monuments drew membership in large numbers. according to the official publication of the dar, the society was organized in august in washington d.c. by eugina washington, mary desha, and helen h. walworth. their meeting was prompted by william o. mcdowell, the great grandson of woden sorrow teachout, “forging memory: hereditary societies, patriotism, and the american past, - ,” (ph.d. diss., harvard university, ). early history: daughters of the american revolution (washington, d.c.: dar): . flora adams darling, who had contacted eugina washington about forming a national revolutionary relic society, also claimed to have founded the dar as an expansion of her original idea. she eventually resigned her vice presidency at the society in june of . see: flora adams darling, founding and organization of the american hannah arnett, a revolutionary wife who threatened to leave her husband had he quit fighting for independence. arnett’s story was published in the washington post by mary s. lockwood in reaction to the exclusion of women from the sons of the american revolution in april . writing in the post, mcdowell urged every woman “who has the blood of the heroes of the revolution in her veins” to contact him. five eligible women returned his call, among them mary desha who passionately declared: “it has made my blood boil whenever i have seen the ‘buttin’ worn by the ‘sons,’ and felt i was left out because i happened to be a woman.” the women met officially on october th – on the anniversary of the discovery of america – adopted a constitution, and elected a board of management. they articulated their mission in acquisition and preservation of historical places and erection of monuments, conducting and publishing of historical research, preservation of revolutionary documents and artifacts, education of youth for citizenship, and fostering of “patriotism and love of country.” its first president general, caroline lavinia scott harrison, the wife of the u.s. president benjamin harrison, considered the acquisition of valley forge one of the society’s patriotic efforts. the activities of the centennial and memorial association of valley forge (cmavf) and the valley forge monument association undoubtedly brought the encampment to public attention, which resulted in the increase of its popularity. on november , seventeen interested members arrived at the site from washington d.c. revolution and daughters of the revolution (philadelphia: independence publishing company, ): - . early history, . “valley forge must be sold,” the historical record, ( ): . at the conclusion of their visit the women were “very enthusiastic in their interest in the acquisition of the historic premises of valley forge.” the dar wanted to purchase the first site of washington headquarters, which included the spot where he prayed for the survival of his troops, the old forge, and the sites of two additional camps. but they were not the only public body to have shown interest in the property. the postmaster general, john wanamaker, promoted the site’s acquisition to the philadelphia board of trade, while a new york brewery company and a hotel keeper had also showed interest in the property. while various patriotic and commercial organizations vied for a share at valley forge, anna morris holstein and members of the dar found mutual interest in creating a national memorial at the encampment. holstein set to form a dar chapter under her own leadership. at first, she acquired the title of regent for montgomery county from the national society. in the course of , under instruction of the national society, she organized a few meetings in attempt to recruit the additional twelve members required for a formation of a dar chapter. in may, they elected a secretary, katherine corson, and adopted the name valley forge. predictably, it was holstein who suggested the name as randolph keim, “they want to buy valley forge: plans of the daughters of the american revolution,” philadelphia inquirer, october , . “valley forge must be sold,”; “valley forge’s peril: the historic spot in grave danger of descration,” philadelphia inquirer, february , ; “valley forge must be sold: the historic spot at the option of patriotic bodies,” philadelphia inquirer, november , . a chapter could be formed with thirteen members, similar to the number of colonies. the minutes mention that four members were absent, and the list of charter members includes members. see: mary t. mcinnes, “history of valley forge chapter daughters of the american revolution from – ,” dar papers, mchs. “the one most suitable”. by the end of holstein was ready to launch the chapter. in december she met with eight local women and emma l. spear of the philadelphia chapter in the house of julia a. hayman, the great grand-niece of general anthony wayne, in norristown and formed the new chapter. they elected holstein as their regent, margaret schall hunsicker as vice regent, ellen knox fornance as treasurer, katherine corson as secretary, and rebecca mcinnes as historian. true to the national society’s historical objective, holstein, who missed the second meeting due to illness, read her essay “interesting notes on the early history of valley forge” during the subsequent meeting in february. the reading intended to spark historical interest among the members in the site for which their chapter had been named. the following week, the women held a public meeting in the fornance building in norristown to encourage eligible women to join. they chose one of their most prominent members, annie wittenmyer, the first president of the women's christian temperance union and the president of the woman’s relief corps and an auxiliary of the grand army of the republic, to speak at the event. she spoke of her service in the civil war as a member of the iowa sanitary commission. the women chose to present recent history at their public meeting hoping to draw attention to their new chapter by an illustrious speaker. valley forge chapter dar, exhibition of american wars ( ): . “minute book valley forge chapter d.a.r., dec. , - oct. , , no. ” valley forge chapter dar, norristown, pennsylvania. (min. thereafter). wittenmyer requested to transfer from washington chapter. she was voted an official member on the october meeting. see: october , min. . in the meantime, the national dar abandoned their design on valley forge. initially, the daughters did not publicize their trip and their plan about the encampment because they waited for the results of a pending bill in the pennsylvania legislature. in may , when the state formed the valley forge park commission with the intention of acquiring the grounds and creating a historic park, the dar retreated. by the time the valley forge chapter was organized the society’s national leadership had diverted their focus to aid the national mary washington memorial association in erecting a fitted memorial in fredericksburg, virginia. the valley forge chapter members’ attachment to the encampment at valley forge shaped the identity of the chapter in its first few years. the daughters conferred symbolic meaning on tangible artifacts made from materials taken from the military camp that enabled them to foster the chapter’s identity and promulgate their values publicly. the women used the wood gathered in the encampment to evoke a message of reverence of the sacrifice of the continental army and particularly of its commander. when they received their charter, in june , one of the members, sarah byrnes e. groverman, gave the chapter a silver bound gavel. its head was made from “the historic oak at valley forge, under which washington so often received his suffering army” and its handle of “wood from the floor of his private room at the headquarters where he passed anxious days, planning and consulting with his brother officers.” an additional member, rebecca mcinnes, presented the chapter with a frame made from a chestnut tree standing “editors note book,” american monthly magazine, xviii (august ): . mcinnes, “history of valley forge chapter daughters of the american revolution from – ”; katherine c. corson, “valley forge chapter,” american monthly magazine, viii (jan. ): - . on the grounds of the historical site. it was prepared for the chapter’s charter and hung for thirteen years at the chapter’s meeting place in norristown. both articles were intended for the members’ private use, linking the chapter with valley forge and, by extension, with its history. the women shared the representation of the shrubbery of valley forge beyond their private quarters. they arranged for a large wreath made of laurels from the encampment to be placed on the washington monument in fairmount park, philadelphia, during its unveiling. the ceremony drew hundreds of thousands to the city to observe an impressive military parade, catch a glimpse of state and national dignitaries, and hear president mckinley address the crowds. the wreath, decorated with the official blue and white ribbon of the dar, was the only embellishment allowed on the monument that day. the national dar formed with the goals of preservation, education, and fostering patriotism. their preservation aimed at sources from white american families who supported the revolution. teachout points out that the requirements for membership in addition to proof of ancestry included “personal acceptability.” this translated into social april , min. ; mcinnes, “history of valley forge chapter daughters of the american revolution from – ”. mcinnes, “history of valley forge chapter daughters of the revolution from – ”; “magnificent tribute to the memory of washington: with due ceremony, and in presence of many thousands,” philadelphia inquirer, may , . “constitution,” report of the daughters of the american revolution - (washington: government printing office, ), - . standing, and in valley forge chapter it required the affirmation of two members. it ensured class and racial exclusivity of the members. they intended to construct a narrative that would glorify revolutionary soldiers as a means to instruct the host of immigrants who arrived from southern and eastern europe. teachout argues that after , due to the economic depression and social unrest primarily in urban centers, the daughters came to perceive immigrants as a threat and politicized their message to equate americanism with the constitution and self-control rather than personal liberty. but evidence suggests that the daughters recognized the immigrants as a serious problem prior to the onset of the depression. on february nd , , during the second continental congress, mary s. lockwood, the historian general, warned the members in her annual report: there is danger ahead! our country is being denationalized by hungarians, poles, and italians, who have never read their first letter of the spirit of americanism. what is this spirit? it is the responsibility of every individual toward this government. she confidently added:”now, who can better do this work than the daughters of the american revolution?” the following day, the pennsylvania reading railroad collapsed, causing the panic that led to the four-year worst economic depression of the nation’s history. on the teachout, “forging memory,” - . ibid., , - . s. m. lockwood, “report of historian general,” american monthly magazine, ii (april ): . same day, mrs. john m. chrelien of the sequoia chapter in san francisco ardently argued that a sound historical education would forge a love of country that “will guard it faithfully from political corruption within, and the assault of ignorant, vicious, and diseased immigration that threaten it from without”. the daughters were not the only ones who predicted disastrous consequences prior to the depression. in congress created the immigration bureau and stipulated that it would monitor the country’s borders and screen immigrants. the first years of the s witnessed elevated immigration numbers; while in over , entered the country, the number increased to over , in and to almost , in . the addition of over . million immigrants who mainly headed to the crowded city neighborhoods alarmed government officials and social commentators. in december , during the st annual congress of the national prison association judge francis wayland, the chairman of the committee on criminal law reform raised his concern about the increasing immigration from hungary, russia, poland, and italy. he clearly indicated his support for limited immigration when he declared: we are, and for years have been, receiving the very dregs of european society, the scum of european cities – the destitute, the ignorant, the nihilist, the anarchist – by scores of thousands annually. “an unsealed book,” american monthly magazine, iii (september ): . reports of the immigration commission, arthur macdonald, abnormal man being essays on education and crime and related subjects (washington: government printing office, ), . arthur cassot, a social commentator, echoed lockwood’s dissatisfaction in a contemporary political journal several months later: the most embarrassing of all this immigration comes from southern italy, poland, russia, hungary, and ireland, in which countries the people are more illiterate and on a lower social level than most civilized nations, and certainly below ourselves… the whole country is at the mercy of this foreign degradation. the sharp increase in immigration served as a pretext of alarm for officials and the daughters who observed the sheer numbers of newcomers and their impact on cities like new york, philadelphia, boston, and chicago. the depression, however, exacerbated the immigrants’ precarious situation as unemployment soared and harsh winters added greater difficulty. teachout meticulously demonstrates the shift in dar rhetoric from shared history to ethnic based nationalism of the native-born but points that individual chapters did not necessarily follow suit. in , the pennsylvania state historian of the dar urged chapters to send in for preservation their historical presentations and ancestral papers since “the true history of pennsylvania is not yet written and these papers will be valuable material for whoever will be that historian.” while insisting on the inclusion of their ancestors in the historical narrative, the dar held a scientific view of historical practice whereby a arthur cassot, “should we restrict immigration?” the american journal of politics, iii (sept. ): . first annual report of state historian dar ( ), . historian “must read the lesson of the past in order to teach the present how to shape the future.” with a large body of immigrants present in american cities, historian general mary cooley bassett advised the members to view the country’s history through eugenics which she termed “the winnowing of the almighty.” she also sought to promulgate a plan for the study of history through the magazine. “we are a hereditary patriotic order and should merit the first rank as an authoritative reference on all matters of genealogy and historical data, accuracy, completeness of records and authenticity of all facts,” concluded bassett. like scientific historians, dar members believed that history should be employed as an inspiration with themes of morality, patriotism, and providence. their attempt to educate the immigrants in conjunction with the divine sanction of eugenics placed them at odds with the progressive historians who emphasized the self-interest of respected revolutionary leaders and demonstrated that the concerns and demands of large groups of people remained overlooked. aligning with the society’s objective, holstein considered historical research one of the most prominent goals of the chapter. the daughters often encouraged their members to write histories and publish it in their magazine. in may , ellen hardin walworth, the vice president general of the dar, spoke before the members about the women’s contribution: “it has come to tell our country men that we, the daughters of the mary cooley bassett, “report of the historian general, - ,” (baltimore): , dar scrapbook. ibid., , . founders of the nation assert our rights – our right to a recognition of the work our mothers did for this country.” she continued pointing to women’s valuable faculty: the women of america have been long and unconsciously the sentinels on guard for our liberties, while the men have fought the battles of politics and legislation. these men have talked with their wives and daughters, mothers and sisters, and these women have listened to the legislators, read the newspapers, watched the effect of new laws, and over all, they have had time to ponder …to think about issues… while the men have been gathering money the women garnered wisdom. in concluding her address she outlined the task of the daughters: “your work… is to bring forward the history of families, localities, counties and states; thus, each one will offer a tribute to the general history of the nation” in order to “educate the children of the nation to a love of country.” walworth carefully demonstrated women’s gender qualities, placing men in the public arena and women as moral protectors who initially consulted their husbands’ opinions and then turned to outside information. at the same time, she insisted that the daughters’ historical ancestry, the missing element from the national historical narrative, should be documented for the sake of a civic purpose that would foster national unity. ellen hardin walworth, “the magazine,” american monthly magazine, ii (june ): ibid., . ibid., . the following month, lucia e. blount reiterated walworth when she reminded the daughters that: the work of women never has been rated at its real value, and it never will be until women themselves come forward and put their own estimate upon it…just think what a flood of light would be thrown upon the early history of our country were the stories of the pathetic struggles and sacrifices of the heroic women of the revolution brought out from the hidden corners of the earth and made a part of history. blount argued for moving colonial and revolutionary women irrevocably out of obscurity. implicit in her words was an understanding that the annals of white women, possibly of western european origin, were of interest, not those of african americans or any other ethnic groups. it is not surprising, however, that the daughters did not publish numerous articles on their female ancestors. male ancestors typically received recognition by mid-nineteenth century scientific historians as heads of families who arrived in america or through their public role. they ignored the work of women, who generally lived and acted within the domestic arena. the daughters, who accepted the practice of these historians, faced a conundrum – if they followed the footsteps of the historians they would have had to disregard a significant body of knowledge. ignoring them was too radical an act. the women decided to work on the memory of all actors, but tended to focus on men whose profession, public prominence, or patriotic activities were deemed appropriate to emphasize. lucia e. blount, “the eligibility amendment,” american monthly magazine, ii (june ): . most members of the valley forge chapter, however, were reluctant to undertake the painstaking work that historical research entailed and holstein had to persistently encourage them to contribute papers for their monthly meetings. holstein attributed the initial reluctance to a period of adaptation and familiarity with the society’s demands. she reported optimistically on the pages of the dar magazine that “some few papers have been read and more will be presented as our members better understand what is expected of them.” however, her repeated requests demonstrate that only a small number of women were genuinely devoted to the task. in november she attempted to entice the daughters to conduct local historical research “particularly of the events of the revolution in connection with valley forge from which the name of our chapter is taken and which should therefore be of peculiar interest to us.” two members answered her call and in the following year ellen knox fornance presented papers on the topics of finding graves of revolutionary soldiers and the origin of egypt road or main street, and rebecca mcinnes spoke of general green after whom green street was named. the daughters’ disinterest in historical topics persisted and on the meeting of januarys , during holstein’s absence, mrs. strassburger requested that the chapter present literary and other readings besides historical papers. the women did not act on this suggestion, but the contention over the subject might have caused undercurrent of discontent as members refused to confront holstein out of respect to the chapter’s organizer. holstein grew impatient. perhaps her advanced age of seventy three and her anna morris holstein, “valley forge chapter,” american monthly magazine, vii (july-dec. ): . january , ibid. frail health made her wish to see the historical issue settled satisfactorily. her frustration must have reached new heights when even her suggestion of writing about the women’s own ancestors had been met with a disappointing response of two members. by , holstein’s failing health forced her to resign from the regent position. knowing she would miss the january meeting, she wrote the daughters a forceful letter. as her frustration with the chapter members – some of whom shared years of activity with her on board of directors of the cmavf – grew more profound, she called “the attention of the chapter to the fact that it was a historical organization, not a social one and that the work of the chapter should be in a historical line.” holstein saw the dar as a vehicle for women’s involvement in memorializing the fading narrative of local revolutionary history. the women refused to comprehend the significance of the task they had to fulfill. they had to research, write, and present their findings in order to leave a record not only for the purpose of educating the young but also for future generations. throughout her life holstein had been passionate about the preservation of the past, its historical sites, its material culture, and her husband’s genealogical heritage. she could not comprehend the women’s reluctance and lack of interest, particularly those of the older generation whose exemplary action should have provided an inspiration for the younger chapter members. the women who attended the meeting pondered holstein’s remarks and upon a suggestion of mrs. eisenberg decided to avoid engaging in historical work. katherine cady corson and fornance conducted genealogical research. april , min. . january , ibid. holstein, as expected, did not concede even when attendance in meetings decreased. the meetings generally drew fourteen and often even fewer members. the continuous decline of interest presented a serious problem to the future survival of the chapter. it reached its lowest point on september when the daughters canceled a meeting due to the appearance of only five members. if holstein had realized that the demand for historical work presented a heavy burden on the women she did not let any sign of it show. she continued with a request for full chapter representation at the annual celebration of the valley forge encampment on june th and “urged a more earnest study of the history of valley forge by our chapter on account of its name.” on may, she read an essay on valley forge and in june she laid her concluding goal for the chapter - to be more prominent in the national society and “to make it the most active chapter in the state”. holstein was an energetic woman who invested great effort into bringing her ambitious projects to life and demanded likewise from others. she devoted her time, talent, diligence, and political acumen and worked tirelessly to see her goals met. her vision for the valley forge chapter was similar. the daughters should delve into research, publish their findings in the society’s american monthly magazine and serve as an example for other chapters with their enthusiasm and achievements. holstein’s active days were behind her. she needed capable chapter members to lead the group – probably mrs. mcinnes, who had been among the principal founder of the cmavf and mary kraus preston who had also been among its members. march ; june , ibid. holstein’s efforts were not met with complete passive disengagement. members occasionally presented papers in meetings. mrs. eisenberg and mary p. beaver presented “colonial philadelphia” and “colonial times” respectively, and beaver read unidentified historical letters in another meeting. in december , the daughters resolved to commit to scheduled presentations. they raised an impressive line of subjects - pennsylvania as a colony, pennsylvania churches of the revolution, washington at valley forge, lafayette at barren hill, revolutionary landmarks in pennsylvania, history of the flag, whitemarsh during the revolution, independence hall, and the pennsylvania signers of the declaration of independence. clearly, the subjects focused on local revolutionary history with an emphasis on male leaders and material culture. they did not attempt to unveil the story of local revolutionary women, but possibly intended to draw on published materials for their presentations. as determined as the women seemed, their decision lasted two meetings in which the first two subjects were presented. in the following year, in january - a week after holstein’s passing - regent hunsicker requested that historical papers be read at every meeting. however, with only eight members present in the february meeting, she stressed that the women should have a social hour which “would increase interest in work of the order and create greater sociability among the members.” hunsicker had to strike a fine balance between serious historical lectures and social mingling. the alarmingly low attendance at meetings threatened the chapter’s existence and insistence on educational agenda could december , minute book valley forge chapter d.a.r., dec. , - oct. , , no. ,” valley forge chapter dar, norristown, pennsylvania. (min. thereafter). february , ibid. have potentially led to the chapter’s demise. the members decided to hold a social hour following their business meeting, but the number of women in attendance increased only seven years later when new interested members gradually joined. holstein’s sense of history corresponded pierre nora’s argument in his landmark essay collection realms of memory, where he includes under lieux de memoire, memory sites, a large variety of iconographic representations such as monuments, street names, photographs, maps and signs. in the spring of , she recognized that historical memory was embedded in public spaces when she spoke of montgomery county “as being one of the most historic [counties]” and urged the members to find the origin of its name and those of its streets and write their historical accounts. if holstein’s approach seems contemporary, her articles remained rooted in nineteenth century historical methods. the history promoted by the valley forge chapter daughters was increasingly falling out of favor by professional historians. as they faced social unrest created by industrialization, urbanization, and the growing impact of large corporations on political and economic practices they wanted their work to contribute to social change. allan trachtenberg indicates that the incorporation of america developed through contestation in cultural assumptions, often expressed by farmers, laborers and radicals. the pierre nora, ed., realms of memory: rethinking the french past, trans. arthur goldhammer (new york: columbia university press, ), vols. november ; april , min. . allan trachtenberg, the incorporation of america: culture and society in the gilded age (new york: hill and wang, ), - . progressive historians, as they were called, took a stand against big corporations and political corruption. the historians believed people needed a change that would consider their interest, not stories about liberty and heroism. they criticized the past in hoping to induce a transformation of the present. progressive historians also insisted that progress guides human history and offers a paradigm for analysis. in contrast to rankean practices, charles a. beard argued that historians should write an interpretation and not a recreation of the past. he claimed that historians could not write objective works since they hold private opinions and beliefs that bear on their interpretations. criticizing ranke’s method in great detail, he calls for history that would venture beyond politics into economic, racial, sexual, and cultural fields. his volume – an economic interpretation of the constitution – he asserted, presented one model of inquiry. beard argued that the constitution was the product of wealthy merchants and landowners who wanted a government that would serve their interest against the common people. vernon l. parrington generalized american history as a political contestation between jeffersonian and hamiltonian practices. it was represented by a debate between federalists and republicans, whigs and jacksonians, and progressives and conservatives. looking at the environmental circumstances, frederick jackson turner claimed that they affected inhabitants and shaped a national history through sectional francis c. couvares and others, eds., interpretations of american history: patterns & perspectives (new york: the free press, ), . ernest a. breisach, american progressive history: an experiment in modernization (chicago: university of chicago press, ), . charles a. beard, “that noble dream,” american historical review, (october ): . differences. dealing with the rankean premise of the objectivity of history, carl a. becker asserted that historical facts receive their meaning from historians’ interpretation. the narrative lacks objectivity but is influenced by the contemporary political, social, and cultural milieu. the new approaches to historical writing did not resonate with the dar’s attempt to chronicle american history. theirs remained conservative in their political history that glorified great leaders. mary elizabeth springer, who published an article that surveyed the history of america in the society’s magazine, asserted that the revolutionary war “leveled social distinctions” and claimed that the people’s constitution was made “for the people by the people.” over a decade later, mary cooley bassett, the society’s historian general, spoke highly of the revolutionary ancestors, whose “noble lives” should be made public by the daughters – “the history of their time, full and perfect reference authority, their virtue, their standing reference authority.” her words echoed american orators of the s and s who glorified revolutionary soldiers on battle days or on the evacuation day at valley forge. holstein’s writings fit this pattern. in her article “reminiscences of valley forge and general washington’s headquarters,” which she published in the dar’s american monthly magazine, she added the memory of the common soldiers to that of george mary elizabeth springer, “glimpses of the history of the united states,” american monthly magazine, xvi (january ): - . mary cooley bassett, “national board magazine, daughters of the american revolution magazine, xliii (nov. ): . washington and general lafayette. she employed the idea of self-sacrifice as an overarching theme and a moral for readers. no martial music led them in triumph; no city full of good cheer and warm and comfortable homes awaited their coming; no sound kept time to their weary steps save the icy wind rattling the leafless branches and the dull tread of their tired feet on the frozen ground. holstein indicates that the soldiers suffered for the sake of a higher cause without receiving any recognition for their deeds. however, she also recognizes “the leaders of the men whose heroism can sanctify a place” who “were striving to establish and found a nation and a government.” in the spirit of the dar, holstein paid tribute to revolutionary soldiers but revealed her utmost respect for authority and leadership. several years later, emma l. newitt, whose article mistakenly appeared in the dar’s magazine under the authorship of the regent eisenberg, demonstrates historical skill in the variety of sources she consulted to describe the “life at valley forge.” she draws on diaries, correspondence, orderly book, and george washington’s papers to produce an impressive article that attempted to convey the soldiers’ experience. like historians of the nineteenth century, she mentions god when she claims that the hardship at the encampment would have discouraged most people but it caused “in washington’s anna morris holstein, “reminiscences of valley forge and general washington’s headquarters,” american monthly magazine, vi (jan. - june, ): . ibid., . harriet d. eisenberg, “life at valley forge,” american monthly magazine, xxxi (oct. ): - . a correction of the author’s name: american monthly magazine, xxi (dec. ): . case to make him put firmer trust in an almighty power and in the justice of his cause.” however, she criticized peggy shippen and sally chew for they “danced the night away with the scarlet-coated officers of the british army, while fathers and brothers were suffering on the hills above the schuylkill.” in contrast, she commended mrs. washington who “busied herself all day long, with errands of grace.” she also did not fail to include the story of her resourceful ancestor, demonstrating her distinguished lineage, a continental valley forge officer captain piercy. a manufacturer of pottery, he wanted to produce bowls for his peers and built a kiln at his leisure in the encampment. the soldiers never enjoyed his workmanship; other soldiers tore it down and took the few items he had produced. through her extensive research she reveals, without citing any sources or great detail, intriguing information about the daily life in the encampment. she discloses that soldiers who carried money could buy food and clothing to help them during the harsh season and that they disobeyed orders, liked to play card games and dice, and lived in an inevitable state of filth. she reveals that one soldier was held in court martial for stealing and an officer was found guilty of robbery. however, she protects the integrity of anthony wayne by simply indicating that he was acquitted of “conduct unbecoming an officer.” she also suggests that the soldiers did not live in complete isolation since friday was “flagg day” when mail exchange took place in philadelphia. the disclosure of dishonorable conduct of soldiers and the fact that relief was available for those with eisenberg, “life at valley forge,” . ibid., . means conflicted with the long-held image of cold, hungry, and isolated military troops. the option of relief for wealthier soldiers contradicts the democratic ideal of equality and the existence of military discipline. the letters soldiers received from loved ones must have helped to uplift their morale and endure the ordeal. these disclosures paint the soldiers in a more realistic manner than the images created by the cmavf members and evacuation day orations two decades earlier. after years of ideal glorification of the soldiers at the encampment, a new generation of women pursued the documented of a more accurate portrayal. the daughters accepted the revisionist article since it was based on sources of military officers, all respected leaders of the continental army at the encampment. newitt employs methods borrowed from scientific historians in her reliance on primary sources, stating that “no historian can picture the life of any period so vividly as it may be described by those who were participants in that life.” she fills her article with several quotes, some are paragraph long. her perspective, however, is influenced by leaders of high command, and the experience of common soldiers is viewed through the perspective of george washington and other officers. newitt also protects general wayne’s image by concealing the offense for which he faced court martial. on the other hand, she does not impose any moral lesson and refrains from lengthy depictions of suffering or the harsh weather. ibid., . newitt’s historical writing practices fit professional standards better than holstein’s. as a daughter of a younger generation, she is less concerned with an impeccable notion of self-sacrifice of the continental army and more focused on portraying an accurate depiction of life on the encampment. it is doubtful that holstein would have authored such a piece. holstein’s image of the troops had been shaped by her reverence of authority, her civil war experience, and nineteenth-century historians’ writings. even in her late article, published after her death in stager’s history of the cmavf, she sought to create a version of reality that promoted the virtue of george washington. she describes the floors of washington’s headquarters as “those which the great chieftain has walked in many weary hours” and the windows “unchanged since the days when anxious eyes looked through them at the soldiers’ huts upon the hills.” she probably would have chosen to ignore the unscrupulous conduct of military personnel in order to keep the image of the army untainted. during the first decade of the twentieth century several members occasionally presented historical papers. most of them were readings from published historical books such as excerpts from the sleeping sentinel of valley forge and an account of montgomery farm from a “geography of pennsylvania published in .” however, when a younger member, emma l. newitt, an enthusiastic amateur historian, joined a slight change occurred. first she delivered a paper on the “army of valley forge during anna morris holstein, “washington’s headquarters at valley forge, - ,” in history of the centennial memorial association valley forge, . february , ibid. the winter of - .” based on diaries and period letters, she presented a detailed account of the soldiers at the encampment. impressed by her work, the regent - harriet eisenberg - submitted it for publication in the dar magazine. on the subsequent month newitt read a paper written two years earlier by herman vandenburg ames titled “some peculiar laws and customs of colonial days.” her third presentation marked a turning point in historical subjects when she introduced the “women of philadelphia during revolutionary times”. this was possibly the first instance in which the chapter to delved into the history of women. as part of a younger generation, raised at the turn of the century when women’s public role included involvement in temperance, women’s clubs, settlement houses, and suffrage, she valued women’s role and sought to make an impact with her writings. newitt also initiated her own research and produced a personal genealogical presentation that paid homage to the country’s historical founders. in contrast, when holstein had urged the members to write about their ancestors none of the two women who worked on the project presented their findings. while other members occasionally paid homage to traditional revolutionary leaders in subjects such as “washington at prayer at valley forge” and “philadelphia assembly,” newitt delivered a paper of a trip taken by one of her ancestors, john harper, a quarter master of the pennsylvania newitt, a bachelor, received her teacher’s certificate in . see: sixty-third annual report of the board of public education, first school district of pennsylvania (philadelphia: e. c. markley & sons, printers, ), - . february , min. ; see also footnote . february , minute book valley forge chapter d.a.r., dec. , - dec. , , no. ,” valley forge chapter dar, norristown, pennsylvania. (min. thereafter). battalion, in . in the following month, fornance presented her family history perhaps as a result of newitt’s focus on her ancestors, or out of a desire to enter her relatives into the local historical narrative. as the hostess of the meeting, she introduced the history of her house on main street in norristown titled “selma and the porters.” mrs. harry s. righter, the hostess of the subsequent meeting, presented the history of her house in spring mill titled “a sketch of the legaux homestead”. the daughters continued their focus on local history by reading selections from the real daughters of the american revolution, penned by a member of the merion chapter, margaret harvey, in october. in the end of the year the members featured “reminiscences by those who were associated with anna morris holstein, organizer and first regent of valley forge chapter.” hunsicker read “three very interesting letters” written by holstein and the account of the first meeting of the valley forge chapter while mciness spoke of the initial meeting. members also read the early history of the chapter and a biography of holstein from the centennial and memorial association valley forge. the tribute to holstein posed a unique opportunity to introduce an exclusive history. the society fostered historical memory and the recovery of any evidence before it was lost. the women could have organized a memorable evening to celebrate their february , min. . see minutes of , ibid. the ancestors of ellen knox fornance lived on selma farm. see: m. auge, life of the eminent dead and biographical notices of prominent living citizens of montgomery county, pennsylvania (norristown: published by the author, ), - . peter legaux, a french viticulturalist, planted large vineyards on his estate, montjoy, in spring mill, pennsylvania, in the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century. his attempts to produce american wine were unsatisfactory and he died in debt. see: thomas pinney, a history of wine in america from the beginnings to prohibition (berkeley: university of california press, ), - . chapter inception and produce a collection of reminisces written by those who shared years of public activity with their first regent. fornance, mcinnes, hunsicker, sarah r. e. groverman, mary kraus preston, and mrs. p.y. eisenberg were all members of the montgomery county historical society and all but the eisenberg had been charter members of the chapter. moreover, mcinnes treaded by holstein through most of her public career. during the civil war, she joined the united states sanitary commission and often visited soldiers in union camps. she was also among the incorporators and first directors of the centennial and memorial association of valley forge and served as holstein’s vice regent between and holstein’s death in . these women could have vividly portrayed holstein through their powerful stories and shared experiences. they could have reflected on the complexity of her personality and testify about her intriguing interest in history. regrettably, they chose to memorialize her on the last meeting of the year, when the lengthy business section of the meeting included the annual election of officers. they read holstein’s letters without interpretation or comment and left the minutes of the first meeting to represent the inception of their chapter instead of reminisce about the trials and tribulations of its first six years under the leadership of its founder. perhaps they considered conferring attention upon their own history an impertinent act. several years earlier, the daughters refrained from contributing funds for a tribute to julia k. hogg, the former pennsylvania state regent, despite repeated requests from the state office. they insisted that it was “not in line of their work, being “obituary,” dar scrapbook, valley forge chapter dar, norristown, pennsylvania. holstein was the regent of the cmavf from its inception until her death. engaged in historical research rather than in work of a personal nature.” they held a gendered view of keeping contemporary women’s work inconspicuous. they approved the acknowledgement of colonial and revolutionary women’s acts as a means of inculcation, but did not want to present themselves as the ones to assume outright acknowledgement. consequently, the history of the chapter remained factual, concise, and lacking personal experience of members. during their twentieth year, , excluding a presentation on valley forge and one on historic churches, the daughters documented members’ family history and the history of their chapter. in the formative years of the chapter’s existence, between and , the women dedicated their historical effort primarily to the memory of soldiers who encamped at valley forge. in the twenty-first continental congress, on april , mary c. bassett, the regent of the baltimore chapter, asserted members’ historical consciousness and self-appreciation: we have become a conventionalized organization with customs, usages, methods, which are beginning to count for very much. let us look at our own society’s history. what purpose was fundamental in the organization of the daughters of the american revolution? what set it in motion? what will distinguish it through the years and mark it off as characteristic? with over a decade of historical work, the daughters had come to recognize the significance of their organization to the nation’s history. they were february , min. . they eventually acquiesced and contributed a minor sum of $ . see: november , min. . proceedings of the twenty first continental congress of the daughters of the american revolution (washington, d. c., ), . ready to include themselves in the national historical narrative as the “contributors of the future by being conservators of the past history of america”. valley forge members internalized her significant message and followed suit. the following year several members wrote their family history. it provided them with the construction of their origin and a trace of their pedigree. it also established their connection to the land and defined their exclusive identity. the members often used their family estate as a focus of their project, which proved that property and class were directly linked to comportment and good breeding. after decades of attention to revolutionary soldiers and sites, most linked to valley forge, they started to memorialize themselves through their male ancestors. the encampment, however, remained the most exciting historical site for the members partly due to the chapter’s name and partly due to its increasing popularity. in january , hunsicker, the second regent, suggested that the chapter furnish washington’s bedroom at the headquarters. the women proceeded to receive permission from the cmavf and organized a concert to raise funds for the purchase. inspired by a visit to mount vernon, mary mcinnes proposed to have a rag woven for the bedroom on martha washington’s loom. in replicating the work of the accomplished wife, the daughters could reinforce the value of domestic production and inform future visitors of women’s contribution to the creation of the nation. in furnishing washington’s most private space in the encampment the daughters could have emphasized martha’s ibid., . the histories of selma farm and montjoy emphasize the work of men who lived in them. january , min. . dedication to her husband during his difficult hour. they never questioned whether she had actually woven a rag; producing the item would have served to present her as a domestic ideal wife and therefore suited the room. in addition, by carrying martha’s work and preserving her memory for posterity, the daughters could exhibit continuity in women’s service to the nation. they could also emphasize their role as preservationists by linking their work with that of the lucrative preservation project of mount vernon. unfortunately, the idea never materialized as the carpet weaver was absent from the premises for several months. unable to utilize martha’s loom, the women decided to hold a rag-sewing party instead. by making the essential item they took ownership of the room and projected domesticity and continuity of women’s patriotic work. once permission was granted by the cmavf the members agreed “to use only genuine old furniture if possible”. the daughters encountered difficulty in finding an appropriate colonial bedroom set, but in june they finally settled on furniture from a pottstown antique dealer. their painstaking work proved worthy. when the state took over the headquarters it found the furnishing suitable and left the bedroom intact. as an additional indication of their work the women enlarged a “good picture” of holstein into a life-sized photograph, and hung it in the newly preserved room. the presence of holstein’s photograph in washington’s bedroom at the headquarters emphasized her public life activity which, apart from the civil war, had been linked to the memory of the continental army general. the daughters had included her in the historical narrative of october , min. . june ; april , june , min. . sixth annual report of the national society of the daughters of the revolution, october , -october , (washington: government printing office, ), . preservation. similarly to washington, who commanded the army in the encampment, holstein directed the women of the cmavf and the dar in the preservation of his headquarters. her large image left no doubt of her prominence; like an exquisite portrait of a distinguished military leader or politician, it commanded the room with a presence of female authority. it also resembled the act of the centennial women who included gillespie’s bust in the loan exhibit, asserting the continuity of women’s activism throughout history. the furnishing of the room constituted only part of the chapter’s preservation work. memorializing burial places of revolutionary soldiers remained one of the chapter’s main goals. the memorials they erected marked a significant shift in revolutionary memory. instead of george washington, the commander of the army, they memorialized the unknown common soldiers. with a great number of immigrants coming into the country mainly from southern and eastern europe, hereditary societies’ members sought to teach patriotism and loyalty en masse. focusing on dying for a cause without recognition presented the most selfless act of sacrifice for the common good and a proper lesson on loyalty for those who were required to conform to new cultural and political practices. in the summer of fornance, the chair of the committee on markers, suggested to mark the graves of revolutionary soldiers buried in the yard of st. james church in evansburg. the women had a stone quarried in schwenksville and concluded america accepted over . million immigrants during the years and and almost . million in the following decade between and . see: reports of the immigration commission, statistical review of immigration - (washington: government printing office, ), - . that for a national historic memorial the inscription should be cut to appear shiny. in the dedication ceremony that was held on june th , , former pennsylvania governor samuel whitaker pennypacker addressed the audience with a poignant question, which would have been unthinkable two decades earlier – “why is it that we should give our honor to the successful general at the head of the army, with the stars of a major general on his shoulders? he has his reward.” he continued decisively: vastly more is credit due to him who surrenders everything – and that was the fate of these men who gave their lives, their homes, their name for their country to lie far away in unknown graves. in elevating unknown soldiers above high officers, pennypacker presented the act as distinguished. and by arguing that “causes are maintained by the individual men” he suggested that men carry the responsibility to protect the cause – their nation. with an impressive project behind them, the daughters considered their next memorial. in , magdalena s. stauffer’s suggested to memorialize the unknown dead in valley forge. this was undoubtedly the most exciting project the women ever considered and “was discussed with much enthusiasm and was unanimously carried.” during the first decade of the twentieth century, with “meeting of boulder committee,” august , min. . emma l. newill, “valley forge chapter,” american monthly magazine, vol. xxxii (august ): - . january , min. . popularity of the site increasing, private organizations and the state hastened to stake a claim in the encampment and erect fitted monuments to the continental army in order to show their respect and demonstrate their authority as custodians of historical memory. the daughters of the revolution were the first hereditary organization to act. they erected the waterman monument, a fifty-foot high obelisk carved with a colonial flag and decorated with a bronze seal of the society. with an impressive -foot walkway leading to it, the imposing monument dominated the landscape. it was dedicated to the soldiers of washington’s army and to john waterman, the only soldier whose grave was marked in the encampment. in the state of pennsylvania dedicated an impressive equestrian statue of general anthony wayne to honor his service during the revolutionary war. the daughters requested permission from the valley forge park commission, and in march, approval in hand, they excitedly discussed the means to raise the money for “such a noble cause.” the project became their main goal and, for the first time, the daughters refused requests for donations from other chapters and were reluctant to allocate money for requests from the national headquarters. when a letter arrived from the state regent for contribution for memorial hall they decided that since they had always been generous and because “of the proposed memorial at valley forge” they would give only $ . william herbert burk, historical and topographical guide to valley forge (philadelphia, ), , - . march , min. . upon a request to contribute toward recognition of the past president general, mrs. donald mcclean, they declined due to other projects. at the same time, the daughters took measures to raise their funds. they resolved that each chapter member should raise $ for the cause. by may, stauffer’s unrelenting fundraising effort had collected $ , $ of which was donated by u.s. senator philander c. knox. the regent, mrs. howland brown, announced that more than $ had been raised and hoped that the chapter would “make this memorial a credit for years to come.” the members agreed that a boulder committee would be formed under stauffer’s chairmanship with fornance, eisenberg, miss mcinnes, and miss emeline henry hooven as members, but by the summer of they resolved with great enthusiasm that all members of the chapter would be included in the committee. as the valley forge chapter, placing a memorial at the encampment held special significance for the daughters and they wanted to enable all their members to participate in the unique project. the daughters chose the unveiling day, june th , , the anniversary of the battle of bunker hill, to signify the importance of valley forge in the revolutionary narrative and tie a historic battlefield to the encampment site. samuel w. pennypacker and rev. charles h. roer of the first methodist church in norristown addressed the crowd of several thousands. five decades after the civil war, roer did not overlook the opportunity to link the union position to the stauffer raised a total of $ from outside sources. see: magdalena s. stauffer, “report of valley forge chapter, dar, ,” dar scrapbook, valley forge chapter, dar. may , min. . revolutionary episode: “valley forge tested the sons of the fathers. it educated a generation for new problems in the new nation, with a new flag, that has never lost a star.” he also recognized revolutionary women who “in the houses of the spinning wheel, graduates in the art of housekeeping, gave us husbands, fathers, sons, brothers and lovers for the common cause. woman’s faith, love and sacrifice were placed on the altar with man’s strength, devotion and courage. their patriotism was one.” by drawing on an image of domesticity and by gendering patriotism roer appealed to the daughters whose local historical memory activism had been focused primarily on male ancestors and who had been careful to frame female ancestors within conventional gender roles. arguing for keeping the union intact resonated with the older generation who remembered the war and was a subtle reminder of government loyalty to the younger one. the following speaker, the valley forge regent ellen knox fornance, described a romantic perception of the battlefield. her description of the soldiers who lost their lives “not in glory of the battle with drums beating and banners flying” seemed like a battle scene taken from the paintings of john trumbell or the popular the spirit of ’ ( ) by archibald willard. glorifying death in the battlefield emphasized loyalty and patriotism. sarah j. purcell argues in her important study sealed with blood that military memories played a role in the creation of a national ideology and identity. she demonstrates that a shift toward democratization of the nation’s political culture during the jacksonian era brought valley forge chapter dar, unveiling of the marker of the unknown dead. forth a similar change in the portrayal of revolutionary war memories. the previous emphasis of military leaders gave way to the common soldiers in a process of “democratization of public memory.” contrasting with purcell’s observation, the dar’s goal was to instruct from the top down rather than enable a popular-generated process. the women intended the unknown dead to serve as an illustration of ultimate loyalty to the nation and its leaders, an example that would develop political culture of support of governing institutions. * * * during the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century women were active in temperance, suffrage, and social justice fighting for government intervention on issues such as compulsory education, minimum wage, and the restriction of child labor. but even those involved in reform issues often found means to incorporate their conservative views to advance their goals. southern members of the national american woman suffrage association (nawsa) exploited racial attitudes in order to further women’s suffrage. leaders of the southern suffrage movement originated from prominent families. they received quality education, were economically secure, and possessed ties to key political figures. as founders of the nawsa reached advanced age in the end of the s, the movement entered a period of doldrums, a lack of interest sarah j. purcell, sealed with blood: war, sacrifice, and memory in revolutionary america (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania, ), . marjorie spruill wheeler, new women of the new south: the leaders of the woman suffrage movement in southern states (new york: oxford university press, ), . due to a pressing need to fill the ranks with younger members. the southern flank of the organization, carried by several enthusiastic leaders, developed the “white supremacy strategy”. they stipulated that enfranchisement of educated tax-paying women would bar most african american women from voting and effectively increase the number of white voters in their region. one of the proponents of the tactic, anna howard shaw, the vice president of the nawsa addressed male politicians in at the organization’s conference in new orleans: you have put the ballot into the hands of your black men, thus making them the political superiors of your white women. never before in the history of the world have men made former slaves the political masters of their former mistresses! acknowledging the humiliation of the situation, she added: if american men are willing to leave their women in a position as degrading as this they need not be surprised when american women resolve to lift themselves out of it. the nawsa never adopted this posture but did not repudiate it either. it claimed to recognize states’ rights and regional differences. the strategy did not gain legislatures’ support – they believed that literacy tests, grandfather clauses, and poll taxes guaranteed to bar african americans from voting. elna c. green, southern strategies: southern women and the woman suffrage question (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), - . anna howard shaw and elizabeth garver jordan, the story of a pioneer (new york: harper’s & brothers publishers, ), , . the dar did not form a public strategy for racial exclusion but discreetly guarded their ranks via the requirement for members’ recommendations. davies asserts that the organization’s conservative tone was evident from the outset by their choice of leadership. the positions of the president general and the vice president general had been filled by women who received their public acclaim through their husbands’ success. lockwood’s comment on harrison, the first president general may serve to describe the daughters’ general view “a conservative woman, standing on the threshold of a new era, still holding fast to the old ideals, even while stretching forth a timid hand towards some things new.” the valley forge chapter dar linked the main body of their work to the encampment. in recognition of washington, they replicated the work of the mount vernon women’s association and furnished the commander’s private quarters in his headquarters at valley forge. but the revolutionary furniture, beddings, rag, and curtains were not the only articles they placed in the space. they hung an impressive portrait of their leader, anna morris holstein, as a monument of her successful effort in preserving the mansion. like portraits of colonial and revolutionary leaders memorialized by charles wilson peale and thomas sully, the holstein portrait championed women’s historical work and inserted the chapter and its leader into the continuous history of the revolution. quoted in: davies, patriotism on parade, . washington’s headquarters constituted only part of the encampment. the continental army included over ten thousand soldiers who camped on the site, waiting for an appropriate opportunity to strike the enemy. the daughters sought to commemorate the unknown soldiers who demonstrated the ultimate dedication for the revolutionary cause. the monuments at evansburg and valley forge were made of local granite left in their original state as boulders. their sheer size and natural resilience hinted at the traits of the soldiers – enduring, persevering, determined, and decisive. their untreated surface suggested their anonymity. by seeking to honor the nameless forgotten casualties the daughters shifted their attention from the leader to the common soldiers – to serve as a reminder to the public, particularly to immigrants, that loyalty to one’s country is a selfless act embedded in discipline and loyalty. their sites, at a church and at the “sacred ground,” suggested places of honor and reverence. the dar prized revolutionary artifacts for the period values and ideals they projected. they often discussed the issue in the american monthly magazine where they praised “what is valuable through association, a veneration for the links which ‘bind us to past generations.’” the members of the valley forge chapter chose to promulgate the lessons of self-sacrifice through artifacts made of shrubbery grown on the encampment’s grounds and part of the headquarters’ floor that required replacement. to compensate for during the civil war the image of grounds sanctified by the soldiers who died on it. the dar often referred to various revolutionary war sites in similar term. the historian general named the encampment ‘sacred ground’. see: mary jane seymour, “report of the historian general,” american monthly magazine, xviii (january ): . “the mission of the daughters of the american revolution is that of restoration, preservation and education,” american monthly magazine, iii (july ): . the lack of articles that belonged to any of the continental army’s soldiers or officers the daughters resorted to other elements connected to the site. they believed that the intersection of the artifact and its historical landscape would translate into patriotic values once viewers were exposed to them. their approach implicitly suggests that those who observed their artifacts knew of the history that transpired at the encampment. since the article made, the laurel wreath, was used in a local official occasion, its symbolism probably did not escape the crowds. the daughters’ historical research proved taxing on most members. at a time when “the historical memories that cluster around valley forge become more and more interesting as years go by” only a few members assumed the task. their history resembled that of the scientific historians, aimed at the reconstruction of historical truth from documents for a contemporary moral example. while continuing to discuss the suffering continental army, the daughters accepted new documented information that modified the image of isolation and law-abiding troops. at a time when progressive historians interpreted revolutionary leaders as actors on behalf of their own interests, the dar remained convinced that the very same commanders and politicians acted for the betterment of all. the idea of the revolution as an element of unification of all regions of the country did not lose its luster, particularly among the older members of the chapter. “the american citizens or their ancestors were in colonial days all represented in the struggle for freedom” – reiterated holstein on the pages of the dar magazine. hers was “valley forge to be made a state park,” philadelphia inquirer, january , . a fading voice among those who demanded a radical transformation of the political and economic practices to better address society’s social ills and injustices. while historians wrote women out of history and interest in the memory of the civil war was fading, the daughters insisted on researching and writing their own history. ignoring male professional historians, they asserted their status of ancestral origin to fill in the gap in the historical record and write revolutionary women and their successors into the national historical narrative. “reminiscences of valley forge,” . chapter conclusion on the morning of june th , , on the th anniversary of the evacuation of valley forge by the continental army, a large group of history-minded people gathered at the temporary structure of the washington memorial chapel for the dedication ceremony of a prayer desk. the valley forge chapter dar donated the article in the name of is founder, anna morris holstein. the chapel, intended as a collection of individual memorials connected with the american revolution, was the brainchild of rev. w. edmund burk, a well-connected pastor who worked diligently to raise the money and build the monumental building. the guests included a large attendance by the valley forge chapter dar, representatives of nearby chapters, and relatives of holstein. members of local organizations such as the sons of the american revolution, society of the cincinnati, the historical society of pennsylvania, the historical society of montgomery county, and valley forge park commission were also present. the regent of the valley forge chapter, mrs. fisher, unveiled the desk. it bore the insignia of the dar and its book-shelf was sustained by two angels with outstretched wings. an inscription cut in brass filled in pewter read: to the glory of god and in memory of anna morris holstein, who in war served the nation as a nurse and in peace preserved washington’s for a full description of the chapel and its memorials see: lorett treese, valley forge: making and remaking a national symbol (university park, pennsylvania: pennsylvania university press, ), - . headquarters. this desk is given by the valley forge chapter, dar, of which she was the founder and first regent, . the dedication of the desk, a fitting memorial in an episcopalian church dedicated to the continental army and the thirteen colonies, marked the symbolic continuity of women’s role in the service to the nation. the daughters placed the desk in a chapel adorned with glass windows that portrayed the life of christ, george washington, and revolutionary war soldiers. the ceiling above it – the roof of the republic – was adorned with the seals of the states to symbolize national unity. the addition of the desk introduced holstein into the chapel’s masculine memory as a female patriotic actor who served her country in war and in preservation of its history. unlike the chapel’s memory, which honored the deeds of past historical male figures, the meticulously crafted article epitomized a single woman’s contemporary work. it represented holstein’s service, historical foresight, and remarkable achievements in preservation – qualities that placed her on equal footing with the men memorialized in the chapel. indeed, women had come a long way since the civil war, when they had to ask male organizers of the united states sanitary commission for permission to assist in the war effort. during the period between and , philadelphia and montgomery county women constructed a gendered and classed ellen knox fornance, “valley forge chapter,” daughters of the american revolution magazine, l (january ), . the inscription was suggested by rev. burk. see: jan. , minute book valley forge chapter, , valley forge chapter dar, norristown, pennsylvania. see: chapter , p. , report of the general superintendent of the philadelphia branch of the united states sanitary commission february st , (philadelphia: king and baird, ), . historical memory that aimed at including white women of colonial and revolutionary war periods in the national historical narrative and presenting themselves as custodians of history. they evoked a subversive history that placed women and domesticity at the center of the historical discourse, arguing that women were significant actors in shaping the national historical narrative. in the first three decades, they advanced an ideal memory of consensus, represented by martha and george washington, in order to reconcile the rift caused by the civil war. in the early s, with the formation of the dar, white women of colonial and revolutionary war ancestry had assumed legitimacy as custodians of historical memory. they constructed a more inclusive memory of revolutionary soldiers with the intention of inculcating the public, particularly recent immigrants, in patriotic and civic values. during the civil war, philadelphia and montgomery county women sought an ideal memory of consensus as a means of escaping the horrors of the protracted military conflict. the simplicity of quaker culture of colonial domestic production provided a respite for sanitary fair visitors and enabled them to imagine an ideal colonial past. on the front lines, the experience of anna morris holstein demonstrated how women identified the debilitated state of revolutionary sites with the tattered state of the nation, feelings that possibly contributed to women’s preservation impulse. the historical exhibits and writings of women during this period established continuity with the successful preservation project undertaken by ann pamela cunningham and the mount vernon ladies’ association. while cunningham hoped that the restoration of george washington’s home would encourage regional reconciliation, philadelphia and montgomery county women employed their historical memory to establish domesticity as a site of historical significance and assert themselves as guardians of history. the advent of the centennial of the nation’s independence presented an additional opportunity for elite women, who were called to assist in promoting and fundraising for the planned exposition. the women utilized the experience they had gained during the war in a national campaign that spawned great interest in the enterprise and raised a considerable amount of funds. they advanced the cult of martha washington at a time when her illustrious husband had been increasingly becoming a symbol of a unified past. with period artifacts and costumes and staged period receptions, they evoked a subversive memory that placed martha on equal footing with period male historical figures. by recalling the memory of the court of the republic, the women asserted their privileged social status as a birthright from their colonial and revolutionary ancestors. in addition, they provided women in other parts of the country with a narrative they could alter to fit their political views and their concepts of historical memory. their interpretation, however, was not limited to the past. they also included their leader, elizabeth duane gillespie, into the annals of the centennial. the women argued that their meaningful work had been part of a long tradition of elite women’s participation in the history of the nation from colonial times to the present. eager to reconcile the schism caused by the civil war, philadelphia women refrained from mentioning the past conflict and appealed to their sisters in southern states with a reconciliatory tone, recognizing their economic hardship. they had the foresight to realize the value of creating a national network ready for mobilization when future projects or political objectives arose. privileged rural women employed different means to achieve their goals. more conservative in their social outlook, they emphasized the memory of george washington and the soldiers who encamped at valley forge, portraying martha as inconspicuous and almost trivial in the annals of the encampment. additionally, their political position was far from conciliatory. they insisted that the anti- secessionist stance protected the values of the revolution, a view which probably cost them the support of some of elite philadelphia women. several montgomery county women were also interested the in recovery and documenting of local historical narratives. the findings of this study are consistent with the works of nina baym, bonnie smith, and julie des jardins. the women of the montgomery county historical society aligned their work with that of nineteenth-century scientific historians as they stressed the guidance nina baym, american women writers and the work of history, - (new brunswick, n.j.: rutgers university press, ); bonnie g. smith, the gender of history: men, women, and historical practice (cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, ); julie des jardins, women and the historical enterprise in america: gender, race, and the politics of memory, - (chapel hill: the university of north carolina, ). of god in the progress of nations, presented history in a romantic style, and based their work on available primary sources. they aimed to include women in the local historical narrative and assert class distinction as custodians of history and successors of families of colonial origin. similar to the celebrated nineteenth- century historian elizabeth fries ellet, they were radical in seeking publicity, but their material remained conservative in its portrayal of women within their conventional gender roles. between the years and , elite women’s historical practices were consistent with those of professional historians. similar to the male historians, who emphasized influential male figures, philadelphia elite women sought to present worthy women who contributed to progress. they primarily focused on martha washington and her court of the republic. more conservative in their outlook, the women of montgomery county dramatically described the heroic deeds of george washington and the soldiers at valley forge, emphasizing fortitude and self-sacrifice. like george bancroft, they described the events with a dramatic tone and acknowledged providence as a force in shaping history. in the s, with the emergence of the progressive historians, women’s historical work diverged from that of professional historians. while progressive historians challenged scientific historians’ ideas by stressing the common people’s struggle against the elite, montgomery county women emphasized utmost loyalty to the republic and its leaders. as progressives sought reform and social change, women sought a conservative agenda of strengthening governing institutions and maintaining social hierarchy. their historical activity focused on inculcating immigrants and maintaining their own elite status through their revolutionary ancestors. regardless of their conservative effort, some women sought to improve their political, legal, and social status. anna morris holstein joined the suffrage movement in her effort to enable women to play a greater role in public life. though elite women aimed to include colonial and revolutionary women in the national historical narrative, they probably did not express their intentions in writing until women’s public activism became more prominent through suffrage organizations, women’s clubs, and the woman’s christian temperance union. in addition, hereditary societies legitimized members’ pursuit of historical effort by arguing for the importance of immigrants’ inculcation. with a spike in immigration from eastern and southern europe and an economic depression that exacerbated cultural and political tensions, established americans were increasingly anxious over the decline of their political and cultural influence. free to initiate their local projects, the members of the valley forge chapter dar erected memorials to the unknown soldiers of the revolution. they shifted the construction of historical memory from a focus on george washington to anonymous soldiers in order to introduce immigrants to the concept of self- sacrifice of common people and inculcate them with patriotic and civic values. work of a domestic character accommodated the daughters’ conservative stance. when they received permission to furnish the most exclusive part of george washington’s quarters, his bedroom, at the valley forge headquarters they embarked on the mission with great enthusiasm. they painstakingly searched for appropriate period furniture and articles that would best represent a colonial room. they also included a large picture of holstein, the founder of their chapter and the force behind the preservation of the structure. similar to the centennial women, who exhibited gillespie’s bust at their exhibition, the daughters entered holstein into the historical memory and claimed a tradition of women’s contribution to the national historical narrative. by honoring holstein, whose lifelong activity had been focused on patriotic causes, in the commander of the continental army’s center of domesticity, the daughters left no doubt as to the meaningful role she had played in the history of the nation. this dissertation expands the knowledge of gender, class, and memory studies. historians have started to explore memory in the s. they have only recently employed gender as a category of analysis in connection to it. this dissertation fills the gap by examining the construction of gendered and classed historical memory by elite women at a critical period, during the civil war and its aftermath, when the processes of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration, and economic depression rapidly transformed the urban and rural landscapes. one publication attempts to include articles from different parts of the world to demonstrate that the construction of memory within a gendered context has been a universal phenomenon. see: selma laydesdorff, luisa passerini and paul thompson, eds., gender and memory (oxford, england: oxford university press, ). southern history, race and iconography are linked in this recent study: kimberly wallace-sanders, mammy: a century of race, gender, and southern memory (ann arbor : university of michigan press, ). a more recent monograph that explores gender and ethnicity demonstrates how women in zoot suit threatened traditional gender roles and called chicano identity into question. see: catherine sue ramirez, the woman in the zoot suit: gender, nationalism, and cultural politics of memory (durham: duke university press, ). the study also adds to the historiography of martha and mary washington. in recent years, historians have become interested in their lives but little is known about the way in which had been perceived by later generations. james michael lingren’s discussion of the cult of mary washington illuminates the effort of the association for the preservation of virginia antiquities in the preservation of mary washington’s home as a museum and their interpretation of her life. karal ann marling demonstrates that martha washington fundraising galas for the centennial exposition took place in other parts of the country. further research would contribute to the burgeoning field of notables‘ gendered memory. the study also demonstrates the different social attitudes and the degree of adherence to gender roles that existed between urban and rural women. and since the geographic scope of the study resembles other urban centers in northeast united states, it can be used as a fundamental base for exploring how local historical events shaped the construction of gendered memory of urban and rural women in other regions during this period. the work of women in other regions of the country could further enrich historians’ knowledge about the impact of for a collection of her papers see: joseph e. fields, ed., “worthy partner”: the papers of martha washington (westport, connecticut: greenwood press, ). recent studies about martha washington include: helen bryan, martha washington: the first lady of liberty (new york: wiley, ); patricia brady, martha washington: an american life (new york: viking, ); betty boyd caroli, first ladies: from martha washington to michelle obama (new york: oxford university press, ). james michael lindgren, preserving the old dominion: historic preservation and virginia traditionalism (charlottesville, virginia: the university press of virginia, ). karal ann marling, george washington slept here: colonial revivals and american culture, - (cambridge, massachusetts: harvard university press, ), - . see introduction, footnote . political, cultural, and economic factors on urban and rural women’s attempts to memorialize their ancestors and provide an insight into the forging of a gendered and classed identity. the dissertation contributes to a better understanding of the development of the professionalization of history and the inevitable trivialization of scholars who were excluded from the privileged academic circle. it demonstrates that between the civil war and the early s, women adopted research methods employed by early scientific historians and altered them to fit their needs. the institutionalization of the profession under the american historical association in and the advent of progressive history in the s did not affect the daughters’ perception of history, who neither considered themselves marginalized nor perceived their history inferior. they recognized the civic education of american youths as a significant contribution to the nation’s future existence. the sanitary fair exhibits, centennial galas and loan exhibit, and the fundraising events and celebrations that surrounded the preservation of valley forge headquarters and the monuments erected by the dar add to the studies of the preservation movement and museum studies. the various exhibits created by the sanitary fair committees and the centennial women enhance museum studies as an interim phase between the private collection, viewed by a select few, and the institutionalization of the museum as a permanent space for public view. lastly, the dissertation expands the knowledge on the history of philadelphia. undoubtedly, the thorough volume philadelphia: a -year history edited by russell weigley and fellow historians represents a comprehensive historical volume about the subject. in addition, growing body of literature has explored the economic, social, political, and cultural history of the city in different periods. the dissertation adds details about the historical and preservation activities of privileged philadelphians and montgomery county women and the objectives that spurred their efforts. references cited primary sources archival material army aid society: minutes, books, letters, ect. montgomery county historical 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, ). trenton, new jersey: naar., day & naar, . proceedings of the twenty first continental congress of the daughters of the american revolution. washington, d. c., . report of the centennial commission to congress (confidential) report of the general superintendent of the philadelphia branch of the united states sanitary commission february st , . philadelphia: king and baird, . sixth annual report of the national society of the daughters of the revolution, october , -october , .washington: government printing office, . sixty-third annual report of the board of public education, first school district of pennsylvania. philadelphia: e. c. markley & sons, printers, . the national cyclopedia of american biography. vol. ii. new york: james t. white & company, . the executive documents printed by the order of the senate of the united states for the third session of the forty-fifth congress, -’ . washington: government printing office, united states centennial commission reports, - . anthony, susan brownell, matilda joslyn gage, and ida husted harper, eds. history of woman suffrage. vol. . indianapolis: the hollenbeck press, . auge, m. life of the eminent dead and biographical notices of prominent living citizens of montgomery county, pennsylvania. norristown: published by the author, . balch, thomas. letters and papers relating chiefly to the provincial history of pennsylvania. philadelphia: crissy & markley, printers, . balch, thomas willing. the philadelphia assemblies. philadelphia: allen, lane and scott, . bancroft, george. oration delivered before the new york historical society november , .new york: printed for the society, . bean, theodore w. ed. history of montgomery county pennsylvania, illustrated, . philadelphia: everts & peck, . ________. washington at valley forge one hundred years ago or the foot-prints of the revolution. norristown, pa: charles p. shreiner, . belisle, david w. history of independence hall from earliest period to the present time. philadelphia: james challen & son, . brockett, linus pierpont and mary c. vaughan. woman's work in the civil war: a record of heroism, patriotism and patience. philadelphia: zeigler, mccurdy, . buck, william j. history of montgomery county within the schuylkill valley. norristown, pennsylvania: e.l. acker, . bucklin, sophronia e. in hospital and camp: a woman's record of thrilling incidents among the wounded in the late war. new haven, connecticut: research publications, ; history of women, reel , no. . burk, william herbert. historical and topographical guide to valley forge. philadelphia: the john c. winston co., . butler, anna b., emma c. bascom, and katherine f. kerr, eds. centennial records of the women of wisconsin. madison, wisconsin: atwookd and culver, . cone, edward payson. workizier, thropp & cone families: biographical note. new york: privately printed, . crooks, george richard. the life of bishop matthew simpson of the methodist episcopal church. new york: harper & brothers, . curtis, george d. souvenir of the centennial exhibition or connecticut’s representation at philadelphia, . hartford, connecticut: geo. d. curtis, . darling, flora adams. founding and organization of the american revolution and daughters of the revolution. philadelphia: independence publishing company, . de tweiler, jr., borough of bridgeport, box , bridgeport h mo-um, hsmc. develin, dora harvey. margaret b. harvey, a. m.: a sketch of her life and work. west park, philadelphia: . eberlein, harold donaldson and horace mather lippincott. the colonial homes of philadelphia and its neighborhood. philadelphia: j. b. lippincott, . ellet, elizabeth fries. the queens of american society. rd ed. new york: charles scribner & company, . ________. women of the revolution. vol. i. new york: baker and scribner, . gillespie, e. d. book of remembrance. philadelphia: j. b. lippincott company, gross, samuel w., ed. autobiography of samuel d. gross, md., d.c. oxon., l.l.d. cantab., edin., jeff. coll., univ. pa., emeritus professor of surgery in the jefferson medical college of philadelphia with reminiscences of his times and contemporaries. vol. ii. philadelphia: w. b. saunders, . hall, basil. travels in north america in the years and . vol. ii. edinburgh: cadell and co. , hobson, freeland gotwalts, william joseph buck, and henry sassaman dotterer, eds. centennial celebration of montgomery county at norristown, pennsylvania. norristown, pa: published by the centennial association of montgomery county, . holland, mary a. gardner. our army nurses; interesting sketches and photographs of over one hundred of the noble women who served in hospitals and on battlefields during our late civil war, - 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. isbn: . abstract "on the th of august, , i was born again" is the incipit of that extraordinary and little known autobiography which is antonio gallenga's "episodes of my second life" ( ). the th of august, is the day gallenga embarked from gibraltar for new york, and the opening of this text, as well as its title, emphasizes very well the beginning of the transoceanic journey as a turning point in the author's life. a close reading of the the text focuses on three central aspects: the narration of the self, with specific attention devoted to the migration experience as a source of estrangement and to the relationship between the narrating and the narrated "i"s; the linguistic self-consciousness of the narrator and the character; images of america and placement/locating of the self. these elements allow to explore how the migration experience was conceptualized and which critical and literary devices where put at work by an author whose literary awareness render this text a rare narration between autobiography, travel journal, memoire, auto-fiction. this essay – working at the theoretical intersection between italian american studies and speculative fiction studies – puts forward new observations the role played by estrangement mechanism in early italian american narratives. there is a promising territory of theoretical dialogue between italian american and speculative fiction studies, which may be developed starting from estrangement mechanisms as a common matrix between the disadjustment experienced by the subject during the migration process, and the projective and extrapolative mechanisms typically exploited in speculative fiction narratives to imagine future or alternate worlds. in some ways, the migrant has encountered in actuality that radical otherness that speculative * i wish to express my deepest gratitude to leonardo buonomo and nicholas grosso for all their valuable suggestions and notes on the first draft of this essay. draft fiction puts on page, be it in a new world in which the utopian imagination that governed expectations is put to the test or in a new idea and narration of the self, emerging after deep processes of identity negotiations, when in contact with new social groups, forms of collective organization, physical places, languages and mindsets. darko suvin, pre-eminent scholar in the foundation and affirmation of science fiction studies in the english-speaking academic world (and beyond), derived his concept of cognitive estrangement on the one hand, from the formalist notion of ostranenie theorized by viktor shklovsky as the elective instrument of art to disrupt our automatic mechanisms of perception and conceptualization, and on the other, from bertoldt brecht's closely related but marx-inflected development (alienation), arguing that it was fundamental to distinguish the concept for the genre of science fiction writing. the key to cognitive estrangement is the presence, in a story, of what suvin called a novum, namely an element which, because of its absolute newness, impedes our automatic conceptualization, inviting us to imagine a different way of conceiving our subjectivity and our world. i think that the displacement experienced in the course of migration provides significant moments of disadjustment, having a similar effect to a novum, and foster more complex processes of identity problematization and critical reflections on society, which we may now read in italian american narratives, including early narratives – written and/or published and/or referring to experiences occurring before the s. narrating a new self see, for example, “the purpose of art is to impart the sensation of things as they are perceived and not as they are known. the technique of art is to make objects 'unfamiliar', to make forms difficult, to increase the difficulty and length of perception because the process of perception is an aesthetic end in itself and must be prolonged. art is a way of experiencing the artfulness of an object; the object is not important.”  viktor shklovsky, “art as technique” ( ), in julie rivkin and michael ryan, eds., literary theory: an anthology (blackwell, ) - , qt. . cf. carlo ginzburg, “making things strange: the prehistory of a literary device” ( ), in wooden eyes: nine reflections on distance, tr. by martin ryle and kate soper (columbia university press, ) - . suvin went further, proposing a rather exclusive definition of the science fiction genre based on the idea of cognitive estrangement, which emphasizes the rational scientific dimension of the genre and rigorously excludes fantasy fiction. subsequent generations of scholars have pointed out the limitations of suvin's approach and were able to refine it (for example, by replacing the idea of reality with a more epistemologically negotiable concept of paradigm of reality. see patrick parrinder, ed., learning from other worlds: estrangement, cognition and the politics of science fiction and utopia (liverpool university press, ) esp. - ). teresa fiore, “lunghi viaggi verso 'lamerica' a casa: straniamento e identita nelle storie di migrazione italiana,” annali d'italianistica, , negotiating italian identities ( ), - ; ginzburg, “making things strange.” francesco durante, italoamericana: storia e letteratura degli italiani negli stati uniti, - (mondadori, ). draft antonio gallenga's autobiography, episodes of my second life (american and english experiences), is a case in point. published in london in - (in two volumes) and again in philadelphia in , the episodes narrate gallenga's life starting with his decision to move to america to where he embarked in , at the age of , after taking part in the insurrection in parma and plotting the assassination of carlo alberto in . antonio gallenga (alias luigi mariotti), - , was born in parma; and was a medical student before his studies were interrupted by his part in the insurrection in parma. he became member of la giovine italia, and in planned the assassination of carlo alberto, king of sardinia, but in turin he changed his mind and did not carry out the plan. in , working as private tutor for a neapolitan diplomat, he was in malta, and then in tangiers, from where he set sail for new york in . from new york he went to boston, where he did not manage to obtain the teaching position he wanted at harvard university, but worked in david mack’s school for young ladies. in he moved to london, where he collaborated with cultural reviews, and in he was in florence. after a new attempt at teaching in nova scotia he went back to london, where he continued his writing activities and had contacts with mazzini. in , back in italy, the alfieri government gave him a diplomatic post in frankfurt. between and he taught at university college in london for ten years, before being hired by the times, for which he wrote reportages and analysis on italy ( - ) as well as the united states during the civil war ( ), denmark during the conflict with prussia in , revolutionary spain ( - , - ), prussia ( , - ), cuba ( ), istanbul ( ). he was fired in after the english first edition of the episodes, in which he made an open depiction of the times internal affairs. he retired with his second wife to the countryside in llandogo, where he died in . antonio gallenga, episodes of my second life: (american and english experiences) ( - ) (j. b. lippincott & co., ). subsequent quotes are taken from this edition. the diplomatic appointment was short-lived after he attempted to promote an alliance between sardinia and austria, which would have left lombardy and the duchies abandoned to their own fates instead of defending the cause of italian independence, as he was supposed to do. other political parenthesis will come between and , when he was elected to the piedmont parliament, and in , with the election in the national parliament. scholarship on gallenga includes mostly historical reconstructions of his life, but the most exhaustive is still aldo garosci, antonio gallenga: avventura, politica e storia nell'ottocento italiano (einaudi, ); garosci’s biography was preceded by hugh chisholm, ed. “gallenga, antonio carlo napoleone,” in encyclopædia britannica, th ed., (cambridge university press, ); and followed by briefer entries in biographical dictionaries and encyclopedias: luca codignola, “gallenga, antonio carlo napoleone,” in chiara evangelista, ed., i primi italiani in america del nord. dizionario biografico dei liguri, piemontesi e altri. storie e presenze italiane tra settecento e ottocento (diabasis per la fondazione casa america, ) - ; giuseppe monsagrati, “gallenga, antonio carlo draft the first half of the episodes is dedicated to his years in the united states ( - ), the second to the years - , hinting pretty clearly to the special role of the american experience in the author's life. in the episodes, it might be argued that gallenga is testifying on the migration experience as “the ultimate form of cognitive estrangement.” “on the th of august, , i was born again:” no formulation could be more effective than the one forecasting the trip to america at the beginning of the first chapter of the episodes, to describe how deep the turning point constituted by the migration movement affected the author's identity, its construction and narration. antonio gallenga's autobiography episodes of my second life: (american and english experiences), offers us an incredible testimony of an early italian american experience, marked by an high degree of literary and linguistic self-awareness and by a relevant distance between narrating and narrated “i”s. it might be worth emphasizing that, as we shall see in subsequent paragraphs, gallenga's migration was professionally driven: a comparable cognitive estrangement would be all the more striking for people following his steps with a far less secure professional and personal situation. the narration of the self epitomizes the migration experience as a source of estrangement, underlined by the presence of markedly discrete narrating and the narrated "i"s, of which the linguistic self-consciousness (of the narrator and the character) is a conspicuous correlative objective. the relationship between the narrating and the narrated “i”s is made more complex by the relatively long period elapsed between the narrated events and the actual writing – almost years – and by the literary self-awareness of the author. gallenga is a learned man; during his political exile he was first in corsica, and then in tangiers, earning a living as a teacher of italian – or as he puts it ironically “a dealer in participles” just as many of his compatriots in the united states during the same years. the text is interspersed with comments and judgments offered by gallenga the narrator, on the actions and thoughts of the narrated gallenga, with a retrospective gaze that reveals the extent to which the experience changed him and how he perceived himself, often in an amusing way, occasionally patronizing his younger self. napoleone,” in dizionario biografico degli italiani ( ), http://www.treccani.it/biografico/, ad vocem. especially on the boston years: renzo dionigi, an italian exile in brahmin boston - : antonio gallenga, (insubria university press, ); on the english years: toni cerutti, antonio gallenga: an italian writer in victorian england (oxford university press, for the university of hull, ); of some interest on the experience at the harvard school for young ladies: claudia biraghi, “following in the footsteps of antonio gallenga,” new england ancestors . (winter ): - . gallenga, episodes of my second life , cf. durante, italoamericana . emilio goggio, “italian educators in early american days,” italica . ( ): - ; howard r. marraro, “pioneer italian teachers of italian in the united states,” the modern language journal . ( ): - ; joseph j. fucilla, the teaching of italian in the united states: a documentary history (american association of teachers of italian, ). http://www.treccani.it/biografico/ draft for example, the captain of the ship independence taking him to new york (so much for “talking names!”) “... came up to the ideal i had, in my silly imagination, conceived of the typical yankee ....” gallenga would soon move to boston, but his first stop was in new york, that might at that time be described as a town with one street. broadway was its only real thoroughfare ... i had seen nothing like it, unless it might be toledo at naples, - a street which might boast ten times the noise but not half the actual movement of this transatlantic babylon. ... the impression of novelty, however, was not very deep, and soon wore off. ... what struck me as the wonder of wonders in the place was “to see myself there.” “what!” i said to myself, “was i really in america, ‒ alone in a world to which i came unbidden, unexpected, utterly unknown, with barely the most rudimental acquaintance with its language, and no knowledge of its ways, its laws and customs, ‒ without one friend, with credentials the value of which was yet to be tested, and with only forty poor dollars on my pocket?” that “[t]he impression ... soon wore off” is not exactly true: the text is scattered with depictions of people, their customs, places, the narrating self always commenting, explaining and putting into perspective what his young eyes registered, with an informative attitude, in its depiction of boston brahim society, religion, politics, customs, and culture derived from the prolific activity of reportage writing which gallenga did for the london times between and . many other descriptions follow of the american streets and crowds – in boston for example, “the athens of the united states, and the 'hub of the universe',” where the young gallenga wandered around in great need and difficulty (being out of a job and with no friends to help him, in a situation that seemed briefly to be hopeless), while the older gallenga comments “all this seemed very hard to me at the time. but i have learned what the world is since ....” an eye-talian in boston brahim society gallenga, episodes of my second life , emphasis added. gallenga, episodes of my second life - . emphasis added. gallenga, episodes of my second life, respectively from pages , - , - . draft focusing attention on the language and specifically on peculiar expressions of literary self-awareness, in gallenga's case we find a particular linguistic self- consciousness, which is possible thanks to gallenga being a learned person and partly a consequence of the intellectual distance that separates the narrating and the narrated “i”s. teacher of italian and then modern languages, amateur writer, the young gallenga in tangiers also composed, in italian, “romanze, or ballads on chivalrous subjects ... attuning my verses to some of bellini's airs, popular at that epoch. they belonged to what was called the 'romantic school', based on the study of german and english literature, of which manzoni, grossi, berchet, and other lombards had taken the lead,” poems the reading of which will be friendly and affably demanded by henry wadsworth longfellow, at the time professor of european languages at harvard, who gallenga met during his months of teaching at the harvard young ladies’ academy of cambridge, massachusetts. while reporting on his american experience, the narrator often describes the struggle of his young self with spoken english. during a conversation with edward everett, the governor of massachusetts, the narrator notes: “though he was a great linguist, it was only in cases of extreme necessity that he spoke in any other language than his own, ‒ his principle being that if one of the talkers was to be embarrassed and at a disadvantage it should be rather his interlocutor than himself; whilst for my own part i was glad that such was his choice, as when any language has to be murdered i always prefer that it should be any other than mine.” in devoting specific attention to the language and to the peculiar expression of linguistic self- awareness, we are following martino marazzi, a occhi aperti: letteratura dell’emigrazione e mito americano (francoangeli, ). among the literary references that punctuate the text, dante appears as a milestone of the italian canon (gallenga, episodes of my second life , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ). dante is quoted by the narrator to comment on what happens to his young self (eg. “the salt that savors other people's bread...” ), on various subjects, often as a life mentor or historical point of reference ( , , , , ) and as a father of the italian identity and national cause (along with machiavelli, ); is a topic of conversation and learned discussions with pietro bachi and pietro d'alessandro ( - ), of teaching ( , , , , ), of translation (by longfellow, ). other “literary founding fathers” of italian identity appear, including pellico, alfieri, mazoni, foscolo. cf. gallenga's essays and companions of italian literature, such as his article on “romantic poetry in italy,” the north american review xlvii ( ); italy: past and present, vols. (j. chapman, - ). gallenga, episodes of my second life . the academy has been more recently identified with the school for young ladies directed in cambridge by david mack (imprecisely mentioned as “marx” in the episodes): dionigi, an italian exile in brahmin boston - and ff.; biraghi, “following in the footsteps of antonio gallenga” . gallenga, episodes of my second life , . dionigi, an italian exile - , esp. note for further references. gallenga, episodes of my second life . draft while trying to improve his english, he received precious help from a woman, a widow, at the first boarding-house he stayed at in boston. the young gallenga took a fancy to her (the narrator commenting “what defence [sic] i had against her?”), and she gave him some english lessons: “there was an ecstasy of the senses, but there was also improvement to the mind, as i watched the movements of her lips and the expression of her eyes, to catch the peculiar lisp of the 'th,' the hissing of the 'sh,' the stronger or softer aspiration of the 'h'.” along with his own personal difficulties and struggles, gallenga’s being a foreigner was often exposed ‒ deliberately or not ‒ by others, singling him out, calling him “eye-talian” or “signiò” or “signor,” as much as for his own communication shortcomings in everyday life, let alone the limitations posed by a poor mastery of the language in the image of the self presented in social and professional relationships (e.g. lacking ease, self confidence and naturalness in verbal interaction, which was felt all the more important by a professional language teacher and writer, projecting himself as a well educated person). the reader must not imagine that i had been very ready with my english even in my intercourse with mr. everett, mr. quincy, or young mills, educated men though they were, who spoke slowly and deliberately, shaping their sentences in that manner and giving them those turns which they thought could best convey their meaning to one who knew only as much of english as book-learning could impart. with illiterate persons, as those only conversant with one language may in our days be called, as with mere children, the beginning is much harder; but when you perceive that they have only one word for an idea, when they insist on screaming out that word till they think they have overcome your deafness, somehow you get on better, ‒ in this as in any other study necessity being after all the best mistress. given the efforts gallenga made during his first twelve months in the us to became fluent enough to work as a teacher, it came as the highest mark of praise to be asked by henry ware jr. ‒ professor of pulpit eloquence and pastoral care at the harvard divinity school, and co-editor of the “north american review” ‒ to lecture at harvard, where he had not been able to fulfill his ambition of obtaining a professorship gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life respectively and ff., and ff. gallenga, episodes of my second life - . draft in italian (a position filled by pietro bachi). while the invitation came after the circulation of a manuscript in which gallenga mocked and parodied the style of previous lecturers, the author still ironically lamented lacking confidence in speaking: ... how could i muster an accent that would make me intelligible? i can tell you that i hardly ever address a street-porter, a house-maid, or even the postman, to ask my way, without being met by a blank stare, and a 'me no parle vous'. ... consciousness of unconquerable shyness disquieted me; and there were peculiar combinations of english consonants, such as the w and wh and still more the s after the th in months, truths, etc., to which my italian teeth and lips positively refused to give utterance. proficiency and command of pronunciation were in fact perceived as markers of social position and/or integration, and the emerging of an italian inflection was feared as comparable to the ones typical of low social statuses, or, when counterbalanced by the awareness of the richness and beauties of the native tongue, anyway as a limitation in the second language mastery, cause of unwelcome distinction: “we have also no aspirations in italian, and, do what i might, i never felt sure that i would not, in an unguarded moment, drop my h's like a cockney. the natural melody and smoothness of our italian language, besides, rendered it extremely difficult to keep my intonation from falling into a monotonous cantilena, or sing-song.” the contention that english is a language better learned by use than by the systematic study of the grammar had to come to terms with the necessity of becoming competent beyond mere correctness, to be able to give voice to one's literary aspirations, in the persuasion that “thought must come forth soul and body from the “'... i maintain, that you have acquired a mastery over our language that seems to me surprising, and that i find in your manner something quaint and outlandish, maybe, but not un-english, ‒ some happy turn of your latin phrase into our saxon idiom, by which you almost seem to teach us our english, and to find in it what we would vainly seek in it ourselves.' it may be easily believed that such words from such a man called up a flush of color on my cheeks. but i gulped down the emotion of gratified vanity that was rising in my breast, and answered, without affected humility ... .” gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life , . gallenga, episodes of my second life - . gallenga, episodes of my second life , . “a language like the english is best learned and written by use. grammar, however, is as indispensable for a writer as drawing for an artist, and we must master it, no matter whether by precept or practice; there were a thousand pitfalls and snares about some parts of speech, and especially about the prepositions in and on, at and to, by and with, etc., into which, without her warning, i was unconsciously fall-ing; and i could never be sufficiently thankful for the strict, severe, minute censorship which pointed them out. but i aspired to something more than mere correctness. i wished my english to be as much as possible like that of the authors i most admired, bulwer, disraeli, draft brain that conceives it: it only lives through the words. hence is translation so difficult ....” gallenga's italian mindset inevitably appeared in his construction of sentences and speeches, but it may be forgiven, and even appreciated by his audience as “quaint and outlandish,” part of the speaker's personal style and competence in a foreign language which enjoys the association with the community of italian exiles in boston, a small group of well educated, literate people including pietro bachi and pietro d'alessandro. the relationship, therefore, between the narrated and narrator and english is an effective synecdoche of gallenga’s relationship with the migration experience both in the present of the story and of the discourse. in the present of the story language is a “objective correlative” of the cognitive estrangement experienced through the migration process, symptom of the young gallenga relative extraneousness in the new context; in the present of the discourse, the narrator reflections on his past struggles with language effectively mark the distance between the narrated and narrating “i”'s (also, implicitly, being described in a text written in english). on the english backdrop, italian language became part of a peculiar diglossia. dante's speech, associated with the risorgimento's exiles in the united states, acted, for gallenga, as primary indicator of the self: a symptom of his otherness in the new country, but also a source of income, thanks to teaching positions, at the same time an element that prevented a full assimilation as part of the local elites, as well as a positive element in the building of a presentable social image of the self. distantiating utopia utopian projections interact with identity-building processes in italian american experience, an american otherness was repeatedly imagined and conceptualized at different levels and in different moments of the migration process. i am assuming as a working hypothesis that mechanisms of utopian (in the broader sense) extrapolation offered critical tools that authors were able to exploit while conceptualizing their experience of the north american otherness – which became an ideal mirror, and a vantage point from which to reflect on the present state of the country of origin and carlyle, washington irving, and the like.” gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life . durante, italoamericana - , - . tom moylan, demand the impossible: science fiction and the utopian imagination ( ) (lang, ); tom moylan and raffaella baccolini, eds., utopia method vision: the use value of social dreaming (lang, ). draft personal trajectory (a critical perspective that in recent years is being fruitfully applied to other cultural and/or linguistic areas, within the framework of postcolonial studies as it intersects with speculative fiction studies). i n episodes of my second life, we can notice a utopian drive at work in the building of certain expectations. before arriving in the united states, the narrator came into contact with other people, who tended to present a positive image of the united states. for example, when gallenga decided to leave tangiers, the english consul advised against england (“london, he said, was, for a friendless stranger, a terrible place. competition in every branch of business was appalling, overwhelming, crushing,” ), and directed him to his american colleague, who, in turns, depicted an opposite image of the united states: “a big country that! room for everybody there! you will find your place ready for you as if you had bespoken beforehand. it is of men like you that want is particularly felt in our trading community. we have plenty of storekeepers, land-agents, and politicians. give us scholars and gentlemen, men of taste and refinement. i shall be more than happy – i shall be proud – to introduce you to the best of my acquaintance ....” the narrator was here reporting the american consul’s words, while he himself appeared from the beginning to be more skeptical and aware of the uncertainties that lay ahead. in a chapter significantly entitled “the pillars of hercules” ‒ underlining that an invisible, yet intensely perceived line had been crossed ‒, the trip to america is described as an unsettling “leap in the dark:” “i had torn myself from my moorings, and was like a waif adrift in the ocean, with no other prospects on landing than to be launched into another unknown sea of trouble and dangers.” the decision was made, the young gallenga had resolved to carry out his project, but there would appear to be no promises: “if i was to go, the sooner and the farther i went, the better. i would follow in the wake of columbus and cortes. like the latter, i would burn my ships. like the former, i would find a new world – a new life – or be drowned.” a sensation that the young gallenga would not lose, even after arriving in new york and then boston, when e.g. lyman tower sargent, “utopianism and national identity,” critical review of international social and political philosophy ( ): - ; ralph pordzik, the quest for postcolonial utopia: a comparative introduction to the utopian novel in the new english literatures (lang, ); pordzik, “a postcolonial view of ireland and the irish conflict in anglo-irish utopian literature since the nineteenth century,” irish studies review . ( ): - . gallenga, episodes of my second life - . gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life . draft his new life had to be faced with all its (mostly financial and professional) difficulties: “i felt now, as i had expected, that it would not be without a struggle that i could obtain a footing on this slippery and stubborn though on the whole friendly and hospitable yankee-land.” when he spoke to the captain of the independence, with his little english “ ... the dialogue soon sinking to a pattering monologue, in which all i could make out was that, what with the bigness of his country, the boston gals, mint-juleps and sherry cobblers, and dollars, and again dollars, and many dollars, i had only to wait till i came in sight of sandy hook, and would soon see what a paradise 'merikey' would be for me.” while it is clear that the young gallenga moved to the united states in search of a better professional position for himself, we can sense how the perspective of the narrator is weighing up the words of others critically even while he is reporting them, using the knowledge of his experience. gallenga is reporting on an early american dream, quite conscious of its volatile substance. the ship’s captain’s exaggeration is made rhetorically clear, the black cook on t h e independence is a runaway slave from georgia, the whole trip to new york is described as an excruciating experience (sea sickness and lethargy, equinoctial tempests, the “horrid monkey” that the captain keeps as a pet, the shortage of food...). america is a land of trades, of dollars, of self-promotion, but also of women’s independence, of the religious tolerance that characterizes new england after an early season of prosecution and bigotry, and so on. final remarks sampling those loci in which gallenga's narrating “i” throws a retrospective gaze gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life . when the young gallenga, looking for a job as a private tutor and has to write an advertisement to be published in a newspaper in boston, is advised by pietro bachi: “'that i call blowing my own trumpet,' said i. 'who do you expect will blow it for you?'” bachi answered. “'how do you like america?' and he went on without awaiting my answer: 'you will like it, i am sure. a great country, sir! room for everybody here! ...' they were apparently the stereotyped phrases with which a stranger in want of employment was usually encouraged in the united states.” gallenga, episodes of my second life , . for example: “i knew absolutely nothing of the nature and fashion of american women. women in the states were then, and are still more now, absolute mistresses of their own world and of themselves.” gallenga, episodes of my second life . gallenga, episodes of my second life , where the narrator comments with curiosity on congregationalist communities and religious discussions which are “daily bread to the anglo-saxon race ... i had lived in countries where tyranny forced me to agree; i had come to countries where liberty allows them only to agree upon disagreeing.” gallenga, episodes of my second life . draft on his younger self, we focused how the migration experience, working as a source of estrangement, changed the author and his auto-perception. the linguistic self- consciousness of the narrator ‒ his working as a teacher of italian and modern languages and his being part of boston literary society, the relationship that the young gallenga had with his first and second languages are important parts ‒ and at the same time effective synecdoches ‒ of his relationship with the migration experience, both in the present of the story, when the young gallenga is struggling to find a socially and professionally well integrated and successful position, and in the present of the discourse, when an older gallenga is looking back on his american experience. language contributed in how an american otherness was imagined and conceptualized by gallenga. here pragmatism and disenchantment ‒ for example in the skeptical and/or ironic reception of ideal images of the us proposed by other characters, and in the lucid pondering of small and big difficulties encountered while trying to settle in in the country of adoption ‒ influenced identity-building processes, affecting the articulation of expectations, the metabolization of new encounters and circumstances, the creation of narratable images of america, and, in them, the (cultural, social, professional) placement/locating of the self. t h e episodes case shows how critical categories refined in speculative fiction studies such as cognitive estrangement and utopian projections can be put to use to better study and understand early italian american narratives, bringing into focus the disadjustment experienced through migration and how it is at work in the complex identity negotiations of which these narratives are testimony. draft references biraghi, claudia, “following in the footsteps of antonio gallenga”, new england ancestors . (winter ): - . cerutti, toni. antonio gallenga: an italian writer in victorian england (oxford university press, for the university of hull, ). chisholm, hugh, ed. “gallenga, antonio carlo napoleone,” in encyclopædia britannica th ed. (cambridge university press, ). codignola, luca. “gallenga, antonio carlo napoleone,” in chiara vangelista, ed., i primi italiani in america del nord. dizionario biografico dei liguri, piemontesi e altri. storie e presenze italiane tra settecento e ottocento (diabasis per la fondazione casa america, ): - . dionigi, renzo. an italian exile in brahmin boston - : antonio gallenga (insubria up, ). durante, francesco. italoamericana: storia e letteratura degli italiani negli stati uniti, - . (mondadori, ). fiore, teresa. “lunghi viaggi verso 'lamerica' a casa: straniamento e identita nelle storie di migrazione italiana,” annali d'italianistica, , negotiating italian identities ( ): - . hendin, josephine gattuso, “the new world of italian american studies,” american literary history . ( ): - . gallenga, antonio. episodes of my second life: (american and english experiences) ( - ) (j. b. lippincott & co., ). ginzburg, carlo. wooden eyes: nine reflections on distance (columbia up, ) (occhiacci di legno, , tr. martyn ryle and kate soper). goggio, emilio. “italian educators in early american days,” italica . ( ): - . marazzi, martino. a occhi aperti: letteratura dell’emigrazione e mito americano (francoangeli, ). marraro, howard r. “pioneer italian teachers of italian in the united states., the modern language journal . ( ): - . monsagrati, giuseppe, “gallenga, antonio carlo napoleone,” in dizionario biografico degli italiani ( ), http://www.treccani.it/biografico/, ad vocem. moylan, tom. demand the impossible: science fiction and the utopian imagination ( ) (lang, ). moylan tom, and raffaella baccolini, eds. utopia method vision: the use value of social dreaming (lang, ). parrinder, patrick, ed., learning from other worlds: estrangement, cognition and the politics of science fiction and utopia (liverpool up, ). http://www.treccani.it/biografico/ draft pordzik, ralph. the quest for postcolonial utopia: a comparative introduction to the utopian novel in the new english literatures (lang, ). — . “a postcolonial view of ireland and the irish conflict in anglo-irish utopian literature since the nineteenth century,” irish studies review . ( ): - . shklovsky, viktor. “art as technique” ( ), in julie rivkin and michael ryan, eds., literary theory: an anthology (blackwell, ): - . suvin, darko. metamorphoses of science fiction: on the poetics and history of a literary genre. (yale up, ). tower sargent, lyman. “utopianism and national identity,” critical review of international social and political philosophy ( ): - . protestantismo, imprensa, polÍtica e educaÇÃo no brasil: a propaganda do progresso e da modernizaÇÃo revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações protestantismo, polÍtica e educaÇÃo no brasil: a propaganda do progresso e da modernizaÇÃo mariana ellen santos seixas * resumo: repensando as estratégias de consolidação do protestantismo no brasil, este artigo tem por objetivo identificar alguns dos principais setores da sociedade oitocentista que foram alvos de investidas de grupos proselitistas, enfatizando a importância de personagens que, ainda na primeira metade do século xix, antes de começar a "pregar", se esmeraram em garantir condições mínimas de sobrevida jurídica e institucional para os missionários que chegariam nas décadas seguintes. a princípio, tratarei da construção da relação direta entre protestantismo e progresso, uma propaganda política que conseguiu adeptos importantes; num segundo momento, mostrarei como as deficiências educacionais do brasil, foram tomadas como um problema que poderia ser suprido pelas iniciativas protestantes; e, por fim, como a educação feminina esteve presente no periódico protestante de maior circulação, mostrando as mulheres como parte fundamental do processo de modernização e moralização do brasil. palavras-chave: protestantismo; política; educação. protestantism, politics and education in brazil: advertising of progress and modernization abstract: rethinking strategies for consolidation of protestantism in brazil, this article aims to identify some of the major sectors of the nineteenth-century society that have been targets of law with proselytizing groups, emphasizing the importance of characters who, in the first half of the nineteenth century, before starting to "preach", to great pains to ensure minimum conditions of survival legal and institutional framework for the missionaries who arrived in the decades following. at first, i will discuss the construction of the direct relationship between protestantism and progress, an advertising policy that managed major supporters, subsequently, show how the educational deficiencies of brazil, were taken as a problem that could be supplied by the protestant initiatives, and on the finally, as female education was present in the journal's largest protestant movement, showing women as part of the process of modernization and moralization of brazil. key-words: protestantism; politics; education. um panorama a historiografia do protestantismo brasileiro comumente afirma que os esforços proselitistas explícitos das juntas de missões organizadas por denominações norte- americanas datam o início de sua efetiva participação nos assuntos concernentes à sociedade brasileira; e que estes assuntos giravam em torno da adoção de uma nova fé e da transformação de comportamento como um fim em si mesmas. * mestranda em história social do brasil / universidade federal da bahia. e-mail: seixas.marianas@gmail.com revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações no entanto, partindo de uma interpretação da obra de david gueiros vieira, o protestantismo, a maçonaria e a questão religiosa no brasil ( ), e auxiliada por uma série de artigos não vinculados diretamente à historiografia do protestantismo, pretendo identificar as principais iniciativas políticas de james c. fletcher, um "missionário" presbiteriano, que tinha como objetivo converter o brasil ao protestantismo e ao "progresso" (já que considerava que esta vertente da fé cristã era equânime ao desenvolvimento econômico, científico e tecnológico) e identificar suas peculiaridades. em termos teóricos, fletcher não se diferenciou da maioria dos missionários e das lideranças protestantes que vieram para o brasil em número considerável a partir de meados do século xix. sua diferença estava em termos práticos. fletcher se aproximou e se tornou amigo íntimo de importantes figuras do cenário político brasileiro, mantendo contato inclusive com o jovem imperador d. pedro ii. sua influência sobre esses personagens (que serão destacados no trabalho a ser escrito) foi a porta de entrada para a luta por uma série de prerrogativas legislativas para os acatólicos no brasil. fletcher esteve envolvido em uma série de episódios que confirmam que o seu "jeito" de pregar o protestantismo foi muito sutil, conquistando, num primeiro momento, aliados e não fiéis. o trabalho enfatizará os esforços de fletcher e seus amigos do partido liberal e da imprensa na luta pelo casamento civil, pelas liberdades de consciência e religião e pela modernização do brasil, com o auxílio, evidentemente, da tecnologia estadunidense. É possível destacar as iniciativas para a concessão de licença para a abertura de uma linha de navegação a vapor belém - nova iorque, como parte da recém adotada política estadunidense de estreitar os laços de amizade com o brasil, e os preparativos para a expedição thayer, para a qual fletcher fez extensa propaganda. outro ponto fundamental do qual tratarei são os incentivos dos líderes e da imprensa protestante para melhorar as condições educacionais do país, construindo escolas, investindo na imprensa, com especial atenção para a educação das mulheres; enfatizarei que todas essas iniciativas compõem o projeto de inserir o brasil no mundo moderno e civilizado, através da "religião verdadeira", da educação e das melhorias técnicas, tecnológicas e científicas. revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações inserção protestante e crítica das mazelas do brasil desde as primeiras tentativas de inserir a ideologia protestante na sociedade brasileira, aspectos como a escravidão e a educação se destacavam entre as mazelas que precisariam ser retiradas antes que o proselitismo surtisse efeito considerável. missionários de todas as denominações ditas "históricas" – metodistas, presbiterianos, batistas e congregacionais – insistiam em suas prédicas e através dos meios de comunicação posteriormente criados que a sociedade brasileira sofria desses problemas crônicos em decorrência de sua dependência de séculos de instituições ligadas à igreja católica, e que a "restauração" e a imersão do brasil no rol das sociedades modernas estariam sujeitas à atuação de entidades ligadas ao protestantismo. a igreja metodista foi a primeira denominação a se preocupar oficialmente com missões para a américa latina. em , o jovem pregador fountain pitts foi enviado para fazer uma viagem de reconhecimento às principais cidades da costa ocidental (rio de janeiro, buenos aires e montevidéu). em seu relatório final, documento citado por duncan reily ( , p. - ), recomendou o envio de missionários para o brasil, “antiga fortaleza de satanás”: estou nesta cidade (rio de janeiro) há duas semanas, e lamento que minha permanência seja necessariamente breve. creio que uma porta oportuna para a pregação do evangelho está aberta neste vasto império. os privilégios religiosos permitidos pelo governo do brasil são muito mais tolerantes do que eu esperava achar em um país católico. porque esse governo avança tão rapidamente no comércio e nas artes, porque é o mais liberal de todos os países católicos do mundo na tolerância religiosa e porque abarca diversos portos populosos, tais como são salvador, rio grande e rio de janeiro, esta última a maior cidade da américa do sul, sou da opinião que ele apresenta um campo perante os servos do senhor jesus cristo que pode ser corretamente descrito como „pronto para a ceifa‟. desta iniciativa surgiu a primeira missão metodista no país, entre - , sob os cuidados de justin spaulding que, logo após chegar, organizou a primeira escola dominical do brasil, e começou a realizar cultos públicos em sua casa. segundo ele, a audiência aumentou tanto que teve que alugar um salão para acomodar ou ouvintes. três meses após sua chegada, fez um relatório minucioso sobre seu trabalho e, ao lê-lo, podemos destacar o ponto que chamou mais a atenção do americano - a escravidão (ibid, p. ): revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações qual será o resultado final da escravidão e quando ela terminará neste país, é impossível dizer. muito embora o tráfico de escravos seja contra a lei da nação, mesmo assim estou informado de que nunca foi explorado em tão grande escala como agora. navios continuamente se preparam e zarpam deste porto com destino às margens sangrentas da África, nesse negócio de pirata. os magistrados, solenemente juramentados a fazer cumprir as leis, freqüentemente fecham os olhos e recebem subornos. ninguém ousa cumprir as leis, e ninguém poderia se quisesse, tão fraco é o princípio moral neste governo. tudo o que podemos fazer é usar diligentemente e mui discretamente os meios, observar os sinais dos tempos, e entrar por toda porta aberta pela providência, para prestar-lhes serviço... outro motivo de espanto para o missionário foi a “ignorância” do povo brasileiro. seria extremamente válido, segundo ele, abrir escolas para a população, pois esta só não era mais culta por causa do clero católico, que ao deixar de cumprir seu papel de educar o povo, relegava-o a uma existência obscura. além disso, o próprio clero representava o último exemplo a ser seguido, pois era flagrante o descumprimento do celibato, havendo padres com numerosas famílias que não sofriam nenhuma espécie de repreensão. o cúmulo teria ocorrido quando surgiu um projeto de lei para acabar com o celibato, “e um dos mais importantes argumentos ou razões apresentadas em abono da medida foi a necessidade de redimir e salvar a conduta moral do clero e do povo...”. a “missão spaulding” acabou em , e entre os principais motivos de seu término estavam a falta de pessoal missionário, a dificuldade de acesso direto ao povo brasileiro, e as dificuldades financeiras advindas da crise econômica nos eua chamada de “pânico de ”. entretanto, o fervor missionário em relação ao brasil estava apenas em seu período inicial. os missionários de outras denominações, que chegariam nos anos seguintes, recrudesceram o discurso e continuaram apostando na exposição dos problemas do brasil e na necessidade de modernização das estruturas públicas, das leis e dos costumes, continuando a apresentar o catolicismo como um grande vilão e o protestantismo como o verdadeiro protagonista das grandes mudanças que o mundo daquela época estava vendo em termos científicos, tecnológicos e culturais. contou, para isso, com a ajuda de membros da elite política, que desejavam urgentemente a separação da igreja e do estado. uma das estratégias mais utilizadas para que o protestantismo se estabelecesse no brasil, ainda no século xix, foi a adoção de "identidades" que o vinculassem a revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações causas como o progresso, a civilização e a modernidade. esse discurso se disseminou entre os missionários e os principais órgãos de comunicação religiosa criados com a finalidade de apresentar a "verdadeira religião" como a "tábua de salvação" do brasil, que nesse período oscilava entre a desintegração e a consolidação de um estado nacional. as investidas missionárias que mais se destacaram foram a de grupos norte- americanos como os presbiterianos e os metodistas, que apresentaram os estados unidos como o ápice a que uma nação moderna poderia chegar. james fletcher, missionário que ostensivamente pregou as vantagens de uma aproximação do brasil com a nação confederada, foi o precursor daqueles que usariam o discurso que aliava o protestantismo ao progresso das nações. david gueiros vieira ( . p. - ) toma fletcher como um dos personagens centrais de sua obra acerca do protestantismo e o desenrolar da questão religiosa no brasil. o apresenta como o "pioneiro do trabalho protestante missionário no brasil e um dos que, mais ativamente, contribuíram para o movimento de protestantização do império e para as lutas em favor da completa liberdade de culto." um ponto para o qual vieira (p. ) chama atenção é o fato de que fletcher muito rapidamente se sentiu responsável como pastor não só dos marinheiros e americanos residentes no rio, mas via a necessidade de "converter o brasil ao protestantismo e ao 'progresso'. para ele, o protestantismo equalizava-se ao desenvolvimento econômico, científico e tecnológico." james cooley fletcher nasceu na cidade de indianápolis, capital do estado de indiana, nos estados unidos, em . já adulto, adquiriu vasto conhecimento intelectual formando-se pela phillips exeter academy, brown university e princeton theological seminary, além de ter estudado na suíça e na frança, aprimorando-se no idioma francês visto que tinha por objetivo trabalhar como missionário no haiti; surgiu, todavia, a oportunidade de assumir o posto de capelão da legação americana no rio de janeiro, onde assumiu seu posto em de fevereiro de . quem negociou com o governo brasileiro as condições de suas atividades religiosas foi robert cumming schenck, enviado extraordinário e ministro plenipotenciário dos estados unidos para o brasil e argentina, que nomeou o missionário com o título de "adido", para que assim obtivesse "proteção oficial". revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações É a atuação de fletcher junto à diplomacia estadunidense, à política brasileira e às aventuras comerciais por ele protagonizadas que denuncia o tipo de sensibilidade que ele tinha acerca de qual o melhor método pelo qual o brasil seria convertido ao protestantismo; na conclusão de vieira (p. ): o conceito de fletcher quanto à sua missão, era fazer amigos entre os da alta sociedade a fim de obter proteção oficial para si e para seus colegas. ainda mais, por suas outras declarações e por ações posteriores, é evidente que queria levar o brasil para o mundo 'moderno' e do 'progresso' (sempre enfatizando a idéia de que tal 'progresso' vinha das nações protestantes), ajudando-o a chegar a condições de igualdade com o adiantamento tecnológico e científico que estava ocorrendo na europa e nos estados unidos. tendo retornado aos estados unidos em em decorrência dos problemas de saúde de sua mulher, fletcher voltaria ao brasil no ano seguinte, mudando de estratégia e apresentando-se como um "amigo da nação" e "filantropo". organizou uma exposição industrial americana no rio de janeiro, inaugurada por d. pedro ii no museu nacional e visitada com grande entusiasmo; fez contatos com o visconde de itaboraí, inspetor geral do departamento de educação primária e secundária com o intuito de "introduzir no brasil livros escolares americanos"; foi um elo forte entre o poeta americano henry wadsworth longfellow e o imperador, que muito o admirava; e fez uma ostensiva propaganda do brasil através de seu livro o brasil e os brasileiros, que teve sucessivas edições atualizadas nos estados unidos e que, durante muito tempo, foi a principal obra consultada quando se queria saber algo sobre o país e seus costumes. a partir dessas observações é que vai se tornando claro que os planos de fletcher envolviam, mais uma vez segundo vieira (p. ): aumentar o prestígio dos estados unidos, que ele apresentava no brasil como uma nação 'protestante' com leis, costumes, sistema educacional, economia e religião dignos de serem imitados, e criar um forte elo entre o brasil e aquela nação. o progresso americano e o seu extraordinário desenvolvimento que, na mente de fletcher foram produzidos pelo protestantismo, fluiriam então para o brasil na forma de comércio e emigração de empresários de todos os tipos, negociantes, industriais, agricultores pioneiros, mecânicos, engenheiros, que trariam consigo sua religião, desse modo trazendo o 'verdadeiro progresso' para o império brasileiro. enfim, seria a conquista do brasil pela cultura, 'progresso' e comércio americanos. (...) assim, o que fletcher obviamente tentou foi apresentar os revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações estados unidos como o supra-sumo de um tipo de 'progresso' que também podia ser alcançado pelo brasil. assim foram estabelecidos os parâmetros da propaganda protestante no brasil. o brasil só alcançaria o patamar de uma nação civilizada e moderna se aceitasse os investimentos norte-americanos (e protestantes) na melhoria das condições técnicas e tecnológicas das estruturas públicas (transporte, navegação), na descaracterização da escravidão (os primeiros missionários norte-americanos a vir para o brasil eram da parte abolicionista dos estados unidos), e na valorização da educação formal, considerada o ponto de partida para o avanço da sociedade brasileira. É preciso destacar que fletcher iniciou um "estilo" de propaganda protestante muito copiado ao longo das décadas seguintes pelos grupos ligados ao chamado "protestantismo histórico" – a "denúncia" das mazelas sofridas pela população brasileira, a falta de educação formal, a chaga da escravidão e o desprestígio do trabalho manual, todos atrasos ligados à supremacia católica no país. um exemplo é a crítica feita pelos editores do jornal a imprensa evangélica , em de março de , e em de novembro de : a igreja que se opõe à liberdade e ao progresso não é a igreja de cristo. (...) a religião cristã, à cuja sombra se têm formado as sociedades modernas, com a sua civilização e com o seu progresso, nunca foi inimiga da liberdade civil, que é a suma do progresso do nosso século. o protestantismo é o verdadeiro amigo da instrução, sempre a favorece e protege, e isso com o único fim de desenvolver a nova geração segundo as regras do evangelho, e de habilitá-la a bem preencher os deveres que a aguardam. e, numa pérola pela elegibilidade dos acatólicos, em de novembro de , já no período posterior à promulgação do dogma da infalibilidade papal, citando outro jornal (o cruzeiro): aí está. a lei civil exclui da elegibilidade para a representação os acatólicos: ora são justamente os católicos os menos próprios para exercerem o cargo de representantes do povo. É fácil de demonstrar. ninguém pode ser católico sem aceitar o syllabus em toda a sua íntegra. o syllabus é inteiramente contrário à civilização moderna, sujeita o estado á igreja, afirma a supremacia do papa sobre o governo revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações de todas as nações, proclama a necessidade da inquisição, isto é, o direito da igreja de compelir pelos castigos corporais, pelos tormentos, pela fogueira, os homens a crerem nos princípios e fatos relatados pelo clero etc. (grifo meu) ora, ninguém dirá que um homem possa sustentar tais princípios e exercer dignamente o papel de representante da nação. quem os sustentasse na tribuna, provavelmente havia de ter um acompanhamento um pouco incômodo ao sair da casa do parlamento. como é, pois, que se diz que só os católicos são competentes para a representação nacional, quando são justamente os acatólicos quem está (sic) inteiramente livre de tais ligações, de toda a obrigação de se submeter a um poder estrangeiro? em vista de tais considerações não poderia sustentar-se que um secretário de vishnu pode dar um muito melhor cidadão de que um católico? assim, o que se vê é que a tradicional oposição entre catolicismo (atraso) e protestantismo (progresso) foi construída paulatinamente a partir da iniciativa de homens como daniel kidder e james fletcher, sobretudo o último, que teve mais anos de atuação no brasil. surge com eles a propaganda do "progresso" aliado ao protestantismo e principalmente com fletcher a conquista de aliados entre a aristocracia brasileira em busca de privilégios. os amigos do progresso uma lista preliminar apresentada por david vieira (p. - ) das amizades feitas por fletcher no brasil indica que ele se aliou a um número razoável de homens que se consideravam "amigos do progresso" e que compartilhavam com ele o desejo de trazer melhorias técnicas, políticas e culturais para o brasil. entre esses amigos se encontravam o ministro joaquim maria nascente de azambuja ( - ), educador e diplomata, que, ao que tudo indica, foi um cooperador de fletcher nas iniciativas de imigração de confederados e imigrantes acatólicos da europa para o brasil, além dos interesses que envolviam a instrução pública; e o deputado francisco leite de bittencourt sampaio ( - ), um homem de letras altamente influenciado pela literatura anglo-saxônica, adepto do espiritismo e um dos primeiros a lutar pela causa comum com os protestantes da inteira liberdade de culto. outra amizade importante foi a de francisco otaviano de almeida rosa ( - ), líder liberal na câmara dos deputados, diplomata, muito bem relacionado com jovens intelectuais como urbano pessoa, tavares bastos e josé bonifácio (o moço) e um dos jornalistas apaixonadamente liberais de quem james fletcher se tornou amigo. revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações segundo vieira (p. - ), em , começou a editar o jornal correio mercantil, no rio de janeiro, de propriedade de seu sogro, o baiano francisco alves branco muniz barreto, que foi financiado a partir de pela legação britânica, embora esse dado definitivamente não signifique que suas posições políticas tenham sido assim determinadas. almeida rosa era amante da literatura inglesa, entusiasta da emancipação dos escravos, da abertura à navegação estrangeira do amazonas e da melhoria da instrução pública. estas posturas podem tê-lo aproximado de fletcher, que tinha as mesmas opiniões. foi esse jornal que deu apoio incondicional ao rev. robert kalley (que trazia cartas de recomendação de fletcher), publicando artigos seus, ganhando as características de uma publicação altamente anti-católica. outros amigos de fletcher no brasil foram dr. caetano furquim de almeida ( - ), grande homem de negócios que era favorável à separação entre igreja e estado; dr. manoel pacheco da silva ( - ), educador e cientista a quem fletcher enviava os missionários protestantes que estavam chegando ao brasil; e o senador josé inácio da silva mota ( - ), senador de goiás, anticlerical, ferrenhamente anti- escravista e entusiasta do casamento civil. nenhum deles se tornou protestante; todos ajudaram, em sua medida, a abrir as portas do brasil ao protestantismo. um destaque é dado à amizade entre fletcher e o alagoano aureliano cândido tavares bastos ( - ), advogado, jornalista, político e publicista, que, mais do que explicitamente, admirava os estados unidos, amava o "progresso", pleiteando apoio para causas como a "abertura do rio amazonas ao tráfico internacional, o comércio livre, a liberalização das leis comerciais, a descentralização do governo", bem como estimulava a imigração de ingleses, americanos e alemães, defendendo medidas que a tornassem mais viável, como a melhoria do sistema de transporte internacional, o casamento civil e a liberdade de culto, que ele considerava o remédio para todas as mazelas do brasil. (vieira, , p. ) a questão da abertura do rio amazonas à navegação internacional suscitou alguns embates que envolveram até a garantia da soberania nacional. desde a década de do século xix, os estados unidos demonstravam interesse na região amazônica, recrudescendo os esforços de aproximação a partir de . para o governo estadunidense, a amazônia era uma região de riquezas inesgotáveis que deveria ser aberta a todos, o que obrigou o brasil a adotar uma rígida política externa, cuidando para que não atrapalhasse suas relações econômicas com o país norte-americano, o que revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações desagradou a grande maioria dos liberais brasileiros que viam como extremamente vantajosa a aproximação com os estados unidos, considerada a "nação do progresso" (pazzinato, freitas e ferreira, , p. ). a tentativa de estabelecer uma linha de navegação a vapor entre os estados unidos e o brasil não era nova. a primeira notícia conhecida é anterior a e é a proposta de william wheelwright, fundador da pacific mail steamship line, que não vingou; a proposta seguinte ( - ) é a de john gardiner, feita ao congresso americano, proposta essa que atraiu o interesse de fletcher e ganhou divulgação dele nos estados unidos e no brasil. entretanto, foi a proposta do ex-seminarista presbiteriano, antigo político e jornalista thomas rainey que mais chamou atenção de tavares bastos e foi objeto de ostensiva propaganda sua. a partir de , rainey envidou esforços para estabelecer uma linha de navegação entre nova iorque e belém, conseguindo no ano seguinte o apoio do correio mercantil e dos políticos liberais da região amazônica. o governo brasileiro, temendo que essa fosse uma estratégia para se apossar da amazônia, considerou que o ideal seria estender a linha de navegação até o rio de janeiro. o subsídio para essa linha foi aprovado sob a liderança do º gabinete, presidido pelo líder maçônico paraense senador francisco josé furtado, após a torrencial propaganda feita por tavares bastos e fletcher, que acreditaram que a partir de então a imigração americana promoveria o "progresso" e a "elevação moral" do brasil. um episódio também ligado à questão amazônica é a expedição do prof. louis agassiz, entre - . de acordo com maria helena pereira toledo machado ( p. - ): os objetivos da expedição ao brasil não se esclarecem totalmente se não levamos em conta os aspectos menos aparentes desse empreendimento. por trás do discurso público do cientista-viajante tecia-se um outro discurso que ligava agassiz aos interesses norte- americanos na amazônia, conectado a duas linhas de ação diplomática e de grupos de interesses: uma primeira, à política da navegação fluvial e abertura do amazonas à navegação internacional, e uma segunda, aos projetos de assentamento da população negra norte-americana, como colonos ou aprendizes, na várzea amazônica. não que agassiz tenha pessoalmente montado o esquema da viagem para realizar um trabalho diplomático de proselitismo dos interesses norte-americanos na amazônia. mas, bem ao seu estilo, ele não perdeu a oportunidade de colocar-se em posição de influência, tornando a viagem ao brasil, organizada no contexto da guerra civil, ocasião para influenciar positivamente pedro ii, com o qual agassiz revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações trocava correspondência desde , com relação aos projetos de abertura da amazônia. james fletcher também esteve envolvido na propaganda da expedição thayer. quando da chegada de agassiz e aproveitando-se de seu prestígio, o "amigo do progresso" teve mais uma oportunidade de estabelecer uma relação direta (explicitamente não verdadeira) entre o desenvolvimento científico dos estados unidos e bandeiras como a emancipação dos escravos, a sociedade de imigração internacional, as linhas de navegação a vapor, e, é claro, o protestantismo. de acordo com david gueiros vieira ( , p. ): a causa, entretanto, que mais se beneficiou com a presença de agassiz foi a campanha de publicidade empreendida por fletcher, e por um grupo variado de 'amigos do progresso', que há muito tentava impressionar os brasileiros com o 'progresso' que o protestantismo podia trazer-lhes. para onde quer que agassiz fosse, era seguido de perto por fletcher ou por seus amigos, tais como dr. thomas rainey, dr. pacheco manoel da silva e tavares bastos. assim, uma série de acontecimentos públicos ligaram (sic) o cientista de harvard a fletcher, ou a seus amigos, desta maneira trazendo uma glória refletida sobre eles e sua causa. a passagem de agassiz pelo brasil suscitou também a suspeita de que o país seria alvo de uma "invasão" protestante, que incentivaria a alteração da ordem estabelecida baseada na oficialidade do catolicismo como religião do estado. isso se deveu à expectativa de uma emigração em massa dos estados unidos para o brasil, entre e , em alguma medida pelo fato de que o término da guerra de secessão não havia eliminado as rivalidades entre as partes norte e sul do país. vieira (p. - ) explica que quando os nortistas passaram o dominar o território sulista, algo parecido com um novo Êxodo foi pregado; se já não havia espaço para os escravocratas no país, era necessário ocupar um novo território, e o brasil não deixou de se tornar um destino desejável àqueles que queriam reconstruir seu mundo ideal fora da américa do norte. não aconteceu necessariamente uma "invasão", mas um número considerável de imigrantes (e não só estadunidenses) chegou e se estabeleceu no brasil. e paulatinamente as questões acerca de seus direitos civis foram sendo apresentadas ao governo brasileiro por políticos liberais que incluíam em suas petições a liberdade de culto para todos os acatólicos. entre eles estavam, claro, tavares bastos e inácio de revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações barros barreto com suas doze proposições sobre a legitimidade religiosa da verdadeira tolerância dos cultos. além deles se destacou também o juiz antônio joaquim macedo soares que publicou o polêmico panfleto da liberdade religiosa no brasil: estudo de direito constitucional, em . (vieira, , p. - ) a exclusividade do catolicismo como única religião do império começou a ser questionada e "a audácia dos que clamavam pela liberdade de culto estava ficando mais acentuada cada dia, e os ultramontanos sentiam-se acossados neste assunto tanto pelos protestantes quanto pelos liberais." (p. ) a reação ultramontana propôs a educação dos fiéis, através de panfletos que descaracterizavam o protestantismo e através da ação intensa dos frades capuchinhos que percorreram os sertões pregando contra a "falsa religião". É interessante notar que as disputas entre protestantes e capuchinhos, que possuíam ideais de civilidade e moralidade muito semelhantes, duraram muitas décadas, sendo que aqueles utilizaram seu jornal de maior circulação no brasil para criticar chistosamente os frades, como neste trecho em que a imprensa evangélica comenta a notícia de um outro jornal, em de dezembro de : sem comentário. – o jornal sete de setembro, folha que se publica na importante vila do pillar, na província de alagoas, deu a seguinte e importantíssima notícia no seu número de de outubro último. É digna de leitura e meditação. ei-la: 'ontem houve nesta vila uma procissão de penitência, promovida pelo rev. capuchinho frei josé maria de catanisseta. 'reunindo o povo pelas horas da tarde em frente da igreja do rosario, em número de . pessoas, pouco mais ou menos, os homens trazendo uma coroa de espinhos e uma corda ao pescoço, e as mulheres um véu branco sobre a cabeça com esta inscrição: i.b.m.v.c. – sit nobis salus et protectio, saíram em procissão, conduzindo os homens os grande cruzeiro que se devia arvorar em frente da nova matriz, e o andor do senhor dos passos, e as mulheres os andor de nossa senhora das dores. ia também sob o palio o sagrado lenho, conduzido pelo rev. vigário da freguesia. 'todas as pessoas que acompanhavam a procissão conduziam uma vela acesa, e o efeito dessas . luzes ou mais era o mais belo e arrebatador. 'o préstito seguiu na melhor ordem, e voltou á igreja donde saiu sem incidente algum desagradável, antes notava-se em todos sinais do mais profundo recolhimento e verdadeira compunção, e em tudo a gravidade digna do ato.' isto não precisa comentário. conseguir que uma população se apresente aos olhos do mundo de coroas de espinhos e corda ao pescoço é tê-la conduzido ao supremo grau de civilização. revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações mais catanissetas espalhados pelo brasil, e dentro de dez anos seremos a primeira nação do mundo. a chamada "questão racial" também é discutida por david gueiros vieira que a apresenta como tema freqüente da preocupação dos liberais brasileiros, que viam na imigração de homens brancos, uma saída para a preguiça, lascívia e atraso causados, segundo eles, pela maioria da população de cor e sua adoção da religião romana. diz o autor ( , p. ), num parágrafo central do livro: parece-nos, também, pela evidência à mão, que o raciocínio dos liberais era de que os imigrantes brancos protestantes seriam uma arma de múltiplo propósito, com a qual se combateria todo tipo de 'atraso': ( ) os imigrantes brancos protestantes trariam conhecimento técnico para desenvolver o país; ( ) a população branca por fim superaria a negra e ( ) o imigrante protestante seria, afinal, econômica e politicamente bastante forte para contrabalançar o poder político e a influência da igreja católica. essas afirmações demonstram a correspondência de interesses entre esses liberais e missionários como fletcher, que ensinou aos proselitistas protestantes que chegavam ao brasil a "alma do negócio". ambos os grupos queriam ocupar espaços da sociedade que usualmente haviam sido entregues ao domínio cultural do catolicismo, e para obter êxito investiram na propaganda da incompetência e imoralidade do clero, do caráter obsoleto de um "estado moderno" manter uma religião oficial, e das vantagens trazidas por países mais "civilizados" e "moralizados" como os estados unidos. usaram, inexoravelmente, a imprensa, sem a qual se poderia questionar o sucesso da empreitada. aliaram-se em torno de suas mútuas necessidades. estabelecer o antagonismo entre o protestantismo e o catolicismo, mostrando o primeiro como defensor da liberdade de idéias e culto, mola propulsora do progresso, vanguarda da modernidade e da ciência, e o último como o símbolo do atraso, pobreza, ignorância e superstição foi fundamental para manipular suas identidades ante à nascente opinião pública e demarcar os limites entre os quais agiriam ambos os entes políticos. james cooley fletcher foi embora do brasil provavelmente em . sua atuação no brasil se deu, em grande medida, num momento de consolidação do pensamento liberal, momento do qual se alimentou e pelo qual foi também alimentado, lançando as bases do que seria o ponto central da propaganda protestante no brasil e revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações ganhando vantagens legislativas para ele e seus colegas pregadores da "verdade" e do "progresso". educação e civilização esta associação foi fundamental na construção da identidade dos líderes protestantes no brasil. foi-se estabelecendo, ao longo de seu proselitismo, a oposição direta entre o catolicismo, representando o atraso, a ignorância, a superstição e o preconceito com o trabalho manual, e o protestantismo, defensor da liberdade de ideias e culto, mola propulsora do progresso, e vanguarda da modernidade e da ciência. o principal veículo de comunicação protestante no século xix foi o jornal imprensa evangélica. o objetivo mais explícito do periódico presbiteriano era representar a comunidade protestante, mostrando seus ideais e sua opinião sobre os mais variados assuntos, com ênfase naqueles de cunho religioso, teológico e espiritual. organizado no rio de janeiro, em , pela iniciativa, entre outros, do missionário estadunidense ashbell green simonton, a imprensa... é, até onde se sabe, o primeiro periódico protestante em língua portuguesa. sua circulação não foi pequena, se levarmos em consideração o alcance das missões presbiterianas no brasil, ao final do século xix, e o fato de que os missionários eram os responsáveis por divulgar entre os fiéis conquistados a iniciação no mundo dos letrados e, obviamente, a possibilidade de fazer a assinatura do jornal, o que pode significar também a alternativa de consumir um produto que lhes conferiria a noção de pertencimento à comunidade e a identificação com a nova fé adquirida pela conversão ao protestantismo. o que chama atenção, entretanto, é o cunho pedagógico de muitas das matérias publicadas em suas páginas. os pastores e leigos responsáveis pela redação do periódico utilizavam-se desse mecanismo-chave de transmissão de idéias que é a imprensa para veicular as concepções de vida consideradas adequadas aos verdadeiros cristãos, discutir questões muito variadas, como a política imperial (e, posteriormente, republicana), a "decadência moral do catolicismo" brasileiro, a ética do trabalho, o modelo ideal contido na família nuclear, cuidados para com a infância e a juventude, além, é claro, de discussões teológicas que objetivavam descaracterizar o catolicismo como religião cristã, apresentando o protestantismo como o único agente capaz de guiar o brasil pelo caminho do progresso, modernização e moralidade nacionais. nesse sentido, também são apresentados os principais delitos pelos quais os "cristãos revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações verdadeiros" seriam disciplinados pela hierarquia eclesiástica protestante que estava sendo formada concomitantemente à expansão do jornal e do proselitismo da denominação. o jornal fez muitas críticas ao sistema educacional brasileiro em suas páginas. em de julho de , discutia os números relativos à educação apresentados por um ministro do império à assembléia geral, que afirmava haverem apenas . estabelecimentos de instrução primária e secundária, para um número de . indivíduos, enquanto que nos estados unidos havia duzentas mil escolas para sete milhões de alunos, com instrução de alto nível. o periódico disparou: "no brasil existe um estabelecimento de instrução pública por . habitantes, ao passo que nos estados unidos cada escola pública está na razão de habitantes." o que chama atenção neste trecho é que a comparação estabelecida entre os estados unidos e o brasil em questões educacionais é feita, de acordo com o jornal, pelo próprio ministro, o que é bastante plausível se levarmos em consideração o que já foi afirmado anteriormente: muitos políticos brasileiros se tornaram amigos de missionários protestantes e também adotaram a perspectiva de que uma aproximação com a nação confederada traria mais benefícios (como a modernização educacional) ao brasil. rosalind thomas ( , p. - ), desconfiou da associação direta entre letramento e civilização e perguntou: "até que ponto o letramento é um agente de mudança?". segundo a autora, é muito cômoda e incorreta a "correlação entre valores ocidentais, modernidade, desenvolvimento econômico e letramento." concordo com todas essas observações. uma afirmação, em particular, me chama atenção (p. ): a busca do letramento tem muitas vezes uma função religiosa totalmente desvinculada dos ideais de progresso econômico ou cultural. isso sugere que suas aplicações e usos podem ser tão variados quanto a cultura humana. (...) o princípio por trás disso era o ideal luterano de que todos tinham de ser capazes de ler a palavra de deus por si mesmos. ele pode ter tido outros efeitos colaterais, mas as metas e conseqüências imediatas eram religiosas (e protestantes). no que concerne à instalação do protestantismo no brasil, entretanto, todo o processo de incentivo à leitura e de estímulo à modernização da educação brasileira demonstra que para aqueles homens, o letramento da população brasileira estava, sim, revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações vinculado aos ideais de progresso. obviamente, nos dias atuais, saber ler e escrever já não é requisito indispensável à prática religiosa protestante, tome-se como exemplo os grupos pentecostais e neo-pentecostais, que valorizam muito mais aspectos místicos da relação com o sagrado. no século xix, contudo, aquele "ideal luterano" foi ressignificado pelos líderes protestantes no brasil. não se estimulava a leitura "apenas" para que o fiel pudesse exercer a prática da livre interpretação das escrituras; havia também a expectativa de que as sociedades se tornassem mais sadias, moralizadas, modernas, e civilizadas pelo "poder do conhecimento"; o trabalho manual seria mais valorizado e, por conseqüência, mais produtivo. este é o ideal apresentado pel'a imprensa evangélica, em de agosto de : o trabalho dirigido pela inteligência constrói nossas casas, pontes, caminhos de ferro, navios; fabrica nossos relógios, pianos, imprensa; em uma palavra, engendra a civilização. a educação eleva o trabalhador: quando ele for tão instruído e tão bem educado como as classes não sujeitas a trabalhos manuais, gozará da mesma consideração. cincinato lavrando seu campo, franklyn compondo em sua tipografia, hugh miller trabalhando o granito em uma pedreira, não eram inferiores a ninguém, ao menos aos olhos daqueles cuja estima vale alguma coisa. a instrução não inspira desamor ao trabalho: incita a fazer cumprir pela máquina a parte do trabalho que só exige força. dizem: 'mas se todos os homens forem instruídos, quem trabalhará?' a resposta é simples: – todos. somente a maior parte dos trabalhos serão executados (sic) por forças naturais, dirigidas pelo espírito humano, e pelas forças musculares da humanidade. a instrução conduz-nos ao bem estar, porque 'knowledge is power, porque ciência é potência e a potência gera riqueza.' a instrução aumenta nossas fruições, nossa ventura. o ignorante apenas conhece os grosseiros gozos corporais, efêmeros prazeres, aliás compensados pela necessidade, que é sofrimento. o homem ilustrado goza das belezas da natureza e das artes, da poesia, da música, do comércio intelectual com seus semelhantes, da permuta dos sentimentos nobres, prazeres estes duráveis, e tanto mais vivazes quanto mais divididos, tanto mais isentos de dissabor, quanto mais puros e dignos de uma alma imortal. (grifos meus) e em de novembro de : o protestantismo é o verdadeiro amigo da instrução, sempre a favorece e protege, e isso com o único fim de desenvolver a nova geração segundo as regras do evangelho, e de habilitá-la a bem preencher os deveres que a aguardam. revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações É importante destacar que as atividades literárias, bem como a utilização da imprensa foram aliadas importantíssimas para alimentar a idéia de que os protestantes eram os guardiões da liberdade de expressão e de ideologia religiosa, reivindicação que contou com a colaboração de homens como o deputado francisco leite de bittencourt sampaio ( - ), de acordo com david vieira (p. - ) um homem de letras altamente influenciado pela literatura anglo-saxônica, adepto do espiritismo e um dos primeiros a lutar pela causa comum com os protestantes da inteira liberdade de culto. além do periódico a imprensa evangélica, também foram criados outros jornais em outras cidades do brasil, como o púlpito evangélico ( - / - ), que compilava os sermões dos pastores; o pregador cristão ( - ); salvação de graça ( - ), o primeiro periódico protestante do nordeste; e o estandarte ( - dias atuais), que se tornou o órgão oficial da igreja presbiteriana independente do brasil, criada em . o conteúdo central dessas publicações era basicamente o mesmo: apresentar as vantagens da adoção da "verdadeira religião" e os erros da religião oficial. de acordo com alderi souza de matos ( , p. ): o protestantismo era um movimento de origem estrangeira, anglo- saxônica, que buscava espaço num país de tradição latina e católica romana. o fato de que o brasil era, há séculos, um país nominalmente cristão, tornava imperioso que os novos grupos justificassem sua presença no país. daí o fato de grande parte das publicações ter o intuito de demonstrar as debilidades da religião majoritária e os valores tidos como superiores, tanto religiosos quanto éticos, das igrejas evangélicas. essa mentalidade era partilhada pelos presbiterianos. no que se refere às instituições de ensino propriamente ditas, o mesmo autor, em outro texto ( , p. ), mostra a diferenciação básica que se fez entre as escolas "dominicais" e as escolas "paroquiais", ainda que ambas, em princípio, fossem construídas ao lado dos templos religiosos. nas primeiras, o ensino era eminentemente voltado para assuntos de religião, estudos da bíblia e teologia, e tinha como público os filhos dos fiéis membros das igrejas. zózimo trabuco ( , p. - ) fez uma análise do significado da escola dominical para os grupos protestantes, em especial os batistas: a escola bíblica dominical (ebd) foi desde o início um instrumento fundamental para a construção da identidade religiosa dos fiéis entre os protestantes, em especial os batistas. a ebd era fundamental enquanto escola porque a educação constituía-se um valor revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações importante no pensamento missionário como elemento evangelizador e civilizatório. era importante por ser bíblica, ou seja, voltada principalmente ao estudo dos textos bíblicos que fundamentavam as crenças batistas e a visão de mundo do grupo sobre a sociedade. e por ser dominical, uma vez que a guarda do domingo de acordo com a interpretação batista do quarto mandamento, era a evidência de uma vida genuinamente cristã, e o descumprimento injustificado desse mandamento era motivo de disciplina e até exclusão. assim como entre católicos e demais grupos protestantes o domingo, dia da ressurreição de cristo, foi interpretado pelos batistas como “o sábado cristão”, enquanto os adventistas do sétimo dia guardavam o sábado de acordo com a interpretação literal do quarto mandamento, mas todos usavam o mesmo texto para ensinar a guarda do dia de repouso e consagração aos serviços religiosos. as escolas paroquiais, contudo, tinham o objetivo de alcançar famílias de pessoas que não eram ligadas às denominações protestantes; ensinavam matérias como língua portuguesa, história, etiqueta, música, etc.; tinham mulheres ensinando; e tinham um programa voltado para a valorização do trabalho nos moldes do pragmatismo americano, representando uma alternativa às famílias abastadas que não queriam colocar seus filhos em escolas católicas e confiavam na melhor qualidade do ensino protestante. paul pierson ( , p. ) faz uma lista dos alvos das instituições educacionais missionárias, que corroboram com a idéia de ter a melhoria da educação como uma bandeira protestante que geraria frutos não só "espirituais", mas também morais, sociais e culturais: auxiliar na propagação do evangelho, especialmente entre as classes superiores; preparar os crentes para viverem em um nível econômico mais elevado, o que lhes permitiria sustentar a igreja e exercer maior influência na sociedade; proporcionar um ambiente educacional de nível espiritual e moral mais elevado do que o encontrado nas escolas públicas e católicas; preparar líderes para a igreja; e contribuir de maneira geral para a cultura e o progresso da nação ensinando os alunos a usarem seus recursos de modo mais eficiente. em um dos primeiros relatórios escritos por francis joseph christopher schneider, o primeiro missionário presbiteriano a trabalhar em salvador, há a informação de que ele e sua mulher começaram a ensinar alguns meninos a ler em sua própria casa, ainda no mesmo ano em que chegaram à cidade. ele diz, em de agosto de : minha mulher há quase um ano estabeleceu uma pequena escola de alguns meninos e meninas que costumam reunir duas vezes na semana e aos domingos para estudar a bíblia, o breve catecismo e o revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações catecismo para meninos, aprendendo alguns a ler, o número dos discípulos varia de a . esse modelo, ainda um tanto quanto híbrido, que mesclava a educação religiosa com o ensino da leitura, não surtiu muito efeito em salvador, que só construiria um colégio presbiteriano, mas de forte tendência laica, já no século xx. já no interior do estado da bahia, muitos esforços no sentido de civilizar a população foram feitos pela denominação presbiteriana. ester fraga villas boas carvalho do nascimento ( , p. ) afirma que o projeto civilizador presbiteriano para o hinterland brasileiro possuía três eixos de ação: religião, educação e saúde. criando instituições nas três áreas, os mensageiros de deus pretendiam transformar o hinterland brasileiro numa região 'civilizada', procurando produzir um novo modo de viver na sociedade em que se estabeleceram. e a educação serviria de veículo para a implementação de sua proposta. para complementar estas informações, há um relato de um missionário batista que indica a explícita conexão feita pelas lideranças protestantes entre o investimento na educação e a proselitismo: É simplesmente impossível que a religião evangélica concorra com o catolicismo sem se munir do poder e da influência da educação. cada sistema tem a sua ideologia e as suas vantagens. nós evangélicos, estamos plenamente convencidos da superioridade dos nossos ideais, mas o povo culto em geral não aceita o evangelho antes de ficar convencido da superioridade da cultura evangélica. (grifo meu) afinal de contas a evangelização do brasil implica no conflito dos dois sistemas e o resultado dependerá da possibilidade de demonstrar a superioridade do cristianismo evangélico. não será fácil no brasil onde a vantagem do treinamento de séculos está com os católicos. os ideais, o modo de pensar, as instituições políticas e domésticas, os costumes e hábitos sociais do povo, o coletivismo social, são influenciados e formados pela religião católica, e naturalmente existem entre os próprios evangélicos os princípios de democracia e individualismo. (...) É justamente no campo da educação que o evangelho produz os seus frutos seletos e superiores, homens preparados para falar com poder à consciência nacional. (crabtree: . - pp.) revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações um parêntesis importante: a educação da mulher o periódico a imprensa evangélica também contribuiu para uma discussão acerca da educação das mulheres, pois elas eram as educadoras por excelência no seio familiar; sua influência sobre a formação do caráter infantil era de tamanha importância que já não poderiam ser mais ignorantes, supersticiosas ou alienadas. o seu papel era colaborar para que as futuras gerações se apegassem ao amor ao trabalho, ao progresso e à moralização da sociedade, segundo o jornal. uma série de artigos foi publicada tratando desse assunto, entretanto, o que chama atenção é o caráter ainda bastante conservador dado ao propósito pelo qual as mulheres deveriam ser educadas. a esfera da família nunca é abandonada. nestas palavras do ex-padre e primeiro pastor protestante brasileiro, josé manoel da conceição, escritas em de dezembro de , esta idéia se torna bastante clara: com o aperfeiçoamento do ensino, e o desenvolvimento da educação, espera-se procriar uma geração melhor do que foi a de outrora. o muito que nos métodos seguidos até aqui, muito principalmente quanto aos meninos, faltava, o muito que por outro lado era supérfluo, ou menos necessário, bem como os inconvenientes e absurdos respectivamente ao tratamento dos alunos, tem excitado a atenção e reflexão dos homens filantrópicos e inteligentes. (…) os progressos dos povos em experiências, descobertas e várias ciências contribuíram principalmente para a necessidade do melhoramento do ensino público da mocidade, para que o tempo de compreender tantas coisas dignas de se saber, de granjear tão vários conhecimentos úteis e necessários na vida civil, não seja muito limitado, ou fique com esforços e fadigas de aprender amargurada a idade mais prazenteira, e descuidadosa da vida humana, primitivamente consagrada ao desenvolvimento das forças do corpo. mas, a força adestrada, a variedade das faculdades, riqueza dos vários conhecimentos, que hoje em dia não podem faltar ao homem em todas as condições do mundo social, são mais indispensáveis à mulher. os requisitos do homem de hoje, visto que o campo de todas as artes, ofícios, negócios, ramos do comércio, ciências e outras precisões, se aumentou, tornaram-se mais amplos do que foram anteriormente. porém a mulher conservou ainda as mesmas relações para com o mundo e a vida, que teve nos tempos remotos. o círculo e o gênero das obrigações da mulher demarcadas pelas eternas leis da natureza, em nada se aumentou nem diminuiu. revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações não obstante isto, julgava-se dever promover a civilização feminina, e aperfeiçoar o ensino desse sexo. também esta tendência era louvável, e o será enquanto a instrução se limitar àquilo que convém ao destino natural da mulher. esposa amorosa, companheira alegre, mãe cuidadosa da casa, primeira ama da mocidade, eis aí o emprego da mulher. (grifo meu) a idéia central do texto do pastor é a crítica às instituições dedicadas exclusivamente ao ensino de meninas, em regime de internato. para ele, esse tipo de escola privava as meninas de um tipo de aprendizado que seria fundamental para o cumprimento de seu papel na sociedade: o de esposa e mãe cuidadosa; a vida doméstica era a escola da mulher, de onde ela não deveria ser retirada. a convivência e o serviço a pais, avós, irmãos, seria seu exercício diário e despertaria a sua verdadeira natureza, algo que não aconteceria se a menina ficasse durante anos somente convivendo com outras meninas, sem experimentar a realidade da vida em família. outro texto que chama atenção no jornal é escrito por uma mulher declaradamente católica, mas que rejeita o ultramontanismo e a superstição, segundo ela, exacerbada de alguns setores da igreja. amélia c. da silva couto, que escreveu para o jornal colombo, de onde a imprensa transcreveu o artigo intitulado a mulher e a religião, em de setembro de , É evidentemente sabido que a mulher é a base primordial da família e conseqüentemente da sociedade. a ela é que está afeta a obrigação de preparar os cidadãos, por isso que é mãe e como tal educadora. desde que a mulher seja ignorante, viciosa, fanática ou supersticiosa, educará pessimamente os filhos e péssima será a sociedade em que influírem eles. a crença religiosa, seja ela qual for, é uma necessidade para o espírito feminino, na nossa idade, mas essa crença deve ser aquela que brota espontânea no coração, como as flores silvestres na agrura dos campos incultos; é necessário que seja a crença sem fanatismo, sem superstição, que é o que abate o espírito. É necessário demonstrarmos que não somos essas estúpidas, essas fracalhonas, que, como dizem os homens, deixam-se facilmente iludir, deixam-se escravizar. a mulher de hoje também estuda, também pensa, sabendo conhecer o que é útil e o que é mau para a família. ela também quer o progresso, também quer o engrandecimento da humanidade, pela realização das idéias modernas. (grifo meu) revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações a preocupação da autora foi mobilizar as mulheres que leriam o artigo a não se deixarem mais controlar por artifícios como a confissão, que dariam aos padres o controle sobre a opinião feminina, e lembrar que o pior inimigo das mentes ilustradas era a superstição, que subjugava as mentes e os espíritos da época, segundo ela. em de março de , outro artigo sobre a educação feminina foi publicado pela imprensa. numa espécie de manual para a formação do caráter das moças, o autor (não identificado) lista uma série de medidas a serem tomadas pelos pais para garantir que suas filhas se tornassem o "impulso" para o progresso e modernização da sociedade brasileira, que, como já disse, foi a bandeira levantada pelos protestantes ao longo de sua fase proselitista no século xix. É uma lista bastante longa, que enfatiza a responsabilidade paterna para com a educação moral das meninas no seio da família: apenas a menina tiver atingido sete anos, deve-se ir ensinando a ler e escrever. À leitura se deve juntar a moral, amor ao trabalho, amor fraternal, amor filial, qual a importância da economia doméstica. todos os dias devem as mães e os pais, como os mestres, ir conduzindo pacientemente o espírito da menina para estes princípios, com a teoria como a prática, a fim de formar-se o coração nobre da moça. uma menina educada com doutrinas morais, com o costume do trabalho até a idade de anos, ficará preparada para o necessário da vida e para o belo. (…) só por estes dois meios – moralidade e instrução superior, é que a moça chegará ao império das boas qualidades, impondo-se à consideração da sociedade que aprecia o bom e o belo. juntando-se à educação doméstica e moral a instrução superior, teremos moças com a energia capaz de resistir às desatenções prejudiciais à reputação daquelas que querem primar pela moral. a moça pode ser amável, dedicada, conversar agradavelmente com todos que privam com ela, porque com estas qualidades é que privará a efetividade do sexo, é que nobilitará a família e fará certamente a glória de sua pátria. a planta quando é nova presta-se a amoldar-se à vontade do cultivador, assim é a moça que, para ser virtuosa, ou moça assisada, deve ser preparada desde a infância. o que será de uma menina de temperamento próprio para assomos grosseiros e inquietudes, de desvanecimento para o luxo, se não tiver uma educação moral exemplar, se não se infiltrar no espírito juvenil a necessidade do trabalho, da economia, de docilidade, da paciência e do estudo das letras? revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações quando as moças compreenderem que devem elevar-se pelas virtudes e pelo cultivo da inteligência, serão o mecanismo delicado que há de mover a sociedade pela síntese do progresso humano, sendo o belo sexo parte do impulso. (grifo meu) o último texto sobre esse assunto que quero mencionar (e que também é escrito por uma mulher) é bastante característico do que tenho dito até agora. a constância desse tema no periódico, contendo textos escritos pelas próprias mulheres, indica que o incentivo para uma atenção especial para com a educação feminina visava não a sua emancipação, ou sua participação mais ativa na sociedade, muito menos a igualdade entre os sexos, mas tinha, eminentemente, o objetivo de transformar as futuras mães e esposas em mestras dentro do domicílio, transferindo para elas e através delas os valores a serem cultivados pelos futuros trabalhadores. enquanto o brasil não se mobilizava por construir mais escolas e atender a um número maior de indivíduos, preparando-os para um futuro modernizador, às mães caberia o papel de disseminadoras deste ideal. e elas mereciam uma educação mais acurada porque seriam responsáveis também pela moralização daqueles indivíduos, desde a sua infância, pelo poder da sua persuasão. o texto de maria amélia vaz de carvalho é forte e claro, ainda que conservador educar a mulher é arrancá-la na infância ao seu berço fofo e tépido de beijos, e levá-la por caminho de uma majestade austera que ela nunca criou. É prepará-la para a grande luta moral que é a vida, com os cuidados com que esparta, a guerreira cidade antiga, preparava os seus filhos para a luta do corpo, para a vitória da destreza física. É associá-la pela compreensão e pela simpatia a todos os trabalhos e investigações do homem moderno; é dar-lhe ao lado deste um lugar honroso e definido, não igual, pois que são diversas as atribuições de ambos mas equivalente em direitos e em deveres. É fazer-lhe compreender bem claro que as seduções do corpo – seu orgulho supremo e seu constante desvanecimento – quando não são reflexo da formosura e da robustez da alma, não passam de um laço ignóbil, armado ao animal maléfico e bravio que todo o homem encerra em si. educar a mulher [é] levá-la a compenetrar-se do seu papel providencial na família, e achá-la grande, útil, elevada, digna de saciar as mais levantadas ambições, e também – o que é de uma importância capital – de pesar como uma responsabilidade tremenda no ânimo mais altivo. revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações É dar-lhe uma idéia perfeita do dever e da justiça, um ideal a que tendam incessantemente as aspirações do seu espírito, uma religião que a hipocrisia e os cálculos interesseiros não maculem nem amesquinhem, que se resuma para ela no sacrifício sem voluptuosidades dissolventes e amor sem êxtases histéricos e sem raptos de paixão sensual. não basta, porém, exprimir tudo que se ousa esperar da mulher de amanhã, é preciso também lançar um olhar demorado e justo ao que é a mulher de hoje. só assim poderão compreender-se os erros que é preciso desarraigar, os preconceitos que é indispensável destruir, a distância enorme que temos de transpor para chegar ao momento da sua completa e salutar transformação. o que se pode inferir, também, é que ao publicar os textos sobre e destas mulheres, sendo que uma era declaradamente católica, os líderes protestantes apresentavam a sua religião como aquela que daria às brasileiras a oportunidade de uma espécie de ascensão, de visibilidade, tornando-as as "musas" inspiradoras do progresso no brasil, bem como as militantes no lar da modernização do ainda império. o protestantismo, segundo eles, poderia resgatar as mulheres da obscuridade e ignorância. considerações finais os dados apresentados ao longo deste trabalho objetivam ampliar as discussões que têm sido feitas a respeito dos desdobramentos da inserção protestante na cultura e na sociedade brasileira. são incursões que começam a partir de anseios da elite, como uma legislação de cunho mais liberal, que garantisse a abertura do sistema jurídico do brasil aos imigrantes que trabalhariam já na nova ordem econômica mundial – o trabalho livre assalariado, bem como trariam ao brasil mão-de-obra mais "qualificada" e preparada tecnicamente para construir uma nação moderna aos moldes das grandes nações como a norte-americana. logo, os líderes e órgão de comunicação protestantes assumiram a postura de combatentes da instituição da escravidão no brasil, também tomada como uma das causas de atraso e desmoralização da nação. um aspecto tão característico da sociedade brasileira do século xix também foi polêmico para as comunidades protestantes, que se viam, por vezes, encurraladas entre o discurso e a prática anti-escravistas. revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações contudo, um cuidado mais que especial foi dado às questões relativas à educação no brasil. diversos textos aqui apresentados demonstram a preocupação que os missionários tinham em melhorar as condições educacionais tanto para fazer valer sua máxima de livre interpretação das escrituras quanto como instrumento de modernização do brasil. na exposição dos documentos pesquisados, a ênfase foi dada aos projetos de educação da mulher, que retificavam a sua posição de mãe e esposa, só que incumbidas da missão de educar seus filhos pelos parâmetros da busca do progresso e da moralização da sociedade. elas seriam as militantes desse ideal dentro da família. assim, meu objetivo aqui foi apresentar novos dados que colaboram para explicar os meios pelos quais a propaganda protestante foi se difundindo no brasil: identificando problemas e apresentando "soluções", buscando aliados desde entre os políticos liberais até as "mães de família", criando escolas, discursando sobre o progresso da nação e estabelecendo uma associação direta entre o protestantismo e a nova fase de modernização proposta para o brasil. referÊncias fontes periódico a imprensa evangélica, de julho de . vol. vi, nº ; de dezembro de , de março de , de agosto de . ano ix, nº ; de novembro de . ano xi, nº ; de novembro de . ano xv, nº ; de setembro de . ano xvi, nº ; de dezembro de . ano xvi, nº ; de outubro de . vol. xix, nº ; de outubro de . vol. xxi, nº ; de março de . vol. xxii, nº . arquivo histórico presbiteriano. são paulo. relatório de francis joseph christopher schneider. disponível em http://www.executivaipb.com.br/museu/relatorios/schneider/schneider.htm. acessado em de maio de . bibliográficas carvalho, marcus j. m. de. “‟fácil é serem sujeitos, de quem já foram senhores‟: o abc do divino mestre”, afro-Ásia, no. ( ), pp. - . leonÁrd, Émile. o protestantismo brasileiro: estudo de eclesiologia e história social. ed. são paulo e rio de janeiro: juerp/aste, . revista brasileira de história das religiões. anpuh, ano iii, n. , mai. - issn - http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao - comunicações machado, m. h. p. t.. a ciência norte-americana visita a amazônia: entre o criacionismo cristão e o poligenismo degeneracionista. revista usp, v. , p. - , . matos, alderi souza de. os pioneiros presbiterianos do brasil. são paulo: cultura cristã, ______________________ o colégio protestante de são paulo: um estudo de caso sobre o lugar da educação na estratégia missionária da igreja. fides reformata (são paulo), são paulo, v. iv, n. , p. - , . ______________________ a atividade literária dos presbiterianos no brasil. fides reformata (são paulo), v. xii, p. - , . nascimento, ester fraga vilas-bôas carvalho do. norte-americanos na bahia: o projeto civilizador dos missionários presbiterianos. revista da faced, v. , p. - , . pazinatto, bianca carvalho; freitas, ella souza; ferreira, jorge luiz marques. relações entre brasil e estados unidos no século xix. relações internacionais no mundo atual. faculdade de ciências administrativas de curitiba. nº . . pierson, paul everett. a younger church in search of maturity: presbyterianism in brazil from to . san antonio, texas: trinity university press, . reily, duncan alexander. história documental do protestantismo no brasil. ed. são paulo: aste, . ribeiro, boanerges. protestantismo no brasil monárquico; - : aspectos culturais de aceitação do protestantismo no brasil. são paulo: pioneira, . rodrigues, cláudia. sepulturas e sepultamentos de protestantes como uma questão de cidadania na crise do império ( - ). revista de história regional. verão, p. - , . rosalind thomas. “letramento e oralidade”. in thomas. letramento e oralidade na grécia antiga. são paulo: odysseus editora, , p. - . trabuco, zózimo antônio passos. o instituto bíblico batista do nordeste e a construção da identidade batista em feira de santana - . dissertação de mestrado. . vieira, david gueiros. o protestantismo, a maçonaria e a questão religiosa no brasil. ª ed. brasília: universidade de brasília, . eso_ .. “deceptions have been practiced”: food standards as intellectual property in the missouri and ohio wine industries ( – ) andrew ventimiglia this article explores early twentieth-century debates about wine regulation in order to understand how emerging food standards could be mobilized in order to produce and protect value around particular geographical locales. ohio and missouri winemakers sought to protect their practices of “amelioration,” or the addition of sugar and water to acidic or foxy wines, by establishing the regulatory designation of “ohio and missouri wine” as separate from “wine.” in doing so, they turned food standards into a form of intellectual property mobilized to protect their practices and enhance the market value of ohio and missouri wines. conversely, they argued that “universal” wine standards were unduly preferen- tial to california wines. this compelling yet forgotten historical episode inverts the rationale behind geographical indications (a form of intellectual property designed to protect the intrinsic benefits of place) producing a unique argument for geographical protections based not on value but on lack. introduction in , the united states department of agriculture issued a report asserting that the consumer is “entitled to know the character of the product he buys.” for this reason, the report provided a legally bind- ing definition of wine as “the product made from the normal alcoholic fermentation of the juice of sound ripe grapes.” it continued: “the addition of water or sugar, or both, to the must prior to fermentation © the author [ ]. published by cambridge university press on behalf of the business history conference. all rights reserved. doi: . /eso. . andrew ventimiglia is assistant professor of mass media at illinois state university. contact information: illinois state university, school of communication, fell hall , campus box , normal, il . e-mail: amventi@ilstu.edu. the act being referred to was the pure food and drug act of . https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://doi.org/ . /eso. . mailto:amventi@ilstu.edu https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core is considered improper, and a product so treated should not be called ‘wine’ without further characterizing it.” today this report appears uncontroversial, crafting a neutral definition of its subject matter grounded in standards of purity put forth by the department of agri- culture in the early twentieth century. yet, for winemakers in ohio and missouri—producers that dominated american wine production dur- ing the mid-nineteenth century—this ruling was evidently discrimina- tory. rather than the product of objective analysis, the decision was instead considered the result of manipulation by california producers to secure a definition of wine that suited their practices and discrimi- nated against all the competing industries east of the rockies. ohio and missouri wine producers routinely practiced “ameliora- tion”: the addition of sugar and water in order to produce a palatable wine. they claimed that this practice was not a form of adulteration or fraud but rather a valuable technique for making wines from the natu- rally acidic but flavorful local grape varieties. these winemakers sought to protect amelioration by establishing the regulatory designa- tion of “ohio and missouri wine,” which would permit certain forms of manipulation necessitated by the unique characteristics of regional climate and geography. if unsuccessful, they claimed that the depart- ment of agriculture’s “universal” wine standards would severely dam- age midwestern producers’ livelihoods and limit their capacity to innovate. if successful, they would turn the techno-legal taxonomies of food regulatory law from obstacles into brands utilized to protect or enhance market value. in other words, they would turn food standards into a form of intellectual property. united states department of agriculture (usda), food inspection decision . this document and the others that make up most of the historical research presented in this article are from the food and drug administration collection (largely from a series titled “miscellaneous subject files, – ”) at the national archives at college park, maryland. see for instance, united states department of agriculture circulars, nos. and , standards of purity for food products, ( and ). circular no. was released on june , , just four days before theodore roosevelt signed the sweeping pure food and drug act into law. see the chapters on the wine techniques utilized by american wine pioneers nicholas longworth and george husmann in pinney, the makers of american wine. on eighteenth and nineteenth century practices of wine manipulation in europe, see goldberg, “acidity and power,” – ; gough, “winecraft and chemistry,” – . in this respect, the wine regulations shared similarities with debates around the department of agriculture’s seed distribution program at the same time. see cooke, “‘who wants white carrots?’” one of the few articles dealing similarly with the interrelation between food and drug law and intellectual property is swanson, “food and drug law as intel- lectual property law.” ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core more specifically, ohio and missouri winemakers sought to use food regulatory law as a geographical indication: a form of intellectual prop- erty designed to protect the names of goods wherein the quality of that good is attributable to its geographical origin. except, rather than acknowledging the unique terroir of ohio and missouri wines, this new regulatory category was necessitated because of the wine’s lack of quality. in other words, ohio and missouri wines were uniquely terrible, and as such, needed a special legal category that allowed them to chemically manipulate their wine in ways otherwise denied by the pure food and drug act. for a wine to be called an ohio or missouri wine, it had to reflect its makers’ commitment to the region and native grapes, whose acidic, foxy, and unpalatable flavors generated the need to ameliorate them. this chapter in american history is important because it provides critical context for understanding how california winemakers became dominant players in the contemporary american wine industry. they earned their success not simply by offering a superior product but also by effectively maneuvering at the level of national policy and regula- tion. the arguments marshalled by californians and other producers allied against the ohio and missouri wine interests highlight the com- plex economic and scientific stakes of the legal standardization pro- cess. at one level, their argument was relatively straightforward: national standards had to be established and enforced both as a mech- anism for protecting the consumer and to ensure that the market for wine was uniform across state jurisdictions. at another level, this claim strategically tapped into deeper concerns about the production of legal standards and its relation to scientific knowledge and systems of clas- sification. if the department of agriculture adopted the approach of creating different legal standards based on scientifically valid differ- ences in regional soil, climate, and variety, it risked opening itself up to a potential fragmentation of legal standards based on any number of differences in product. this result would render the consumer’s capac- ity to compare goods within one particular market increasingly diffi- cult, because the midwestern producers essentially claimed that their wine and those wines produced in california were ontologically differ- ent things. because of these complexities, the conflict over wine regulation provides insights into a tumultuous and formative era for the regulation this is a rough paraphrase of the definition of geographical indications provided in article ( ) of the wto agreement on trade related aspects of intel- lectual property rights ( ). for the complexities of the label and its role in the supply chain—with a particular focus on wine—see duguid, “information in the mark” and “developing the brand.” food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core of food and drugs in the united states. debates about the regulation of ohio and missouri wines serve as a microcosm for a range of broader disputes enacted across state and federal levels about the nature and suitability of american food regulation, the place of science and ana- lytic chemistry in determining food standards, and the degree to which regulation might be tolerated even as it depressed or altered the com- petitive practices of a growing industrial food economy. these debates required governmental and corporate actors to utilize a range of rhe- torical strategies in order to shape the production and implementation of food regulation, moving from the staid language of analytic chemis- try as presented in department of agriculture enological reports to the inflammatory rhetoric of trade war leveraged by various producers against the california wine industry. one need only look to contem- porary conflicts around the regulatory definition of milk and meat to understand how the issues present in this historical account continue today. by attending to food standards as intellectual property, i emphasize that, although the subject of these debates was wine—its production, composition, and sale—the product label constituted the primary object of regulation. ohio and missouri wine producers carefully constructed, arranged, and designed their wine labels based on the countervailing demands of effective advertising and branding logics on one hand and legal regulation on the other. these labels were care- fully read by regulators (if not by consumers) in relation to the chemical analysis of products to determine whether or not “deceptions had been practiced.” regulators’ fear of impurity at the chemical level was mir- rored in an equal concern with semiotic “impurity” in the label, in which various product claims (grape variety, location of origin, brand, production style) lacked a uniformity that would make them properly legible to consumers. the wine label posed a threat to regulators as it displayed the degree to which the ideal jurisdictional separation of trademark, mislabeling, and food regulatory law failed to operate or was subject to manipulation by savvy wine producers: scientific impu- rities matched by the ever-present specter of legal impurity. the literature on the emergence of food regulation in the early twentieth century is extensive. useful overviews of this era include coppin and high, politics of purity; smith-howard, pure and modern milk; young, pure food. for a similar instance of rhetorical complexity surrounding food regulation, see freidberg, “triumph of the egg,” which focuses on debates about the suitability and effects of refrigeration on the egg market. belz, “as regulators ponder food labels.” the label has historically occupied an indeterminate status in intellectual property law, sometimes regulated as an object subject to copyright law, sometimes trademark, and sometimes a sui generis object of legal regulation. rosen, “reimagin- ing bleistein,” . ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core this article tracks the history of ohio and missouri wine regulation through three distinct phases in the early twentieth century. the first phase involved the emergence of wine regulation following the passage of the pure food and drug act of and continues to the point at which ohio and missouri wines were given a unique legal classifica- tion in the department of agriculture’s food inspection decision ( ). this decision was promptly challenged, and the hearings following its implementation led to a second phase beginning with the passage of food inspection decision ( ). this decision deter- mined that any amount of wine amelioration was impermissible, a ruling that posed a significant threat to ohio and missouri wine inter- ests. the third phase involved lobbying efforts by both midwestern and california producers to establish a stable definition of wine in the revenue act of . the congressional debates surrounding the bill restaged many of the arguments presented over the previous ten years but further highlighted the opinion of some that california wine inter- ests were unilaterally shaping federal wine standards. pure food law and the legal classification of ohio and missouri wines the missouri and ohio wine industries emerged as two of the leading areas in early american viticulture. ohio producers, following pio- neer nicholas longworth, developed wine from local american varie- ties and built a robust wine culture centered on cincinnati, considered to be the “rhineland of america.” wine production along the banks of the missouri river soon followed, maturing in the mid- s under the guidance of german immigrant george husmann. these early innovators exemplified those vignerons, described by historian erica hannickel, who believed in the promotion of american terroir as a mechanism for broader national and international legitimation. they for comprehensive surveys of the history of the missouri wine industry, see brown, “a history of the weinbau”; poletti, “an interdisciplinary study.” see also stiles, “how the missouri wine industry first took root.” pinney, the makers of american wine, – . see also pinney, a history of wine in america, – . the missouri wine industry reached its peak around , at which point— according to the u.s. census of manufactures—missouri winemakers made over percent of the national wine industry and sold roughly one million dollars of prod- uct. cited in poletti, “an interdisciplinary study,” , – . hannickel convincingly argues that ohio “should have a higher profile in the history of fruit- and grape-growing, alongside the better-known centers of new york and california.” hannickel, empire of vines, . for terroir as a mechanism of national legitimation, see guy, when champagne became french. food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core invested in the development of new techniques of cultivation and winemaking while also establishing an american market for wine con- sumption by turning unused land into scenic vineyards suitable for upper-class tourists and simultaneously selling home-consumed wine to the influx of european immigrants entering the country between and . both states also depended on this (largely german) immigrant pop- ulation as a resource for both labor and winemaking techniques to develop their local practices. the ohio wine industry established its reputation with the native catawba grape, which produced a white sparkling wine that sold suc- cessfully beyond the local cincinnati market. nicholas longworth aimed to develop this dry sparkling wine as “a pure article having the peculiar flavor of our native grape,” even as he employed the traditional french méthode champenoise (with a dose of sugar added after first fermentation) in its production. meanwhile, the missouri industry experimented with a wider range of native grapes including the isa- bella, norton, and concord. the norton in particular—a black grape that yielded a dark and astringent wine—caught on in american mar- kets alongside the popular catawba, which was also grown across the missouri valley. missouri winemakers prospered well into the s by selling wine, as well as cuttings, across the state and into illinois and kansas. although these midwestern environments were suitable for wine- making—as evidenced by the widespread growth of wild native vitis labrusca vines—the humidity and variability of climate made grapes susceptible to rot, mildew, and poor growing seasons resulting from spring frosts or summer sunburn. ohio and missouri winemakers adapted by introducing techniques to counteract the naturally occur- ring defects in their harvests. longworth improved his catawba wines by adding large quantities of sweeter scuppernong juice from north carolina. meanwhile, husmann embraced the methods of ludwig gall who pioneered a method of amelioration known as “gallization.” hannickel, empire of vines, – . pinney, the makers of american wine, – ; pinney, a history of wine in america, – ; brown, “a history of the weinbau,” . pinney, a history of wine in america, . in addition to similarities in climate and geography, the ohio and missouri wine industries were linked in other ways. for instance, some wines made in her- mann, missouri, were sent up to longworth in ohio while ohio winemakers shipped their own product downstream to st. louis. as pinney notes, companies like the missouri wine company advertised a sparkling catawba that was likely ohio wine. see pinney, a history of wine in america, – , . poletti, “an interdisciplinary study,” . pinney, the makers of american wine, . ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core thistechnique involved theadditionof watertoreducethewine’sacidity and sugar, thus raising its alcohol content during fermentation. this practice differed from “chaptalization,” which solely involved the addi- tion of sugar to grape musts in order to increase a wine’s alcohol content. because gallization could significantly increase yield, it was thought by many european vignerons to be a form of cheating. however, historian thomas pinney writes that husmann understood these modifications not asadulterations,muchlessasdeceptivepractices,butratheras“enhance- ments of otherwise deficient material.… what would you rather have [husmann] asked: a ‘natural’ wine that was simply undrinkable, or an ‘artificial’ wine that was at least tolerable?” husmann considered galli- zation a tool for creating a balanced wine no different from traditional techniques like pruning, harvesting, and aging. ohio and missouri producers acknowledged and defended wine amelioration for improving quality without sacrificing purity or authenticity. because techniques like gallization were developed in germany and designed to correct deficiencies caused by northern cli- mates, the practice could be interpreted as both scientifically progres- sive and historically grounded in german wine traditions. even as these winemakers developed relationships with agents and whole- salers who made ohio and missouri wine available in cities across the country, they still had to convince consumers that midwestern wines were of commensurate quality to both the california wine indus- try (which produced wines from the mediterranean vitis vinifera) and the european imports. pinney recounts a telling story in which husmann, the cultivation of the native grape, ; goldberg, “acidity and power,” – . pinney, the makers of american wine, . husmann’s broader attention to the value of balance is noted in matthews, terroir and other myths, . kevin goldberg describes how gallization was developed to improve wines grown in the mosel region, which were prone to high acidity. goldberg, “acidity and power,” – . the early popularity of these wines does raise a question: what did these wines taste like? pinney notes in his history of nicholas longworth that robust sales of catawba wine to his new york agent indicate that some people must have liked it (in addition to its advantage in price compared to european imports) even as some buyers might have been “moved by patriotic impulse.” however, reports on these wines from early travellers were mixed. frances trollope wrote in that “the very best [native wine] was miserable stuff,” whereas henry wadsworth longfellow famously wrote a poem in praise of “catawba wine made on the banks of the ohio river.” a different source—the enological study commissioned by the u.s. depart- ment of agriculture in —gives a separate indicator of taste. the author william alwood wrote that the various native species “can be grown with sufficient sugar content to make a fine, sound wine, but they are strongly acid.” pinney, the makers of american wine, ; alwood, bureau of chemistry–bulletin no. , . long- fellow’s poem is mentioned in robertson, little red book of wine law, xvii. food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core nicholas longworth overcame consumer preference for european wine by changing domestic wine labels. longworth claimed, “some of our best judges of hock have not been able to drink our still catawba, but when old hock labels have been put on our bottles, have not only been able to relish it, but led to pronounce it the best hock wine they ever drank.” pinney reports that “longworth had counterfeit german labels prepared with such mock designations as ‘ganz vorzüglicher’ (wholly superior) and ‘versichert’ (guaranteed).” by the start of the twentieth century, ohio and missouri wine pro- duction had been dwarfed by the cheaper and more consistent wines coming from california: a state that claimed over sixty percent of wine’s domestic market share by . the california wine industry—partly due to the efforts of missourian george husmann who traveled to california to share his expertise—flourished by taking advantage of the turmoil caused by the phylloxera crisis that decimated the nineteenth century european wine industry. as the phylloxera louse was destroying millions of acres of european vitis vinifera vineyards, california was growing vinifera grapes relatively untouched by the outbreak. these european style wines, originally developed by the franciscan missions, proved extremely profitable across the country and competed with midwestern and european wines. in comparison to ohio and missouri varieties, california wines tasted more like those immigrants may have been familiar with from home while also costing less than the imports. further, california wine merchants banded together to form the california wine association (cwa), thereby mak- ing them more adept at reaching a variety of markets and exerting their influence unilaterally over the nation’s wine trade. the cwa also adeptly utilized wine labels as a method of differen- tiating their product and effectively competing with imports sold by eastern wine merchants. instead of simply selling california wine to be mixed into undifferentiated blends, the cwa created an integrated enterprise with cellars in san francisco, where the wines were bottled pinney, the makers of american wine, . peter poletti provides relatively comprehensive statistics on various states’- wine production from – , demonstrating how missouri fell from its domi- nant position in (making up over percent of the market share of all national wine sales) to become just a fraction of the industry (roughly percent of the market) by . meanwhile, california witnessed a meteoric rise from over the same period, eventually capturing nearly percent of the market by . poletti, “an interdis- ciplinary study,” – . pinney also uses data from the california state board of agriculture to map this growth between to , from roughly million gallons of wine production in the state to a high of roughly million before the end of the century. pinney, a history of wine in america, . lukacs, american vintage, , – ; hannickel, empire of vines, – . lukacs, american vintage, . ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core and sold under the calwa brand. this brand was marked with state symbols, including the iconic california bear riding in a ship bearing the seal of california. california wine interests thus capitalized on broader industry trends toward the adoption of unified brand and labelling strategies in a rapidly growing and increasingly geographi- cally expansive consumer marketplace. even as the cwa rose to international prominence, a few key pro- ducers like missouri’s stone hill and ohio’s sweet valley wine com- pany remained competitive, and as such played an important role in their states’ economy and local politics. these producers were soon to find themselves at the center of heated national debates about the nature and definition of wine that drew them in direct battle with these powerful california wine interests. this conflict between midwestern and california wines also evoked questions about the nature and qual- ities of american terroir and its relation to wine labelling. the ensuing wine debates were enabled by a broader nationwide movement for pure food that culminated in the passage of the pure food and drug act. this groundbreaking legislation authorized the government to set enforceable standards to prevent adulteration or misbranding of any article of food or drug. it was the product of years of advocacy by a wide constellation of actors, including progressive reformers, temperance advocates, physicians, and journalists. these figures witnessed the growth of an increasingly industrialized food industry—of which the “beef trusts” of chicago were exemplars—that was unscrupulous in its business practices and had introduced scien- tific improvements (preservatives, canning, transport, and storage) per- ceived to be radically changing the nature and quality of food. an house committee report claimed the following: the rapid advance of chemical science has opened a wide doorway for compounding mixtures so nearly resembling nature’s products pinney, a history of wine in america, – . for the growth of branding in the american mass market, see strasser, sat- isfaction guaranteed. for a more broadly construed but important definition of american terroir and its place in the history of california wine, see trubek, the taste of place, – . united states statutes at large ( th cong., sess. i, chp. ): – . the act is officially referred to as “an act for preventing the manufacture, sale, or transportation of adulterated or misbranded or poisonous or deleterious food, drugs, medicines, and liquors, and for regulating traffic therein, and for other purposes.” for a comprehensive history of the pure food and drug act, with careful attention given to all the controversies around food adulteration that led to its passage, see young, pure food. another key faction that came out in support of the act were women’s groups like the national women’s christian temperance union and the general federation of women’s clubs. their influence on the act is chronicled in goodwin, the pure food, drink and drug crusaders. food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core that the senses are impotent to detect the difference.… not only are substances of less value commingled with those of greater, but such as are injurious to health, and we have no doubt often destructive of life, are freely used in manufacturing. the legitimacy of these concerns were disputed (particularly questions about how widespread adulteration was and which types of modifica- tion posed a health threat); nonetheless, they succeeded in generating significant public attention. the resulting pure food and drug act granted the department of chemistry (operating within the united states department of agriculture) the power to police the food industry by inspecting products and subjecting them to chemical analysis to determine if they were adulterated or mislabeled. whereas the enforcement of food standards sometimes involved keeping unsafe goods off the market, more often it required careful attention to how products were labeled. if, as lawrence busch writes, “standards are where language and world meet,” the primary site where this meeting occurs is on the product label. the legal determination of adulteration could thus only be made in relation to the name under which a product was being marketed and could be rectified not only by transforming production practices but also by changing the manner in which products were identified and labeled. even harvey washington wiley—the head of the department of chemistry and key figure in the passage of the pure food and drug act—admitted that it was often “entirely sufficient to place upon a food label the nature of any sub- stance which has been added … and leave to the consumer himself and his physician the determination of whether or not that substance is injurious to him.” quoted in young, pure food, . young covers this history, with a focus on the regulation of glucose and oleomargarine—the “twin brothers” of artificial foods—in his chapter “this greasy counterfeit” in pure food, – . the secondary literature on artificial foods, often with a focus on oleomargarine, is robust. see, for instance, chapter of smith- howard, pure and modern milk, – ; dupré, “'‘if it’s yellow, it must be butter,’” – ; strey, “the ‘oleo wars,’” – ; suval, “(not) like butter,” – ; deelstra, burns, and walker, “the adulteration of food,” – . the literature on food regulation and the meatpacking industry is too extensive to list here, but young’s chapter “the jungle and the meat-inspection amendments” covers the basics, – . see also pickavance, “gastronomic realism,” – . although, significantly, the pure food and drug act fell short of giving the secretary of agriculture full authority to establish legally binding food standards. the department could release its own definitions of various products, but the legal force of those definitions would have to be determined de novo each time a violation was identified. busch, standards, . young, pure food, . ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core before these developments, the department of agriculture had already printed and released circulars that established standards of purity for food products, including “fermented fruit juices.” although not legally binding, these standards guided state and federal officials as they prepared reports and conducted experiments. the definitions proffered by these publications created a bureaucratic foun- dation upon which the future enforcement of the pure food and drug act depended. any deviation beyond their specifications and limits rendered a particular food item “inferior or abnormal.” the circulars defined wine as “the product made by the normal alcoholic fermenta- tion of the juice of sound, ripe grapes, and the usual cellar treatment,” and specified a permissible range of alcohol content (not less than seven nor more than sixteen percent alcohol), quantity of sodium chlo- ride and potassium sulfate, and level of acidity. another circular issued in introduced variants on this general wine definition, including a category for “modified wine, ameliorated wine, corrected wine,” which was defined as the “product made by the alcoholic fermentation with the usual cellar treatment, of a mixture of the juice of sound, ripe grapes with sugar (sucrose).” the inclusion of ameliorated wine highlighted two important features of this emerging legal regime: first, adulterations that were not harmful to the consumer were permissible; and second, impure foods were allowed as long as they were correctly labeled. in other words, as harvey washington wiley claimed, “a pure food is what it is represented to be. it has nothing to do with its wholesomeness at all.” the primary object of these reforms then was not about the regulation of the substance of foods in isolation but was rather about, in the words of jason picka- vance, “establishing a correspondence between words and things.” the whole system of policing and analysis initiated by the pure food and drug act was at its foundation a “machinery for identification”: a means by which the government could ensure that labels “should truly represent their products” in the absence of the consumers’ independent ability to evaluate products themselves. usda, circular no. : standards for purity for food products; usda, circular no. : standards for purity for food products. united states congress, an act making appropriations for the department of agriculture for the fiscal year ending june thirtieth, nineteen hundred and four. usda, circular no. , . usda, circular no. , . the circular no. did not include this category but included a similar category of “sugar wine”: a product made by the addition of sugar to the juice of sound, ripe grapes prior to alcoholic fermentation. quoted in young, pure food, . pickavance, “gastronomic realism,” . ibid. the phrase “machinery for identification” was used by florence kelley, the founder of the national consumers league, who saw in the pure food and drug food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core these national standards were soon to be challenged as to their applicability across local markets and varying conditions of production and manufacture. on june , , a hearing was held by the secretary of agriculture and the board of food and drug inspection on the label- ling of ohio and missouri wines. this hearing involved evaluating how to apply the extant wine standards to the practices of ohio and missouri winemakers, all of whom ameliorated their wines without stating the nature and extent of that amelioration on their labels. this hearing resulted in food inspection decision (fid) , which confirmed the definition of wine established in the circulars and further clarified that “the addition of water or sugar, or both to the must prior to fermentation is considered improper, and a product so treated should not be called ‘wine’ without further characterizing it.” the decision did allow for wines to be made with the addition of sugar to the must (both to sweeten the wine and increase the alcohol content via fermentation) as long as they were labelled “sugar wine”; however, the decision did not carve out an exception for wines ameliorated with both sugar and water, the practice central to ohio and missouri wine production. this decision was soon superseded by food inspection decision . the department of agriculture delivered this decision after ohio and missouri winemakers protested fid for discriminating against their long-standing wine amelioration practices. these winemakers requested that a regulatory exception be made for ohio and missouri wines manufactured with the addition of sugar and water provided that they were “labelled, under the food and drugs act, as ‘ohio wine,’ or ‘missouri wine,’ respectively, without further qualification.” although the decision clarified that the previous decision’s definition of wine was correct, it nonetheless continued as follows: it has been found that it is impracticable on account of natural con- ditions of soil and climate, to produce a merchantable wine in the states of ohio and missouri without the addition of a sugar solution to the grape must before fermentation. this condition has recognition in the laws of the state of ohio, by which wine is defined to mean the act a powerful tool for consumer protection at a time when “the vast complications of modern production and distribution” made it increasingly difficult for the indi- vidual purchaser to “ascertain for himself whether the representation of the seller is accurate or not.” usda, food inspection decision . “memorandum on ohio wines,” (september , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. this memorandum provides a histor- ical overview of the circumstances leading up to the various food inspection deci- sions as well as a summary of the arguments posed by wine producers challenging or defending those decisions. usda,food inspectiondecision :thelabellingofohioandmissouri wines. ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core fermented juice of undried grapes, and it is provided that the addi- tion, within certain limits, of pure white or crystallized sugar to perfect the wine or the use of the necessary things to clarify and refine the wine, which are not injurious to health, shall not be construed as adulterations and that the resultant product may be sold under the name “wine.” these state-sanctioned wine production practices were permitted because some of the leading european wine-producing countries fol- lowed similar practices in order to “remedy the natural deficiency in sugar or alcohol, or an excess of acidity” in problematic vintages. methods of wine amelioration were indeed widely practiced across europe, albeit subject to varying levels of regulation. chaptalization had developed in the eighteenth century specifically to allow for the international transport of french wine that might otherwise spoil. as a method of preservation, chaptalization achieved a level of respectabil- ity that kept it from being regulated as a form of adulteration, even as other practices like “plastering” and “watering down” faced varying degrees of governmental scrutiny. meanwhile, gallization—the method directly adopted by george husmann in missouri—was invented in nineteenth century germany to rectify a crisis in the mosel valley in which vintners faced difficult climate conditions in nine of the ten years leading up to . although gallization was rendered illegal in , it was later made permissible again in order to correct “natural deficiencies.” a memorandum explaining fid also com- pared its labelling decision to wine laws in other european countries including switzerland (which permit amelioration under the designa- tion of “sugar wine” and “gallised wine”), hungary (which permit the addition of sugar during the vintage period in poor years), and others. the updated decision determined that local producers would be in compliancewithfederal labellingstandards, aslongas theseameliorated wines were labelled “ohio wine” or “missouri wine.” having linked ohio and missouri winemaking to traditional european practices, fid claimed, “itis conceived thatthere is nodifference inprincipletothe adding of sugar to must in poor years to improve the quality of the wine than in the adding of sugar to the must every year for the same purpose in ibid., . ibid., – . for a thorough analysis of various forms of wine adulteration in nineteenth century france, see stanziani, “information, quality and legal rules.” goldberg, “acidity and power,” . ibid., . “memorandum on ohio wines,” (september , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core localities where the grapes are always deficient.” in other words, because of the natural deficiencies of soil and climate in the midwest, ohio and missouri wines gained a unique legal status separate from wines as a general class of goods. ohio and missouri wines were wines that, of necessity, had to be chemically adjusted for quality. natural or true missouri or ohio wine was adulterated wine. this legal production of and protection for ohio and missouri wines is striking because the united states has historically been insensitive to legal protections for the labelling of products sourced from one specific locale—a variety of regulations generally clustered under the category of geographical indications of origin (or gis). at this time in the early twentieth century, there were few protections in place for gis anywhere in the world. even france had not yet fully established their system for protecting french wines—appellations d’origine contrôlées—although they had passed a law to combat fraudulently labelled wines. nonethe- less, the idea of terroir, through which an essential quality of a product can be attributed to the land on which it was made, was already avail- able as a rational for establishing and protecting the brand value of uniquely sourced wines. this rationale identified what justin hughes calls a “land/qualities nexus,” through which the unique qualities of a product are specifically attributable to its place of origin (the qualities of soil, climate, elevation, and quasi-magical intangibles that may not be easily scientifically identified) and so could not possibly be repli- cated elsewhere. although the united states was not actively engaged in creating gi protections for its products, its status as an importer (and imitator) of european wines was nonetheless critically important to the history and development of these regulations. kolleen guy and alice trubek argue usda, food inspection decision , . the united states currently protects gis as a signatory to the trips agree- ment ( ), although the united states patent and trademark office claims to have provided protection to foreign and domestic gis since at least . it protects them as a subset of trademarks—specifically as a certification mark or collective mark— rather than as a separate category of intellectual property law. certification marks can be used to “certify regional or other origin, material, mode of manufacture, quality, accuracy, or other characteristics of … goods or services.” see hughes, “champagne, feta, and bourbon,” – ; united states patent and trademark office, geographical indication protection in the united states. hughes, “champagne, feta, bourbon,” . ibid., . german laws also regulated place names but with a concern less for the essential qualities of land and product and more for the product’s reputation, if that reputation could be meaningfully linked to its place of origin. this tension is manifest the current european union distinction between protected geographical indications (pgi), which accommodate the german approach and protected desig- nations of origin (pdo), which more closely resemble the french approach. see gangjee, “melton mowbray and the gi pie in the sky,” – . ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core that terroir—used to explain agriculture for centuries—only became the foundation for a formal system of regulatory classifications when french products like champagne became valuable brands on an inter- national market. by the mid-nineteenth century, champagne had become one of france’s most profitable exports, even as domestic con- sumption remained largely unchanged. it was by valorizing the impor- tant combination of soil and grapes responsible for producing champagne that vignerons could protect their global reputation and defend against upstart competitors in burgeoning markets like the united states. this context suggests that wine producers in the united states would have been well aware of gi protections as a legal strategy for the protection of regional product value, particularly con- sidering they sought to capture that value through brand imitation and counterfeit production. recent scholars have also noted that gi protections were not solely grounded in terroir as a “land/quality” nexus but also designed to recognize the cultural, social, and political values and practices con- tributing to a products’ overall regional “brand” identity. for instance, as early as the classification of bordeaux wines, there were indications that this developing gi system did not necessarily exclude other forms of manipulation and human intervention that might work in tandem with products’ natural attributes in order to produce their essential qualities. the french regulatory body, the insti- tut national des appellations d’origine, determined not just the bound- aries for different wine-producing regions but also the conditions of production by mandating the varietals to be used, the natural alcohol content to be produced during vinification, the amount (if any) of irrigation deemed permissible, etc. the department of agriculture’s classification of ohio and missouri wines was no different. even though the land/quality nexus in this instance produced a net negative value (making highly acidic wines with low alcohol content subject to frequent mildew and rot), these natural properties, offset by “tradi- tional” regional production practices, produced a reputation for ohio and missouri wines that warranted its own labelling practices and legal protections. guy, when champagne became french, – ; trubek, the taste of place, – . for a broader history of geographical indications in the global economy, see higgins, brands, geographical origin, and the global economy. guy, when champagne became french, . higgins, brands, geographical origin, and the global economy, – . see also parry, “geographical origins,” – ; and the essays collected in black and ulin, wine and culture. hughes, “champagne, feta, bourbon,” . food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core as a result, food inspection decision —a standard produced within the context of an emerging federal regulatory apparatus— resulted in the quasi-proprietarian protection of ohio and missouri wine. this effect indicates an interesting and underappreciated sym- metry between food regulation and geographical indications. both regimes produce taxonomic distinctions. although regulatory classifi- cations assign responsibility, and gi classifications protect value, the way that each legal form “cuts” the world into classificatory systems is the same, particularly as they meet at the medium of the label. as such, food regulatory systems can be productive of value just as gi systems might result in the assignment of responsibility (for instance, if a par- ticular gi-protected good was found to be contaminated and thus could be traced to the source). this quality might be considered foundational to intellectual property law, in which the allocation of responsibility exists as the inversion of the monopoly rights granted to owners. food inspection decision was quickly challenged by a range of different actors. first, william alwood, a chemist in the department of agriculture, published a multiyear enological study on the chemical composition of american grapes grown in ohio, new york, and vir- ginia. the study focused on these regions in order to position grapes grown in the “central states” alongside other productive areas further east. in doing so, the department of agriculture sought to better under- stand the natural variability associated with “american grapes” and to contrast them with the “distinctly european varieties grown so largely in california.” further, this study was explicitly conducted in order to investigate the claims of grape growers and winemakers in and around the ohio region who insisted upon the need to add water and sugar to wines made in these areas. after evaluating a range of vari- eties and locations across three vintages ( – ), the results were unequivocal. even in bad growing seasons—in which growers experi- enced widespread crop failure due to severe late spring frosts—the alwood, bureau of chemistry–bulletin no. , – . new york might have been a useful point of comparison because that state’s wine industry had grown throughout the late s until it became the second largest producer of wine behind california by , all while refraining from practicing amelioration. however, pinney notes that new york’s signature sparkling wines were “based on neutral california white wine imported in bulk to modify the flavors and the acidity of the wine from native varieties.” presumably, this blending practice did not raise the same concerns as did gallization. pinney, a history of wine in america, – . “the need of this investigation in the administration of the food law is readily seen if one compares the widely varying statements of the grape growers and the wine makers as to the quality of the fruit produced and the possibility of making straight wines from this fruit, and also if one is familiar with the general practice of watering and sugaring (i.e. gallizing) the wines made in the districts mentioned. for these reasons it is important to determine fully the character of the strictly nature [sic] wines made from these grapes.” alwood, bureau of chemistry–bulletin no. , . ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core investigation determined that american varieties nonetheless dis- played “remarkably good qualities” and contained a sufficiently high sugar content to produce marketable wines. second, representatives of other wine-growing regions objected to the exceptions being carved out for ohio and missouri producers who had chosen to grow grapes in an area with distinct geographical and climato- logicaldisadvantages.representativesforthecaliforniawinemakerswere granted an informal hearing on september , , during which they requested that fid “should be repealed or modified on the ground that the decision is contrary to the spirit and letter of the food and drugs act since it permits products to be labelled and sold as wine which are not entitled to the name.” further, they claimed the following: the decision admits unlimited stretching by the addition of both sugar and water in the shape of sugar solution, the alcoholic content being entirely under the control of the manufacturer.… with only a small amount of grape juice or mash with which to start, a manufac- turer with a sugar barrel on one side and a water hose on the other and a supply of cream of tartar (grape tartrate) in his cellar, can make more so-called “wine” than all the vineyards in the country can produce. third, the american wine growers’ association, which represented growers across california, new york, new jersey, virginia, and north carolina, also expressed its opposition “to adulteration in any form.” this claim was strengthened by the fact that it represented growers from “vastly different climatic conditions” that produced “grapes dif- fering widely in character and in composition.” complaints like these led to another set of hearings eventually leading to the passage of federal inspection decision on june , . this decision claimed that, “as a result of investigations carried on by this department and of the evidence submitted at a public hearing given on november , , the department of agriculture has concluded that gross deceptions have been practiced under food inspection decision .” thus, food inspection decisions and were abrogated and wine wasreturnedtoitsnationallyunifiedstandard,onceagainrenderingimper- missible the modifications practiced by ohio and missouri producers. ibid., . “memorandum on ohio wines,” , food and drug administration collec- tion, national archives. ibid., – . american wine growers’ association, “letter to board of food and drug inspection,” (december , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. usda, food inspection decision : wine. it is possible that the cost and practicality of enforcing different standards might have also factored into this food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core food inspection decision and the legal production of deceptive wine before food inspection decision was released, public hearings indicated that the regulatory tides might quickly turn against ohio and missouri winemakers. in early , the department of agriculture received ample correspondence from midwestern winemakers and their opponents continuing the debate about the nature of american wine, the importance of place, and the suitability of extant federal wine regulation and labelling. at the heart of this conflict was how the law could meaningfully distinguish between permissible types of modifi- cation on one hand and similar practices of modification deemed inher- ently deceptive or dishonest on the other. the most vocal advocate for missouri wine was george stark, owner of the stone hill wine company, which had been one of the largest wineries in the country in the late s. stark lobbied federal regu- lators at the department of chemistry and local representatives in his capacity as a major wine producer as well as president of the missis- sippi valley wine growers and grape growers association. stark’s efforts were notable for the way in which they simultaneously assured regulators that missouri and ohio wine practices were similar enough to others’ practices that they should be considered legitimate, while at the same time seeking recognition for their specific local needs. stark argued that missouri and ohio wine producers were both similar and different: similar enough to be considered legal by national (and inter- national) definitions of wine; different enough to warrant unique pro- tections necessitated by local conditions. stark wrote to carl alsberg, chief of the bureau of chemistry, asking that missouri producers be given “fair consideration” because they developed a flourishing industry years before california wines had ever been put on the market. stark also sent alsberg copies of the swiss and canadian food laws. like germany, these countries allowed the addi- tion of water and sugar to correct the acidity of the must “just as we have decision as it did in other areas of regulation like meat and milk inspection. thank you to one of the anonymous reviewers for suggesting this possibility. peter poletti identifies stark’s stone hill wine company alongside sohns winery as “famous growers” in the region, both of whom had substantial connec- tions to german viticultural areas (stark from rhine-hessen and sohn from baden). stone hill winery was built in . george stark became sole proprietor of the winery in , and under his management—according to the records of the state historical society of missouri—it became one of the largest wineries in the country, with a total capacity of , , gallons. stone hill winery still exists today after it was bought and restored in . poletti, “an interdisciplinary study,” ; “com- pany sketch,” stone hill wine company, herman, missouri, records, – . state historical society of missouri. ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core to do in the middle states of the united states where we are exposed to cold winters.” stark’s strategy to draw from international wine regulations was savvy because wine producers outside the united states had recently expressed interest in harmonizing industry standards to facilitate trade. in february , the international committee of the commerce of wines, ciders, ardent spirits, and liquors wrote to the secretary of state claiming that “when a wine is, in the country of production, recognized of good quality, it ought to be judged the same in all coun- tries.” to this end, it suggested unifying international methods of chemical analysis for food products, including wine. the communique suggested that stark might not just find favorable models for u.s. wine regulation overseas but also allies in countries that imported wine to american markets. shortly before the issuance of fid , stark pushed the department of agriculture to recognize that the proposed regulations would negatively affect international producers. “we now inquire wether [sic] or not you are going to exclude german, swiss, and other foreign wines where the addition of sugar and water to wine is permitted, or whether you are going to compel these wines to be labeled ‘imitation wines.’” further, alsberg faced concerns directly from the german ambassador that american regulations would affect his country’s wine exports. in response, alsberg confirmed that the proposed wine law might “be construed as adverse to the importation of wines from ger- many to which both sugar and water have been added.” nonetheless, he believed that these facts did not warrant changing the impending regu- lations because “the addition of water to wine in germany is greatly limited and properly controlled, and probably within the limits, which can be detected by analysis with present-day methods.” thus, food inspection decision was released in june , reestablishing a definition of wine that forbid amelioration. “letter from george stark to carl alsberg,” (december , and january , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. “letter from j. a. maynet, secretary general and a. flavy, vice president delegated of the international committee of the commerce of wines, ciders, ardent spirits, and liquors to the secretary of state,” (february , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. “letter from george stark to the secretary of agriculture,” (july , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. “letter from carl alsberg to w.a. taylor, chief, bureau of plant industry,” (may , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. usda, food inspection decision : wine. this decision did, however, modify the original food inspection decision by permitting “correction of the natural defects in grape musts and wines due to climatic or seasonal conditions.” this definition would appear to permit ohio and missouri practices, but the decision goes on to limit permissible correction only to the addition of “neutralizing agents” like potassium tartrate or calcium carbonate. under no condition was the addition of water permitted to products labelled as “wine.” food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core in response, george stark lobbied federal officials with increasing agi- tation, probing the language and logic of the ruling in order to deter- mine the boundaries of permissible behaviour. because the decision defined wine as “the normal alcoholic fermentation of the juice of fresh, sound, ripe grapes, with the usual cellar treatment,” stark pressed the secretary of agriculture to clearly define its terms. “does ‘cellar treat- ment’ permit the correcting of wine by adding sugar and water in such quantities as is necessary to produce a wholesome and marketable product? if you do not permit it, then give us your reason why not.” he also asked why the decision permitted the addition of acids to wines —“an article which the californians only, as far as we know, wish to use”—even as other countries expressly forbid it. the national wine growers association—an ohio-based advocacy group—also expressed reservations about fid . it raised several com- plaints, arguing first that the proposed alternative of “plastering” the wine (which involved the permissible addition of sulphates to increase fermentation and preservation) would destroy the flavor and value of the wines. second, it contended that infractions would be “difficult, if not impossible, to detect” and so eastern wine makers “will be forced to ignore the provisions of said decision.” third, looking at decisions , , and in succession, the association claimed that the deci- sions were “so inconsistent with each other that they show on their face that there is no definite standard for wine in this country.” finally, the association protested the decision as unreasonable and unjust, “and one thatis contrary to the law of the landand which tends to createa standard that is neither legal nor natural for the united states.” the myriad complaints against fid all sought to demonstrate that the appearance of scientifically grounded uniformity and stan- dardization imposed by the ruling concealed a wide variety of “natu- ral” differences in wine production that the bureau had failed to “letter from george stark to secretary of agriculture,” (july , ). stark correctly surmised that “cellar treatment” had no formal definition, and federal officials avoided defining it so as to allow producers a certain degree of flexibility in wine production. during the drafting of the decision, the solicitor of the depart- ment of agriculture wrote to the bureau of plant industry claiming, “the expression of ‘usual cellar treatment,’ on the face of it, is vague and indefinite. i do not understand what it means.” to this, the draftees responded that “usual cellar treatment” “covers a ratherwide range of manipulation of the productduring its manufacture, as well as some additions in particular cases.” see “letter from department of agriculture office of the solicitor to w. a. taylor, bureau of plant industry,” (april , ); “memorandum for the solicitor, addressed to colonel caffey,” (may , ); “letter from b.g. hartmann to o.g. stark,” (october , ); “letter from c.l. alsberg to b.g. hartmann,” (october , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. “letter from national wine growers association of the united states to d. f. houston, secretary of agriculture,” (august , ), food and drug administration collection,nationalarchives.forplasteringofwine,see“theplasteringofwines,” . ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core adequately account for. in this respect, the scientific neutrality wielded by the bureau of chemistry in fact operated as a form of geographic discrimination, advantaging either californian or international pro- ducers and unnecessarily handicapping ohio and missouri industries. these arguments failed to sway administrators at the federal level, but this was not necessarily because the arguments were specious. rather, amelioration was understood as part of a larger array of deceptive practices undertaken by ohio and missouri producers that systemati- cally and routinely misrepresented their product either through the manipulation of the wine or the deceptive labelling of their products. before the release of the first wine decision in , the ohio-based sweet valley wine company—a major producer in sandusky—rou- tinely produced adulterated and mislabelled goods. shipments from sweet valley had been seized as early as august (and repeatedly over the next four years), in which wine bottles were labelled and branded “as to cause the purchaser to believe that the package con- tained riesling wine of a select quality, while the said article was a compound of wine and a fermented solution of commercial dextrose.” the label further contained a misleading list of ingredients. this “wine stretching” was just one violation among many. in october , sweet valley labelled a wine with a picture of a german village and packaged it in a bottle with the shape and appearance of a tradi- tional “hochheimer wine,” thereby suggesting german origin. simi- larly, sweet valley marketed a scuppernong wine that the bureau of chemistry called a “fictitious product made up in part at least from base wines, with the addition of sugar and flavouring matter.” ohio winemakers were not alone in these practices. evidence from the federal inspections of major producers in missouri—including h. sohns & brothers and stone hill winery—confirms that these mislabelling prac- tices were as widespread as amelioration. stone hill practiced a wide range of labelling techniques similar to those identified at sweet valley. for instance, the bureau of chemistry’s inspection report includes copies of stone hill labels that called their missouri wines “claret cabinet,” “st. julien,” and “st. emilion” style with the graphic design and typography modelled after the labels of major french producers. so too did stone hill produce a “laubenheimer” wine that included an image of the rhine valley on it with no indication of the wine’s true geographical origin. united states bureau of chemistry, decision , – . byszewski, “what’s in the wine?” – . united states bureau of chemistry, decision , . bureau of chemistry, “investigation of wine industry. h. sohns & bro., hermann, mo,” (march , ); “inspection of food and drug factories: stone hill wine company, hermann, mo,” (march , ), food and drug administra- tion collection, national archives. food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core later, the virginia-based garrett & company sued sweet valley for unfair competition based on its use of labelling that was confusingly similar to their “virginia dare” trade name. in a series of letters addressed to the bureau of chemistry and fellow members of the wine trade, this virginia winemaker claimed that ohio producers’ practice of amelioration should be considered inseparable from these other practices of misbranding designed to deceive the consumer. for example, ohio producers sold pomace wine (wine made by adding sugar and water to the pomace of grapes from which the juice had already been expressed) “masquerading under such names as scuppernong, blackberry, and any label that would help its sale.” the company further argued that ohio producers’challengestotheextantfooddecisions explicitlyrevealed their duplicity because in doing so, they were “making the most amazing admission, which should damn their goods eternally in the minds of all reputable dealers. their argument seems to be ‘it’s all right to steal if you don’t get caught.’” how, garrett & company argued, could the industry let these deceptive practices persist, particularly when they were already under threat of condemnation from the rising temperance movement? figure label from united states bureau of agriculture, department of chemistry, inspection of food and drug factories: stone hill wine company, hermann, mo. garrett & co. v. sweet valley wine co. f. (n.d. ohio, ); garrett & co. v. a. schmidt, jr., & bros. wine co. f. (n.d. ohio, ). “letter from garrett & company to the trade,” (april , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. regarding prohibition, garrett & company writes, “one of [the ohio wine manufacturers], writing us, asks—‘how can we expect to stem the tide of prohibition if we fight among ourselves?’ to which we reply—‘how can we expect condemnation if ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core garrett & company’s letter to the bureau of chemistry similarly conflated amelioration with consumer deception and the production of low-quality imitation wine. it claimed that the enforcement of basic wine standards—for instance through the seizure of mislabelled scup- pernong wine from ohio manufacturers—was creating spillover effects into other areas for misrepresentation and fraud. finding … that the public was growing wise to the fact that under the brand scuppernong the wines were liable to seizure, various pro- ducers in ohio began to turn out imitations of our trade mark brand … and these goods apparently of the same quality which had been forfeited by the department then appeared on the market under the figure label from united states bureau of agriculture, department of chemistry, inspection of food and drug factories: stone hill wine company, hermann, mo. the trade persist in swindling the consumer by base imitations, confessedly illegal and unfit for consumption?’” “letter from garrett & company to the trade,” (april , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core brands, “virginia bell,” “carolina belle,” “puritan belle,” “southern belle,” “virgianna,” “virginette,” “vanity fair” and even “california blair,” the last we believe being a california product. this argument parallels those made about standards for other food and beverage commodities, in which some producers claimed that stan- dardization was a prerequisite to honest competition between brands. this criticism generated counterarguments that some degree of ame- lioration was necessary and that customers knew exactly what they were buying (or not buying) when they purchased cheap ohio and missouri wine. a wholesale liquor dealer responded to garrett & com- pany’s attacks on midwestern industries by writing, “we have bought these ohio goods cheap, and we have sold them cheap. we don’t suppose there is any retailer in the country that thinks he is getting pure wine when he buys it.” failing to find allies across all sectors of the wine industry and rebuffed by the bureau of chemistry, midwestern winemakers turned next to their state representatives in congress. in the process, they constructed a new argument tailored to this audience of politicians. rather than arguing that these neutral definitions unwittingly discrim- inated against missouri and ohio wines, they claimed instead that these regulations were specifically preferential to the natural condi- tions of california wines. masquerading as a “universal” definition of wine, food inspection decision in fact defined california wine. the revenue bill and the question of who/where defines wine? george stark harangued the department of agriculture from the time of the decision’s release in june . on august , he diversified his attack. stark first wrote to missouri representative champ clark, “letter from garrett & company to c.l. alsberg, bureau of chemistry,” (april , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. for examples of this argument, see wood, “the strategic use of public policy.” “letter from p.r. lancaster & co. to garrett & co.,” (april , ). to this comment, garrett & co. presented the same argument they made to the bureau of chemistry: “are you aware of the fact that when the government puts a stop to selling these goods under standard brands the producers in ohio have now adopted brands which are an imitation of brands which are advertised for years and under which we have sold genuine wine, and that already there are on the market fifteen or twenty brands some of which we have secured injunctions against and others which we are prosecuting, which brands are gotten up in plain infringement of our special trade mark rights.” “letter from garrett & co. to p.r. lancaster & co.,” (april , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core claiming that the bureau of chemistry’s decision was harming missouri producers to the benefit of the dominant california wine industry. stark claimed that because the decision went beyond simply defining wine but also specified the methods by which wines could be corrected, it “makes a sweeping decision against us, and altogether in favour of the californians.… the californians got everything they asked for, and we got nothing.” in doing so, stark reconfigured a debate about the nature of wine into a debate about an ongoing trade war between states. by allowing the addition of sugar and tartaric acid while prohibiting water, fid permitted the types of modification necessary to pro- duce quality california wines while forbidding methods used in ohio and missouri wine production. to emphasize this imbalance, stark wrote to representative clark that the addition of sugar could not cover up the excessive acidity of their wines “any more than we can make lemon juice taste sweet by adding sugar.… the only way to reduce the acid is by diluting it with water, in the way you do in making lemon- ade.” further, stark reiterated, ohio and missouri wines “made for over sixty-seven years just as they are made today”—were popular with consumers. “as long as our customers and the drinking public is satis- fied with our wines, and even like same better than the california wines, why then should the department of agriculture interfere?” stark also sent a letter to a number of congressmen informing them that fid “to our members and others, is a matter of life and death.” again, he blamed the decision on the “california wine trust” whose actions were all the more unjust because the missouri wine producers were investing in grapes of american origin. “grapes … cultivated from varieties of originally wild american grapes [which are] very robust and vigorous; can stand the coldest winters and hottest summers that contain an excess of fruit acid, and an abundance of aroma, color and gluten, however are deficient in sugar.” by contrast, the california grapes all originated from spain, italy, algeria, and the south of france and produced pleasant if insipid sweet wines with little acid. in this way, fid was “in all its respects favourable to the california wine industry and unfavourable to the wine-growers east of the rocky moun- tains.” stark’s letter also suggested that the influence of californian “letter from george stark to hon. champ clark, speaker, h.r.,” (august , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. to be precise, stark claims, “this whole controversy is a trade war between two sections, to wit: the pacific coast against the growers east of the rocky mountains.” ibid. “letter from george stark to congressmen,” (september , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. ibid. food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core producers was evident across other federal regulations, including a tariff bill that gave rebates to producers of a sweet wine only made in california. stark interpreted these regulations as evidence that the department of agriculture was taking sides in “a trade war between the california still wine-growers and the eastern wine-growers,” and in doing so was “destroying with a single stroke of the pen, the entire wine industry east of the rocky mountains.” stark also saw federal preference given to california for agricultural funding, which he interpreted as the result of a well-organized and multipronged state lobbying effort. this level of success in securing federal backing was part of an extensive and focused strategy to inter- calate state interests into federal law. stark wrote the following: californians are working in classified groups and have been doing so in the past. when the big california “wine trust” has put in its licks, then the next congress is confronted by the small wine growers league of california; when they have gained their point, then the next congress is besieged by the grape growers union; then comes along the california “associated” raisins co. who control % of the raisin output. it’s a great system they work under, but they usually get what they go after. this system disadvantaged missouri and ohio producers who did not have the money and influence necessary to make themselves heard at the federal level. stark’s pleas were not unsuccessful. in february , ohio senator atlee pomerene wrote to the secretary of agriculture conveying the protests against fid that he had received from his state’s wine interests. like stark, pomerene positioned the recent federal decision within the larger regulatory landscape, which favored california over ohio and missouri. he mentioned that the sweet wine fortification act, recently passed in , already allowed the addition of limited quantities of water to sweet wine, and he saw no reason why traditional wines should be treated differently. the secretary’s response only hearings before the subcommittee on finance, – . “letter from george stark to congressmen,” food and drug administration collection, national archives. stark claimed that he unsuccessfully advocated for an experimental field station in the ozark mountains dedicated to the promotion of viticulture even as californians were able to attract fourteen such agricultural stations. “letter from the mississippi valley wine growers & grape growers association to a.w. douglas, c/o business men’s league,” (january , ), food and drug administration collec- tion, national archives. ibid. “letter from atlee pomerene to hon. david f. houston, secretary of agricul- ture,” (february , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core confirmed stark’s charge of discrimination: the permitted addition of water to sweet wine was precisely because “the viscous california variety of grapes would otherwise clog the rolls and pipes during the pulping process.” although the secretary explained that the addition of water was needed simply “for mechanical purposes,” mid- western producers saw explicit evidence of bias. the fallout from fid necessitated the creation of a binding definition of wine that could secure assent greater than that attained by the technicians at the department of agriculture. the revenue bill of provided just such an opportunity. this bill sought to define “what wines are and what wines are not” in such a manner that the subsequent definition would be binding under food law as well as internal revenue law. unsurprisingly, california representative william kent was the first to propose a definition; however, rather than securing state advantage by codifying fid , kent instead struck a surprisingly conciliatory tone. in a letter to the secretary of agriculture, kent wrote that he had exhaustively studied the “wine question.” while admitting that his “sympathies are naturally with the california wine growers who are making wines from european grapes on european principles,” he nonetheless reiterated many of the concerns expressed by stark: european grapes could not be grown in eastern climates; american varieties were deficient in sugar and high in acid; and the addition of sugar and water was sometimes necessary and did not always indicate deceptive practices. kent thus proposed an amendment to the revenue bill that allowed for wine to be produced with the addition of sugar and water provided that this process was conducted under supervision, the resulting wine’s volume was not increased more than twenty-five percent, and its chem- ical values fell between predetermined standards for acidity and alco- hol content. although crafted as a compromise, kent’s amendment nonetheless included a crucial modification: it delineated the legal production and regulation not of all wines as a single category but “letter from secretary of agriculture to hon. atlee pomerene,” (nd). a secondary difference was that in california, the fortification of sweet wines through the addition of tax-free brandy was already supervised by the internal revenue bureau who would then also supervise the limited addition of water. “as dry wine making is not under control of the internal revenue bureau, legal sanction for water- ing wines would result in a repetition of gross adulteration.” “hearing in re food inspection decision before the secretary of agricul- ture,” (march , ): , food and drug administration collection, national archives. “letter from william kent to david f. houston, secretary of agriculture,” (march , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. “letter from william kent to david f. houston, secretary of agriculture,” (may , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core rather “all wines or artificial wines.” the inclusion of this language meant that even as the amendment rendered certain processes of ame- lioration legal, it nonetheless classified ohio and missouri wines dif- ferently: not as pure or natural products like those made in california but rather as something fabricated. rather than having a salutary effect, the department of agriculture recognized that kent’s amendment might only complicate matters. the amendment would overturn fid , thereby forcing the department to create new labelling regulations determining whether the products of eastern wine makers were, “wines merely, ‘artificial’ wines, or … some significant and appropriate qualifying word less strong than ‘artifi- cial.’” the myriad options for terminology—for instance, natural wine, pure wine, artificial wine, imitation wine, ameliorated wine— coupled with the fact that these wines, even if properly labelled, would still constitute adulterated products as defined by the pure food and drugs act, made the department less than enthusiastic about the pro- posed changes. further, subsequent debate about the revenue bill demonstrated that many of eastern winemakers were also not happy with the resulting language. thomas lannen, an attorney for the mississippi valley wine growers and grape growers association, wrote that “as the bill left the house it was essentially a california bill, and the east was not properly recognized in that bill.” he argued that the californians, in their lobbying efforts, were “trying to create the impression that these ame- liorated wines, which are the standard native wines of all the states east of the rocky mountains, are vile concoctions, produced by a few crooked wine makers who want the right to put adulterated wine upon the market.” instead, lannen advocated for a senate amendment that proposed a labelling and classification strategy similar to the one previously established by fid . this amendment established a three-tiered labelling structure, with the first being “natural wine”; the second being wine subject to some necessary amelioration labelled simply as “wine” but qualified by the name of the locality where pro- duced (for instance, “tennessee wine,” “missouri wine,” “ohio “letter from william kent to david f. houston, secretary of agriculture,” food and drug administration collection, national archives. [emphasis added]. “letter from w.a. taylor, chief, bureau of plant industry to c.l. alsberg, chief, bureau of chemistry,” (may , ), food and drug administration collec- tion, national archives. “letter from secretary [of agriculture] to hon. f.m. simmons, united states senate,” (nd), food and drug administration collection, national archives. thomas lannen, “in re revenue bill, statement on behalf of certain eastern wine industries,” (september , ), food and drug administration collection, national archives. ibid. ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core wine,” etc.); and the third being wine that needed to be ameliorated due to a particularly bad season or other natural cause (and which would be labelled as “ameliorated wine”). this labelling system disarticulated “‘artificial” amelioration and adulteration from the “natural” amelio- ration necessary in particular states, “the theory being that such wines are the standard native wines of those states … and have been for over half a century.” eastern winemakers deemed it insufficient for congress to legalize ameliorated wine if that legalization rendered only californian wines “pure” or “natural” while configuring ohio and missouri wines as deviations from the norm, be they imitation, artificial, or adulterated. this debate made clear that congress’s attempt to establish neutral standards were inevitably discriminatory if they failed to recognize the differential effects place had on the production of wine across the united states. as lannen wrote, ameliorated ohio and missouri wines may not have been “natural” wines but they were still “standard.” the eastern winemakers simply asked that the government, recognize “our standard native wines that have been standardized by custom and trade practice for over half a century—long before the california wine indus- try was established.” similar arguments were presented during senate hearings on the revenue bill of . this testimony marshalled scientific, eco- nomic, and cultural evidence demonstrating that the eastern wine- makers’ unique practices necessitated localized definitions recognizing human intervention—that is, amelioration—as central to the crafting of quality wine. ottmar stark—george stark’s son—argued the following: wine is seldom, if ever, a natural product.… on the contrary, the making of wine is an art and the wine is the product of that art rather than a natural product. that the nature of the wine and the value of the wine is controlled by and depends upon the skill employed in its production admits of no argument. what the wine maker aims to produce is a product that the consumer will like. the more pleasing that product is to the consumer the greater its value.… that product may be obtained by a process of blending, or, as in the mississippi valley wines and in the eastern wines, it may be the result of both correcting and blending. ibid. ibid. hearings before the subcommittee on finance, – . ibid, . food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core this recognition of human manipulation was not antithetical to a notion of place; it was necessitated by the unique qualities—or limitations—of the mississippi valley and the american varietals native to that area. if ameliorated ohio and missouri wines were not considered wine, “then wine can not be produced in those states; or, in other words, to deny that it is wine is to deny that wine can be produced in the mississippi valley. such a contention would seem to be absurd.” further, if standards of purity were enforced, only wines that were “unpalatable, unmerchan- table, and worthless” could be called wine under legal standards. “and will anyone contend for a moment that such a worthless product should be held to be a wine to the exclusion of all others?” the revenue bill that was passed by congress in permitted amelioration within certain prescribed limits under supervision and only to correct “natural deficiencies.” despite the careful circum- scription of permitted amelioration, this ruling was undoubtedly favor- able to the needs of midwestern producers. it considered ameliorated wine to be “natural wine” within the meaning of the act, and it allowed this wine to be labelled, transported, and sold as “wine,” qualified by the name of the locality where it was produced. the resulting regula- tions avoided the fragmentation of standards that might have resulted had they chosen to define california wines as fundamentally different from ohio and missouri wines. instead, congress opted to universally permit limited forms of modification and enforced the use of locality names primarily as a means of tracing responsibility (rather than, as in a true gi system, as a unique source of value). nonetheless, congress’s acceptance of some forms of modification was fundamentally shaped by arguments insisting on the central role of place in american wine production. conclusion in his statement on the revenue bill, thomas lannen included a post- script titled “sunshine vs. frost.” in it, lannen wrote that califor- nians condemned amelioration “on the theory that god gave them the sunshine and that they do not have to ameliorate, and can make so-called natural wines, and that they are entitled to a natural advan- tage.” to the contrary, lannen wrote that the wine produced in ibid, . united states congress, an act to increase the revenue, and for other pur- poses, . at a federal level, wine amelioration is still legal, although some states like california prohibit it. mendelson, wine law in america, . lannen, “in re revenue bill, statement on behalf of certain eastern wine industries,” food and drug administration collection, national archives. ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core california had its own imbalances—too sweet with too little acid—that were every bit as damaging as those of eastern wines. he continued: it is fallacious to argue that all virtue lies in sunshine. there is also virtue in frost.… even were it possible to grow [california] grapes in our climates, and their fruits, and supplant our native varieties by them, it would not be advisable to do so, for the very reason that we would be surrendering quality fruit for fruit that is as deficient in quality as it is perfect in appearance and other respects. our native varieties of grapes will not grow in california, nor will their grapes grow here. lannen claimed that a truly neutral and universally applicable sys- tem of regulation should treat differences not as deviations from an arbitrarily established norm but rather as themselves valuable dis- tinctions that diversify and strengthen the american wine market. this recognition of chemical difference at the level of wine mirrored the well-established appreciation of geographical difference across the diverse ecosystems and environments of the american country- side. lannen’s comments also carried a resonant and none-too-subtle subtext: californian wines—grown under the hot sun from “grapes imported from the warm climates of southern europe”—did not rep- resent american national identity as did the genuine american grape varieties and terroir of the (germanic, northern european) midwest. why enact standards that would benefit inferior grapes that could not even “survive our cold winters?” thus, lannen asked congress to produce standards that recognized the value of midwestern wines whose qualities stood as proxies for the values of an unfolding amer- ican culture and identity. although subsequent federal regulation did not fully adopt lannen’s suggestions, congress nonetheless acceded to the necessity for some winemakers to ameliorate their product, redefining this form of manip- ulation from a “deceptive practice” to a legitimate strategy for improv- ing wines. however, the beneficial effects of this regulation on the ohio and missouri wine industries failed to materialize when prohibition began in . whereas wine production was never the central focus ibid. this observation is indebted to the arguments put forth by erica hannickel’s empire of vines, which similarly explores the links between american viniculture and american national identity. in fact, it is striking that rising national support for prohibition largely failed to influence the wine standards debates or encourage winemakers to abandon their regional differences in the face of a larger threat. daniel okrent argues that california winemakers’ position of strength in the state’s agriculture and culture blinded them food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core of temperance reform in missouri—most activists having set their sights on liquor producers, brewers, and saloons—prohibition none- theless decimated an industry that was already in a precarious eco- nomic situation. after fighting for years to get recognition for missouri and ohio winemaking practices in federal regulation, ottmar stark found himself ripping up all of stone hill’s grapevines on the eve of prohibition, definitively marking the end of an era of midwestern wine production. as short-lived as the ohio and missouri wine debate was—occur- ring at a time when california wine was already ascendant and uncer- emoniously rendered irrelevant by prohibition—it provides a uniquely illustrative snapshot of an important moment in the history of food and beverage regulation. the debate represents a conflict in which food standards—far from being anodyne matters of solely bureaucratic import—instead involved a complex balancing of values and concerns with significant emotional valence and eco- nomic consequence. even under the cover of department of chemis- try enological reports and annual revenue bills, disputes around ohio and missouri wine standards activated deep tensions about the rela- tionship between agricultural industry and national identity, refracted through complex contestations over the nature and mean- ing of wine and its connection to american terroir. this narrative also demonstrates that debates about the protection of geographical indi- cations—usually considered solely a european matter—were not completely foreign to the united states in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century even if they were occurring in the adjacent legal area of food standards. instead, wine producers across califor- nia and the midwest were actively involved in establishing the unique qualities of american wine as a matter of industry building and equally as a matter of national pride. into the late twentieth and early twenty-first century, ohio and missouri wines continue to play an important if underappreciated role in american wine history. shortly after the bureau of alcohol, tobacco, and firearms established the american viticultural area (ava) system—the american equivalent of the french appellations d’origine contrôlée—in , the augusta ava in missouri was the to the threat of prohibition. on the other hand, missouri witnessed a robust prohi- bitionist movement, although its focus largely remained on liquor and beer as sold in the saloons, versus wine, which was largely consumed in the home. okrent, last call, ; detjen, the germans in missouri; renner, “prohibition comes to mis- souri,” – . renner, “prohibition comes to missouri.” stiles, “how the missouri wine industry first took root”; dufur, “the history of missouri wine.” ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core first region federally approved, predating the napa valley ava by eight months. this level of protection can only be granted if the region demonstrates key criteria such as name recognition, historic evidence of wine production, clear boundaries, and physiographic uniqueness of the area. it appears then that even as the midwestern wine industry lay fallow for years following prohibition, american wine regulation was destined to once again recognize and legally protect the value, or lack thereof, of ohio and missouri wines. bibliography of works cited books black, rachel e., and robert c. ulin, eds. wine and culture: vineyard to glass. new york: bloomsbury, . busch, lawrence. standards: recipes for reality. cambridge: mit press, . coppin, clayton a., and jack high. the politics of purity: harvey washington wiley and the origins of federal food policy. ann arbor: university of michigan press, . detjen, david w. the germans in missouri, – : prohibition, neutrality, and assimilation. columbia: university of missouri press, . goodwin, lorine swainston. the pure food, drink and drug crusaders, – . jefferson, nc: mcfarland & co., . guy, kolleen m. when champagne became french: wine and the making of a national identity. baltimore: the johns hopkins university press. . hannickel, erica. empire of vines: wine culture in america. philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, . higgins, david m. brands, geographical origin, and the global economy: a history from the nineteenth century to the present. new york: cambridge university press, . husmann, george. the cultivation of the native grape and manufacture of american wines. new york: f.w. woodward, . lukacs, paul. american vintage: the rise of american wine. new york: houghton mifflin, . matthews, mark a. terroir and other myths of winegrowing. berkeley: univer- sity of california press, . mendelson, richard p. wine law in america: law and policy. new york: wolters klewer law and business, . okrent, daniel. last call: the rise and fall of prohibition. new york: scribner, . poletti, “an interdisciplinary study,” – . food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core pinney, thomas. a history of wine in america. berkeley: university of california press, . ———. the makers of american wine: a record of two hundred years. berkeley: university of california press, . robertson, carol. the little red book of wine law: a case of legal issues. chicago: aba publishing, . smith-howard, kendra. pure and modern milk: an environmental history since . new york: oxford university press, . strasser, susan. satisfaction guaranteed: the making of the american mass market. new york: pantheon books, . trubek, amy. a taste of place: a cultural journey into terroir. berkeley: university of california press, . young, james harvey. pure food: securing the federal food and drugs act of . princeton, nj: princeton university press, . journal articles and chapters in books byszewski, elaine t. “what’s in the wine? a history of the fda’s role.” food and drug law journal ( ): – . cooke, kathy j. “‘who wants white carrots?’: congressional seed distribution, to .” the journal of the gilded age and progressive era ( ): – . deelstra, h., d. thorbun burns, and m. j. walker. “the adulteration of food, lessons from the past, with reference to butter, margarine, and fraud.” european food research and technology ( ): – . duguid, paul. “developing the brand: the case of alcohol, – .” enter- prise & society , no. 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(january ): – . hughes, justin. “champagne, feta, and bourbon: the spirited debate about geographical indications.” hastings law journal ( ): – . parry, bronwyn. “geographical indications: not all ‘champagne and roses.’” in trade marks and brands: an interdisciplinary critique, edited by lionel ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core bently, jennifer davis, and jane c. ginsburg, – . new york: cambridge university press, . pickavance, jason. “gastronomic realism: upton sinclair’s the jungle, the fight for pure food, and the magic of mastication.” food and foodways , no. – ( ): – . “the plastering of wines.” science , no. (august , ): . renner, g. k. “prohibition comes to missouri, – .” missouri historical review , no. (july ): – . rosen, zvi s. “reimagining bleistein: copyright for advertisements in histor- ical perspective.” journal, copyright society of the u.s.a. , no. (winter ): – . stanziani, alessandro. “information, quality and legal rules: wine adultera- tion in nineteenth century france.” business history , no. (march ): – . swanson, kara. “food and drug law as intellectual property law.” wisconsin law review, , – . wood, donna j. “the strategic use of public policy: business support for the food and drug act.” business history review , no. (autumn ): – . newspapers and magazines belz, adam. “as regulators ponder food labels, dairy farmers press harder against nut milk,” minneapolis star tribune (february , ). dufur, brett. “the history of missouri wine,” missouri wine country. http:// www.missouriwinecountry.com/articles/history. last accessed july , . stiles, nancy. “how the missouri wine industry first took root,” in feast magazine (april , ). strey, gerry. “the ‘oleo wars:’ wisconsin’s fight over the demon spread,” wisconsin magazine of history (autumn ): – . suval, john. “(not) like butter: w.d. hoard and the crusade against the ‘oleo fraud,’” wisconsin magazine of history (autumn ): – . government documents and reports alwood, william b. bureau of chemistry–bulletin no. . enological studies: the chemical composition of american grapes grown in ohio, new york, and virginia. washington: government printing office, . hearings before the subcommittee on finance, united states senate, sixty- fourth congress first session on h.r. , an act to increase the revenue, and for other purposes. washington: government printing office, . united states bureau of chemistry. decision . adulteration and misbrand- ing of wines. u.s. v. sweet valley wine co. plea of nolo contendere. fine, $ , and costs. service and regulatory announcements (june ): – . united states congress. an act for preventing the manufacture, sale, or trans- portation of adulterated or misbranded or poisonous or deleterious food, food standards as intellectual property https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at http://www.missouriwinecountry.com/articles/history http://www.missouriwinecountry.com/articles/history https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core drugs, medicines, and liquors, and for regulating traffic therein, and for other purposes. december , . ———. an act making appropriations for the department of agriculture for the fiscal year ending june thirtieth, nineteen hundred and four. march , . ———. an act to increase the revenue, and for other purposes. the statutes at large of the united states of america from december, to march, , , part (washington: government printing office, ). united states department of agriculture. circular no. : standards of purity for food products. . ———. circular no. : standards of purity for food products. . ———. food inspection decision : the labeling of wines. august , . ———. food inspection decision : the labeling of ohio and missouri wines. may , . ———. food inspection decision : wine. june , . united states patent and trademark office. geographical indication protection in the united states. https://www.uspto.gov/sites/default/files/web/offices/ dcom/olia/globalip/pdf/gi_system.pdf. last accessed june , . unpublished materials brown, todd. “a history of the weinbau in the lower missouri valley: from dutzow to hermann.” ma thesis, university of missouri-st. loui,. . umi . poletti, peter joseph. “an interdisciplinary study of the missouri grape and wine industry, to .” phd diss., saint louis university, . archives food and drug administration collection. national archives. college park, maryland. ventimiglia https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /eso. . downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.uspto.gov/sites/default/files/web/offices/dcom/olia/globalip/pdf/gi_system.pdf https://www.uspto.gov/sites/default/files/web/offices/dcom/olia/globalip/pdf/gi_system.pdf https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /eso. . https://www.cambridge.org/core ‘‘deceptions have been practiced’’: food standards as intellectual property in the missouri and ohio wine industries ( - ) introduction pure food law and the legal classification of ohio and missouri wines food inspection decision and the legal production of deceptive wine the revenue bill and the question of who/where defines wine? conclusion bibliography of works cited books journal articles and chapters in books newspapers and magazines government documents and reports unpublished materials archives - ( )-- -......(....)+.hwp ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 a study on to kill a mockingbird as ‘one book’ 윤 정 옥 (cheong-ok yoon)* 목 차 . 머리말 . 연구의 배경 목 . 연구의 방법 . 선행연구 . 앵무새 죽이기 의 분석 . 앵무새 죽이기 의 연도별 선정 추이 . 앵무새 죽이기 의 평가 . 앵무새 죽이기 의 ‘한 책’ 선정 이유 . 앵무새 죽이기 선정 도시의 사례 . irving의 tbr . staten island의 tbr . 맺음말 록 이 연구의 목 은 미국의 ‘한 책, 한 도시’ 독서운동 national endowment for the arts의 ‘the big read(tbr)’에서 harper lee의 앵무새 죽이기 가 보여주는 ‘한 권의 책(one book)’으로서의 가치, 이 책을 선정한 지역사회들의 지향 과 다양성 등을 이해하는 것이다. 이 책은 년- 년 사이 개 ‘한 책, 한 도시’ 로그램 년- 년 사이 개 tbr 지역사회에서 선정되었다. 많은 지역사회가 용기, 용, 정의 등 주제로 표 된 인간 존엄성에 한 공감을 시도하 고, 독서토론, 다양한 로그램 행사로 이 가치를 표 하 다. abstract the purpose of this study is to understand the value of the book, to kill a mockingbird by harper lee as the most favored ‘one book’ and the goals of the ‘one book, one city’ programs which selected this particular book. a total of ‘one book’ programs from through and the big read programs from through selected to kill a mockingbird as ‘one book’ to read. with this book, many communities discussed the sympathy toward the dignity of human being with such subjects as courage, justice, and integrity, and presented its value through book discussions, various programs and events. 키워드: ‘한 책, 한 도시’ 독서운동; 미국독서운동; 빅 리드; 앵무새 죽이기 ; 원 북, 원 시카고 ‘one book, one city’ reading campaign; reading campaigns in the u.s.a.; the big read; to kill a mockingbird; one book, one chicago * 청주 학교 인문 학 문헌정보학과 교수(jade@cju.ac.kr) 논문 수일자: 년 월 일 최 심사일자: 년 월 일 게재확정일자: 년 월 일 한국문헌정보학회지, ( ): - , . [http://dx.doi.org/ . /kslis. . . . ] 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 . 머리말 . 연구의 배경 목 ‘한 책, 한 도시(one book, one community)’ 독서운동(이하 ‘한 책’ 독서운동이라 부름)은 지 난 년 미국 washington 주 seattle에서 처 음 시작된 이래 미국 역의 수많은 지역사회에 서 꾸 히 진행되어 왔다. ‘한 책’ 독서운동을 진행하는 지역사회들은 자신들의 로그램과 선정 책을 library of congress center for the books에 자발 으로 등록한다. 이 센터 웹사이트 의 “‘one book’ reading promotion projects” 내 ‘주별(州別) 로젝트 리스트’(library of congress a) 선정 책들의 ‘작가별 리스 트’(library of congress b)에 따르면, 미 국 역 로그램에서 가장 많이 선정된 책은 harper lee의 to kill a mockingbird(이하 앵 무새 죽이기 라 부름)이다. 이 책은 년 월 재 모두 개 ‘한 책’ 로그램에서 선정되어 가장 선호되는 책으로서 부동의 치를 차지하고 있다. 한 national endowment for the arts가 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 모형을 채택하여 시작한 국 문학독서 이니셔티 인 the big read(이 하 tbr이라 부름)에서도 년 시범사업 이 후 년부터 - 년 사이 개 지역사 회가 이 책을 선정하 고, 지 까지 가장 많이 선정된 책들 하나이다. 이 연구는 그동안 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 시작부 터 성장과 변화를 추 하고, ‘한 책’으로 선정된 주요한 책들의 특성 등을 계량 으로 분석하 던 이 연구(윤정옥 )에 이어지는 것이다. 이 연구는 지난 십여 년 동안 ‘한 책’으로 선정 된 책들이 보여주는 지역사회 독서운동의 가치 와 목표 등 집합 특성의 분석에 주목하 다. 이 연구는 가장 많은 ‘한 책’ 로그램에서 선정 된 앵무새 죽이기 가 갖는 ‘한 권의 책(one book)’으로서 가치, 이 책을 선정한 지역사회들 의 지향 , 한 권의 책을 바탕으로 표 될 수 있 는 다양성 등을 이해하는 것을 연구의 목표로 하 다. . 연구의 방법 이 연구에서는 년 월 재 library of congress center for the book 웹사이트에 등 록된 ‘한 책’ 독서운동 로젝트들의 주별 리스 트 선정 책들의 작가별 리스트에서 앵무새 죽이기 를 선정한 ‘한 책’ 로젝트들과 련된 문헌 웹 자원 조사를 수행하 다. 특히 이 책 을 선정한 ‘한 책’ 로젝트들 몇 개를 임의로 선정하여 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 목표, 책 선정의 기 과 이유, 이 책과 련하여 진행한 행사와 로그램 성격 등을 분석하 다. 한 national endowment for the arts의 tbr 참가 지역사 회와 선정 도서 자료를 분석하 다. 한편 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 체 인 동향을 서 술하기 해서 이 연구에서 년 월 당시 수집하여 정리한 ‘한 책’ 독서운동 로젝트들 의 주별 리스트 선정 책들의 작가별 리스트 를 주로 참조하 고, 년 월 재 ‘한 책’ 로그램 총수나 체 선정 책의 종수 등 새로 운 통계를 제시하지는 않았다. 왜냐면 이미 가 장 많은 로그램에서 선정된 ‘한 책’으로서 앵무새 죽이기 가 갖는 상에는 변동이 없고, ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 이 연구의 목표가 체 로그램이나 책 선정의 추이 분석이 아니라, ‘한 책’ 자체로서의 특성과 의미, 가치 등을 분석하는 데 을 맞추고 있 기 때문이다. . 선행연구 최근 ‘한 책’ 독서운동 련 문헌을 검토한 결과, 기에는 미국을 심으로 개별 ‘한 책’ 로젝트의 사례를 단순히 소개하는 문헌들이 많았던 것에 비하여, 차 이들의 된 경험 을 서술하고 평가하는 문헌이 늘어나고 있다. dempsey( )는 년 ‘seattle reads( 기엔 if all of seattle reads the same book)’ 의 시작, 년 ‘one book, one chicago’의 성공, 이어지는 ‘one book’ 로젝트의 확산, ‘the big read’의 출범 등 주요한 ‘한 책’ 로젝 트들의 발 을 검토하 다. dempsey는 ‘seattle reads’의 산 격인 nancy pearl을 인용하며, ‘한 책’ 독서운동이 하나의 ‘ 상’으로 자리 잡은 것에는 사서가 사서답게 가장 잘 할 수 있는 일, 즉 책을 고르고, 로그램을 편성하고, 책과 주 제에 련된 정보를 찾아내는 것 같은 상이한 기술들을 한데 모을 수 있기 때문이라고 강조한 다. 한 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 인기에 기여하는 요 인들 하나는 사서들이 직원 지역사회 규 모에 따라 이것을 확장하거나 축소할 수 있는 능력이라고 지 하며, 몇몇 ‘한 책’ 로젝트들 의 목표 설정, 책의 선정, 지역사회 참여 유인 등을 논하고 있다. luther와 woods( )는 maryland 주의 ‘one maryland one book program(omob)’ 을 분석하 다. 년부터 진행된 omob는 고등학생과 성인 독자들이 한 권의 책을 읽으면 서 “ 요한 문제에 한 정보에 근거한 화와 시민 참여를 자극하고 진하기 해 인문학을 이용”하려는 목표를 가진다고 하 다. 이들은 를 들어 뇌수종을 가진 작가의 absolutely true diary of a part-time indian(alexie )을 선정하여 읽음으로써 신체장애와 미국원주민으 로서 겪는 문화 차이 같은 다양성의 여러 측 면을 다룬 경험을 서술하 다. omob의 로 그램들을 통해서 학생들 사회경제 약자 같 이 다양한 사회 구성원들의 요구와 심 등을 학교와 지역사회에서 다룰 수 있는 기회가 됨을 강조하고 있다. ‘한 책’ 독서운동이 “ 신 로그램”(fialkoff )임은 일 부터 인정된 바이지만, schwartz ( )는 어떤 도서 은 한 권의 책을 스스로 만들어서 함께 읽는 신으로 한 걸음 더 나아간 사례를 소개하고 있다. california 주 sacramento public library(spl)는 edgar allan poe를 주제로 한 ‘one book’ 로젝트를 해 도서 그래픽 디자이 가 디자인하고, 지역 시인인 교수가 텍스트를 편집하여 poe의 작품 모음집 the slender poe를 직 펴냈다. spl은 원래 가지고 있던 자가 출 서비스인 i street press 를 통해 책을 출 하고 권을 인쇄하여 권은 도서 장서에 편입시키고, 권은 북클 럽이 사용하며, 일부는 유료로 매했다. 한 sacramento film & music festival과 연계하 여 poe 로젝트 화를 상 하고, 지역 맥주회 사와 트 쉽으로 ‘one book’ 로그램을 해 ‘edgar allan porter’라는 랜드의 맥주를 생산하게 하는 등 다양한 활동을 이끌어, 앙 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 도서 과 개 분 에서 , 여 명이 참가하 고, poe project 필름은 온라인 상 , 여 회 람의 성과를 거두었다. 이처럼 도서 들이 새 로운 아이디어를 목시키는 것은 비교 표 , 안정 인 ‘한 책’ 독서운동이 개별 도서 의 특성에 따라 창의 으로 변화하고 성장할 가능 성을 시사한다. 그밖에 mcswain( )은 south australia 에서 “독서를 장려하고 찬양하기 한 리터러 시 증진 로그램 ‘salisbury reads’ 일환이며, salisbury writers festival의 부분으로 진행되 는 ‘one book one salisbury’를 간략히 소개 했다. 이것은 남부 호주에서 최 로 시작된 ‘한 책’ 로젝트 이니셔티 로서 매년 청소년을 한 책과 어른을 한 책을 각각 한 권씩 선정하 여 읽으며, 특히 지역에 거주하는 작가의 책을 요시함”을 강조하고 있다. 한편 국내에서 윤정옥은 최근 연구( )에 서 미국의 ‘한 책’ 독서운동 선정 책들의 계량 특성을 분석하고자 시도하 다. 년부터 년까지 미국의회도서 도서센터 웹사이트 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 주별 작가별 리스트에 등 록된 , 개 로그램 선정 책 , 종을 심 으로 연도별 선정 분포와 변동 추이를 살펴보았 다. 선정 책들의 연도별 로그램 분포, 선호된 책의 연도별 추이, ‘seattle reads’와 one book, one chicago 같은 선도 ‘한 책’ 로젝트들 이 책 선정에 미친 향 등을 살펴보았다. 조찬 식( )은 국내의 ‘한 책’ 독서운동 사례로서 ‘ 독서의 해’ 로그램으로 시행된 서울시 성북구의 ‘원 북, 성북' 독서운동을 검토하 다. 그는 독서운동의 이론 배경 우리나라 ‘한 책, 한 도시’ 독서운동의 황을 살펴보고, ‘원 북, 성북’ 독서운동의 내용과 활동에 향을 미친 구체 인 요소들을 분석하고자 시도하 다. ‘한 책’의 선정과 행사, 독서토론, 독서토론 아카데미, 마을로 찾아가는 작가와의 만남, 북 스타트 등 다양한 로그램을 검토하고 참가자 의 반응을 분석하 다. 그밖에는 ‘한 책’ 독서운 동과 련하여 새로운 연구는 에 띄지 않는다. 이처럼 부분 국내외 ‘한 책’ 련 연구들은 특정한 ‘한 책’ 로젝트의 사례 혹은 된 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 경험에 을 맞추었다. 본 연 구는 그러한 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 심에 있는 책 들이 각각 ‘한 책’으로서 갖는 의미를 개별 으 로 다룬 연구는 아직 에 띄지 않는다는 에 주목하여 첫 분석을 시도하기로 하 다. . 앵무새 죽이기 의 분석 . 앵무새 죽이기 의 연도별 선정 추이 미국의 ‘한 책’ 독서운동에서 지난 년부 터 년 월 당시까지 선정된 책들은 모두 , 종이다. 이들 한 개 이상 로그램에서 선정된 책들의 복을 제거한 고유한 책은 , 종이며, 이들을 선정한 ‘한 책’ 로그램의 수는 모두 , 개에 이른다. 실제로 이 시 까 지 시행된 ‘한 책’ 로그램은 모두 , 개 지 만, 여기에서는 일부 로그램에서 한 번에 어 린이, 청소년, 성인용 등을 구분하여 한 권 이상 의 책을 읽은 경우도 있어서, 이를 별도의 로 그램으로 간주하고 , 개로 보았다. 이 연 구에 따르면 이 로그램들에서 선정된 , 종 의 책들 가운데 가장 많은 로그램에서 선정된 ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 것은 harper lee의 앵무새 죽이기 로서 모두 개 로그램에서 선정되었다(윤정옥 ). 년 월 이를 다시 확인한 결과, 지난 년 사이 개 로그램이 추가로 등록되어 모두 개 로그램이 이 책을 선정하 으며, 여 히 부동의 다. 그동안 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 연구에서 ‘ 로젝 트’는 특정한 지역사회의 개별 ‘한 책’ 독서운동 자체를, ‘ 로그램’은 개별 ‘한 책’ 로젝트에서 한 번의 시행 사례를 각각 의미하도록 용어 일 성을 유지하 고, 여기에서도 그 게 하 다. 앞서 언 한 library of congress center for the book의 ‘한 책’ 독서운동 자별 리스 트 주별 리스트에 따르면 앵무새 죽이기 는 년 월에는 개 로그램에서 선정된 것 으로 등록되어 있었고, 년 월 재에는 개 로그램에서 선정된 것으로 확인되었다. 년 리스트에서 년 개 로그램이 이 책을 선정하 고, 년에는 선정한 로그램 이 없다고 등록되었던 것이, 년 리스트에 는 년 개 로그램, 년에는 개 로 그램이 각각 등록되어, 개 증가한 것으로 나타 났다. 년 이 책을 선정한 것으로 뒤늦게 등록 이 확인된 ‘한 책’ 로그램은 sioux city, iowa and south sioux city, nebraska(*regional program)이고, 년 새로 등록된 로그램 은 massachusetts 주 milton의 ‘milton reads’ 이다. ‘milton reads’는 milton public library 가 주 하는 ‘한 책’ 로젝트로서 년 처음 시작하면서 이 책을 선정하 다. 이 ‘한 책’ 로 젝트는 몇 개 되지 않은 년 이후 출범한 후 발주자들 가운데 하나이다. 년부터 년까지 매년 가장 많은 로 그램에서 선정된 책을 보여주고 있는데, 앵무 새 죽이기 가 년에는 개 로그램, 년에는 개 로그램에서 선정되어 두 차례 가 장 많이 선정된 책이 되었다. <그림 >은 앵무새 죽이기 의 연도별 선정 추이를 보여 다. 왼쪽 도표는 앵무새 죽이기 가 ‘one book, one chicago’에서 처음 선정된 년부터 년까지 미국 역의 ‘한 책’ 로젝트들의 선정 추이를 보여 다. 오른쪽 도표 는 national endowment for the arts의 tbr 의 년 정식 출범부터 최근 지역사회 선정을 마친 년- 년까지 추이를 보여 다. <그림 > 연도별 앵무새 죽이기 선정 로그램: ‘한 책’ 로그램, - (왼쪽 도표) ; tbr, - (오른쪽 도표) 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 <그림 >의 왼쪽 도표에 따르면 년과 년에 각각 개 ‘한 책’ 로그램, 년에 개 로그램, 년에 개 로그램이 이 책 을 선정했고, 년에는 개 로그램, 년 에는 개 로그램이 이 책을 선정하 음을 확 인할 수 있다. 이후 년부터 년까지는 매년 개 로그램, 년과 년에는 각각 개씩의 ‘한 책’ 로그램이 이 책을 선정한 것 으로 나타났다. 한편 <그림 >의 오른쪽 도표에 따르면 상반기와 하반기로 나 어서 지역사회 를 공모했던 tbr 공식 사업 첫 해인 년 월- 년 월에는 개, 년 월- 년 월에는 개 지역사회가 이 책을 선정하 고, 년 월- 년 월에는 개, 년 월- 년 월에는 개 지역사회가 이 책을 선정 하 다. 년과 년에 각각 개와 개 지역사회가 이 책을 읽은 것이다. 일 년 단 로 공모를 시작한 년 월- 년 월에는 개, 년 월- 년 월에 개, 년 월- 년 월에 개, 년 월- 년 월에 개, 그 리고 년 월- 년 월에는 개 지역사회 가 각각 이 책을 선정하 다. 유일하게 년 월- 년 월 사업에는 아무도 이 책을 선정 하지 않았다. 년부터 년까지 공식 사업 기간 동안 모두 개 지역사회가 앵무새 죽이 기 를 선정하 다. 앵무새 죽이기 의 선정과 련하여 ‘한 책’ 로젝트와 tbr 사이 직 상 계는 다소 모호하다. 윤정옥( )에 따르면 년 한 해 동안 tbr에 참여한 개 지역사회가 앵무 새 죽이기 를 읽었으나, 그 해 center for the books 웹사이트에 등록된 개 ‘한 책’ 로젝 트들 단지 개 지역사회만 ‘tbr’임을 명기 하 다. 나머지 개 ‘한 책’ 로젝트들은 tbr 과는 상 없이 자발 으로 선정하여 읽었다는 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 ‘한 책’ 로젝트에 서 년을 정 으로 앵무새 죽이기 선정 지 역사회가 어들었다가 다시 년과 년 에 크게 늘어난 것은 tbr에 이 책이 권장도서 로 포함되어, 가시성이 더욱 커졌기 때문일 가능 성은 배제할 수 없다. . 앵무새 죽이기 의 평가 이처럼 많이 ‘한 책’으로 선정된 앵무새 죽이 기 는 어떤 책인가? 이 책에 한 평가는 library of congress가 “celebration of the book”의 다년 로젝트를 진행하면서 편성한 “books that shaped america” 목록에서 일별할 수 있다. 모두 권의 책이 수록된 이 목록에 하여 library of congress 장 james h. billington은 이것이 “가장 훌륭한 미국 책들의 명단은 아니며, 그보다는 미국인의 삶에 향을 미쳤던 책에 하여 국 화를 발하려는 목 을 가진다”고 강조하 다. 이 목록 소개문 에 따르면 년 퓰리처상 수상작인 앵무새 죽이기 는 발간 즉시 “작가에게 엄청난 비평 경제 성공을 가져왔으며, 재까지 천만 카피 이상이 인쇄되었다. 하퍼 리는 부당하게 기소된 흑인을 변호하는 소도시 변호사인 애티 커스 핀치라는 미국 문학사상 가장 속 인 웅 인물을 창조해냈다.” 한 목록은 이 책의 요성에 하여 년 washington post의 서평을 다음과 같이 인용하고 있다: “ 용에 한 백 운드의 설교, 혹은 용의 결핍을 개탄 하는 같은 분량의 독설도 계몽이라는 울에서 ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 는 앵무새 죽이기 라는 제목을 가진 단 온 스짜리 새로운 소설에는 한참 못 미칠 것이다” (library of congress ). 한편 앵무새 죽이기 는 미국 내 많은 도서 들에 소장되어 있는 인 책이다. 년 월 일 재 oclc의 종합목록 worldcat에 포함된 to kill a mockingbird(philadelphia: lippincott, © )의 서지 코드는 미국 내에 서만 개 (edition)이 , 개 도서 도 서 시스템에 소장되어 있음을 표시하고 있다. 를 들어 ‘한 책’ 로젝트들에서 앵무새 죽이 기 다음으로 많이 읽힌 fahrenheit (new york: simon and schuster, [ ?])은 개 이 , 개 도서 에 소장되어 있고, the kite runner(new york: riverhead books, ) 는 개 이 , 개 도서 에, the great gatsby(new york, ny: scribner, [ ]) 는 개 이 , 개 도서 에 각각 소장되어 있다고 한 것과 비교하면, 이 책이 얼마나 많은 도서 에 소장되어 있는지 알 수 있다. 물론 각 서지 코드에 나타난 소장 도서 수가 미국 내 체 도서 소장의 완 한 통계를 반 하 지는 않지만, 체 인 동향을 보여 다고 할 수 있다. 앵무새 죽이기 는 한 많이 읽히기도 하는 책이다. 미국의 고등학교 학생들이 책 한 권 을 읽은 다음 퀴즈를 풀어서 독서수 과 이력을 추 할 수 있게 하는 accelerated reader(ar) 로그램 데이터베이스에서 그 증거를 찾을 수 있다. 이 로그램에 - 년 학사연도 동 안 미국 역의 , 개 학교에서 여만 학 생의 독서기록이 등록되었고, 이들이 이 기간 동안 읽은 체 억 천 백만 권 가운데 가장 많이 읽은 책들의 목록이 ‘top books read overall and by gender, grades - ’로 발표되 었다. 여기에서 학년별로 여학생, 남학생, 그리 고 체의 목록에서 앵무새 죽이기 는 , 명의 학년 독자들 여학생 , 체 , , 명의 학년 독자들 남학생 , 여학생 , 체 , , 명의 학년 에서 남학생 , 여학생 , 체 , 그리고 , 명의 학년에서 남학생 , 체 의 순 에 올랐다. 앵무새 죽이기 는 atos 도 서수 )은 . , 흥미수 은 ug(upper grade. - 학년)으로 평가된다. 각 학년별 까지 책들의 atos 도서수 체 평균치가 학년은 . , 학년은 . , 학년과 학년은 각각 . 인 것을 보면 앵무새 죽이기 는 평균치를 넘어서 는 독서 흥미수 의 책이다(rennaissance learning , - ). 이 책은 한 학년별 로 달성해야 할 본문난이도 수 을 나타내는 ‘common core state standards: - band’ 의 ‘stories’ 목록에 오른 권 가운데 학년과 학년 학생들의 . %가 읽어 가장 많이 읽은 책이었다. 그 다음으로 많이 읽은 책인 franz kafka의 the metamorphosis는 . %, 다른 로 인 ray bradbury의 fahrenheit 은 . %, 가장 게 읽은 michael shaara의 the killer angel은 . %의 학생들이 읽었다. 이 처럼 다른 책들이 % 안 의 독서율을 보인 데 비해 앵무새 죽이기 는 히 많은 학생들이 읽었음을 알 수 있다. 참고로 다른 연령 의 ) rennaissance learning, inc.가 개발한 본문난이도 측정 수 으로서 평균 문장 길이, 평균 단어 길이, 단어 난이도 등을 사용한다. 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 ‘common core state standards: - band’의 ‘stories’ 목록에서는 가장 많이 읽힌 mildred d. taylor의 roll of thunder, hear my cary 는 . %, ‘common core state standards: -ccr(college and career readiness) band’ 에서 the great gatsby는 . %가 읽었다 (rennaissance learning , - ). 일반 독자들의 자율 인 평가에서도 앵무새 죽이기 는 에 띄게 높은 호감도를 보여주고 있다. 독자들이 자유롭게 서평을 올리며, 이 서 평들이 oclc worldcat에 이용자 서평으로서 링크되는 goodreads.com( )에서는 “best books of the th century”를 선정하 다. 세기, 즉 년 월 일부터 년 월 일 사이에 간행된 책들 가장 훌륭한 책을 투표 하도록 한 데서 이 책은 를 차지하 다. 년 월 일 재 이 리스트에 , 명의 독 자가 투표하 고 모두 , 권의 책이 올라와 있다. 이들 가운데 앵무새 죽이기 는 개의 별 에 평균 . 개 별 으로 평가 고, 총 은 , , , 가장 훌륭한 책이라고 투표한 사람 은 , 명이었다. 이 리스트에서 를 차지 한 george orwell의 가 평균 . 개의 별 , 총 , , 투표자 , 명, 를 차지 한 j.r.r. tolkien의 the lord of the rings (# - )가 평균 . 개의 별 , 총 , , 투표자 , 명이었던 것에 비하면 앵무새 죽이 기 에 한 독자들의 높은 평가는 두드러진다. 하지만 읽을거리로서의 앵무새 죽이기 는 종종 반론이나 이견이 많은 논쟁 상이 되기 도 하 다. american library association의 office for intellectual freedom은 매년 개인이 나 단체들이 국의 학교나 도서 에서 제거하 도록 요구하는 책들의 명단을 공개하고 있는데, 여기서 앵무새 죽이기 는 자주 언 되고 있다. 이들은 “ 지 혹은 도 되는(banned or chal- lenged)” 책들로 이 책은 the great gatsby, j. d. salinger의 the catcher in the rye, john steinbeck의 the grapes of wrath 등과 더불 어 가장 자주 도 받는 책들 하나로 이름을 올리고 있다(ala a). 앵무새 죽이기 가 도 받는 이유는 매우 다 양하 다. 를 들어, 욕설로 여겨지는 “damn”과 “whore lady”와 같은 용어의 사용(eden valley, mn, ), 흑인 비하 인종차별 용어인 “nigger”와 같은 표 사용(waukegan, illinois school district, ; kansas city, missouri junior high schools, ), 작품 자체가 “상스 러운, 쓰 기 같은 소설”이라는 평가(vernon verona sherill, new york school district, ), 작품이 “ 정 인 인종 통합 과정에 심 리 인 손상을 가한다”, “훌륭한 문학작품이라 는 미명 아래 제도화된 인종차별주의를 드러낸 다”(warren, in township schools, ), “지 역사회의 가치 과 충돌한다”(lindale, texas, ) 등 매우 다양한 이유가 언 되었다. 특히 작품 속에 묘사된 흑인에 한 인종 욕 설이나 차별, 백인 인종주의자들의 행동이 흑인 어린이 독자들에 미칠 부정 향에 한 비 과 우려는 흑인 학생들과 학부모들뿐만이 아니 라(glynn county, georgia, ; muskogee, oklahoma high school, ), 많은 지역사회 의 구성원들이 지속 으로 지 해 왔다(normal, illinois, community high school, ; stanford middle school, durham, north carolina, ; brentwood, tennessee, middle school, ; ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 cherry hill, nj board of education, ). 많은 경우 그러한 일부의 도 이나 비 에도 불 구하고 이 책은 학교도서 이나 공공도서 장 서로 잔류되었지만, 결국 학교 교육과정의 독 서 목록에서 제거되기도 한 사례(st. edmund campion secondary school, brampton, ontario, canada, )(ala b)도 없진 않다. . 앵무새 죽이기 의 ‘한 책’ 선정 이유 앞 에서 언 한 것처럼 앵무새 죽이기 의 문학 , 문화 , 혹은 사회 평가는 만장일치 는 아니다. 하지만 어도 ‘한 책’ 독서운동과 련해서는 많은 사람들 혹은 지역사회가 함께 읽 고 싶어한 책인 것은 명백한 사실이다. 특정한 지역사회가 어떤 책을 함께 읽고 토론하면서 달 성하고자 하는 목표는 다양할 것이다. 한 같 은 책을 읽어도 지역사회마다 지향 이 다를 수 도 있다. 따라서 많은 ‘한 책’ 로젝트가 앵무 새 죽이기 를 함께 읽고 토론할 한 권의 책으로 선택했을 때, 그 선정의 이유 혹은 가치는 과연 무엇인지 살펴볼 필요가 있다. american library association은 ‘한 책’ 독 서운동에 합한 책은 “토론을 진하기 해 강한 흥미를 불러일으키는 쟁 , 인물 주제” 를 가져야 한다고 지 한 바 있다. 그리고 책 선 정의 지침은 무엇보다도 ‘한 책’ 독서운동이라 는 이니셔티 에서 명시한 목표에 기반해야 함을 강조했다(ala , - ). seattle public library 사서로서 년 ‘if all of seattle read the same book’의 출범을 이끌었던 pearl ( )은 최근 독서그룹에서 토론하기 좋은 소 설책의 네 가지 조건을 다음과 같이 언 하 다: 첫째, “모호한 결말”을 가진다, 둘째, 책의 주인공이 자기 여생에 향을 미치는 결정을 내 려야 한다, 셋째, 작가가 소설의 내러티 구조 에 “평범하지 않은 무엇”을 한다. 넷째, 화자를 “신뢰할 수 없다.” 앵무새 죽이기 는 어느 정 도 이런 속성을 담고 있다. dempsey( )는 ‘한 책’으로서 가장 성공 인 책들에는 뭔가 공통 인 특성이 있다고 하면서, pearl이 “토론할 수 있는 … 토론하지 않고는 못 배기는(discussable … compulsibly discussable)” 책이어야 한다고 주장한 바를 인 용하 고, 독자들이 진지하게 받아들일 수 있는 책이어야 한다는 도 지 하 다. 이 한 앵 무새 죽이기 의 내용에서 볼 수 있는 특성이다. 한편 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 요한 특징 가운데 하나는 다양한 행사와 로그램을 통해 독서를 진하는 것이다. 이러한 책과 로그램의 연계 는 처음 seattle에서부터 강조되었고, american library association( )도 요시 하 으 며, tbr에서 매뉴얼화 되었다고도 할 수 있다. tbr은 아 지역사회가 기 신청 단계에서부 터 지역의 책을 읽지 않는 사람들에게도 이 로젝트를 잘 알릴 수 있고, 참여를 독려할 수 있 는 다양한 행사와 로그램을 반드시 포함시키 도록 하며, 다음과 같은 요소들을 포함하여 구 성하도록 권장하 다. - 개막행사: 지역에서 로젝트 시작을 알린다. - 선정된 책이나 시에 하여 어도 한 번 의 기조행사: 를 들어 표 기 작가 의 강의, 패 토론, 혹은 자 낭독회 등. - 다른 종류의 로그램을 포함하는 최소한 두세 번의 특별행사: 를 들어 책을 각색 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 한 화, 선정 작가에 한 화, 혹은 극 화 낭독 등. - 다양한 장소에서 책이나 작가에 한 최소 한 - 회의 토론: 를 들어 도서 , 서 , 박물 과 같이 다양한 청 이 모일 수 있는 곳을 포함한다(national endowment for the arts b). 앵무새 죽이기 는 어쩌면 상기한 조건들을 잘 반 하는 책이라고 할 수 있다. 두 가지 측면 에서 이 책의 선정 이유를 살펴보았다. . . 주제와 이야깃거리 첫째, 앵무새 죽이기 는 강력한 주제와 메시 지를 담고 토론할 이야깃거리를 많이 갖고 있다. national endowment for the arts( a)는 일 이 tbr 선정도서 권의 주제를 성장, 용 기, 범죄와 정의, 정체성, 용, 상실, 사랑이라 는 개 범주로 나 어 소개한 바 있다. 앵무새 죽이기 는 그 가운데 상실을 제외한 개 주제를 모두 담고 있는 것으로 나타났다. tbr 선정도 서 그 다음으로 많은 주제를 담은 the poetry of henry wadsworth longfellow, the things they carried가 개 주제를 다루었다고 한 것 에 비하면 이 책의 주제 다양성이 돋보인다. 주 제 다양성은 산발된 주제의 분산을 의미하는 것 이 아니라, 다양한 이 하나의 큰 주제로 통 합되어 이른바 ‘시 지’ 효과를 가져 온다고 할 수 있다. 년 최 의 ‘one book, one chicago’는 앵무새 죽이기 를 선정할 때, 이 책이 인간의 편견과 이해, 용서, 인종, 성별 갈등을 포함하여 ‘인종주의와 용’이라는 시카고뿐만 아니라 오 늘날 세계에 련된 보편 주제를 다루고 있다 고 강조하 다. 한 ‘도발 인 토론’을 불붙일 수 있어야 한다는 조건에 하게 부합한다고 하 다(chicago public library a). 최근 새로 시작된 몇 안 되는 ‘한 책’ 로젝 트들 하나인 massachusettes 주 dedham의 ‘dedham reads together’도 년 출범 첫 해 이 책을 선정하 다. dedham public library 가 주 하는 ‘dedham reads together’의 목 표는 “주민들이 동시에 같은 책을 읽고, 공통된 주제로 화에 불을 붙이며, 일련의 즐거운 행 사를 즐기면서 지역사회를 한데 모으는 것”이 라고 하 다. 이들은 특별히 책의 선정기 을 명 시하지는 않았으나, ‘dedham reads together ’에서는 앵무새 죽이기 가 발간 주년이 라는 을 강조하면서, “ 원한 고 ”으로 최 의 dedham 범 지역사회 독서 로그램에 완벽 한 선택이라고 하 다. 이들은 “정의와 공감이 라는 범한 주제로부터, 이 책으로 하여 생 명력을 갖게 하는 사람, 언어, 식물, 음식 등의 상세사항들까지, 토론하고 즐길 거리가 참 많 다”고 하 다(dedham public library ). 말하자면 내용과 주제의 이야깃거리가 많다는 것이었다. 이야깃거리가 많다는 것은 독서토론만으로 도 다룰 내용이 많다는 의미도 된다. missouri 주 columbia의 daniel boone regional library (dbrl)가 주 하는 ‘one read’는 년 ‘one book, one chicago’를 모델로 삼아 시작되었 다. 그 목표는 여가독서를 권장하고, dbrl 지 역에서 지역사회 력을 장려하고, 독서토론 다른 로그램으로 다양한 참여방법을 제공하 며, 독서토론 그룹에 자원을 제공한다는 것이다 ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 (dbrl a). 이들은 주민 추천으로 권의 책을 선정하고, 지역사회 구성원의 독서 패 이 - 권으로 압축한 후 이를 다시 주민 투표에 부 쳐 최종 책을 선정한다. 년 ‘one read’는 앵무새 죽이기 를 선정하 고, 당시 행사와 로그램의 진행 기록은 남아있지 않지만, novelist book discussion guides(ebsco publishing )를 갖고 독서토론을 진행했음을 보고하 다(dbrl b). 이들이 시작단계에서 주민 추천으로, 최종단계에서 주민 투표로 이 책을 선정한 것은 같이 읽고 이야기할 책으로서의 가 치를 지역사회 구성원들이 공감하고 인정했음 을 의미한다. 다양한 주제 혹은 이야깃거리 가운데 특별히 어떤 을 강조하는가는 개별 지역사회의 선택 일 것이다. 를 들어, 년 월 wiscosin 주 milton은 tbr로 ‘milton reads’를 진행하며 이 책을 읽었다. city of milton과 milton public library가 주 하는 ‘milton reads’의 목표는 우리 환경, 계 자신에 하여 생각해보도 록 도발하는 한 문학을 함께 읽음으로써 ‘시 체의 화’를 증진시키는 것이라고 하며, 이 책의 주제가 “인종차별과 순수성의 괴” 라는 을 강조하 다(milton public library ). 역시 이 책을 읽은 년 minnesota 주 st. cloud에서 great river educational arts theatre가 주 한 tbr에서는 행사와 로그 램 소개에서 거듭 ‘진정한 용기’를 강조하 고, ‘순수함, 용, 가족 믿는 바 로 살아가는 용기’에 한 책으로서 가치를 지역에서 살려 내고자 하 다(national endowment for the arts a). . . 행사와 로그램의 연결 둘째, 앵무새 죽이기 는 ‘한 책’ 독서운동에 서 요하게 여겨지는 행사와 로그램에 연결 하기 좋다. ‘one book, one chicago’도 책의 선정기 에 성인 독서토론 그룹, 작가의 방문, 연극, 화, 자도서 등 로그램에 연결하기 쉬워야 한다는 을 포함시켰다. 당연히 최 의 책인 앵무새 죽이기 는 그 조건에 부합한 것으 로 여겨졌다. ‘one book, one chicago’에서 진행되었던 로그램 아이디어는 이후 많은 ‘한 책’ 로젝 트에서 채택되었다. 를 들어 chicago에서 상 된 년 제작 화 앵무새 죽이기 는 이 후 많은 ‘한 책’ 로젝트들에서도 상 되었고, 이 책의 부분이나 체를 연극으로 공연하거나, 소설의 핵심 내용인 탐 로빈스의 재 장면을 지역 법률가들이 모의재 으로 재 한 것 같은 로그램(chicago public library b)도 다양한 방식으로 복제되었다. 물론 계속해서 새로운 아이디어를 담은 로 그램들도 등장하 다. 를 들어 ‘dedham reads together ’은 독서토론 외 많은 로그램 을 진행하진 않았지만, 남부 스타일의 사교 티 티, 어린이를 한 테디베어 티 티 등을 열 었고, 폐막행사로서 norfolk 법원에서 배우들이 직 법정장면을 재 하는 공연을 했다. 앞서 ‘one book, one chicago’에서는 이를 실제 법 조인들이 재 했던 것과 달리 여기서는 지역의 배우들이 연기하면서, 책의 가장 요한 장면을 되살리고자 했다(dedham public library ). 년 tbr에 참여하여 이 책을 읽었던 wisconsin 주 milton의 ‘milton reads’는 ‘milton reads kick-off!’ 출범행사에서 책의 짧은 극화 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 낭독, 책 나눠주기, in search of mockingbird 자 loretta ellsworth의 낭독과 토론, 독서토 론, 화상 디 트 뷔페 등을 진행했다. 그 밖에는 책을 다 읽은 사람은 종이 ‘앵무새’에 자 기 이름을 써서 도서 곳곳에 붙여놓게 하는 ‘autograph a bird at the library’를 진행했다 (milton public library ). 아직 행사를 진행하진 않았지만, 년- 년 tbr에 참여하는 florida 주 fort lauderdale 도 별로 많은 로그램을 계획하지 않고 있다. florida center for the book at broward county library가 주 하는 이 tbr은 첫 행사로 년 월 일 fort lauderdale public library 에서 “‘앵무새 죽이기’ reader's theatre”를 진 행하며, 지역극단 the playgroup, llc가 앵무 새 죽이기 를 공연하고, 희곡작가와 문답 다 과시간을 갖는다. fort lauderdale film festival의 술 화 극장인 cinema paradiso 에서는 화 상 과 토론을 한다(national endowment for the arts c). michigan 주 holland의 hope college가 주 하는 tbr 한 단 두 가지 로그램만으로 진행된다. 월 일 knickerbocker theatre에 서 ‘to kill a mockingbird: free film event’ 를 연다. 이 화를 보고 어째서 “앵무새를 죽이 는 것은 죄”인지 생각해보자고 한다. holland museum에서 지역 고등학교 학생들과 창작한 동 술 로젝트를 시하며 리셉션을 열고, 이것으로 앵무새 죽이기 축하를 마무리한다. 이 tbr 주 기 인 hope college는 지역의 도서 , 박물 개의 지역 학교들과 함께 월 한 달 동안 독서그룹을 구성하고 독서토론 을 진행한다(hope college ). . 앵무새 죽이기 선정 도시의 사례 모두 개에 이르는 앵무새 죽이기 를 선 정한 ‘한 책’ 로그램이나 tbr에서 이 책을 토 론함과 더불어 나름 로 고유한 활동을 했을 것 으로 기 된다. 하지만 거의 부분 활동의 세 부사항을 알기 어렵다. 왜냐면 ‘one book, one chicago’처럼 공식 웹사이트를 구축하고 그동 안 읽었던 모든 책과 행사 등 자료를 공개하는 경우(one book, one chicago )는 많지 않기 때문이다. 특히 이 책을 읽은 ‘한 책’ 로 그램들이 부분 년 이 에 몰려있고 당시 자료를 지 까지 공개하는 경우는 거의 없다. 따라서 여기에서는 tbr을 통해 최근 앵무새 죽이기 를 읽는 두 개 도시의 사례를 살펴보도 록 한다. . irving의 tbr 년 월부터 년 월 사이 진행되는 tbr에는 모두 개 지역사회가 참여하고, 개 지역사회가 앵무새 죽이기 를 읽기로 하 다. 이들 texas 주 irving의 irving public library가 주 하는 tbr은 모두 개 로그 램을 진행한다(national endowment for the arts b). 이들은 출범행사로 년 월 일 ‘harper's bazaar-the big read kickoff ’를 지역 센터에서 열면서 년 생활의 일면을 경험 해보라고 한다. 참가자들은 마치 당시의 작은 타운 박람회에 간 것처럼 음식, 페이스페인 , 동물, 장사꾼, 게임과 스토리텔링 등을 포함하 며, 합창단과 밴드 등의 음악공연도 볼 수 있다. ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 출범행사 이 에 월 한 달 동안 모든 도서 들에서 열리는 ‘boo's cards teen art contest’ 는 학년부터 학년 학생들이 책에서 감을 받은 트 이딩카드 크기 술작품을 만든다. 한 아이들은 도서 에서 나무로 새집 짓기 공작 을 한다. 이 irving의 tbr은 다른 책으로 확장된 다. 등학생들은 christopher paul curtis의 the watsons go to birmingham- 을 토 론하고, 작가와 만남의 시간을 갖는다. 이 소설은 년 흑인인권운동이 매우 격렬하게 진행되 었던 당시 년 월 alabama 주 birmingham 의 흑인교회 폭 사건을 배경으로 하며, 앵무 새 죽이기 와 많은 것을 공유하는 작품이다. 그보다 더 어린 아이들을 한 로그램들도 다양하다. 여러 도서 에서 열리는 ‘meet the sneetches’에서는 dr. seuss의 인종 용에 한 스토리 인물인 스니치와의 티에 아이들 을 한다. 새를 주제로 한 유치원생 가족 스토리타임, 앵무새를 주제로 한 유아 스토리 타임과 인형극을 공연하며, 같은 제목으로 개 월부터 살까지 아이들을 한 스토리타임, 가 족을 한 이개국어 스토리타임, 살부터 살 아이들을 한 스토리타임 등으로 진행한다. 한 central irving library에서 ‘walking with the power of one’이라는 유아, 유치원생 보호자를 한 스토리타임 스토리 워크를 두 차 례 진행한다. 이 로그램은 “한 사람의 힘(power of one)”을 주제로 하며 “아무도 일어서지 않 을 때, 모든 것은 걷잡을 수 없게 된다. 한 사람 이 함께 해 때까지…”를 강조한다. 무엇보다도 central irving library의 미스 터리 북클럽 ‘midweek mysteries’ 등 여러 도 서 분 을 비롯하여 노인센터 같은 지역사회 곳곳에서 많은 독서토론과 패 토론이 진행된 다. east branch library에서는 가족들이 모여 책을 토론하고, 통 인 남부스타일 디 트를 즐기는 시간을 갖는다. central irving library 에서 ‘the based on reality’ 북클럽이 marja mills의 lee 기 the mockingbird next door 독서토론을 하며, central irving library에서 는 ‘mockingbirds, justice and race: a conversation’이라는 패 토론회를 갖는다. 여러 차례 화 상 로그램이 진행된다. 청소년과 가족을 한 앵무새 죽이기 화 로그램이 도서 들에서 차례 진행되고, 년 제작된 ‘the watsons go to birmingham’ 화도 차례 상 된다. 한 오 시부터 오후 시까지 하루 종일 법정 드라마 화들을 시청 하는 ‘courtroom drama movie marathon’도 진행된다. 그밖에도 다양한 음악과 공연 로그램이 있 다. central irving library에서 ‘슬픔의 노래’라 고도 불리는 흑인 가를 공연한다. ‘the “hey boo" haunted house’는 참가자들이 의상을 입 고 사탕, 게임, 페이스페인 등으로 핼러 티 를 진행하는 로그램이 있고, national scouting museum에서는 ‘the mockingbird on trial’으 로 소설의 법정장면을 모의재 으로 공연한다. irving의 tbr은 이처럼 월과 월 두 달 동 안 어른, 청소년, 어린이, 유아까지 다양한 연 령층이 각각 혹은 함께 참여할 수 있는 로그 램들을 진행한다. 아울러 the watson's go to birmingham- , the mockingbird next door 등 책을 함께 읽으면서 앵무새 죽이기 를 확장하는 효과를 기 할 수도 있다. 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 . staten island의 tbr new york 주 staten island의 staten island outloud 주 tbr은 년 월 일 new dorp branch library의 독서토론을 필두로 하 여, 차례 독서토론을 하고, 모두 개 로그램 을 진행한다. staten island museum의 연례 쇼, 지역사회 행사인 아 리카 자부심 퍼 이드, 웨스터리 크 축제, 지역 naacp 기념행사에서 책 나눠 주기가 진행된다. 지역 리치몬드 옛동네 제삼법정에서는 ‘a con- versation on atticus finch, defense attorney’ 라는 로그램으로 staten island outloud 와 staten island women's bar association 이 책 속의 변호사 finch라는 인물을 토론하고, tom robinson 재 략을 검토하며, 명한 변호사, 사, 검사 등의 조언과 함께 작품의 법 정장면을 재 한다. 한편 st george library center에서 어른을 한 창작 워크 ‘mockingbird memoirs’을 진행한다. 이 로그램에서는 월 워크 세 션에서 소설 회고록으로서 책을 탐구하고, 주 인공 scout가 년간의 기억을 돌아보는 것처럼, 참가자들이 어린 시 요한 순간의 기억에 바 탕을 둔 을 쓰고 읽기를 한다. 지역의 카페에서는 ‘music & words of the american civil rights movement’를 진행하 며, 앵무새 죽이기 출 당시 발생했던 사건 을 배경으로 하는 미국 인권운동의 음악을 연주 한다. 이 소설의 구체화에 도움을 주었던 미국 인권운동에서 몇 가지 발화 에 련된 본문과 함께, 소설의 록을 읽고 토론한다. 를 들어 주년이 된 년 ‘인권법’ 통과에 한 신간 도서 권을 다룬다. 한 미국 법원의 역사 인 학교 통합 결정과 미시시피 주에서 살해된 세 흑인 소년 emmett till 사망 주년 등도 다루며, 책의 법정장면에 부분 으로 감을 scottsboro boys 련 도 찾아본다. 지역의 교회에서 열리는 ‘in search of the mockingbird’는 책에 감을 받은 음악과 춤을 공연하고, 연기자, 손님 참가자들이 토론 한다. 리치몬드 옛동네에서는 ‘the mockingbird at home’을 진행하며 큐 이터가 책 배경인 년 컬 션의 물건들을 보여주며, 작품 속 메이콤이라는 가상 마을에서 주인공과 이웃 들이 사용한 것들과 유사한 옷, 사진, 살림살이 등을 탐구하며, 책을 읽고 토론한다. 지역 갤러리에서는 어떻게 소설을 화 본 형식으로 변환했는지에 한 토론과 화 시간 을 갖는다. staten island academy에서는 학 생들이 책에서 감을 받은 창작 술작품 시 회를 열고, 학교 강당에서 시민 공개 독서토론 도 연다. 지역 교회에서 앵무새 죽이기 staten island chapter of the naacp 창설을 주제로 ‘building bridges to understanding-naacp on staten island’를 연다. 흑인 인권단체의 지 역 활동과 이 책의 의미를 연결한 행사이다. richmondtown branch library의 ‘a civil rights oral history’에서는 책을 읽고 토론하 며, 앨라배마에서 은 목사로서 일했던 지역 출 신 rev. george mcclain의 직 경험을 들어 본다. 그는 freedom riders와 같이 일했고, 유 권자 등록운동 조직을 도왔던 사람이다. st george library에서는 년 제작 화 ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 를 상 하고, noble maritime collection의 ‘harper lee & truman capote’에서는 lee의 어린 시 친구이며 등장인물 dill의 모델이었던 작가 truman capote를 함께 다룬다. capote 의 인생과 작품을 다룬 pink triangle 공 자인 지역작가 겸 출 가 danforth prince를 청연 사로 하여 등장인물들에 하여 읽고 화를 나 다. 자연과 함께 하는 독서토론도 있다. 지역 greenbelt nature center의 ‘mockingbird in the greenbelt’, clay pit ponds state park의 ‘mockingbird at clay pit ponds’에서 책을 토 론하고 숲길을 걷는다. ‘the “mockingbird” community & tottenville’에서는 책, 메이콤 과 토튼빌 지역사회, 역사와 사람들을 비교한다. 지역 창작 사진가 조합에서 열리는 ‘let us now praise famous men’은 이 책과 공황 당시 앨 라배마의 생활을 탐구한 사진 에세이인 james agee와 walker evans의 let us now praise famous men을 지역 사진가 gail middleton 인도로 토론한다. 그리고 ‘the christmas that changed her life’라는 지역사회 토론에서는 책과 lee의 회고록 기사인 ‘christmas to me’ 를 읽고 토론한다. 이처럼 다채로운 행사와 로그램의 면모를 보면 앵무새 죽이기 라는 책 자체의 내용에서 역사, 사회, 사회, 술의 여러 측면으로 연결되 는 풍요한 생각의 실마리를 찾아내고 있음을 알 수 있다. 특히 흑인 인권이라는 주제와 련된 활동에 집 하면서, 한 권의 책이 사회 상을 그리지만, 아울러 사회의 변화를 가져오는 도구 가 될 수 있다는 에 해서도 깊이 생각할 수 있게 한다. . 맺음말 이 연구에서는 지 까지 가장 많은 ‘한 책’ 로그램 tbr에서 선정된 앵무새 죽이기 를 읽은 지역사회들이 이 책을 선택하며 무엇을 생 각하 는지, 실제로 책을 읽으면서 무엇을 했는 지 살펴보고자 하 다. 그동안 모두 개 ‘한 책’ 로그램과 개 tbr이 이 책을 읽었지만 체를 살펴보기 어려워, 몇몇 지역사회 사례를 검토했다. 그 결과 같은 책을 읽으면서도 지역 마다 주제의 상이한 측면에 을 맞추었고, 책 한 권을 매개로 하여, 책 자체 책에서 다 룬 내용을 바탕으로 하여 다양한 활동과 로그 램의 무궁무진한 변주가 가능했음을 찰할 수 있었다. 어디에서든 용기, 정의, 용, 가족과 같은 주 제들이 강조되었고, 내용 속 세부사항들이 하나 하나 이야깃거리로 다루어졌다. 를 들어 지역 으로 남부나 작은 마을 생활양식, 시 으로 년 나 년 생활상 같은 구체 상 이 담론의 주제가 되며, 심지어 좁게는 앵무새 부터 넓게는 새의 의미, 월의 핼러 행사 등 까지 독립 주제이자 이야깃거리가 되었다. 한 이 책에서 다룬 미국 사회가 자행한 흑 백차별이라는 역사 문제, 그것을 극복하기 한 개인 , 사회 노력 인권운동, 실제 체험 자 등으로 주제는 꼬리에 꼬리를 물고 확 되었 다. 이들은 다양한 방식의 독서토론에서 직 다루어졌을 뿐만 아니라 문학, 화, 연극, 음악, 미술 등 여러 형태의 로그램으로 표 되었다. 더욱이 lee나 capote 등 자 등장인물 에 련된 책과 작가, 같은 주제를 다루는 the watson's go to birmingham- , the mock- 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 ingbird next door 등 다른 책들로도 확장되는 것을 볼 수 있었다. 앵무새 죽이기 가 가진 ‘한 권의 책’으로서 의 가치는 한 마디로 요약하긴 어렵다. 하지만 수많은 지역사회가 이 책을 선택한 것은 scout 라는 한 어린 아이의 에서 시작되어 자아, 가족, 이웃, 지역사회로 나아가고, 궁극 으로 년 미국이라는 특정 시 의 특정 국가만 이 아니라 작 의 우리 모두가 돌아보아야 할 인간의 존엄성이라는 본질로까지 확장되어가는 주제에 한 공감 때문일 수 있다. 앵무새 죽이 기 의 다양한 소주제들을 단서로 한 모든 독서 토론, 행사와 로그램들은 이러한 공감을 표 하고 확 하는 방법이라 할 수 있다. 향후 과제는 다른 책을 선택한 ‘한 책’ 로그 램들이 그 책을 왜 선택하 는지, 그것을 통해 무엇을 얻고자 하 는지 하나하나 살펴보는 것 이다. 앵무새 죽이기 에서 암시된 공감이라는 의미가 다른 책들을 통해 어떻게 나타나고 있는 지, 그런 결과로 ‘한 책’ 독서운동의 의미가 어떻 게 되고 있는지 이해해 보고자 한다. 참 고 문 헌 [ ] 윤정옥. . 미국의 ‘한 책, 한 도시’ 독서운동 선정 책의 황 분석. 한국문헌정보학회지 , ( ): - . [ ] 조찬식. . 독서운동에 한 연구-서울시 성북구의 ‘원 북, 성북' 독서운동을 심으로. 한 국문헌정보학회지 , ( ): - . [ ] american library association. . “one book, one community: planning your community- wide read.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] american library association. a. “banned & challenged classics.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] american library association. b. “banned and/or challenged books from the radcliffe publishing course top novels of the th century.” doyle, robert p. . banned books: challenging our freedom to read. chicago: american library association. [online] [cited . . .] [ ] chicago public library (cpl). a. “to kill a mockingbird by harper lee. resource guide online. introduction." [online] [cited . . .] [ ] chicago public library (cpl). b. “to kill a mockingbird by harper lee. resource guide online. book discussion and special events." [online] [cited . . .] ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 [ ] cincinnati public library. . on the same page. “the kite runner." [online] [cited . . .] [ ] city of milton and milton public library. wisconsin. “milton reads.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] daniel boone regional library(dbrl). a. “one read: about.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] daniel boone regional library(dbrl). b. “one read: program: ‘to kill a mockingbird’ by harper lee.” [online] [cited . . .] ; “discussion guide.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] dedham public library. . “dedham reads together . celebrating years of “to kill a mockingbird" by harper lee.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] dempsey, beth. . “one great idea.” library journal, ( ): - . [ ] dempsey, beth. . “lj news-front desk: mockingbird rules one-book, one-city.” library journal, ( ): . [ ] fialkoff, francine. . “raising readers.” library journal, ( ): . [ ] goodreads.com. “best books of the th century.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] great river regional library. . “community big read.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] hope college. . “hope: news from hope college.” august . p. . [online] [cited . . .] [ ] library of congress. . “books that shaped america.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] library of congress. the center for the books. a. “‘one book’ reading promotion projects.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] library of congress. the center for the books. b. “‘one book’ reading promotion projects: selected list by author.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] luther, frances d. and woods, ada. . “reading promotion: maryland humanities council's one maryland one book program for high school and adult readers.” delta kappa gamma 한국문헌정보학회지 제 권 제 호 bulletin, ( ): - . [ ] mcswain, bernice. . “bringing it all together: salisbury reads.” aplis, ( ): - . [ ] milton public library. . homepage. [online] [cited . . .] [ ] national endowment for the arts. big read. a. “our books: theme.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] national endowment for the arts. the big read. b. “guidelines & application instructions.” [online] [cited . . ] [ ] national endowment for the arts. big read. b. “history/overview of the big read.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] national endowment for the arts. the big read. c. “to kill a mockingbird. preface.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] national endowment for the arts. big read. a. “great river educational arts theatre.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] national endowment for the arts. big read. b. “irving public library.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] national endowment for the arts. big read. c. “florida center for the book at broward county library.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] national endowment for the arts. big read. d. “staten island outloud.” [online] [cited . . .] [ ] one book, one chicago. . homepage. [online] [cited . . .] [ ] pearl, nancy. . “check it out.” publishers weekly, ( ): - . [ ] rennaissance learning. . what kids are reading: the book-reading habits of students in american schools. ed. [online] [cited . . .] [ ] rodney, mae l. . “building community partnerships: the ‘one book, one community’ experience.” c & rl news, ( ): - , . [ ] schwartz, meredith. . “diy one book at sacramento pl.” library journal, ( ): . [ ] van dyke, debby. . “building a community of readers": a one book program.” library media connection, ( ): - . ‘한 권의 책’으로서 ꡔ앵무새 죽이기 에 한 연구 • 국문 참고자료의 영어 표기 (english translation / romanization of references originally written in korean) [ ] yoon, cheong-ok. “an analytical study on the books selected in ‘one book, one city' reading campaigns in the u.s.a.” journal of the korean society for library and information science, ( ): - . [ ] cho, chan-sik. . “a study on the public reading campaign: the case of ‘one book, seongbuk' campaign in seongbuk-gu, seoul.” journal of the korean society for library and information science, ( ): - . login skip to main content skip to main navigation menu skip to site footer open menu register login home / login login username * required password * required forgot your password? keep me logged in login register acta literaria .pdf acta literaria nº , i sem. ( - ), issn - los dos ángeles: encuentro y desencuentro de dos poemas. gabriela mistral y henry wadsworth longfellow* the two angels: agreement and disagreement between gabriela mistral and henry wadsworth longfellow juan manuel mancilla troncoso universidad de la serena. chile piedragua@hotmail.com el fenómeno de la intertextualidad en el opus mistraliano es una posibilidad y condición constante de toda su producción. son múltiples los envíos a distintos códigos y espectros de significación: culturales, religiosos, mitológicos, filosóficos, teosóficos, ámbitos diversos del conocimiento y la cultura en general, sumariamente, referentes difíciles de claudicar y soslayar al momento de leer los textos de la poeta chilena. dicho proceder, dota a la obra mistraliana de una de las más notables y deseadas características de la poesía y el arte contemporáneo: obra abierta, receptora y productora de sentidos. apertura y ambigüedad que se despliega y dialoga como un mosaico polisémico cuya fragmentariedad estaría determinada por el tipo específico de lector que a ella llega. en este sentido, eco ( ) agrega que “la poética contemporánea nos propone una gama de formas que apelan al movimiento de las perspectivas, a la múltiple variedad de las interpretaciones (…) ninguna obra de arte es cerrada sino que encierra una infinitud de lecturas posibles ( ). estimamos que la inteligencia y “gracia” del programa poético mistraliano, ante todo se debe a que la poeta tuvo lúcidamente una conciencia crítica y moderna en el sentido rimbaudeano, de lo que es la “abierta” relación en la triada obra lector- interpretación, “conciencia sobre todo del artista, el cual la elige (la apertura) *esta investigación fue desarrollada en el marco del proyecto diuls pf/ de la dirección de investigación de la universidad de la serena, . es producto del seminario interdiscipli- nario sobre gabriela mistral, desarrollado durante el segundo semestre de , en el marco del curso semiología de la cultura. problemas de literatura chilena, miel, depto. artes y letras, universidad de la serena. acta literaria nº , i sem. como programa productivo e incluso ofrece su obra para promover la máxima apertura posible (eco, : ). tomando en cuenta estas consideraciones aproximativas en torno al tema del dialogismo de la poesía mistraliana, el presente trabajo analiza concretamente un diálogo intertextual producido por los poemas “los ángeles” del poeta norteamericano h. wadsworth longfellow” y “los dos ángeles” de la escritora chilena. los “dos ángeles” (mistral, ) es un poema que forma parte de tala, su tercer libro y que aparece por primera vez a la circulación pública en el año en la ciudad de buenos aires. específicamente, el poema forma parte de la sección agrupada bajo el título “alucinación”. se trata de un poema amoroso, místico, de carácter epifánico. es un texto breve, compacto, agrupado en cuatro estrofas. “the two angels” es un poema que forma parte de birds of passege, libro que data de . forma parte de la sección agrupada bajo el título “flight the first” , se trata de un poema de carácter mítico/místico, de carácter epifánico y temible. es un texto extenso, que contrasta notablemente con el de la chilena; de versos tendientes a lo “narrativo” y agrupados en once cuartetos consonantes. la lectura sostenida de ambos textos nos ha permitido plantearnos lo siguiente: ¿cuál es la relación intertextual entre el poema “dos ángeles” de mistral y el poema “los dos ángeles” de longfellow? ¿cuáles son las diferencias específicas entre dos textos temáticamente relacionados? entonces, el objetivo central de esta nota es evidenciar los puntos de encuentro y desencuentro entre los textos citados, sosteniendo la hipótesis de que la programación textual del poema de la mistral opera desconstructivamente en la absorción de su pretexto. anÁlisis para la realización de este análisis hemos recurrido al criterio inter e intratextual en el supuesto vinculatorio de los textos. además, para poder determinar la forma en que la intertextualidad pudiera materializarse en el texto, hemos construido una serie de cuatro cuadros esquemáticos que nos van a permitir evidenciar algunos aspectos que consideramos relevantes. para los efectos de nuestro análisis, hemos considerado la traducción del poema realizada por diocaretz ( ). nos parece relevante la evidencia que ambos textos aparecen en una serie e inscriptas al interior de un texto mayor. es significativa, además, la coherencia de la relación semántica de las institula- ciones, a saber, “alucinación” y “el primer vuelo”, ambas dentro del campo semántico de lo aéreo o fuera del espacio terráqueo y/o de lo ligado a lo consciente. aspecto temático. el factor principal que justificaría la intertextualidad entre los textos. para determinar con claridad este aspecto y a modo de evidencia, hemos procedido a categorizar aplicando los siguientes criterios: tabla . aspecto temático criterios longfellow mistral pa los dos ángeles dos ángeles bac uno de la muerte y uno de la vida el Ángel que da el gozo y el que da la agonía spp reconocí la agonía sin nombre, el terror y el temblor y el dolor y me les doy como alga a la ola, contrita. pva susurro una palabra cuyo sonido era como la muerte y anudaron el nudo de la muerte con la vida! a pero uno llevaba corona de amaranto y el otro de asfódelos, cual copos de luz. si el de color de llama o el color de ceniza pa: presencia angélica. bac: binomio angélico contradictor. spp: sensaciones produci- das por su presencia. pva: propósito de la visita angélica. a: apariencia. aspecto semántico. consiste en agrupar una serie de lexemas que forman parte del texto y que pueden reunirse bajo significados o connotaciones discordantes. para ello hemos utilizado las siguientes categorías: a) campo semántico vinculado a las asociaciones topo-espaciales. es un factor clave para constatar la hipótesis de que el texto base (hipotexto) es desconstruido en la absorción concreta que produce el texto mistraliano. tabla . resultado campo semántico de las asociaciones topo-espaciales entre los textos textos resultados longfellow menciones a situaciones espaciales referentes al espacio humano y terrestre. menciones a la palabra puerta y a la palabra casa. mistral mención a una situación espacial. no incurre referencial terráqueo habitado por humanos, sólo el cielo. j.m. mancilla t. acta literaria nº , i sem. b) campo semántico vinculado a las asociaciones crono-temporales. es otra variable clave para sostener la relación de existencia y/o co-presencia del hipotexto del poeta norteamericano en el texto mistraliano. tabla . campo semántico de la asociación crono-temporal textos resultados longfellow una referencia al momento en que los seres alados se presencian, el alba, el amanecer, la aurora: “dos ángeles… al romper la mañana pasaron” mistral de igual manera, el texto mistraliano sitúa temporalmente la aparición /contemplación de los seres angélicos al romper el alba: “yo sé, cuando amanece” aspecto formal. consiste en describir la estructura o tipología textual que conforman ambos textos, que de igual manera pueden constituirse como criterio significativo discordante como argumento para poder constatar nuestra hipótesis. para ello hemos convenido utilizar (interesadamente) los siguientes criterios de aproximación: tabla . aspectos formales criterios longfellow mistral ce cuartetos estrofas irregulares tr consonante blanca tv de tendencia a la extensión de tendencia a la brevedad tp prosístico/ prosopográfico críptico/no descriptivo ta temeroso/dudoso regocijo/seguridad alp enunciativa carmínica fcp referencial emotiva ce: constitución estrófica. tr: tipo de rima. tv: tipo de verso. tp: tipo de poema. ta: temple anímico. alp: actitud lírica predominante. fcp: función comunicativa predominante. interpretaciÓn . puntos de encuentro es efectiva la presencia de dos ángeles en ambos textos. estos mensajeros, en su étimo griego, mediadores entre el cielo y la tierra (becker, ), a través de los cuales se sirve dios para hacer cumplir sus designios en la tierra. sus apariciones son hechos inefables, por ello es que los ángeles son el símbolo de lo invisible, conjunción de fuerzas ascendentes y descendentes entre el creador y las criaturas. los ángeles de ambos textos se nos muestran en la lectura como culturalmente en occidente se les conoce: una aparición, una epifanía. su naturaleza dual, el principio de contradicción que los rige, también se manifiesta en ambos textos: arriba/abajo, mal/bien, blanco/negro. este carácter contradictorio, dualístico y escindido de los ángeles es manifiesto por ambos textos. de la heterogeneidad o tipos angélicos que han sido representados por el imago religioso cristiano/ occidental; caídos, guardianes, tutelares, exterminadores, ambos textos recortan ese ámbito al de la muerte y a los dadores de la vida: se juntaron en unas sus alas enemigas y anudaron el nudo de la muerte con la vida (mistral) dos ángeles, uno de la muerte y uno de la vida por nuestro pueblo al romper la mañana pasaron (longfellow) en jerarquía, los serafines son los más cercanos a dios y su trono y llevan cirios encendidos. querubines son los que llevan símbolos dorados y sabiduría. en el texto de longfellow no se puede determinar la naturaleza de sus ángeles, tal vez el ángel de amaranto pudiera ser tanto serafín como querubín, pues los símbolos que nos entrega la descripción bien pueden adjudicarse a estas dos categorías: “pero uno llevaba corona de amaranto, como llama (…)”. en el código simbólico esta flor es signo de inmortalidad y en la iconografía se representa como una doncella que lleva en sus manos un ramo y un disco de oro (becker, ). tal signo nos hace pensar que por la comparación “como llama” es atribuible la condición de querubín, ya que éstos llevan símbolos dorados. el envío intertextual del texto mistraliano opera de similar forma en cuanto a las descripciones “físicas” de los ángeles de longfellow: “si el de color de llama / o el color de ceniza” (mistral). en este ángel principia el dinamismo, j.m. mancilla t. acta literaria nº , i sem. la constancia cambiante, lo fluyente, lo erótico, mientras que en el otro, “el de asfódelos cual copos de luz”, que en la antigua tradición griega era una planta que ofrendaban a sus muertos, y que en el texto deviene en el principio tanático con la inclusión de un adversativo que opone la similitud antes reconocida por el hablante: tenían la misma apariencia y actitud, semejantes rasgos y ropas blancas pero uno llevaba corona de amaranto, como llama, y el otro de asfódelos, cual copos de luz (longfellow) sobre el momento en que irrumpen en el cielo, ambos textos están situados al alba. ambas apariciones son al amanecer, momento en que la res natura también está en ese trance de ser no siendo (valery), como la natura angélica. ambos hablantes son testigos de la epifánica aparición que tiene lugar en el fotoinstante de la aurora: yo sé, cuando amanece, cual va regirme el día, (…) (mistral) (…) por nuestro pueblo al romper la mañana pasaron; el alba venía en sus semblantes, y abajo, surgían plumajes de humo funéreos de las casas sombrías (longfellow) . puntos de desencuentro la apertura textual del poema mistraliano es una negación que resulta ambigua tanto en su disposición o ubicación versátil espacial como por su indeterminación semántica: “no tengo un solo Ángel / con ala estremecida (…)”. sin embargo, el lexema “solo” funciona tanto en su dimensión adverbial de cantidad como en su designación adjetival de condición de soledad. la relación mencionada cambia notablemente luego que por efecto de lectura se liga el segundo verso y el sentido del primero se completa y complementa. además, manifiestamente, el sujeto de la enunciación declara que es mecida por estos dos seres. los ángeles mueven, se mecen. interesante resulta también aquí el procedimiento mistraliano en el empleo de lexemas contradictorios o figuras bimembres en oposición, a saber: mar /orilla, figuras que en su contracción verbal designan y devienen en el plano semántico como la oscilación constante de casi la totalidad de la obra mistraliana. poesía del conflicto (vergara, : ) que ansía un deseo, pero que no se consuma. coincidimos en lo de conflictivo, sin embargo, en este poema, el sujeto consuma una acción, que agregaríamos es gozosa y resuelve la tensión del conflicto de forma feliz; el hablante se deja asir, permite recogerse por los ángeles, se deja mover por estos dos seres celestes. estos ángeles son los que invitan a ser partícipe de la epifanía en que los dos hacen del nudo de la muerte un nudo de vida. en este sentido, no coincidimos con las aseveraciones que de la poesía de la mistral realiza gastón von dem bussche ( ), al caracterizarla como de tendencia trágica y sufriente: “la poesía de la mistral no se conformará jamás en otro plano, no logrará aplacarse entre límites apaciguadores y demarcadores. esta necesidad de lo absoluto la lleva de una experiencia trágica del amor a un sentimiento religioso del mundo y el ser y al sentido final de la liberación por la muerte” ( ). por el contrario, vemos en este poema de tala un acceso gozoso al amor, una contemplación y consumación glorificada en lo erótico. seguimos a falabella ( ) cuando insiste en que se realicen lecturas de la mistral enfocadas hacia los espacios del goce. consideramos así, que la resolución de este poema es de carácter erótico: “yo sé, cuando amanece, / cual va regirme el día (…) y me les doy como alga / a la ola, contrita” (…) me mecen como al mar, / mecen las dos orillas”. el tropo erótico opera como un lugar paradójico donde la transgresión de la norma se materializa. (…) funciona donde el tráfico de la continuidad entre la vida y la muerte, tráfico erótico y suspendido en el tiempo, contagia y asedia a los y las lectoras. (…) el erotismo en la poesía de gabriela mistral se constituye como una fuerza simbólica que irrumpe con nuevos lenguaje a patrones anteriores (…) tensionándolos y trabajando sobre sus límites (falabella, : ). aquí se produce uno de los desencuentros más notables entre los textos, ya que el sujeto de la enunciación de la mistral no siente miedo y participa de lo que sucede en el cielo. en cambio, el sujeto de longfellow se nos desvela terráqueo e intranquilo, mientras testifica en el alba el vuelo de los ángeles. se muestra aterrado ante la posibilidad de que el ángel de la muerte lo rapte. les vi tomar un descanso en su viaje celestial; enseguida dije, con reservada duda y profundos temores ¡no palpites tan fuerte, corazón, no sea que el sitio donde tus seres amados reposan traiciones! j.m. mancilla t. acta literaria nº , i sem. reconocí la agonía sin nombre, el terror y el temblor y el dolor que a menudo se me habían aparecido y que ahora retornaban con fuerza tríplice. (…) dije, con reservada duda y profundos temores “¡no palpites tan fuerte, corazón, no sea que el sitio donde tus seres amados reposas traiciones!” (longfellow). mientras que en el texto de la mistral, el sujeto de la enunciación goza del encuentro con los seres alados. a través de uso del verbo en pasado evidencia haber ya participado en la consumación de algo junto a ellos en aquella mañana epifánica: solo una vez volaron con las alas unidas: el día del amor, el de la epifanía (mistral). luego, en longfellow, los ángeles descienden a la tierra, uno a la casa del testigo (el de vida) y el otro, el del mal, el de la muerte, a la habitación de una de las casas vecinas del pueblo. el de la muerte arrebata el alma de un ser para llevarlo consigo. luego, el sujeto de la enunciación apela de forma desafiante al lector, sobre la posibilidad de que un ángel pueda aparecer ante “nuestras” vidas; finalizando con una pregunta retórica: no vino a la mía, amigo, sino a tu puerta, el ángel de la corona amarantina, haciendo una pausa, descendió, y con voz divina (…) susurro una palabra cuyo sonido era como la muerte “¿quién, por tanto, al creer esto, se atreve o desea, cerrar ante sus mensajeros la puerta…? (longfellow). sobre este punto podemos comentar que el desencuentro producido entre los textos es notablemente desconstructivo en la concreción del poema mistraliano, ya que en él no existe la apelación al lector, sino que el texto se abre, se muestra visualmente como una invitación testificadora, un participar de la lectura como intromisión/introducción efectiva y corporal al texto. simultáneamente, en la lectura visual del mismo, por su especial conformación estrófica. la situación del lector está en una relación/posición de testigo de lo que sucede entre los ángeles y el sujeto de la enunciación. un proceder similar, nota falabella( ) en su lectura sobre el poema “Íntima”: otra manera de trabajar la vertiginosidad erótica se produce a través de la escritura en primera persona. ha un acto doble de desnudar los sentimientos prohibidos, el de los amantes como unidad [el remarcado es nuestro] (…) el verso atrapa vertiginosamente al lector convirtiéndolo en un espectador amoroso (falabella, : ). destacamos la especial y notable disposición/distribución del poema mistraliano, puesto que visualmente su conformación estrófica: que si mirado el texto siguiendo una orientación desde abajo hacia arriba, deviene en una escalera formada por ascendentes peldaños versales que invitan al lector a subir hasta el cielo y llegar a la cima junto con los dos ángeles. distinto del poema del inglés ya que allí se involucra al lector de manera intimidante, de manera que el sujeto de la enunciación advierte en tono irónico que “no vino a mi a la mía, amigo,/ sino a tu puerta el ángel de la corona amarantina”. el texto de longfellow podríamos llamarlo poema-relato, dado que la lectura se ofrece como la narración (poética) de un hecho sucedido, de una impresión que debe ser “contada”. en sí, el texto se abre cuando al amanecer sucede la aparición de dos ángeles, que son observados con asombro por un testigo. luego, se detienen en su viaje alado y al testigo le comienzan a invadir temores sobre lo que harán con él. resultados el análisis realizado ha demostrado que la relación del envío y diálogo intertextual es controversial. la concretización del poema mistraliano es descontructiva respecto de la absorción de su hipotexto inglés. el número de encuentros es evidentemente menor a la cantidad de desencuentros que se producen entre ellos. textos que por su temática similar y que a simple vista y superficialmente, pareciera se comportarían de la misma manera. en conclusión, los textos terminan más distanciados que (con) fundidos. a continuación, se evidencian los puntos de encuentro y desencuentro entre los textos. j.m. mancilla t. acta literaria nº , i sem. tabla . puntos de encuentro y desencuentro encuentros desencuentros los dos ángeles longfellow dos ángeles mistral los dos ángeles longfellow dos ángeles mistral dos ángeles el alba apariencia dos ángeles el alba apariencia terror muerte separados resistencia inseguridad terráqueos gozo vida unidos entrega seguridad aéreos conclusiones de los resultados mostrados, del análisis e interpretación, podemos inferir las siguientes conclusiones: ) la posibilidad de leer los poemas “los dos ángeles” y “dos ángeles” en relación intertextual es efectiva. dicha vinculación puede comprenderse en un diálogo que correlaciona los textos en una dialogía polémica. longfellow otorga al sujeto de la enunciación un padecimiento, mientras que en el texto mistraliano, la resolución última es feliz y gozosa de ese misterio celestial. otra vez, mistral se nos revela contradictoria y transgresora más aun, cuando aparentemente (homología/analogía) en la superficie, los textos se mimetizan. sus ángeles no bajan a la tierra; invierte la tradición de las apariciones angelicales. no son los dos ángeles los que se le aparecen a un humano, sino lo humano se presencia ante esta danza supracósmica. invitan a ser partícipe de la epifanía en que tres desatados del nudo de la muerte se atan al des/nudo de la vida. el texto de la mistral invierte el sentido de muerte manifestado en el hipotexto inglés. retórica y goce de la erótica, triunfo de eros sobre tanatos. ) el análisis aquí propuesto nos ha permitido evidenciar ciertas características específicas que definen la relación entre el poema de la mistral con el de recordamos aquí impostergablemente, quizás, uno de los más estremecedores poemas de- dicados a la poetisa: la portentosa “elegía a gabriela mistral” de enrique lihn: “dirán que se ha dormido para siempre, dirán /que un ala color fuego y otra color ceniza / el ángel de su voz baja por ella (…)”. longfellow. recordemos que la mayoría de los ejemplos que propusimos como puntos de desencuentro están operando en campo semántico entre “los dos ángeles” de longfellow y los “dos ángeles” de mistral, mientras que en los ejemplos que propusimos como puntos de encuentro predominaron, evidentemente, aquellos en los que el diálogo se hacía más directo o específico a nivel superficial, incluso pudiendo (pidiendo) confundir a un “despreocupado” lector. si estas apreciaciones son extensibles en el poema “el ángel guardián” de robert browning, pueden ser motivo para otro trabajo en que desarrollemos esta misma línea teórica. ) en este estudio dimos cuenta de cómo contribuye la teoría intertextual sobre la actualización de los potenciales de sentidos presentes en una obra, pues, concluyendo que el texto de la mistral no se reduciría o se resiste a ser solamente un poema más que revela la americanidad de tala. si bien es cierto que esto no es nuevo para la crítica especializada, tampoco es equívoco que la intertextualidad aquí propuesta es, por lo menos, novedosa. por esto mismo, creemos que el análisis no deja de resultar una alternativa legítima al momento de aproximarse a la multiplicidad de sentidos que la obra de mistral apertura. referencias becker, udo. ( ). enciclopedia de los símbolos. barcelona. robinbook. diocaretz, myriam. . aire y ángeles. madrid: grijalbo/mondadori. eco, umberto. . lector in fábula (la cooperación interpretativa en el texto narrativo). barcelona: editorial lumen. ___. . obra abierta. trad. roser berdagué. buenos aires: planeta. falabella, soledad. . “¿qué está en el beso y no es el labio? placer, ética erótica y lengua maternal en un poema de desolación de gabriela mistral”, en mapocho ii semestre. longfellow, henry wadsworth. . birds of passage. ebook: the project gutemberg. [en línea] disponible en http://www.gutemberg.net. [consulta: / / ). mistral, gabriela. . poesías completas. margaret bates (ed). madrid: aguilar. ta edición. vergara, sergio. . “lectura de la copa”, en estudios filológicos , pp. - . von dem bussche, gastón. . “visión de una poesía”, en mapocho . j.m. mancilla t. european journal of american studies, - | european journal of american studies - | special issue: women in the usa “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal experiment and the work of laura m. towne antje dallmann electronic version url: http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/ doi: . /ejas. issn: - publisher european association for american studies electronic reference antje dallmann, « “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal experiment and the work of laura m. towne », european journal of american studies [online], - | , document . , online since march , connection on may . url : http://journals.openedition.org/ ejas/ ; doi : . /ejas. this text was automatically generated on may . creative commons license http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org http://journals.openedition.org/ejas/ “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal experiment and the work of laura m. towne antje dallmann the so-called sea islands are located off the shore of florida, georgia, and south carolina – a part of the south infamous for cotton farms worked by eleven thousand slaves (cf. rose, rehearsal ). on november , the south carolina sea islands were occupied by army and navy troops as part of a broader successful campaign to secure a union sea access. while white planters fled inland to unoccupied mainland cities such as charleston, the majority of former slaves remained on the islands, destitute and often starving, not technically free but declared “contraband of war.” in reaction, benevolent societies were founded by abolitionists in boston, new york, and philadelphia in early for a project that was to become known as the “port royal experiment.” on march , a first all-white group of relief workers from boston and new york got on board the steamship atlantic, en route to port royal; another ship, the oriental, set sail on april . the prospective “missionaries” envisioned their task in terms of educating former slaves and of organizing free labor to be “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | performed by african american contract workers (cf. faulkner “chap. ”).they were informed by a widely publicized narrative of early emancipation on the sea islands, which aimed to prove the profitability of wage labor in the south by highlighting the role of freed african americans as self-sufficient contract laborers and which reacted to northern fears of the emancipation of slaves. while giving a positive interpretation of the sea island’s “rehearsal for reconstruction” (rose), this narrative is also an expression of the racialized and status-conscious character of a discourse that increasingly offered the prospect of “free labor” as patent remedy for what was perceived as the lurking threat of african americans’ dependency on the north. historian margaret geneva long shows that abolitionist discourse draws a powerful link between wage labor and freedpeople’s health: free labor was represented as killing disease – both in a symbolic and in a literal sense (cf. “chap. ”). while the concepts of “cleanliness” and “industry” emerge as cornerstones of these discourses of health, the poor character of healthcare available for freedpeople, reversely, is hardly ever acknowledged. when relief workers, however, eventually arrived in the south, long continues, “they found that without public health measures, adequate food and clothing and basic medicines, no other forms of uplift were possible. sickness and its causes – malnutrition and inadequate clothing and shelter – were a central concern of all the aid workers who went south” (“chap. ”). northern women, in fact, contributed in crucial ways to offering this much-needed medical care and relief, even if they hardly ever discuss their contributions openly in autobiographic narratives. in this article, i shall look closely at the diary and letters of abolitionist laura m. towne, a trained homeopath who came to the sea islands in early , who subsequently co- founded one of the first schools for former slaves in the south on st. helena island, the penn school, and who worked on this island for the rest of her life, the ensuing forty years. her writings convey an idea of the scale of illness and suffering on the sea islands during and shortly after the civil war. at the same time, they offer insights both in the restrictions and the discursive valences open to towne as a white woman who provided medical relief for freed african americans. furthermore, towne’s diary and “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | letters indicate what the discourse of early emancipation omits: a coherent discussion of how diseases raged in a wartime south where healthcare for freedpeople virtually did not exist. after a historical contextualization, this article re-visits two discursive sites through which questions of health and healthcare were renegotiated and which are also central in towne’s writing: the trope of teaching health within unhealthy spaces and the trope of “doctoring” family with its relation to homeopathy. discussions concerning the health of freedpeople were put into the broader discursive context of an internal colonial encounter of domestication between northern female “missionaries” and freedpeople who were portrayed as yet uncivilized other. health and disease, thus, were represented as part of a “natural” field of female influence. towne’s training as homeopath, in this context, is used as indication of her superior grasp of healing techniques vis-à-vis fellow-missionaries as well as freedpeople and as sign of a more suitable, more domestic medical practice as compared to allopathic medicine. references to wartime medical crises are rare in towne’s accounts since their complicated causes and disastrous results defy easy metaphoric appropriation. in both what is narrated and what is omitted, healing and health are shaped as fields of female authority. in this sense, medicine and healing emerge as discursive sites of a class-specific, gendered, and racialized struggle over prestige, power, and authority within the public realm. civil war healthcare and female commitment medical care during the civil war depended on the service of female relief workers and nurses. over the last twenty years, historians have revised the civil war narrative by looking closely at the role women played, both in the union and in the confederacy; and providing healthcare for sick and wounded soldiers has been identified as an important field of female engagement. “almost from the war’s inception,” nina silber writes in her influential daughters of the union, “northern women began considering, and pursuing, the possibility of joining the union struggle as nurses” ( ). the united states sanitary commission, with its aim to provide adequate nursing for civil war soldiers, was “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | founded in following an initiative of the women's central relief association. while nursing was not institutionalized in the confederacy, women still played an important and active part in it, as drew gilpin faust has shown. according to jane e. schultz, “[m]ore than , women in the union and confederate states engaged in relief work during the civil war” ( ). in women at the front, schultz looks “at hospital work across regions, races, and classes, […] foregrounding differences between women and restoring agency in those whose voices did not rise above the pitch of traditional source narratives” ( ). schultz points out that civil war nursing has mostly been considered as performed by white middle- to upper-class women on an unsalaried, voluntary basis. schultz, in contrast, points out the diversity of backgrounds from which female relief workers emerged. diaries and letters as available sources, however, are mostly authored by middle- to upper-class women. these documents convey nursing in a sentimentalized fashion with emphasis on a set of hospital practices such as feeding the sick, washing the wounded, and comforting the dying. references to more independent medical work are unusual. the formulaic nature of such narratives deserves further consideration. in light of substantial cultural resistance toward female wartime nursing – in a world in which army nurses were traditionally male convalescent soldiers – to represent military nursing as female-connoted should be considered part of a skillful (white, elite) female intervention into a discourse of power, laying out deep- going transformations of gendered realms of influence in the guise of a traditional rhetoric of separate spheres. in this sense, the rhetoric of the necessity of female nursing, arguably, did tie in with an antebellum feminist agenda of female participation in the public sphere, of equal citizenship, and with a plea to open arenas for women to enter professions such as medicine that found its expression in the small yet rising numbers of female medical students in antebellum north america. wartime nursing is often discussed as categorically different from women’s salaried work as physicians, yet the example of women like towne complicates this conception. it is true that the civil war necessitated a broad, but only temporary access for women to the public sphere (cf. reverby; group and roberts). while the voluntary and “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | temporary nature of female wartime engagement allowed framing this work as socially appropriate for middle- to upper-class women, these women did in reality often draw a salary. at the same time, a relevant portion of those few women who had received a medical education prior to the war did join the war efforts, if nominally as nurses or as teachers since finding official appointment as physicians was in most cases impossible. trained female physicians, both with and without degrees, found ways to serve as medical relief workers, even if they had to understate their medical education (cf. bellafaire and graf - ). the function of nursing narratives in addressing the hospital experience of white middle- to upper-class nurses and the nursing of (white) wounded soldiers has productively been discussed in a variety of sources (see, for instance, schultz). cultural studies scholars, as elizabeth young, emphasize the symbolical and cultural work of the trope of nursing within nineteenth-century gendered social hierarchies. yet while the nursing of wounded soldiers, as reality and as literary trope, looms large within the civil war cultural imaginary and is central to any investigation of the commitment of women during the war, there is comparatively little research on women’s roles in providing general healthcare during the war, particularly healthcare for freedpeople in the south, that also considers questions of this healthcare’s discursive representation and its symbolic impact. this is also due to the fact that healthcare for freedpeople and, reversely, freedpeople’s health are questions only rarely discussed in pertinent contemporary sources. the isolated port royal experiment, broadly documented at the time as shaped by women, emerges in this context as an important, and yet too little examined, historical site. the abundance of sources that address the events on the sea islands allows not only for insights into a turbulent historical period: these different sources also illustrate the emergence of a discourse that, while suppressing references to a factual lack of organized healthcare, racialize freedpeople’s health as a function of wage labor and domestic discipline. only recently have questions concerning the character of healthcare provided for freedpeople during and directly after the civil war started to attract focused scholarly attention. next to long’s doctoring freedom, two further “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | publications examine civil war medicine with an emphasis on the role and situation of african americans as patients and healers, a subject that so far had been largely ignored. in intensely human, humphreys discusses the quality of medical care provided for african american soldiers during the war. in sick from freedom, downs argues for a critical re-evaluation of the freedpeople’s medical situation and of the symbolic appropriation of their suffering, since this appropriation distorts the view on the inadequacy of care provided and, in some cases, perpetuates an inherently racist nineteenth-century agenda that focused on the “contraband” as commodified and objectified icon and instrument within a capitalist reconstruction of the south. the port royal experiment and the work of laura m. towne looking at healing and healthcare within the port royal experiment, at racialized symbolizations of illness and health, and at the ambivalent role of white middle- and upper-class northern women as medical caregivers, i propose to “read” the omission of the medical crisis downs describes as indicative also of a crisis of representation in negotiations of contemporary white women’s roles, obligations, aspirations, and their assumed entitlement. i suggest complicating the discussion of white women as agents of relief and of medical care during the civil war by reading autobiographic texts, as towne’s, as representative of a wartime discourse that based – in a selective, romanticizing, and formulaic manner – a re-negotiation of female status and (white elite or middle-class) women’s role in contemporary north american society on an authority gained from a field of healthcare that is discursively shaped to mirror the domestic sphere. in this context, the port royal experiment is of particular interest for several reasons. first, it anticipates how questions of healthcare for freedpeople were approached in the reconstructed south. second, women, who could only travel to the wartime sea islands in the capacity of teachers, were expected to provide basic medical care for the freedpeople once they arrived there. in their autobiographic accounts, female relief workers like towne and esther hill hawks as well as elizabeth h. botume, austa m. french, susan walker, and african american “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | charlotte forten all reference healthcare as a subject of their concern, even if they only give very few details of their medical relief work. third, of the few trained female physicians who are known to have served in different capacities during the civil war, two found their way to the south carolina sea islands: hawks and towne. both women left behind diaries and letters, which further singles them out. several studies have discussed hawks’s contribution both to wartime healthcare and to its discursive transformation (cf. humphreys marrow; long; schultz; twelbeck). towne’s efforts as teacher, educator, and administrator, likewise, have found ample consideration (cf. butchart; faulkner), yet her medical work remains largely ignored. in the following, i shall attempt to shed light on towne’s individual role and on her situatedness within a broader discourse of wartime healthcare, trying to draw a balanced picture both of her achievements and of the limitations set by her embededness in a dominant system of white social privilege. the fourth child of seven of john towne and sarah robinson towne, laura matilda towne was born in into a prominent and wealthy abolitionist family. her father was a successful businessman, at one time the superintendent of the boston city gas works (cf. butchart). after having received what historian ronald e. butchart calls an “advanced education in the classics, philosophy, science, and music” ( ), laura towne was educated at the woman’s medical college of pennsylvania in philadelphia, a progressive allopathic institution, which was opened in as the second female medical college in the united states. additionally, she studied independently with german-born physician constantine hering, one of the pioneers of homeopathy in the us, probably also enrolling in his short-lived penn medical university. it is unclear, jonathan davidson notes, whether or not she graduated from either of these institutions ( ). in the s, towne taught various charity schools in the north (cf. rose, “laura matilda towne” ). at the outbreak of the civil war, already engaged in relief work, she was presented with what, according to rupert sargent holland, who edited and published her diary and letters, she thought of as “her golden opportunity”: the chance to join the port royal experiment. commissioned by the philadelphia-based port royal relief committee, she “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | accompanied this organization’s first shipment of goods to the sea islands (cf. holland; butchart ). on her list “port royalists who sailed from new york of the ‘oriental’ wed. apr. ,” towne describes herself in very few words as “laura m. towne, philadelphia, abolitionist.” towne’s self-description conveys the significance she rightly saw in her abolitionist agenda, which was not shared by other northern officials who, for instance as cotton agents, had been sent to the islands in late . in some ways, however, her self-definition also indicates towne’s uncertainty of her own “mission”: an uneasiness that was confirmed to be justified once she arrived on st. helena island. on pope’s plantation, which remained to be named after its former owner, she found accommodation together with several other “missionaries.” it soon became her duty to order the household for the men who worked as superintendents and supervisors on the island’s plantations, a task she was to share with fellow-relief worker susan walker, who – as towne – was less than enthusiastic. for the first weeks on the island, the contact towne made with freedpeople was mostly by handing out, and later selling, clothes that had been donated in the north. this was a time overshadowed by rivalries and controversies between the members of the different relief organizations over the character of relief to be offered to the freedpeople, but also over the gendered hierarchies among the northern relief workers themselves. in spring , towne’s friend and partner ellen murray, a trained teacher, came to st. helena island. murray’s arrival allowed towne to re-order the balance of power in relation to other “missionaries” and to redistribute tasks. while murray took over teaching, towne commenced “doctoring” the freedpeople, a duty that she describes as important and that she connotes with the attributes of scientific authority and knowledge, which were increasingly associated with modern medicine (including homeopathy) in mid-nineteenth-century america. at the same time, towne inscribes herself into the discourse of domesticity as realm of female authority by emphasizing her own superior understanding of domestic principles such as cleanliness and industry, which she intricately intertwines with her claim of medical authority: a conjunction that becomes particular distinct in her self-projection as “family doctor.” “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | in her first months and years on the sea islands, towne seized the power to change social realities that the professional roles of physician and teacher offer in order also to gain more authority in a male-dominated wartime and postwar society. towne’s diaries and letters bespeak her belief in her superior competence vis-à-vis her african american co-workers, patients, and students. at the same time, they document that white male contemporaries were not always taking her efforts, and those of her female fellow-relief workers, seriously: an attitude to which her self-dramatization as female doctor also reacted. increasingly, however, reality came in the way of pre- scripted roles, leading to both dissatisfaction with the duties of a female “family doctor” and to her strategy of omitting in her diaristic accounts, accounts she probably intended for publication or at least circulation in the north, what collided with contemporary social scripts available for white women, female doctors, and abolitionists. “putting th[e] lesson to use”: teaching “cleanliness” and “order" by initially framing her diary and letters within scripts of imperial domesticity (cf. kaplan) – as missionary, teacher, and medical caregiver, and as motherly figure for the freedpeople – towne, the trained homeopath, not only aims to escape the prevailing negative connotation of a “hen doctor.” by narrating her experiences through tropes of domesticity, discursively claiming freedpeople as “family” and depicting them as children in need of education (rather than medical care), she also secures for herself a position of supreme narrative authority, an authority warranted by both experience and education within a discourse of internal us american colonialism. a host of narratives by sea islands relief workers, including towne’s, demonstrates the ubiquity of a formula reminiscent of narratives of colonial encounter that represent “native spaces [as] potentially dangerous, disease ridden and disorderly” (kothari ). northerners frame their accounts of the port royal experiment by pathologizing the south as exotic space and simultaneously spatializing and racializing disease. both diseases and colonial spaces, at the same time, are imagined to be conquered by order, industry, and cleanliness. in this way, “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | disciplining southern spaces, and african americans who are symbolically tied to them, northern relief workers claim a superior position within a discourse of “teaching health.” the conceptionalization of what became known as tropical diseases overlapped with contemporary racist pseudo-scientific polygenic theories, which claimed that newly categorized “races” were unequally prone to be affected by specific diseases. in the following section, the analysis will focus on the appropriation and dramatization of narratives of (internal) colonialism. discussions of health and disease, in this context, are figuratively and literally linked to the united states south while the process of othering african americans revolves around questions of spatialized and racialized health and disease. in medical texts of the first half of the nineteenth century, the united states south is increasingly conceptualized as “tropical space” (cf. murison ). particularly hypochondria and malingering, characterized by somatic symptoms such as dyspepsia as well as by laziness, were not only related to southern climates, but were symbolically and literally linked to slavery. justine s. murison succinctly argues that, since “slavery connected the united states south with the west indies, physicians and writers often superimposed the supposed nervous effects of tropical climates onto the more temperate environments of the southern states” ( ). northerners, in this discourse, are not affected by hypochondria, as slaves and slaveholders alike are, since they are saved by domestic industry and cleanliness. the predominant explanation of “southern” perils was that of “bad air” in relation to an excess of stagnant water or, conversely, a lack of water: the miasma that still served as main theory of disease in contemporary orthodox medicine. even though not expressed explicitly in most autobiographic texts, the relation between the sea islands as precarious tropical space and the description of miasms is related to a racialization of the dangers these latter pose. “[e]ncod[ing] the landscape of health in racial terms,” kathryn shiveley meier argues, “civil war medicine believed miasms caused by water to be dangerous to ‘whites,’ yet harmless to african americans” ( ). in a related vein, in slavery in south carolina and the ex-slaves ( ), austa m. french describes the sea islands in a way similar to the tropical spaces of travel writing, musing “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | about the differing susceptibilities of african americans and “whites” to be affected by those spaces’ harmful properties: “the sun is life to him [“the negro”] which is death to the white man. ‘the whole secret of health here,’ said a learned military officer long acclimated, south, ‘is to keep out of the sun. do that on the healthy shores, and the evening air is innoxious” ( ). thus, french, a staunch abolitionist like her husband, famous reverend mansfield french, takes contemporary racializing theories of disease for granted. the general tone adopted in discussions of the south as tropical space, however, is one of eventual mastery over adversities. while places are “healthy” or “precarious,” they are presented as posing fewer dangers to the northerners than to southern “whites” and to former slaves. shortly after her arrival on pope’s plantation on st. helena island, towne in fact notes that she knows “from the accounts of the negroes that this plantation is a healthy one. salt water nearly encircles it at high tide” (“pope’s plantation, st. helena island, april , ”). here and in later diary entries and letters, she underscores that she is not in danger of infection.in the exploration of first impressions, which directly follows the “medical” examination of towne’s place of arrival, it is striking how closely she follows the script of travel writing with its inherent colonizing agenda. “on the left are pines, in front a cotton-field just planted, to the right the negro quarters, a nice little street of huts which have recently been whitewashed, shaded by a row of the ‘pride of china’ trees,” towne continues. these trees are just in bloom and have very large clusters of purple flowers – a little like lilacs, only much more scattering. there is a vegetable garden also to the right and plenty of fig trees, one or two orange trees, but no other fruit. we have green peas, though, and i have had strawberries. (“pope’s plantation, st. helena island, april , ”; my emphasis) in this passage, the text’s autobiographic persona adopts the narrative position of a supreme observer, thus investing in a visual economy of power not unlike foucault’s panopticon (cf. spurr ), adopting a medical gaze that catalogues her surroundings into categories of health and potential danger. the narrator’s roaming, distanced, and superior gaze meets an inviting yet exotic place that is, at first, examined. it is visually appropriated and endorsed; its riches are claimed as the author’s property. only then are the island’s inhabitants, the actual cause for towne’s journey, introduced: “the number of the little darkies tumbling about at all hours is marvelous. they swarm on “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | the front porch and in the front hall” (“pope’s plantation, st. helena island, april , ”). the autobiographic narrative’s “we” of the earlier quote encompasses the northern newcomers on the island whose arrival is thus narrated as a tale of first explorers who take in and appropriate the beauty and health of a foreign place, to eventually meet the yet uncivilized, slightly threatening natives. instead of framing her story in the context of african american emancipation, towne’s entry exoticizes and others the southern place, st. helena island, and links it to the former who are presented as unruly, yet affectionate, and healthy children in need of an ordering parental hand. even without using the term whose problematic ambivalence abolitionist relief workers were aware of, towne references the character of the “contraband” who, according to long, was fast becoming an “icon in [wartime] american culture” (“chap. ”). “[c]ontraband,” kate masur argues, is “a ‘keyword’ in the history of emancipation, race, and citizenship in the united states” ( ). in wartime america, the term was used ambiguously, also referencing its more general meaning of an “illegal good.” the term thus continued to represent african americans as objects rather than as individuals. “[t]here is every indication that the term ‘contraband’ caught on rapidly precisely because it provided a means for northerners to continue thinking of escaped slaves as property, without disturbing antebellum racists preconceptions,” fahs contends ( ). the cultural icon of the “contraband” is characterized by its simple and loyal goodwill as well as its robust and healthy constitution. “contrabands” are depicted, in wartime culture, as happy and healthy when set to work, and the threat posed to their health is constituted by idleness and lack of order. this trope of idleness is repeatedly evoked in towne’s writing, as in the description of a destitute african american family she encounters, and it is linked to health and disease: “in the quarters we [...] went to,” towne reminisces, “we saw a dirty family and two horribly ugly old women. they had got a lesson from some one and said, ‘we got to keep clean or we’ll all be sick.’ they were not putting their lesson to use” (“beaufort, s.c., april , ”). “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | this trope of idleness as related to health, in fact, structures towne’s understanding of the freedpeople she encounters, putting a – both figurative and literal – medical reading into place. another important discursive trope is that of cleanliness versus uncleanliness. as towne’s exchange with destitute freedpeople in beaufort indicates, she equally links uncleanliness to concepts of disease and illness. in this sense, towne, upon her arrival, frames her duties on st. helena island as a work of imposing order and enforcing discipline by teaching cleanliness, purity, and health, thus racializing disease and constructing it as direct result of (what she perceives as) disorder. the trope of cleanliness versus uncleanliness is spatialized and related to the medical concept of the miasma, as towne’s autobiographic writing indicates. this, importantly, aligns the southern spaces described by abolitionist relief workers with another site of contemporary concern: the urban slum. peter stallybrass and allon white have argued that the nineteenth-century city is discursively constructed around the concepts of filth and cleanliness, purity and impurity, and the fear of the transgression of these binaries (cf. ). the discursive link between the (northern) city and the (pseudo-tropical) southern space directs attention to the social underpinnings of the trope of cleanliness. referencing stallybrass and white, steve pile describes the discourse of uncleanliness as part of a “bourgeois imaginary [that] saw the ‘lower’ classes as ignoring the moral codes necessary for respectability” ( ) and as related to the bourgeois fear of the social other. the recurrent reference to uncleanliness in the autobiographic writings by northern relief workers in the south, thus, transfers to the south a social hierarchy in which freedpeople are approximated with the social low- other, as in towne’s diary. at the same time, these categorizations of social class distinctly intersect with preconceptions of race. the evocation of the concepts of cleanliness versus uncleanliness, furthermore, also functions as assertion of towne’s own whiteness and her own social status, and thus as authorization of a superior position within a powerful symbolic economy that connotes whiteness with both health, diligence, and industry, and that privileges this whiteness as crucial sign of authority. in this sense, “[n]eatness and hygiene,” as bridged t. “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | heneghan argues, “developed […] in part as a response to [the] demand for racial purity, requiring visible spotlessness for the conferring of legal privilege’s and social status” ( ). towne’s narrative construction of a causal relation between purity and cleanliness, moral values, health, and spaces of discipline, in fact, mirrors nineteenth-century health debates that imagined disease as characteristic of colonial spaces as well as the urban slum. in this context, health is supposed to result from discipline imposed on the racialized and social other. accepting order, thus, is the recipe for health that towne writes out for the former slaves she encounters upon her arrival on the sea islands and whom she exoticizes and represents following the emerging formula of the childlike, simple “contraband” who needs to be disciplined to work in order to remain healthy. increasingly, however, towne became aware of the necessity of actual “doctoring” on the islands, and she begins to dramatize herself as a “family doctor.” doctoring “our people”: healing family together with the overwhelming majority of its white population, physicians had fled from beaufort and the sea islands in november . while white southern physicians resumed practicing medicine after the war, no healthcare structures survived in the southern territories during union occupation. while the island’s population was growing dramatically, slave communities, on whose intimate knowledge on the part of the healer african american conjure as a form of alternative medicine relied, were disrupted as a consequence of war. interrogated by the american freedmen’s inquiry commission in beaufort in , freedman harry mcmillan stated that there are hardly enough (western white) physicians on the sea islands, also intimating a lack of interest in the health of freedpeople in the few physicians who were available: “i do not think there are doctors enough; the islands are very large. if you send for the doctor, he will come; probably if you send for him one day you will see him a day or two afterwards. they do not get out of bed to go when called” (berlin ). in narratives of northern work on the sea islands, the provision of medical relief is often identified as one of the female relief workers’ tasks once they arrived, even if those “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | women were officially sent to the south as teachers. towne soon started to frame her work on the sea islands in this way, pointing out that she does “a lot of doctoring,” yet without detailing her tasks, her experiences, her successes, and her failures. “in the afternoons,” towne states in , “so many folks come for clothing, or on business, or to be doctored, that i rarely have an hour” (“st. helena island, july , ”). in a diary entry from august , towne describes her daily routines as follows: i get up about six and hurry down so as to have breakfast by seven for captain hooper […]. after that i generally have three or four patients, feed my birds, and am ready by nine for driving out to see my patients on five plantations – only one plantation or two a day, though. the roads are horrible and the horses ditto, so i have a weary time getting along […]. we come hurrying home by two o’clock or a little before […]. we snatch a lunch and begin school. [...] at four, school is out for the children. ellen then takes the adults while i go doctoring down to the “nigger houses,” or street of cabins. [...] i generally have several patients to attend to in the evening, and the rest of the time ellen and i are kept busy folding papers for the medicines. (“st. helena’s, august , ”) “i have a large practice as doctor” (“st. helena’s, may , ”), towne states on may , and five days later: “the day i kept school for miss winsor i had the hardest time of all, and i concluded perhaps i was better for this work than teaching. in my doctoring i can do much good and give much advice that is wanted” (“st. helena’s, may , ”). while towne, upon her arrival on the sea islands, had adopted a discourse that had promoted health through teaching order and cleanliness, she soon started to fill the position of a doctor for the freedpeople. towne, in fact, was one of the very few healers on st. helena island. only in two cases, however, does towne discuss her medical duties in relative detail. on the one hand, “aunt bess,” an elderly african american woman with chronic leg ulcers, is mentioned repeatedly. even though towne is unable to cure bess, as most practitioners of her time would have been, her illness – a widespread condition in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries – fits well into towne’s self-dramatization as faithful female family doctor. “we have got to calling them our people and loving them really,” towne accordingly states in (“st. helena’s, may , ”), claiming the sea islands’ freedpeople as “family.” the other type of cases towne refers to are related to obstetrics and to pediatric medicine. “we had the prettiest baby born here the other day,” towne writes in july . “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | and in , when she has already been complaining of her duties as doctor for years, she notes: if you had seen the three little skeleton babies that were brought to me to-day, and if you had heard one poor mother, whose baby seemed dying, say, “me een-a-pray day and night for you to come and save my baby,” [...]. i think that baby will die before the woman can get it home, but the other two i have some hope of, now that the mothers have advice and medicine. (“september , ”) while towne thus depicts her work as doctoring women and “family,” she otherwise does not elaborate on the cases she treats, and she does not discuss the general state of healthcare on the islands. she does not even acknowledge that she treats her fellow relief workers, a fact substantiated, however, by charlotte forten who writes on january : “miss t[owne] came to see me and did me good, as usual with her good medicines and her sunshiny face” (grimké ). increasingly, however, towne complains about the physical strain that the work as medical doctor creates, also admitting to not visiting her patients regularly. towne’s enthusiasm for “doctoring,” in fact, distinctly declines over the years. in , she writes: “i am not afraid of being sick myself, but of having to nurse and doctor those who are” (“aunt rachel’s village, st. helena, february , ”). in , when towne still has a “regular doctoring levee in [her] school-room,” she asks hering, her former mentor, to send a medical graduate. “if i could only escape from this part of my work here i should be very glad, for i do it badly and very inefficiently. i never visit, so you may know how uncertainly i must generally prescribe for all who are not able to come to me” (“march , ”). arguably, complex reasons let to towne’s growing disaffection with practicing medicine, or perhaps simply with discussing her practice in her diary and letters. dominant discourse prescribed avoiding mention of freedpeople’s health in the writing she intended to make public. but refugee freedpeople were those who were most affected by serious diseases, including smallpox, and who were in dire need of medical help and relief, which towne could only inadequately provide for lack of supplies, because of contemporary medicine’s general incapacity of effectively treating epidemic diseases, but probably also because she herself was not trained for such emergencies. her experiences, thus, pointed out the shortcomings of a discourse that equaled health with order, cleanliness, and “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | wage labor and blanked out the status quo of a lack of healthcare. thus, towne refers to her medical duties if they comply with a more general understanding of the tasks of a woman healing family, quite in line with the role of “women doctors” that sarah josepha hale, the famous editor of godey’s ladys’ book, had envisioned in her “appeal to the american christians on behalf of the ladies’ medical missionary society,” in which she claimed the necessity of female physicians particularly in missionary projects. in her work on the sea islands, towne must increasingly have understood the impossibility of doing “lots of doctoring” and relating her work according to the scripts of the contemporary white (medical) culture. her letters and diary, however, do give indications of how the subject of healthcare for freedpeople increasingly became racialized and effaced, even in the writings of abolitionists like towne herself who, after all, argued that these freedpeople should be treated like family, but, as she continued, “not so much individually as the collective whole – the people and our people” (“st. helena’s, may , ”). “[a]ntidotes from my little doctor’s box”: gender, medical prestige, and homeopathy it is no coincidence that towne had received a training in homeopathic medicine. mid-nineteenth-century philadelphia, in fact, was a stronghold of homeopathic teaching in the us. in the s, towne’s mentor hering devised the so-called homoeopathic domestic kit, a box that contained a set of labelled drugs together with a copy of his popular book, the domestic physician. the domestic kit, to be sold particularly to women to treat their family members and avoid calling in expensive and little-trusted allopathic doctors, became an outstanding success (cf. kirschmann ). at a time when orthodox medicine still had few effective drugs and cures to offer and many orthodox physicians still relied on the use of aggressive and dangerous “heroic medicine,” the success of homeopathy, also by addressing women who did traditionally nurse family members, was simply logical. feminist activist elizabeth cady stanton embraced homeopathy because it allowed women to escape “the cruel bondage of mind and suffering of body […] by tak[ing] the liberty of being [their] “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | own physician of both body and soul” (qtd. in kirschmann ). an impressive number of prominent contemporaries, furthermore, from harriet beecher stowe to louisa may alcott mark twain, william james, henry wadsworth longfellow, to henry david thoreau, likewise proclaimed their belief in homeopathic medicine (cf. ullman ). homeopathy, in fact, was linked to “various antebellum reform impulses,” as anne taylor kirschman asserts ( ), which translated into a greater willingness within homeopathy as a movement to allow women to enter medical schools and to practice homeopathic medicine, both as lay practitioners as stanton and as graduate doctors. in the context of the relative openness of homeopathy toward lay practitioners, furthermore, towne’s willingness to “doctor” freedpeople as extended family is consistent. actual references to homeopathy in towne’s writing are scant, yet telling. thus, towne writes that, should she fall ill, she wishes to be treated by “lieutenant belcher […], a stanch homoeopathist,” and continues: “we have promised to doctor each other should occasion require” (“sunday, may , ”). an episode from july demonstrates that her botanical knowledge was limited, contrary to her assumed air of wisdom, but that her “little doctor’s box,” presumably a domestic kit, was at hand: i gave ellen and mr. wells each a berry which i supposed was a “ground berry.” mr. w. ate his in silence, but ellen exclaimed that it was intensely bitter. i was alarmed, for i knew that the berry belonged to a poisonous family. we asked some people whether they were good to eat, and they said “no – poison.” i then made the two victims hurry back to mr. jenkins’ house and drink some strong coffee, besides giving antidotes from my little doctor’s box. no bad effects. (“july , sunday”) in gullah culture in america, willbur cross contends that towne “quickly acquainted herself […] with the gullah folk medicine that had been brought to the sea islands from west africa and the uses of plants, roots, and herbs to cure or alleviate maladies” ( ). while these medical practices would, in fact, not have been genuinely akin to homeopathy, other alternative medical schools, most importantly thomsonianism with its immensely popular self-help movement as well as eclectic medicine, propagated the use of medicinal herbs and botanical remedies. if cross’s argument is correct, however, there is no further indication of towne’s interest in the curative qualities of local herbs and in the methods of gullah folk medicine in her writing. “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | the above episode in fact indicates, or at least claims, that this knowledge was negligible and that towne did not take african american folk medicine seriously. “maum katie,” whose respectful african american title indicates that she served as healer and midwife in her community, is referred to in towne’s writing as “spiritual healer,” “fortune teller,” and “prophetess,” underscoring towne’s own authority rather than acknowledging the african american woman’s expertise, which is presented as inferior. praising “maum katie,” furthermore, is of a tactical nature: “i am going to cultivate her acquaintance. i have been sending her medicine for a year nearly, and she ‘hangs upon top me,’ refusing all medicine but mine” (“sunday, may , ”). thus, towne establishes a hierarchy of female authority, in which she herself holds a position of superior status. “dr. jacob,” another african american healer, is treated far less respectfully in towne’s writing. “he is a man who has poisoned enough people with his herbs and roots, and magic,” towne argues, “for his chief remedy with drugs is spells and incantations” (“february , ”). this hostility particularly toward male healers is provoked in no small part by the influence conjure doctors enjoyed in african american communities. increasingly over the years of “doctoring,” towne complains about what she perceives as lack of discipline on the part of african american patients. if towne’s writing parallels teaching and healing, both techniques of imposing discipline, she interpreted freedpeople’s resistance to this discourse as proof of an irreformable understanding of hygiene and cleanliness. this resistance seemingly validated racialized theories of disease, and particularly blamed women – whose task was believed to internalize order and to enforce cleanliness. “i am nearly ill too,” towne writes in . every evening i fold powders and every afternoon i take my way down street and stop at every house, giving medicine at the door, but lately not going in as i used to, for they keep their rooms so dark i cannot see the patients, and if i order a window opened, i find it nailed up the next time i come. the people are beginning to follow a practice which i dislike. they will wash the patients with strong pokeroot, and vinegar and salt. (“january ”) the “practice” towne rejects, however, was part of a folk remedy against smallpox, freedpeople’s only resort in the absence of organized healthcare and the official refusal to address what increasingly became a medical crisis. downs explains that “[w]ithout vaccination, many people relied on “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | homeopathic [and alternative] remedies to ward off the virus. from covering the body with tar to isolating afflicted family members to a remote location, freedpeople devised ways to prevent the virus from spreading within their community” (“the other side…” ). towne – an alternative practitioner herself – refuses to acknowledge the effectiveness of other alternative medical treatments and medicines, placing homeopathy symbolically in strategic positions alongside or against orthodox medicine as necessary in different discursive contexts. towne’s self-presentation as homeopath and “family doctor” and her refusal to acknowledge folk medicine and folk medical practices, thus, should be read within the symbolic register of an appropriation of cultural authority through the assumption of the role of a trained physician. it mirrors the difficulties white women experienced and the possibilities they had to gain ground within a gendered and raced struggle for more influence in the public realm. denied access to most orthodox medical schools, homeopathy – with its developing affinity to family practice – made it easier for women to gain professional knowledge, which they rightly considered necessary to exercise a broader social influence. homeopathy was welcomed in nineteenth-century intellectual circles, and homeopaths thus held prestigious positions to contribute to a reform- oriented discourse. at the same time, homeopathy was a school tailored to the sensibilities of the contemporary intellectual elite of particularly white middle- to upper- classes. thus if, according to contemporary critics, thomsonianism constituted the “radicalism of the barnyard,” homeopathy was the “quackery of the drawing- room” (cf. whorton ), even if – at the time – the scientific connotations of allopathic versus homeopathic medicine were still in no way firmly in place and the respective scientificity of the schools was still very much embattled. if the term “modern medicine” was already used, it was attributed to both fractions. in this sense, towne’s references to doctoring with the homeopath’s “doctor’s box,” as well as her neglect of discussing local folk medicine, bespeak more than simply medical practices of the day: they encode a struggle for authority and prestige that towne, as a white woman, articulated against the backdrop of a white male establishment, symbolized by orthodox medicine, and against african american traditions and culture, symbolized by folk medicine. “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | “the health on the island is good”: repressing medical crisis while towne reacted with indignation to the freedpeople’s refusal to embrace the regime of medical discipline she teaches, she is herself increasingly forced to make note of the shortcomings of a doctrine of teaching health in light of african american refugees’ extreme poverty and its direct medical consequences that teaching alone could in no way heal. on the sea islands, refugees from different southern regions arrived from onward, and, among other epidemics, there were outbreaks of smallpox between and when the disease also repeatedly affected mainland south carolina. on hilton head island with the freedmen’s town mitchelville, where many refugees were sent, “smallpox killed freedpeople by ‘tens and twenties,’” an infected refugee reports in (downs, sick from freedom “chap. ”). downs shows that by , “[i]n the sea islands, [...] it killed roughly freedpeople a week” (“chap. ”). northern relief organizations, however, as for instance the new england sanitary commission, were unwilling to support healthcare for freedpeople (cf. silber). long established medical protocols were not followed in the treatment of this outbreak of smallpox, a failure caused by the turmoil of war, but not by it alone. it was facilitated by a growing reluctance – on the part of the union army, northern benevolent societies as well as, from on, federal institutions such as the freedmen’s bureau – to support financially the healthcare for freedpeople in the south, leading to a situation in which doctors were no longer financed and the few existing hospitals were eventually disbanded. it was, at the same time, also made possible by racist theories of the origin and spread of disease and of racial differences in individuals’ susceptibility to be infected. in , the new york times reports: “the small-pox rages among them … dirt, debauchery, idleness, are the causes of this inordinate mortality” (qtd. in downs, sick from freedom “chap. ”) the only effective measure to prevent a smallpox epidemic, and to counter the disease’s worst forms, is vaccination, which had been introduced at the beginning of the nineteenth century, then displacing inoculation. to this “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | day, there is no cure once smallpox has set in. according to long, “[b]uilding and maintaining ‘pest houses,’ where smallpox victims would die or recover away from non- immune people, and burying the dead before corpses could become a public health problem were twin responsibilities” (“chap. ”). in the absence of effective methods of treatment, the practice of nailing up windows, described in a negative vein by towne for leading to “bad air” and uncleanliness, might have been a strategy, on the one hand, to create what came close to “pest houses” and thus to contain the disease while not forcing families apart and, on the other hand, to minimize the disease’s visibility and its association with african americans as a group. while isolated smallpox cases had occurred regularly in mid-nineteenth-century america (kotar and gessler “chap. ”), the wartime circumstances led to a spread of the virus, and smallpox – together with other infectious diseases – claimed more casualties among the soldiers on both sides than injuries incurred in battle. during the war, thousands of soldiers as well as civilians were infected, and approximately one patient in three died. this situation constituted a threat particularly to freedpeople whose risk of infection – as soldiers, refugees, but also as residents of areas to which many refugees fled – was particularly high. smallpox had already then a long history of metaphorization. dayle b. delancey demonstrates that both in antebellum proslavery and abolitionist discourses, smallpox was a sign to evoke the disaster of ongoing slavery, but also proslavery fears of emancipation ( - ). particularly in the civil war south, this feared viral disease was increasingly racialized. while relief workers such as towne discursively linked health to cleanliness and order, thus revealing the proximity of teaching and the practice of medicine in imposing discipline, the freedpeople’s alleged susceptibility to contract smallpox was linked to their failure to follow what white relief workers propagated as the discipline of cleanliness. towne’s writing, in fact, bears witness to the racialization of smallpox, even if only few passages indicate that smallpox did claim victims during and after the war. in an entry from april , at a time when the actual epidemic was over, towne includes a long paragraph on smallpox in one of her letters home, claiming “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | that vaccination seemed to be of no account at all and that people had it (smallpox) over three times sometimes, and died of it at last; that i vaccinated children, it took well, and in a month or two after they died of smallpox. they say white folks cannot catch diseases from blacks. lottie fortin was vaccinated and took it, with not half the exposure i had to it. (“april , ”) towne had probably used an inert, old, weak, or otherwise ineffective vaccine (cf. schroeder-lein ). but instead of considering this explanation, the above passage, one of the very few in which she mentions forten with whom she shared a house, implicitly elaborates the notion – popular at the time, yet in stark contrast to century-long experience (cf. willrich; kotar and gessler) – that smallpox was a disease of african americans for whom not even vaccination provided efficient protection and that it was not communicable to whites. for towne, to reduce the visibility of smallpox in her writing might have followed a number of purposes. on the one hand, it was in line with a general policy of sugarcoating the medical situation in the south. on the other hand, she might have aimed at protecting her patients, “her people.” this strategy of repressing the representation of smallpox, however, not only further marginalized those who were already affected by the disease and distorted the view on disease control. it also consolidated the symbolic link between health, cleanliness, order, and free wage labor since it was particularly refugees, and among them especially women and children, who were affected by epidemic diseases such as smallpox. not only racializing but also gendering smallpox, towne marginalized and pathologized women and children, who succumbed to the virus in larger numbers than men (cf. downs, sick from freedom). towne’s writing, thus, gives a valuable indication of how female medical engagement during the civil war was narrated within the broader context of two in part conflicting discourses: the relief work of white elite women and the discussion of healthcare for freedpeople in the civil war and early reconstruction south. in her diary and letters, it is possible to trace discursive sites that indicate how medicine was appropriated as a trope of authority and prestige in a struggle for female influence by intricately linking medicine simultaneously to the domestic (through the figure of the family doctor and the reference to homeopathy) and to the public sphere (through the claim of the expert and scientific knowledge of modern medicine). “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | by following the chronology of her entries and letters, it becomes evident that towne was aware of the discursive embededness of her own writing. thus, she chooses specific tropes in order to achieve a skillful self-dramatization as physician, administrator, teacher, and abolitionist. while this self-representation in part blocks the view on contemporary healthcare practices, it allows insights into the empowering function of medical discourses. . in , dr. peters had arrived on st. helena island. towne notes that “[t]he people all seem pleased to have a doctor of their own, and all have paid dr. peters so far, but he charges very little,” “frogmore, may , ”; in the original letter, the year is illegible. peters might have taken over towne’s medical practice around this time, and he remained on the island for at least the next nine years: his name turns up in several articles as that of the doctor in charge after the sea islands hurricane swept over st. helena on september . this “dr. peters” was, in all probability, dr. william clancy peters from frankford, pa, a graduate of the hahnemann medical college in philadelphia, as peters’s obituary from september , published in the harrisburg telegraph, states, cf. “obituary.” the island’s first african american physician was dr. york bailey ( - ), a penn school graduate who took up medical practice on st. helena as the first african american physician to continue his work for fifty years, cf. cross . bibliography “a girl’s soldier life: the romantic military career of a well-known philadelphia lady.” st. lawrence plain dealer ( - ): . web. mar. . bellafaire, judith, and mercedes graf. women doctors in war. college station: texas a&m up, . berlin, ira. “the wartime genesis of free labor, - .” slaves no more: three essays on emancipation and the civil war. cambridge: cambridge up, . - . butchart, ronald e. “laura towne and ellen murray: northern expatriates and the foundation of black education in south carolina, - .” south carolina women: their lives and times. ed. marjorie j. spruill. vol. . athens: u of georgia p, . - . cross, wilbur. gullah culture in america. westport, ct: praeger, . davidson, jonathan. a century of homeopaths: their influence on medicine and health. new york: springer, . delancey, dayle b. “vaccinating freedom: smallpox prevention and the discourses of african american citizenship in antebellum philadelphia.” asalh . - ( ): - . “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | downs, jim. “the other side of freedom: destitution, disease, and dependency among freedwomen and their children during and after the civil war.” battle scars: gender and sexuality in the american civil war. ed. catherine clinton and nina silber. oxford: oxford up, . - . ---. sick from freedom: african-american illness and suffering during the civil war and reconstruction. new york: oxford up, . e-book. fahs, alice. the imagined civil war: popular literature of the north & south, - . chapel hill: u of north carolina p, . faulkner, carol. women’s radical reconstruction: the freedmen’s aid movement. philadelphia: u of pennsylvania p, . e-book. faust, drew gilpin. mothers of invention: women of the slaveholding south in the american civil war. . chapel hill: u of north carolina p, . french, austa m. slavery in south carolina and the ex-slaves; or the port royal mission. new york: french, . grimké, charlotte f. the journals of charlotte forten grimké. ed. brenda stevenson. oxford: oxford up, . group, thetis m., and joan i. roberts. nursing, physician control, and the medical monopoly: historical perspectives on gendered inequality in roles, rights, and range of practice. bloomington: indiana up, . hale, sarah josepha buell. “an appeal to the american christians on behalf of the ladies’ medical missionary society.” godey's ladys’ book ( ): - . haller, john s. the history of homeopathy: from rational medicine to holistic healthcare. new brunswick, nj: rutgers up, . hawks, esther hill. a woman doctor's civil war: esther hill hawks’ diary. ed. gerald schwartz. columbia: u of south carolina p, . heneghan, bridget t. whitewashing america: material culture and race in the antebellum imagination. jackson: up of mississippi, . holland, mary a.g., ed. our army nurses: interesting sketches, addresses, and photographs of nearly one hundred of the noble women who served in hospitals and on battlefields during our civil war. boston, ma: p of lounsbery, . holland, rupert sargent. introduction. letters and diary of laura m. towne, - . cambridge, ma: riverside p, . e-book. humphreys, margaret. intensely human: the health of black soldiers in the american civil war. baltimore, md: johns hopkins up, . e-book. ---. marrow of tragedy: the health crisis of the american civil war. baltimore, md: johns hopkins up, . e-book. kaplan, amy. “manifest domesticity.” american literature . ( ): - . kirschmann, anne taylor. a vital force: women in american homeopathy. new brunswick, nj: rutgers up, . kotar, s.l., and j.e. gessler. smallpox: a history. new york: mcfarland, . e-book. kothari, uma. “spatial practices and imaginaries: experiences of colonial officers and development professionals.” colonial pathologies: american tropical medicine, race, and hygiene in the philippines. ed. warwick anderson. durham, nc: duke up, . - . “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | long, margaret geneva. doctoring freedom: the politics of african american medical care in slavery and emancipation. chapel hill: u of north carolina p, . e-book. masur, kate. “‘a rare phenomenon of philological vegetation’: the word ‘contraband’ and the meaning of emancipation in the united states.” journal of american history . ( ): - . web. sep. . meier, kathryn shiveley. nature's civil war: common soldiers and the environment in virginia. chapel hill: u of north carolina p, . murison, justine s. the politics of anxiety in nineteenth-century american literature. cambridge: cambridge up, . “obituary.” harrisburg telegraph sep. : . penn school papers, - . web. . . mar. . pile, steve. the body and the city: psychoanalysis, space, and subjectivity. london: routledge, . reverby, susan m. ordered to care: the dilemma of american nursing, - . cambridge: cambridge up, . rose, willie l. rehearsal for reconstruction: the port royal experiment. london: oxford up, . ---. “laura matilda towne.” notable american women: - : a biographical dictionary. ed. edward james, janet w. james, and paul s. boyer. vol. . cambridge: belknap p, . - . schroeder-lein, glenna r. the encyclopedia of civil war medicine. armonk, ny: sharpe, . schultz, jane e. women at the front: hospital workers in civil war america. chapel hill: u of north 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among freedmen.” american lives. ed. alfred hornung. heidelberg: winter, . - . ullman, dana. the homeopathic revolution: why famous people and cultural heroes chose homeopathy. berkeley, ca: north atlantic books, . whorton, james c. nature cures: the history of alternative medicine in america. new york: oxford up, . “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | willrich, michael. pox: an american history. new york: penguin p, . young, elizabeth. disarming the nation: women’s writing and the american civil war. princeton, nj: princeton up, . abstracts in , laura m. towne – abolitionist, teacher, educator, and trained homeopath – joined the port royal experiment, a project initiated by northern benevolent societies to provide education and relief for former slaves on the south carolina sea islands, which had been occupied by union troops in late . on the sea islands as well as in broader northern culture, healthcare for freedpeople – and freedpeople’s health – soon became controversial topics. this article traces how towne as homeopathic practitioner uses medical tropes in autobiographic documents intended for publication or circulation in the north to increase her own authority within a wartime discourse and how, at the same time, she avoids reflection about medical crises. index keywords: african american culture, african american emancipation, civil war, cleanliness, discourse of authority, discursive sites, family doctor, female doctor, freedpeople, gullah culture, healthcare, homeopathy, internal colonialism, modern medicine, port royal experiment, race, racialization and medicine, smallpox, the south, travel writing, whiteness, “contraband, ” sea islands mots-clés: austa m. french, charlotte forten (grimké), esther hill hawks, laura matilda towne, sarah josepha buell hale author antje dallmann humboldt-universität zu berlin, institut fuer anglistik und amerikanistik, unter den linden , d- berlinantje.dallmann@staff.hu-berlin.de “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal exp... european journal of american studies, vol , no | mailto:antje.dallmann@staff.hu-berlin.de “lots of doctoring, with great success”: healthcare within the port royal experiment and the work of laura m. towne civil war healthcare and female commitment the port royal experiment and the work of laura m. towne “putting th[e] lesson to use”: teaching “cleanliness” and “order" doctoring “our people”: healing family “[a]ntidotes from my little doctor’s box”: gender, medical prestige, and homeopathy “the health on the island is good”: repressing medical crisis [pdf] what is a ballad ? | semantic scholar skip to search formskip to main content> semantic scholar's logo search sign increate free account you are currently offline. some features of the site may not work correctly. doi: . / corpus id: what is a ballad ? @inproceedings{wineman whatia, title={what is a ballad ?}, author={andrew wineman}, year={ } } andrew wineman published meredith l. mcgill, ‘‘what is a ballad? reading for genre, format, and medium’’ (pp. – ) in this essay i show how definitions of the ballad shift as critics take into account not only the place of ballads within the genre system but also the mediation of nineteenthcentury ballads across the full range of popular and elite print formats. arguing that the ballad is a genre that flourishes with the rise of print, i show how henry wadsworth longfellow’s ‘‘the wreck of the hesperus’’ ( … expand view via publisher ncl.ucpress.edu save to library create alert cite launch research feed share this paper related papers abstract related papers stay connected with semantic scholar sign up about semantic scholar semantic scholar is a free, ai-powered research tool for scientific literature, based at the allen institute for ai. learn more → resources datasetssupp.aiapiopen corpus organization about usresearchpublishing partnersdata partners   faqcontact proudly built by ai with the help of our collaborators terms of service•privacy policy the allen institute for ai by clicking accept or continuing to use the site, you agree to the terms outlined in our privacy policy, terms of service, and dataset license accept & continue claude h. organ, jr, md, as resident advisor sity in cincinnati, ohio. the sec- ond involves dr organ’s lifelong fas- cination with charles r. drew, md, one of his heroes who could have passed for white but insisted on wearing his true color as a badge of honor. dr organ always insisted that you had to “stand for something” and that others should know that quality in you. he was enthralled by the life and times of dr drew and how he was able to accomplish what he did as a surgeon/scientist when segregation was the order of the day. in fact, dr drew refused to join the american college of surgeons be- cause it refused to admit other well- qualified black surgeons, most of whom he had trained at howard university. dr organ surely must have shared some of dr drew’s pain for the remainder of his life after his texas experience. several years ago, dr organ gave one of the named lec- tures at the opening ceremonies of the american college of surgeons of which he was president the last year of his life. his topic was “charles r. drew: a doyen of american sur- gery.” i think that dr organ would have been thrilled to have been a contemporary of dr drew. his presi- dential address before the society of black academic surgeons several years ago was entitled “dr charles r. drew: died too soon.” and so did dr organ: another surgical doyen who died too soon. dr organ would always tell us that he did not want us to be as good as he was; we had to be better than him. we knew that this was impos- sible but it drove us to perhaps be better than we otherwise might have been. he insisted that it all started with hard work, preparation, and persistence. i have often com- mented that i spoke to dr organ more than i did my father and was not sure whether that made me a bad son or not. my mother died when i was flying home in august of from the final planning session for the organ dinner, and my father died weeks before the dinner. so for the next years, dr organ was more than just a mentor. i shall miss him terribly forever, but i will always re- member everything that he taught me and try diligently to live up to his high standards and to pass his teach- ings on to future generations of sur- geons. accepted for publication: august , . correspondence: eddie l. hoover, md, state university of new york at buffalo, bailey ave, buf- falo, ny (eddie.hoover@med.va .gov). in memory: claude h. organ, jr, md the reassuring voice of optimism across the san francisco bay haile t. debas, md one of the great privileges of my aca- demic life has been to have claude as a close and inspiring friend and colleague. i know others will write about his enormous contributions to american and world surgery. i have, therefore, decided to write more per- sonally and speak to what his pres- ence in oakland, calif, meant to me—the reassuring voice of opti- mism across the san francisco bay. i will miss the frequent tele- phone calls we exchanged across the san francisco bay, sharing our suc- cesses and our challenges. we con- fided in each other problems of the moment, and from my dealings with him, i learned that nothing is more important than having a trusted friend with whom you can share your happy and sad moments. al- most always, i got off the telephone with claude with a smile on my face and with the belief in my heart that everything would turn out for the better. and often i got off the tele- phone laughing uncontrollably be- cause, as only claude could, he had shared a very funny joke that was just appropriate for the occasion. an attribute of claude that never ceased to inspire me was his uncom- promising commitment to the ca- reer and well-being of his trainees. the calls from the east bay were of- ten about his trainees and about his plans for their research training. they obviously gave him a great joy and constituted an important part of his academic life. given all the aca- demic and municipal politics at the time, no one could have been able to establish the stellar general sur- gery residency that claude created in the east bay. he had a gift for identifying and recruiting trainees with potential. once he did, he was totally committed to them as a teacher, mentor, and loving father figure. he made sure that his resi- dents had access to training in the best research laboratories in the best universities in the country. charac- teristically, even when these resi- dents were away during their re- search training, he kept in close touch with the students and with their supervisors and assured that, at all times and in every way, they were well taken care of profession- ally and personally. i mention these details to indicate how claude made his trainees his everyday concern. he loved them and was fiercely proud of their accomplishments. claude was a giant among men, a hero and inspiration to his train- ees and to all minority academic sur- author affiliations: global health sciences, school of medicine, university of california, san francisco. (reprinted) arch surg/ vol , nov www.archsurg.com © american medical association. all rights reserved. downloaded from: https://jamanetwork.com/ by a carnegie mellon university user on / / geons. he was a giant in american surgery and one of the most signifi- cant american academic surgeons of the th century. he will be sorely missed for these and all the many other attributes that are described by others in this special edition of the archives. but in my personal world, it is that reassuring voice of opti- mism and friendship that fre- quently came on the telephone lines from across the san francisco bay that i will miss. accepted for publication: august , . correspondence: haile t. debas, md, global health sciences, uni- versity of california, san fran- cisco, school of medicine, cali- fornia st, , san francisco, ca - (hdebas@globalhealth .ucsf.edu). west african college of surgeons bids farewell to claude h. organ, jr, md, ms(surg), facs, frcssa, fracs, frcs(ed), fwacs(hon) samuel a. adebonojo, md, fccp, fwacs lives of great men all remind us, we can make our lives sublime; and departing leave behind us, footprints on the sand of time a psalm of life henry wadsworth longfellow the death of dr claude h. organ, jr, has left a gigantic footprint on the sand of the surgical world that is too big for many of us to step into. he was a distinguished and renowned african american surgeon who was well known and respected for his hu- manitarian work all over the world. dr organ first came into the west african surgical arena early in when he was nominated for an hon- orary fellowship of the west afri- can college of surgeons (wacs). prior to that, dr organ had been working on building the “bridge of international collegiality” between surgeons in west africa and our sis- ter colleges in the united states, es- pecially with the society of black academic surgeons and the ameri- can college of surgeons. on january , , the wacs conferred dr claude organ with an honorary fellowship during its rd annual scientific conference in abuja, nigeria, in recognition of his love for africa, his basic character, and his academic and professional contributions to the development of the science and art of surgery in black africa. fellows and members of the governing council of the wacs were also cognizant of his contributions to medical education and certification; his love for the west african surgical personality; and his commitment to merit, eq- uity, and justice. it was heartwarm- ing to fellows of the wacs to see that dr organ came to nigeria to ac- cept the award in person and to de- liver a lecture on the myths sur- rounding the death of dr charles drew. dr organ was a loyal and de- voted friend of his students, resi- dents, and colleagues. he was an extremely pleasant person who prof e. goudote, republic of benin; prof osato giwa-osagie, pres, west african college of surgeons; dr samuel a. adebonojo; and dr claude h. organ. author affiliations: department of surgery, wright state university school of medicine, dayton, ohio; and chief, surgical service, dayton va medical center, dayton. (reprinted) arch surg/ vol , nov www.archsurg.com © american medical association. all rights reserved. downloaded from: https://jamanetwork.com/ by a carnegie mellon university user on / / the death and second life of the harpsichord occidental college from the selectedworks of edmond johnson spring the death and second life of the harpsichord edmond johnson, occidental college available at: https://works.bepress.com/edmond_johnson/ / http://www.oxy.edu https://works.bepress.com/edmond_johnson/ https://works.bepress.com/edmond_johnson/ / the death and second life of the harpsichord e d m o n d j o h n s o n but nobody, save perhaps an antiquarian or two, thought of summoning to action the harpsichord . . . . had any temerarious musician seriously advanced the claims of the antiquated relic a contemptuous majority would have dismissed it at once as outmoded, feeble, merely quaint. —pitts sanborn writing for the nation in , the american music critic pitts sanborn did not have to look very far into the past to recall a time when the harpsichord was widely dismissed as being ‘‘out- moded, feeble, merely quaint.’’ indeed, the instrument had spent much of the previous century as the silent denizen of storerooms, attics, and museum galleries, and very few of the ‘‘contemptuous majority’’ would have been able to claim any real familiarity with its sound. it was only around the turn of the twentieth century—and with the advent of a gen- eration of fervent early music advocates and enthusiasts—that the instru- ment began to attract the attention and support that would eventually allow it once again to take a prominent place within the contemporary musical landscape. over the course of a few short decades the harpsi- chord underwent a remarkable transformation: no longer the ‘‘anti- quated relic’’ of the nineteenth century, it once again became, as sanborn put it, ‘‘an instrument with a vivid independent life of its own.’’ the choice of words is telling. whereas it might seem strange to speak of an instrument as having acquired an ‘‘independent life,’’ the harpsichord’s peculiar history had long attracted similar patterns of pitts sanborn, ‘‘landowska’s contribution,’’ the nation ( august ): . the journal of musicology, vol. , issue , pp. – , issn - , electronic issn - . © by the regents of the university of california. all rights reserved. please direct all requests for permis- sion to photocopy or reproduce article content through the university of california press’s rights and permissions website, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintinfo.asp. doi: . /jm. . . . speech. as far back as the middle of the nineteenth century the instru- ment’s abandonment was described in terms of death or even extinction, and during its subsequent revival the harpsichord’s modern history has been written with terms borrowed liberally from the lexicon of rebirth and resurrection. indeed, the last two centuries have seen the instrument widely represented, both verbally and pictorially, with figurations that invoke either life or death. to expand on the conceit put forward by the title of this article, it might be said that the harpsichord has had three lives and one (impermanent) death. the instrument’s first life, of course, would encompass its prime, a time roughly spanning the six- teenth through eighteenth centuries. near the end of this period the harpsichord came to its figurative demise, struck down, it is tempting to say, by the hammer blow of the ascendant pianoforte. following the same figurative logic, the harpsichord’s resurgence near the turn of the twenti- eth century would represent a sort of second life, whereas the dramatic and nearly wholesale adoption of more historically based models arguably constitutes a third (and current) existence for the instrument, a renais- sance begun in the decades following world war ii by such luminaries as hugh gough, frank hubbard, and william dowd. though far from being the only historical instrument to receive renewed attention during the decades surrounding the turn of the twen- tieth century, the harpsichord holds a special place in the history of the early music revival. no other instrument played as visible—or, perhaps, as controversial—a role in popularizing musical activities related to the revival. having, as it does, a large and visually distinctive presence, the harpsichord has a tendency to garner attention wherever it appears, whether in a museum case or on the concert hall stage. in this study i in a history of the instrument, norman wilkinson wrote that ‘‘far from being laid up in lavender, [harpsichords] have, as often as not, been pushed carelessly into the outhouse or hayloft . . . and there have died an unheeded death.’’ norman wilkinson, ‘‘a note on the clavichord and the harpsichord,’’ music and letters , no. (april ): – , esp. . similarly, wanda landowska once described her agenda in reviving the harpsichord in vitalizing terms: her object was to ‘‘make it live again, to give it jubilant or pathetic accents, to evoke polyphonic purity, to make the coupled keyboards resound, to sing with lingering tones the amorous cantilenas.’’ wanda landowska, landowska on music, ed. and trans. denise restout (new york: stein and day, ), . as sheridan germann noted in her treatise on harpsichord decoration, ‘‘[a]n oboist or violinist need not worry whether his instrument’s decoration is appropriate to his repertoire, but a harpsichord is too large and dominant not to be part of an audience’s visual experience of a concert.’’ sheridan germann, harpsichord decoration: a conspectus, vol. of the historical harpsichord, ed. howard schott et al. (hillsdale, ny: pendragon press, ), . in a essay the harpsichordist nellie chaplin recalled how her instruments had attracted ‘‘a great deal of interest’’ during the extensive run of frederic austin’s popular revival of the beggar’s opera, reporting that ‘‘hundreds of people’’ had asked about her instrument. see nellie chaplin, ‘‘the harpsichord,’’ music and letters , no. (july ): – , esp. . j o h n s o n explore the harpsichord’s nineteenth-century ‘‘death’’ and its subse- quent revival—the two periods of its history that have been most ne- glected. by reexamining the ways in which the harpsichord was portrayed in both words and images i shall show that the instrument’s eventual acceptance in the twentieth century was far from a fait accompli but depended largely on an extensive and deliberate renegotiation of both its image and cultural identity. in the first section i explore the harpsichord’s nineteenth-century existence as an evocative emblem of a vanished past: an instrument turned relic that was frequently laden with supernatural literary tropes and ghostly imagery. in the second section i move on to the instrument’s revival, focusing on the ways in which the harpsichord was brought before modern audiences in a form that was ultimately heavily reengineered and reconfigured. indeed, in its journey from museum piece to modern musical instrument the harpsichord underwent a marked transformation of both form and character. the process involved a gradual rejection of much of the cultural baggage that the harpsichord had accrued during its long dormancy in the nineteenth century and resulted in a transformation that ultimately won it a place in the modern musical world. the death of the harpsichord in truth, the harpsichord never quite disappeared. noting that the instrument had appeared at ignaz moscheles’s concerts historiques as early (or, perhaps, as late) as the s, howard schott observed that ‘‘in a narrow technical sense it is probably correct that the harpsichord never really became extinct in the same sense as the dodo bird.’’ it is reason- able to conclude that the vast majority of plucked keyboards were aban- doned when instrumental fashions changed around the turn of the nineteenth century, but a few old instruments were inevitably retained by their owners. some were kept as treasured antiques, and others served as historical curios. a select few even saw regular use for decades after the piano had become the dominant keyboard instrument. but if a few specimens remained in the hands of collectors and devoted musical antiquarians, for the most part the harpsichord existed during this howard schott, ‘‘the harpsichord revival,’’ early music , no. (april ): – , esp. . edward kottick has noted that both gioacchino rossini and giuseppe verdi were taught to play the harpsichord as children, despite their growing up at a time when the instrument was already seen as outmoded. edward kottick, a history of the harpsichord (bloomington: indiana university press, ), . for the most detailed account of harpsichord making and performance during the early part of the nineteenth century, see ibid., – . for a broader history of the interest in early music during the first half of the nineteenth century, see harry haskell, the early music revival: a history (london: thames and hudson, ), – . t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y period not as a tangible musical object but as a fanciful idea residing in the collective imagination. though rarely encountered by the gen- eral public during most of the nineteenth century, the harpsichord was far from forgotten: it lived on in the poetry and prose of the time, maintaining a sort of shadowy belletristic afterlife that contin- ued long after most of the physical relics—all that wood, quill, leather, and ivory—had been relegated to the silent indignity of the rubbish heap. literary hauntings by the middle of the nineteenth century the piano had reached near ubiquity in the parlors and concert rooms of the western world, and the old keyboards that had held reign in previous centuries had been reduced to little more than evocative names—mere emblems of a past age. an example of this new role can be found in robert browning’s celebrated poem ‘‘a toccata of galuppi’s’’ ( ), one of the earliest instances in which an antiquated keyboard is explicitly employed as a symbol of antiquity. to be sure, in this poem browning invokes not the harpsichord but its cousin the clavichord, but, as larry palmer has observed, nineteenth-century writers frequently took the names of early keyboards to be interchangeable. indeed, with little awareness of their histories and mechanisms, the harpsichord, virginal, spinet, and clavi- chord were generally conflated under a common umbrella of instrumen- tal obsolescence. more important than the specific genus browning assigned to it is the way he treated the antique instrument, using it as the central poetic device in an imagined transhistorical dialogue with the for instance, in thomas haynes bayly’s ‘‘my great-grandmother’s harpsichord,’’ a short story that achieved some popularity in the s, a father concerned with the musical education of his daughters (but reluctant to purchase an expensive new piano) seeks to restore a large harpsichord that had languished for three generations in his attic, only to conclude that the instrument is fit only for firewood (a fate that it ultimately suffers). thomas haynes bayly, ‘‘my great-grandmother’s harpsichord,’’ in forget-me- not: a christmas, new year’s and birthday present for , ed. frederic shoberl (london: r. ackermann, ), – . larry palmer, ‘‘some literary references to the harpsichord and clavichord, – ,’’ diapason (september ): . this conflation sometimes spread to early pianos, the appearance of which did not always differentiate them from other early keyboards. while touring italy in , arnold dolmetsch was shown an instrument that was reported to be the clavichord that had inspired browning’s poem; upon closer inspection, however, dolmetsch discovered that the instrument was in fact a small square piano. see mabel dolmetsch, personal recollections of arnold dolmetsch ( ; new york: da capo press, ), . another example of con- fused taxonomy can be seen in figure of this article: an engraving of a large harpsichord by andreas ruckers that was printed in an issue of art amateur with a caption that described it as a ‘‘clavichord.’’ j o h n s o n eighteenth-century italian composer baldassare galuppi. the poem takes as its subject the rich world of settecento venice, using music as the evocative connection between the present and the past: the narrator, upon hearing the tones of the titular toccata, is transported to the time and place where galuppi himself ‘‘sat and played toccatas, stately at the clavichord.’’ though leaving the details of the toccata (the mere agent of the poem’s historical evocation) mostly to the reader’s imag- ination, browning does provide a sort of poetic harmonic analysis, in which pitch content mingles freely with mournful voices from the imag- ined past: what? those lesser thirds so plaintive, sixths diminished, sigh on sigh, told them something? those suspensions, those solutions—‘‘must we die?’’ those commiserating sevenths—‘‘life might last! we can but try!’’ the poem continues with a rhapsodic catalog of the glories of this earlier age, before gradually adopting, in the tenth through twelfth stan- zas, the somber tones of a meditation on mortality: then they left you for their pleasure: till in due time, one by one, some with lives that came to nothing, some with deeds as well undone, death stepped tacitly and took them where they never see the sun. but when i sit down to reason, think to take my stand nor swerve, while i triumph o’er a secret wrung from nature’s close reserve, in you come with your cold music till i creep thro’ every nerve. yes, you, like a ghostly cricket, creaking where a house was burned: ‘‘dust and ashes, dead and done with, venice spent what venice earned. the soul, doubtless, is immortal—where a soul can be discerned.’’ the beauties of the past have given way to images of their ruination, and the long dead composer—that ‘‘ghostly cricket’’—has provided the key- hole through which the decaying spirit of this long vanished age can still be glimpsed. that browning cast the clavichord as a prime character in his historical fantasy speaks to how potent the instrument’s associations with the past were by the middle of the nineteenth century. it makes little difference that galuppi never wrote a single toccata, or that the robert browning, ‘‘a toccata of galuppi’s,’’ in the complete poetic and dramatic works of robert browning, cambridge edition (boston: houghton mifflin, ), . the poem was first printed in browning’s collection men and women ( ). for a brief overview of browning’s musical connections, see r. w. s. mendl, ‘‘robert browning, the poet-musician,’’ music and letters , no. (april ): – . browning, ‘‘a toccata of galuppi’s,’’ . ibid. t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y clavichord was hardly a major presence in eighteenth-century italy. as a literary device the instrument’s role is unambiguous: it functions as an evocative emblem of a time long past. a similarly uncanny use of an old keyboard instrument comes to us from the american poet henry wadsworth longfellow. in the prelude to his famous cycle of poems tales of a wayside inn a mysterious sound, straining the boundaries of verbal description, emerges from an un- played harpsichord just after a violinist has finished performing for the assembled crowd: and from the harpsichord there came a ghostly murmur of acclaim, a sound like that sent down at night by birds of passage in their flight, from the remotest distance heard. the harpsichord serves no other function in the poem’s narrative than to add a sort of supernatural resonance to the moment. subsequent literary references are often even more explicit in asso- ciating the harpsichord with the specters of the past. lewis morris’s episodic poem ‘‘pictures—i,’’ first published in , is structured in twenty-one quatrains, each of which amounts to a free-standing vignette: little slices of life ranging in mood from sunny to profound and mourn- ful. in one of the darkest stanzas we find a harpsichord placed at the center of a morbid scene: around a harpsichord, a blue-eyed throng of long-dead children, rapt in sounds devout, in some old grange, while on that silent song the sabbath twilight fades, and stars come out. two similarly macabre accounts of the instrument come from the other side of the atlantic, penned by the prolific american poet madison julius cawein, a native of louisville, kentucky. in his poem ‘‘haunted,’’ cawein’s sentences heave with romantic imagery as they exposit a mysterious scenario: the sunset spreads red stains as bloody proof; from hall to hall and stealthy stair to stair, henry wadsworth longfellow, henry wadsworth, tales of a wayside inn (london: bell and daldy, ), . lewis morris, ‘‘pictures—i,’’ in the works of lewis morris (london: kegan paul, trench, trübner, ), – . lewis morris ( – ) was born in wales, though he lived most of his life in england. he was knighted by queen victoria in in recognition of his literary accomplishments. j o h n s o n through all the house, a dread that drags me toward the ancient dusk of that avoided room, wherein she sits with ghostly golden hair, and eyes that gaze beyond her soul’s sad doom, bending above an unreal harpsichord. in a variation on this poem that cawein wrote some years later (entitled ‘‘præterita’’), the poet elaborated on the harpsichord’s supernatural disposition, concluding the verse with the image of a golden-haired woman ‘‘waking the ghost of that old harpsichord.’’ a more benign apparition is conjured in an unusual prose sketch published in by the french writer and artist george auriol. in his ‘‘le clavecin de yeddo,’’ auriol emphasized the harpsichord’s perceived otherness by placing it within the context of an imagined orient: upon an old harpsichord of the time of marie antoinette—that has found its way, no one knows how, to the country of the mikados—the frivolous lou-laou-ti plays a love song. perched upon the unsteady stool, like a doll upon a stand, with head thrown back, the young girl sings softly. her delicate fingers dance madly upon the yellowed ivory, then sweep very gravely over the keys of ebony, and recommence to flutter distractedly hither and thither. the harpsichord, with its clear and caressing voice, seems, under the witchery of the little fairy, to find in its old heart shudders, murmurs, and vibrations long forgotten. and that puffed dress of blue, flowered with roses, is it not of a marquise? auriol’s miniature story capitalizes on the compound exoticism of a sub- ject that is foreign in both time and place. given the work’s publication in june it is tempting to connect it with the exposition universelle, which had opened in paris only a month earlier and offered a diverse display of cultural and historical objects. (indeed, the mention of marie antoin- ette in the opening sentence is particularly suggestive, as a harpsichord madison julius cawein, ‘‘haunted,’’ in the garden of dreams (louisville, ky: john p. morton, ), . madison julius cawein, ‘‘præterita,’’ in the poems of madison cawein (boston: small, maynard, ), – . george auriol, ‘‘the harpsichord of yeddo,’’ in from the french: pastels in prose, trans. stuart merrill (new york: harper and brothers, ), – . originally published in french as ‘‘le clavecin de yeddo,’’ in la plume , no. ( june ): . auriol’s poem was a popular example of french prose poetry, and the english version was subsequently anthologized in a number of early twentieth-century textbooks. ‘‘yeddo’’ is a variant roman- ization of ‘‘edo,’’ a historical name for the city of tokyo. in her work on the music of the exposition, annegret fauser has noted that the ‘‘discovery of new sonorities in early music shows parallels to the sonic discovery of ‘other’ music at the exposition universelle, whether the gamelan or opera transmitted through the telephone.’’ annegret fauser, musical encounters at the paris world’s fair (rochester, ny: university of rochester press, ), – . t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y that had formerly been in her possession was displayed at the exposition.) the story might also reflect auriol’s exposure to one of the many historical instruments that were adorned with scenes of life in an imagined orient, a mode of décor that reflected a widespread european vogue for the exotic east in the decades surrounding the turn of the eighteenth century. when ‘‘le clavecin de yeddo’’ was reprinted the following year in an american anthology of french prose poetry, the text of the opening page was artfully set around a fanciful engraving by henry w. mcvickar (fig. ). as if in an effort to invert the historical modes of chinoiserie, mcvickar showed the european instrument and its player, here clothed in western dress, alongside imagery commonly associated with japan. mcvickar’s ‘‘harpsichord’’ is of an imaginative design that conjoins a small keyboard to an upright harp, an overly literal interpretation of the word that may suggest that the artist was unfamiliar with the instrument he was asked to depict. like robert browning’s clavichord in ‘‘a toccata of galuppi’s,’’ the harpsichord here is portrayed by auriol as a powerful evocator capable of carrying its listeners to another time and another place. as lou-laou-ti continues to play (a powdered wig suddenly gracing her head), the accoutrements of her japanese world are swiftly substituted for those from an imagined european past: and suddenly all the statuettes change into graceful groups of pale saxe, and bands of monkeys embroidered upon the silk screens become groups of rosy cupids that might have been painted by boucher himself. and the black hair of lou-laou-ti seems covered with a vapory snow. perhaps one of the surest indicators that the harpsichord had emerged from the nineteenth century with a heavy freight of ghostly associations comes in the form of a satirical short story entitled ‘‘the haunted harpsichord,’’ published by james huneker in . at least one harpsichord on display at the exposition, a instrument by christian zell of hamburg, had a case painted in an orientalist style, though the scenes were not of japan but of china. this instrument is now in the collection of the museum für kunst und gewerbe, hamburg. for a list of instruments displayed at the exposition uni- verselle, see the catalogue général officiel: section ii, arts libéraux exposition rétrospective du travail et des sciences anthropologiques (lille: l. danel, ), – . george auriol, ‘‘the harpsichord of yeddo,’’ . fanciful as it might be, the form of mcvickar’s imaginary instrument is not entirely lacking historical precedent: a painting by andrea sacchi, for instance, shows a more elaborate open-framed clavicytherium (sometimes called a ‘‘keyed harp’’) that is being played by the italian castrato marc’antonio pasqualini (marcantonio pasqualini crowned by apollo, in the collection of the metropolitan museum of art). this painting is discussed and reproduced in kottick, a history of the harpsichord, , and pl. . george auriol, ‘‘the harpsichord of yeddo,’’ . james huneker, ‘‘the haunted harpsichord,’’ in visionaries (new york: charles scribner’s sons, ), – . j o h n s o n huneker, who is remembered today mainly as a music critic for the musical courier and the new york times, set his story in an intentionally indeterminate era that combines elements of the middle ages and the eighteenth century. the story begins with two men speeding across the french countryside, hot in pursuit of a fugitive vassal. stopping to rest at an unassuming roadside inn not far from the town of amboise, the men listen as the innkeeper regales them with a tale redolent with the hall- marks of gothic fiction. in this story within a story we are told that the inn stands before the ruins of a chateau that was burned to the ground in the years following the french revolution and that spirits from the ancien regime have not entirely vacated the premises. it is at this point that the narrative suddenly engages in a fantastic reinvention of the musical past. the innkeeper tells of a duchess who made a frequent habit of hosting the composer christoph willibald gluck during periods when her husband was away. one night, while the duchess and the famous composer of alceste were playing a duet on the figure . first page of ‘‘the harpsichord of yeddo,’’ a prose poem by george auriol; reprinted in from the french: pastels in prose, trans. stuart merrill (new york: harper and brothers, ), – t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y harpsichord, the duke discovered the pair and in a fit of jealous rage murdered them as they sat before the keyboard. ever since, the inn- keeper says, the place has been haunted by the sounds of a ghostly harp- sichord. at the conclusion of this ghost story the boundary between the inner and outer narratives is suddenly blurred by a spectral appearance outside the inn: music, faint, tinkling, we certainly heard. it came with the wind in little sobs, and then silence settled upon us. ‘‘it’s the chevalier gluck, and he is playing to his duchess out in the fields. see, i will open the door and show you,’’ whispered the fat landlord. just then the moonlight was blackened by a big cloud, and we heard the tinkling music of a harpsichord again, but could see naught. the sounds were plainer now, and presently resolved into the rhythmic accents of a gavotte. but it seemed far away and very plaintive! ‘‘hark,’’ said michael, in a hoarse voice. ‘‘that’s the gavotte from pagliacci. listen! don’t you remember it?’’ ‘‘pshaw!’’ i said roughly, for my nerves were all astir. ‘‘it’s the alceste music of gluck.’’ ‘‘look, look, gentlemen!’’ called our host, and as the moon glowed again in the blue we saw at the edge of the forest a white figure, saw it, i swear, although it vanished at once and the music ceased. in spinning together such an incongruous assortment of historical details, huneker in effect gave his readers a knowing wink. (indeed, he went so far as to provide the story with a parenthetical subtitle, ‘‘in the style of mock-mediæval fiction,’’ lest anyone miss the point.) but if the ‘‘haunted harpsichord’’ is unabashed parody, it is certainly not without object. the confused and convoluted historical details are a jab at the sort of cultural conflation in which history is casually compressed (or even radically skewed), represented here by an anachronistic scenario in which pagliacci, the verismo opera, and alceste, gluck’s hit from , can somehow coexist in a common pseudo-historical space. at the very core of this epoch-blurring tale is the ‘‘haunted harpsichord’’ itself, an instrument whose supernaturally charged historical associations were still potent enough at the turn of the twentieth century to make it an appealing centerpiece for a satire on the romanticization of the musical past. ibid., – . huneker’s use of the term ‘‘chevalier’’ is likely a reference to a historical fantasy story by e. t. a. hoffmann entitled ‘‘ritter gluck’’ (later published in french as ‘‘chevalier gluck’’). the story—hoffman’s earliest publication—first appeared in allgemeine musikalische zeitung , no. ( february ). j o h n s o n the silence of ‘‘antiquated relics’’ for much of the nineteenth century the harpsichord existed more as an idea than as an actual physical entity. whereas it may have appeared with some frequency in the poetry and prose of the time, actual sightings remained rare, and those antique instruments that had avoided destruc- tion remained mostly confined to private collections and were rarely accessible to the public at large. this situation began to change around the last quarter of the century with the advent of a series of high-profile exhibitions that presented historical musical instruments, typically on loan from both public and private collections. the first of these exhibi- tions was the special exhibition of ancient musical instruments, which opened on june at london’s south kensington museum (later the victoria and albert). the organizing committee for the exhibition was chaired by queen victoria’s second son, alfred (later to become the duke of saxe-coburg and gotha), and curatorial direction was provided by carl engel, the german-born musicologist and instrument collector who had since the s made his home in london and established himself as one of the country’s leading organological authorities. in the months leading up to the exhibition’s opening the organizing committee actively sought out instruments that had been long hidden from view, seeking out possessors of ‘‘instruments noted for their deco- rative, archaeological, ethnological, or intrinsic technical merits’’ and encouraging them to share their treasures with the public at large. the result was an impressive display of several hundred historic instru- ments—lent by collectors from across the united kingdom and conti- nental europe—that was heralded as an unprecedented opportunity to the rarity of encountering such instruments was noted by carl engel, who wrote in : ‘‘it is surprising how soon musical instruments become scarce when they are no longer in popular demand. how seldom is a harpsichord now seen! yet it was still in favor as recently as the beginning of the present century.’’ carl engel, ed., a descriptive catalogue of the musical instruments in the south kensington museum (london: george e. eyre and william spottiswoode, ), . for a broad overview of these exhibitions see malou haine, ‘‘expositions d’in- struments anciens dans la seconde moitié du xixe siècle,’’ revue belge de musicologie ( ): – . the south kensington museum, founded in in the wake of the previous year’s great exhibition, was rededicated as the victoria and albert museum in may . engel, who wrote the catalog to the exhibition and was also the south ken- sington museum’s principal advisor on instruments, provided a brief account of the ex- hibition’s origins and planning process in an appendix to a catalog of the south kensington museum’s permanent collection of musical instruments. see engel, ed., a descriptive catalogue of the musical instruments in the south kensington museum, – . see ‘‘special loan exhibition of ancient musical instruments at the south ken- sington museum,’’ journal of the society of arts , no. ( february ): ; and ‘‘exhibition of ancient musical instruments,’’ journal of the society of arts , no. ( may ): . t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y view little-seen relics from the musical past. in an article published in the pall mall gazette, for instance, the novelist charles reade implored the public to visit the exhibition, specifically noting the rarity of the instru- ments and the unlikelihood that they would again be seen together: on the first of june the south kensington museum opened a special exhibition of ancient musical instruments. they have been obtained on loan from all quarters; money, powerful as it is, could not buy the greater part; and every man and woman, who loves music, or possesses a mind, should study them before the unique opportunity runs away, and this multitude of gems is dispersed for ever. the public seems to have heeded reade’s words. the venture, which stayed open through the end of september, was deemed a huge success and subsequently laid the way for similar loan exhibitions that were held in major cities throughout europe and the united states in the decades that followed. the thirty years that followed saw no fewer than sixteen major ex- hibitions of historical musical instruments, often held in conjunction with a larger exposition or world’s fair (table ). in cities like vienna, paris, milan, and brussels, crowds flocked to see long-neglected instru- ments of the past, with antique keyboards frequently receiving top bill- ing. but if such exhibitions provided the public with the opportunity once again to see harpsichords, virginals, and spinets, they only rarely provided an opportunity to hear them. whereas some exhibitions offered the occasional historical concert or lecture recital, for the most part the objects on display were treated more as silent historical relics charles reade, ‘‘ancient musical instruments,’’ reprinted in english mechanic and world of science , no. ( june ): . this article also appeared in dwight’s journal of music , no. ( july ): . in a dictionary entry on ‘‘musical loan exhibitions’’ francis w. galpin spe- cifically credited the south kensington exhibition with setting a model for all those that followed: ‘‘the idea of bringing before the public the art treasures of private collectors under the form of a loan exhibition is essentially english, the special exhibition of ancient musical instruments held at south kensington in being acknowledged as the prototype of the many similar collections which have since been made in europe and america.’’ francis w. galpin, ‘‘musical loan exhibitions,’’ in grove’s dictionary of music and musicians, vol. , ed. j. a. fuller maitland (new york: macmillan, ), . for example, whereas the music loan exhibition (held in the upper galleries of the royal albert hall) was generally well received, the limited opportunity for visitors to hear any of the antique instruments on display was noted bitterly by the press. an unsigned critic of the musical times and singing class circular wrote, ‘‘the errors and omissions of the executives of the international inventions exhibition with regard to the nature and quality of the musical performances provided for the entertainment of visitors have been com- mented upon in severe terms, not only in our own columns, but in the ordinary press.’’ the writer, however, made positive mention of the handful of historical concerts that had been offered. unsigned review, ‘‘historic concerts at the inventions exhibition,’’ musical times and singing class circular , no. ( august ): – , esp. – . j o h n s o n than as musical instruments. cordoned-off on platforms or confined within glass-walled vitrines, the instruments maintained a mute existence and their observers were left to imagine their sound. in an article in all the year round, a literary journal founded by charles dickens, an unsigned writer laments the silence of the instru- ments exhibited at the south kensington museum: some fine specimens of spinets and harpsichords are among the old musical instruments at south kensington. one may walk round the t a b l e . major exhibitions of musical instruments in europe and north america held between and year location exhibition details london special exhibition of ancient musical instruments (south kensington museum) vienna part of the weltausstellung paris part of the exposition universelle brussels part of the exposition nationale, celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of belgium’s independence from the netherlands milan london part of the international inventions exhibition brussels part of the grand concours international des sciences et de l’industrie bologna paris part of the exposition universelle london part of the royal military exhibition vienna part of the internationale ausstellung für musik- und theaterwesen chicago part of the world’s columbian exposition edinburgh loan exhibition of the society of musicians london international loan exhibition of musical instruments (crystal palace, sydenham) paris part of the exposition universelle boston historical musical exhibition, held at the horticultural hall and sponsored by chickering and sons london special loan exhibition of musical instruments, manuscripts, books, portraits, and other mementoes, celebrating the tercentenary of the worshipful company of musicians (fishmonger’s hall) t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y glass-case which isolates each, and see the whole wire-arrangement and key-board; but the tone is a tantalising secret to be preserved for the curiosity of other ages than ours. seven years later a writer reviewing the vast musical offerings of the exposition universelle for le petit journal would note the startling contrast between the hush of the historical gallery and the clamorous piano-filled pavilion (a division labeled ‘‘class ’’) in which modern instrument makers displayed their wares: while the venerable musical instruments shown in the galleries of the histoire du travail are mute, while no sound escapes the italian clavi- chords from , the harpsichords from and the piano of marie- antoinette, what a racket, in contrast, in class , where the modern instruments roar! given the enforced silence of the museum display, it is understand- able that historical keyboards would be seen primarily in terms of their visual and historical value—as precious relics from the past rather than as useful musical tools. indeed, the exhibitions of the nineteenth century generally privileged the historical over the musical, often featuring in- struments that were closely connected with famous figures from the past. reviews of instrument exhibits further reflected the bias of the visual over the musical. a passage from an report in the english mechanic and world of science is telling: then there are italian spinets, one of which ought to interest the ladies; for it has nineteen hundred and twenty-eight precious stones outside it, and very little music inside. there is handel’s harpsichord. he had more harpsichords than cromwell skulls. but this time there really is a tidy pedigree made out. here, as with many other accounts of such exhibitions, the harpsichord is valued primarily for two qualities: its decorative appeal and its histor- ical provenance—the elements that most strongly connected it with the ‘‘the pianoforte family,’’ all the year round: a weekly journal ( may ): – , esp. . ‘‘les instruments de musique,’’ le petit journal ( july ): ; quoted in fauser, musical encounters at the paris world’s fair, . charles reade, ‘‘ancient musical instruments,’’ . the instrument with ‘‘nine- teen hundred and twenty eight precious stones’’ was, in fact, a spinet made in milan by annibale dei rossi. its elaborate pietre dure case made it a star of several nineteenth-century exhibits. it was purchased by the south kensington museum in for the then enormous sum of £ and remains in the collection of the victoria and albert museum. see howard schott and anthony baines, catalogue of musical instruments in the victoria and albert museum (london: v and a publications, ), – . j o h n s o n past. furthermore, the writer’s quip about george frideric handel’s apparently prodigious number of harpsichords is an indication of the prevalence with which displayed instruments were claimed to have been played or owned by prominent historical figures, though such claims were frequently based on scant or dubious historical evidence. this emphasis on history and appearance can also be found in alfred j. hipkins’s beautifully illustrated volume musical instruments, his- toric, rare and unique, published in . though hipkins was a serious and knowledgeable scholar of early keyboard instruments, musical instru- ments, with its oversized pages and colorful lithograph plates (mostly of instruments that were displayed as part of london’s international inven- tions exposition of ) served primarily as a lavishly illustrated victorian coffee table book, valued as much for its high production values as for the knowledge it contained. among the instruments described and depicted in hipkins’s book is what may well have been the most famous antique keyboard of the time, a late sixteenth-century spinet that con- tinues to be one of the treasures of the victoria and albert museum’s collection (fig. ). though the instrument’s origins are almost certainly italian (its specific history prior to is a mystery to this day), the spinet was famous to the nineteenth-century public as ‘‘queen elizabeth’s virginal.’’ indeed, its position as a historical marker and artifact was particularly emphasized at the exhibition, where the instrument was used as the star attraction of a recreated tudor room complete with period furnishing and contemporary works of art. what makes all of this even more remarkable is that the instrument’s connec- tion with the famous virgin queen appears to have been almost entirely speculative, based solely on the existence of a small crest on the front of reade reports of having been able to hear the sound of one of the harpsichords, played by carl engel, the first curator of musical instruments at the south kensington museum, which reade described as being ‘‘full of sweetness and tenderness, yet not defi- cient in grandeur.’’ reade, ‘‘ancient musical instruments,’’ . hipkins, alfred] j. musical instruments, historic, rare and unique (edinburgh: adam and charles black, ). a contemporary reviewer praised the book as being ‘‘among the most beautiful examples of printing it is possible to obtain.’’ unsigned review of musical instruments: historic, rare, and unique, by alfred j. hipkins, musical times and singing class circular , no. ( january ): . on hipkins’s considerable contribution to the revival of early keyboard instruments, see the unsigned article ‘‘alfred james hipkins,’’ musical times and singing class circular , no. ( september ): – . hipkins, musical instruments. the pages of hipkins’s book are not numbered; the illustration of ‘‘queen elizabeth’s virginal’’ is listed as plate and followed by a brief description. international inventions exhibition, guide to the loan collection and list of musical instruments, manuscripts, books, paintings, and engravings, exhibited in the gallery and lower rooms of the albert hall (london: william clowes and sons, ), . the sixteenth- century tudor room also featured several italian lutes, as well as ‘‘furniture, paneling, and other fittings’’ arranged and lent by mr. george donaldson. t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y the case that was most likely added centuries later. although nineteenth- century historians appear to have been aware of the instrument’s ques- tionable provenance, the potency of the myth was enough to cement its place in the popular historical imagination. many other keyboard in- struments were similarly displayed bearing pedigrees that included hav- ing been played by a famous figure from the past. in france, marie antoinette’s spirit loomed large over a harpsichord she was said to have once owned; this instrument garnered much attention when it was dis- played as part of the exposition universelle. it is worth noting, too, that figure . ‘‘queen elizabeth’s virginal’’; illustration from alfred j. hipkins, musical instruments, historic, rare and unique (edinburgh: adam and charles black, ) the most comprehensive modern assessment of this instrument can be found in schott and baines, catalogue of musical instruments in the victoria and albert museum, – . the later discovery of a tiny date— —inscribed in the instrument’s elaborate sgraffito case further complicates its history. if the instrument was in fact ever owned by queen elizabeth i ( – ) she could only have possessed it in her last years. see nanke schellmann, ‘‘the queen elizabeth’s virginal scribbles, scratches and sgraffito,’’ v and a conservation journal (autumn ): – , www.vam.ac.uk/content/journals/conser- vation-journal/issue- /the-queen-elizabeths-virginal-scribbles,-scratches-and-sgraffito/. fauser, musical encounters at the paris world’s fair, . j o h n s o n the veneration accorded historically important instruments for their bio- graphical associations extended well into the inner confines of the music world. franz liszt, for example, some years after he had already acquired one of beethoven’s fortepianos, was reported to have purchased a harpsi- chord that in was claimed to have been mozart’s. hauntings in the musical museum an intriguing connection between the public exhibition of early musical instruments and their ‘‘hauntings’’ in the literature of the age comes in the form of an anonymous poem published in chambers’s journal of pop- ular literature, science and art. the poem, titled ‘‘on an old harpsi- chord,’’ appeared on june , one week after the opening of the special exhibition of ancient musical instruments in south kensington. the unsigned poet begins by linking the worn musical object with the age of its creation: its varnish cracked, its paintings scarred, its dainty gilding sadly marred, and turned to dingy umber, it stands forlorn, a waif or stray of glories long since passed away, an ancient piece of lumber. what more? and yet how rich it is, this harpsichord, in memories and quaint associations, recalling that far time, when still high birth and title had their will, and kings were more than nations. ‘‘mozart’s old harpsichord, offered for sale at weimar, has been purchased by franz liszt. the instrument played on by beethoven is also in the possession of the cele- brated pianist.’’ unsigned review, ‘‘brief chronicle of the last month,’’ musical times and singing class circular , no. ( april ): . ‘‘on an old harpsichord,’’ chambers’s journal of popular literature, science, and art ( june ): . the identity of the poem’s author remains unclear, but when it was subsequently reprinted in the text of james payn’s novel the heir of the ages, payn (the editor of chamber’s journal at the time the poem was first published) provided the following prefatory note: ‘‘the two poems, entitled ‘the children’ and ‘on an old harpsichord,’ ascribed to [the character] matthey meyrick in this novel, were written by a lad who died many years ago of consumption, before he attained his majority. i never knew him per- sonally—our relation being only that of editor and contributor—but judging from his letters, no less than his verses, i am well convinced that in him his country lost a genius. the poems in question were written, i believe, in his nineteenth year.’’ james payn, the heir of the ages, rev. ed. (london: smith, elder, ). t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y the poem, which spans ten six-line stanzas, encompasses nearly every trope that was commonly associated with the harpsichord. above all, the decaying instrument calls forth a distant age. and it is perhaps not sur- prising that the touch of a key suddenly fills the room with apparitions: i touch the keys—the startled chord can scarce a weak response afford that wakes a low vibration among the slackened, palsied strings: a feeble spell, and yet it brings a magic transformation. an antique aspect veils the place, a weird, oppressive, ghostly grace that almost makes one tremble; a mystic light pervades the air, faint footfalls gather on the stair— the belles and beaux assemble. the belles and beaux? alas, the ghosts! thin shadows of once-reigning toasts, and heroes of the duel. they smile, they chatter, they parade, they rustle in superb brocade, they shine with many a jewel. the poem concludes with the sudden disappearance of the spirits. in fact, they stroll into the ether to the strains of gluck’s ‘‘che farò senza euridice?’’ leaving the harpsichord once more a mere relic: the lights go out; the voices die; among the strings strange tremors fly, that slowly sink to slumber; the harpsichord remains alone, a monument of glories done, an ancient piece of lumber. a similarly mystical tone pervades an article that appeared in frank leslie’s popular monthly in february . aptly titled ‘‘musical ghosts,’’ it surveys the predecessors of the modern piano, focusing on the efforts of the prominent nineteenth-century instrument collector morris steinert. ‘‘on an old harpsichord.’’ ibid. l. d. mayland, ‘‘musical ghosts: being a research into the ancestry of the pianoforte,’’ frank leslie’s popular monthly (february ): – . morris steinert would later give his significant collection to yale university, where it remains today. many of the details in mayland’s article come directly from steinert’s book j o h n s o n the article’s author, l. d. mayland, describes the old keyboards as being ‘‘scattered over the world in dark garrets, where they are regarded as merely pieces of obsolete furniture,’’ and he describes steinert’s efforts to recover them: [u]p under the red-tiled roofs, he found old clavichords which had been hidden there for years in the obligato society of disused furniture, dust and spiders. sometimes it was to the astonishment of the house- holder that he revealed these treasures, so long forgotten; oftentimes he was met with vigorous protests of their absolute non-existence and peremptory refusals of the privilege of search; but a glass of beer or a cigar generally obtained willing consent. in breathless tones mayland described the moments when steinert uncov- ered an instrument hidden in the musty attics of southern germany: it was a veritable treasure quest, and he frequently philosophized over his dusty instruments in the garrets where light was admitted by remov- ing a tile. strange and poetical fancies hover over these relics, to which the makers had modestly refrained from affixing names or dates. what had caused their retirement to these shades? whose fingers had lin- gered upon their ancient keys? why had music become so lost an art where such instruments still existed to tempt the yearning, poetic soul of the bavarian to give it expression on those tuneful strings? in the silent context of the museum display (or, for that matter, the hush of the dusty garret), historical and visual qualities inevitably take precedence over the musical, and it is not surprising to find that harp- sichords so presented should become largely defined through their asso- ciation with the figures of the past who had once played upon them—or, at any rate, were imagined to have done so. for the most part such instruments existed primarily as historical relics, objects used either to exemplify the virtues of period style, or alternately offered up for vener- ation in connection with whichever famous figure was thought to have once ‘‘lingered upon their ancient keys.’’ in many ways the real story of the harpsichord in the nineteenth century is one not of dormancy, death, or even abandonment but of a transformation from musical tool into visual and historical artifact; in the words of the anonymous author - the m. steinert collection of keyed and stringed instruments, with various treatises on the history of these instruments, the method of playing them, and their influence on musical art (new york: charles f. tretbar, ). additional information about steinert can be found in larry palmer, harpsichord in america: a twentieth-century revival (bloomington: indiana univer- sity press, ), – . mayland, ‘‘musical ghosts,’’ . ibid. t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y of ‘‘on an old harpsichord,’’ the instrument had become ‘‘a monument to glories done, an ancient piece of lumber.’’ the harpsichord’s second life by the end of the nineteenth-century the harpsichord was indeed haunted—if not by actual spirits, at least by persistent associations with an abandoned musical past. from the otherworldly noises imagined to be emerging from its case to the specters envisioned in its midst, the supposedly ‘‘dead’’ instrument was in fact alive with the ghosts of its fancifully imagined history. ironically, the very elements that made the harpsichord an object of fascination to nineteenth-century poets and museumgoers alike posed significant challenges for those who wanted to bring the instrument onto the modern concert stage. although its evocative appearance and potent historical associations had done much to establish it as a venerable musical relic, this same reputation did little to help make the case for its acceptance as a serious instrument in an era preoccupied with its own modernity. how could an instrument so long viewed as being creaky and quaint possibly be received by audiences as anything other than a historical curiosity? how could a symbol of an archaic musical culture be accepted as a modern musical tool? such ques- tions loomed large for the first generation of revivalists, who had to care- fully balance the appeal of the harpsichord’s evocative history with the practical requirements of modern concert halls and the aural expectations of audiences weaned on a musical diet rich in wagner and brahms. if there was a pivot point in the harpsichord’s modern ‘‘rebirth’’ it would have to be placed somewhere between and . during this period of rapid musical and societal change a series of events critical to the instrument’s revival took place: the construction of the first modern- day harpsichords in (by the french firms pleyel and erard and the instrument restorer louis tomasini); the growing success of the musical activities of arnold dolmetsch, who built his first harpsichord in ; the public harpsichord debut, in , of wanda landowska, later the instrument’s most tireless and successful advocate; and, finally, the appearance in of the pleyel grand modèle de concert harpsichord, which would dominate much of the professional early music scene for nearly a half century after. where prior to the harpsichord had been little more than a historical curiosity, by the instrument was well on its way to a full-scale cultural reentrenchment. the early decades of the harpsichord revival can be seen as an informal campaign to counteract the way the instrument had been portrayed during the preceding century. those who wished to perform early keyboard music j o h n s o n ‘‘on the instrument for which it was written’’ (to use the preferred revivalist rhetoric of the day) had to contend with a range of negative biases, ranging from objections to its appearance and tone to questions regarding its relevance in the modern music world. in an age steeped in teleological rhetoric it was easy to dismiss the harpsichord as a sort of paleolithic piano: a knuckle-dragging ancestor whose very existence had been obviated two hundred years earlier by bartolomeo cristofori. the physical appearance of the historical harpsichord was a signifi- cant liability when it came to the instrument’s revival. there were the lid paintings and the often highly decorative casework, which had done much to make it a symbol of antiquity in the preceding century. and even the instrument’s shape and size flagged it as an anachronism. although at the end of the eighteenth century the form of the average piano was not so very different from that of its plucked-string relations (wood-framed, narrow-compassed), by the middle of the nineteenth century a widening morphological gap had formed between the piano’s increasingly robust construction and that of the harpsichord, which by comparison must have appeared more and more like a frail vestige of a quaint yesteryear. in an age of factory-built pianos, the harpsichord’s hand-crafted and wood-framed construction instantly marked it as an atavistic intruder from the preindustrial past. this was not lost on the critics. when wanda landowska presented a concert in april at the queen’s hall in london, on which she performed not only on harpsichord but also on a modern piano and a fortepiano, a writer for the bystander found the ‘‘clavecin’’ an incon- gruous presence on the concert platform: sitting quietly in queen’s hall, and waiting for miss landowska to make her appearance, one reflected that there was a tremendous advance in mechanism from the long, thin somewhat anaemic-looking harpsichord to the substantial, modern piano, which, if it has any self-respect (and a self-playing attachment), will, nowadays, even play its own notes. in an unsigned article on the harpsichords designed for the chickering piano company, arnold dolmetsch called attention to the instrument’s relatively diminutive size, declaring that the ‘‘magnificent’’ modern pianos were the ‘‘gigantic descendants of the ancient claviers.’’ see ‘‘busoni at the harpsichord,’’ music trade review , no. ( sep- tember ): , http://mtr.arcade-museum.com/mtr- - - / /. writing in , the novelist thomas love peacock noted the dramatic change between the contemporary piano and the instruments he saw while growing up in the s. recalling the harpsichords of his childhood, he wrote: ‘‘over what a gulph of time this name alone looks back! what a stride from the harpsichord to one of broadwood’s last grand pianos!’’ thomas love peacock, ‘‘recollections of childhood,’’ bentley’s miscellany , no. (february ): . unsigned review, ‘‘matters musical,’’ bystander , no. ( april ): . explaining the harpsichord’s presence on the modern stage, the reviewer wrote: ‘‘it is fashionable now to choose one’s furniture and surroundings from the oldest models, and t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y at the time landowska was performing on an instrument that was a descendant of the harpsichords the pleyel-wolff-lyon piano company had built sixteen years earlier for the paris exposition. although large by historical standards, it still retained many of the hallmarks of traditional harpsichord design. and although pleyel had dispensed with the elabo- rate case paintings found on its instruments, the ornamentation of their newer instruments was at least historically suggestive. the bystander reviewer was also skeptical of the instrument’s tone, the quality of which was described as being ‘‘thin and qualified by the scratching of the plectra’’: and when one actually heard the clavecin, it was apparent that as great an advance has taken place from the musical point of view [as from that of design]. one felt for louis xiv, who, if he desired music in the salon, was limited to the twanky utterances of this certainly elegant instrument. two years earlier landowska had received a letter from charles bordes, the director of the schola cantorum in paris. although bordes enthusi- astically endorsed landowska’s interest in championing the keyboard music of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, he entreated her not to perform such music on the harpsichord, complaining that the instru- ment—‘‘that cage for flies,’’ as he called it—reduces ‘‘superb and often large-scale works to the size of its tiny, spindly legs.’’ moreover, there remained a lingering sense that the instrument served little purpose beyond providing historical set dressing. this men- tality can be seen in the instrument’s inclusion in a french dictionary of furnishings, dictionnaire de l’ameublement, first published in . here we are presented with the harpsichord not so much as musical instrument but instead as ornate furnishing and object d’art. although the dictionary explains the basic mechanism of the instrument and provides a brief over- view of its history, the emphasis is firmly on issues of appearance, historical provenance, and monetary value. even the treatment of the particular - something of the same spirit may have been responsible for the two recitals of old harp- sichord music recently given by miss wanda landowska at queen’s hall.’’ the reference to the self-playing piano reflects that instrument’s burgeoning popularity in both america and europe only a decade following the introduction of the pianola, the first practical pneumatic piano player. see jean-claude battault, ‘‘les clavecins pleyel, érard et gaveau, – ,’’ in music ancienne: instruments et imagination, ed. michael latcham (bern: peter lang, ), – . ‘‘matters musical,’’ . letter dated july , quoted in landowska, landowska on music, . henry harvard, dictionnaire de l’ameublement et de la décoration depuis le xiiie siècle jusqu’á nos jours, vol. (paris: may and motteroz, – ), – . j o h n s o n instrument featured in the accompanying illustration is revealing (fig. ). that instrument, which today resides in the collection of the musée de la musique in paris, was constructed by andreas ruckers in , followed by an overhaul at the hands of the similarly renowned pascal taskins in . despite this venerable pedigree the dictionnaire only described it as ‘‘cla- vecin décoré de grotesques.’’ interestingly, the eudel ruckers (named after one of its owners, paul eudel) appeared in print a second time in , this time in the pages of a periodical called the art amateur (fig. ). here the instrument is shown in what appears to be a drawing room filled figure . illustration of a ‘‘clavecin décoré de grotesques’’ from henry harvard, dictionnaire de l’ameublement (paris: may and motteroz, ); though not disclosed in the dictionnaire, the instrument was a ruckers harpsichord owned by paul eudel for more information and modern photographs of the ruckers in the musée de la musique, see http://mediatheque.cite-musique.fr/masc/play.asp?id¼ . in , when the dictionnaire de l’ameublement was published, the instrument was privately owned by paul eudel. it subsequently passed through the collection of geneviève thibault de chambure before being purchased by the museum in . i encountered this engraving only after it was (unfortunately) excised from its parent journal and sold as a print. i was therefore not able to ascertain the date and page number of the original publication. t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y with rococo furnishings, accompanied by a label that erroneously de- scribes it as a ‘‘clavichord.’’ perhaps this emphasis is understandable in works dedicated to fur- nishings and art, but the same bias has cropped up in more music-centric sources as well. one of the earliest articles to speak explicitly of a ‘‘harp- sichord revival’’ appeared in august , in the unlikely pages of the girl’s own paper. the article’s author, frederick j. crowest, who was known at the time for several books on music history aimed at a general readership, described the growing interest in old keyboard instruments as being part of what he poetically termed ‘‘the pause we make, betimes, to look back a little through the vista into the past.’’ crowest was particularly laudatory about the recent use of the harpsichord as a his- torically accurate prop in the staging of plays set in the past: only recently have there been pieces produced, in which, to perfect the ensemble, an actual harpsichord of last century date and make has been brought upon the stage, with most interesting and artistic effect. that figure . illustration from art amateur ( ) labeled ‘‘clavichord [sic] of andré ruckers ( )’’; in the collection of paul eudel frederick j. crowest, ‘‘the harpsichord revival,’’ the girl’s own paper (august ): – . j o h n s o n this ‘‘actuality,’’ instead of its offshoot the modern ‘‘grand,’’ should have been produced is not only an indication of the lengths to which managers go to command success, but it gives the audience an oppor- tunity of learning more about the qualities and capacities of the instru- ment than would the reading of dozens of histories of music or treatises on musical instruments. although crowest was certainly enthusiastic about the reappearance of the harpsichord, for him its value was less as a serious musical instrument than as a tool for the curious musical time traveler: ‘‘of course, no one wishes to see a harpsichord in the place of every pianoforte, even if that were possible. none the less it and its music furnish a delightful field for those lovers of music who feel betimes a longing for an excursion into the far-off musical past.’’ among many critics there was a sense that the harpsichord was sim- ply not up to the rigors of performing ‘‘serious’’ music. in a december review of louis diémer’s playing a ‘‘programme historique’’ in liège, belgium, the critic for l’art moderne sounded ambivalent about the instrument. he noted that diémer performed ‘‘with his usual mas- tery,’’ but he found the harpsichord itself to be ‘‘archaic and too limited,’’ declaring it only successful when performing ‘‘the puerile and ravishing evocations of a purely descriptive and picturesque art.’’ that same year a writer for the german periodical konzert came to a similar conclusion while reviewing a recital given by landowska at the hôtel de prusse in leipzig. discussing a program that included works by bach ‘‘and his italian and french contemporaries,’’ the writer noted: her harpsichord demonstrations provided us with proof that certain ancient compositions of a playful character (for instance, ‘‘l’hirondelle’’ and ‘‘le coucou’’ by daquin, or ‘‘le dodo’’ by fr. couperin) can achieve a certain charm from the sound of the harpsichord. but works in which the composer has set forth a weightier argument (such as bach’s italian concerto and, to a lesser degree, even couperin’s ‘‘folies françaises’’), require a power, weight, and the singing character far beyond the expressive capabilities of the harpsichord. ibid., . when crowest spoke of a harpsichord ‘‘of last century date and make’’ he was, though writing in , presumably referring to the eighteenth century. ibid., . ‘‘certes le clavecin reste archaı̈que et de moyens trop limités, mais il se prête à ravir à ces évocations puériles et ravissantes d’un art purement pittoresques et descriptif.’’ unsigned review, ‘‘la musique à liége,’’ l’art moderne , no. ( dec. ): . the program under review also contained symphonic works by pergolesi, stamitz, and gossec, with diémer playing harpsichord continuo. translation is mine. ‘‘ihre cembalovorträge erbrachten für uns auch den beweis, daß gewisse alte kompositionen spielerischen charakters (so l’hirondelle und le coucou von daquin, oder le dodo von fr. couperin) erst durch klangfarben des cembalo ihren eigenen reiz t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y this critic clearly felt that the harpsichord might suffice for playing the occasional historic trifle, but that it is inadequate for weighty masterpieces. the famous aphorism credited to the british conductor sir thomas beecham is typical of the regard in which the harpsichord was held in the early twentieth century. ‘‘the harpsichord,’’ beecham is once said to have quipped, ‘‘sounds like two skeletons copulating on a corrugated tin roof.’’ whether beecham made this proclamation or not, the sentiment expressed clearly resonated with many, and it quickly became a popular catchphrase among those who found the harpsi- chord’s tone to be inadequate (perhaps, it is tempting to suggest, due to an absence of timbral flesh). this aphorism encapsulates the dif- ficulties of the harpsichord’s struggles for acceptance in the early twen- tieth century. the image of skeletons (those consummate symbols of mortality) making love in a world of metal roofs and industrial cor- rugation would instantly have punctured the vaporous romanticism of the literary fantasies quoted earlier in this article. and beneath the surface of witty scorn, the image suggests a deeper critique: just as skeletons (frisky or otherwise) have no place on modern corrugated roofs, so too does the antiquated harpsichord have no place in the modern concert hall. the introduction of the ‘‘modern’’ harpsichord the first new instruments to be constructed after the harpsichord’s nineteenth-century hiatus were a group of three harpsichords produced around and displayed that year at the exposition universelle in paris. - gewinnen. andere und bedeutendere der von ihr vorgetragenen kompositionen (so teil- weise bachs italienisches konzert und zum geringeren teile auch couperins folies fran- çaises) gingen aber in ihren anforderungen an die kraft, die wucht und den gesangscharakter des tones weit über die ausdrucksmöglichkeiten des cembalo hinaus.’’ quoted in detlev schultz, ‘‘dur und moll: leipzig,’’ signale für die musikalische welt , no. – ( may ): . the recital was held on may . translation is mine. quoted in harold atkins and archie newman, eds., beecham stories: anecdotes, sayings and impressions of sir thomas beecham (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . jonathan sterne has noted that a similar turn of phrase was used in a magazine parody of the advertisements promoting victor’s orthophonic victrola phonograph: ‘‘every instrument sounds like a skeleton’s charleston on a tin roof.’’ jonathan sterne, the audible past: cultural origins of sound reproduction (durham, nc: duke university press, ), . although sterne does not date his source material, the term ‘‘orthophonic’’ was introduced in and it seems likely that the quotation comes from the second half of the s, when the technology was still a novelty, possibly suggesting an earlier coinage. for a detailed account of the early musical activities at the exposition uni- verselle, see fauser, musical encounters at the paris world’s fair. for more details about the harpsichords newly constructed for the event, see kottick, the history of the harpsichord, – . j o h n s o n two of these harpsichords were the products of leading parisian piano firms—pleyel-wolff-lyon and erard et cie—and the third was built by the instrument restorer louis tomasini. each approached the challenge of constructing new ‘‘old’’ instruments in a different way. tomasini’s approach was the most historical. at the exposition universelle he exhib- ited two instruments side by side: the first was a genuine antique by henri hemsch (built around ), beside which tomasini displayed a new instrument in which he had meticulously copied every detail of the mech- anism and decoration of the original. both erard and pleyel took more liberties with their first creations. each firm based its instrument on a his- torical model—erard on a instrument built by the firm’s founder, sébastien érard, and pleyel on a pascal taskin harpsichord—but adopted modes of decoration that were modern reinterpretations of the past. whereas the erard instrument featured a relatively restrained scheme of garlands and floral sprigs (not far out of step with the aesthetics of the nascent art nouveau movement), the decorators at pleyel went for a full-scale historical fantasy of splayed cabriole legs and resplendent vi- gnettes painted in a style vaguely reminiscent of watteau or fragonard. but although the pleyel harpsichord looked like it might be an escapee from the museum case, there was more to the instrument than was suggested by its historicist exterior. on the inside it employed some of the same developments pleyel used on its modern pianos, most evi- dent in the battery of six pedals that allowed for seamless changes in registration. as martin elste has observed, the pleyel harpsichord was no mere historical replica but an instrument that combined the late nineteenth-century nostalgia for the musical past with an open embrace of contemporary technology: the outer instrument stood for nostalgia, but two keyboards and the action with several registers and a variety of pedals operated with the feet in order to change registers as quickly and as smoothly as possi- ble—the action represents progress and mechanization, the very topic of the world expositions. schott, ‘‘the harpsichord revival,’’ – . the taskin instrument, which now resides in the russell collection of musical instruments in edinburgh, had come to prominence as the harpsichord used in public performances and demonstrations by louis diémer. both the erard and pleyel firms studied it in preparation for building their own new instruments. the sébastian erard harpsichord is now in the collection of the musée de la musique in paris. see also sidney newman and peter williams, eds., the russell collection and other early keyboard instruments in saint cecilia’s hall, edinburgh (edinburgh: edinburgh university press, ), – . battault, ‘‘les clavecins pleyel, érard et gaveau,’’ . martin elste, ‘‘the interaction of visual appearance and sound: the case of harpsichordist wanda landowska’’ (paper presented at the thirty-ninth annual meeting of the american musical instrument society, library of congress, – may ). t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y the instruments produced by pleyel, erard, and tommasini in were not the only new harpsichords to be built in the closing years of the late nineteenth century. seven years later arnold dolmetsch constructed his first harpsichord, the now famous green harpsichord. named for the verdant shade of its exterior paint, the green harpsichord has often been described in the scholarly literature as being historically modeled. in truth its design reflected both dolmetsch’s desire to be innovative and his perception of what was required in an instrument that would be used in a modern concert hall. having been engaged to perform the continuo for performances of don giovanni and le nozze di figaro at the royal opera house covent garden, dolmetsch was keen on building an instrument that could be heard in a venue capable of seating more than two thousand. in an attempt to improve the instrument’s power, dolmetsch produced a novel design in which the strings pass over a second soundboard placed in front of the jacks. like the pleyel, dolmetsch’s instrument also featured pedals for changing registration and, in an attempt to provide the player with expressive control of dynamics, an innovative knee lever that could instantly change the plucking depth. landowska’s pleyel the most famous of all modern harpsichords made its debut at the bach festival in breslau. this was pleyel’s grand modèle de concert, which was designed at the behest of wanda landowska, who had been exclusively playing on the company’s harpsichords since . having grown unhappy with the instruments at her disposal, landowska re- quested a larger model that she would be able to use for her increasingly prominent recitals. in preparation for its design, she toured several col- lections of historic instruments with pleyel’s chief engineer, m. lamy, ostensibly to gather ideas and inspiration from the instrumental achieve- ments of the past. the final design, however, spoke more of the needs of the present than of fantasies of the past (fig. ). the new instrument was nearly a wholesale reengineering of the harpsichord from the inside out: a glance under the hood reveals a vast array of moving parts, includ- ing a damping system of unprecedented complexity; an innovative (if ultimately unsuccessful) double-pinned tuning system (which caused the instrument to be widely loathed by those called upon to keep it in tune); for more on the history of the green harpsichord, see edmond johnson, ‘‘revival and antiquation: modernism’s musical pasts’’ (phd diss., university of california, santa barbara, ), – . see landowska, landowska on music, . j o h n s o n a simple decorative scheme; a solid piano-like construction, with cut- aways on the sides of the keywell (which allow audiences to see the performers hands on the two manuals); and, perhaps most notably, a sixteen-foot register. like its historic forebearers, the pleyel was figure . wanda landowska and her pleyel harpsichord; undated photograph, most likely taken in the s; from the library of congress’s george grantham bain collection a description of several of landowska’s instruments, including the pleyel, can be found in michael latcham, ‘‘don quixote and wanda landowska: bells and pleyels,’’ t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y initially still wood framed, but it now wielded a formidable arsenal of tonal options: two sets of strings at pitch, another an octave above, and one an octave below; lute and buff stops; and the ability to couple the keyboards together—all instantly changeable through the deft manipulation of its seven radiating pedals. though the pleyel was not completely with- out ornament—ironically, the ‘‘spindly legs,’’ about which bordes had complained a decade earlier, were one of the few decorative touches to remain intact—its design was a far cry from the historically evocative instruments that had so affected the nineteenth-century imagination. although the pleyel did not look like a museum piece, it was not completely lacking in historical justification. had anyone questioned either the size of the instrument or the presence of the sixteen-foot register, landowska could have pointed to the so-called bach harpsi- chord, an instrument that had been acquired by the prussian state in after it was certified by the german scholar philipp spitta as having belonged to j. s. bach. beyond the obvious appeal of an instrument with such a prestigious provenance—however spurious it might be—the in- strument’s large size, plain appearance, and plentiful tonal resources made it a convenient historical antidote to the prevailing image of a quaint and feeble-voiced antique. likening it to ‘‘a harpsichord on steroids,’’ edward kottick has noted that nearly all the instruments sub- sequently modeled on the bach harpsichord featured ‘‘heavy cases, beefy framing, thick and heavily barred soundboards, open bottoms, leather plectra, pedals, and half hitches.’’ - early music , no. (february ): – . according to latcham, the tonal resources on the pleyel included ‘‘a ’ stop, an ’ stop, and an octave [ ’ stop] on the lower keyboard and on the upper keyboard an ’ stop or alternatively the nasal lute stop, also at ’ pitch.’’ ibid., . wolfgang zuckermann has written about the difficulties involved with the pleyel harpsichord’s complicated tuning mechanism: ‘‘pleyels are blessed with a fine-tuning sys- tem which is feared by professional tuners. this complicated system works something like a fine-tuning peg on a cello, where many turns produce only a small change in pitch. neither the metal frame nor the tuning system does much to keep pleyels in tune, but changing a string becomes a chore, and i find that tuning pleyels takes at least twice as long as ordinary harpsichords.’’ wolfgang zuckermann, the modern harpsichord: twentieth- century instruments and their makers (new york: october house, ), – . several excellent photographs and diagrams of the pleyel harpsichord can be found in claude mercier-ythier, les clavecins (paris: éditions vecteurs, ). kottick, a history of the harpsichord, – . for more on the history of the so-called bach harpsichord, see dieter krickeberg and horst rage, ‘‘einige beobachtungen zur baugeschichte des ‘bach-cembalos,’’’ jahrbuch des staatlichen instituts für musikforschung preußischer kulturbesitz ( / ), – ; and grove music online, s.v. ‘‘bach harpsichord,’’ by martin elste, accessed january , www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/arti- cle/grove/music/ . kottick, a history of the harpsichord, – . other makers who produced modern instruments inspired by the spurious bach harpsichord included georg steingraeber and karl maendler. j o h n s o n and so landowska’s famous pleyel began what would be nearly a half century of dominance. during this time the instruments also became equipped with a heavy iron frame, which landowska requested to help her instruments withstand the rigors of touring. although harpsi- chords by other makers were available, by the s the pleyel grand modèle de concert was undoubtedly the most commonly used instru- ment among professional harpsichordists throughout the world— including, in addition to wanda landowska, alice ehlers, putnam aldrich, the duo of philip manuel and gavin williamson, and countless others. manuel de falla used this instrument when he performed his harpsichord concerto, and it was the instrument used in the debut of the version of ezra pound’s le testament. at over eight feet long, and weighing not far shy of five hundred pounds, the pleyel was the harpsichord reimagined for the modern age. in an interview published in in the saturday review of literature, landowska described the challenges she had faced in reviving her chosen instrument: ‘‘some people are under the impression,’’ she told us, ‘‘that i rediscov- ered the harpsichord, and that until i appeared on the scene the instru- ment had been only a museum piece. this is only partly true. arnold dolmetsch had already constructed harpsichords for chickering in boston and gaveau in paris, while the french firms of erard and pleyel had also brought out contemporary models of the instrument. but these harpsichords, if i may say so, were only . . . ,’’ mme. wanda closed her eyes groping for the right description, ‘‘well ‘toys’ is really not quite accurate, but it will do until we think of a more appropriate word. you see, these harpsichords did not exploit the grandeur and richness which one finds in the masterpieces written for the instrument. wealthy amateurs would install them in their homes for the performances of easy gavottes and minuets. that is all. the harpsichord then manufac- tured was a quaint plaything, not a musical instrument in the truest sense.’’ in deeming the first generation of modern harpsichords instru- ments to be little more than ‘‘quaint playthings,’’ landowska seems to have suggested that their historically evocative appearances posed for the specifications of the later metal-framed pleyel harpsichords, see denise restout, ‘‘the pleyel harpsichord,’’ diapason (july ): . according to restout, the full metal frame of the instrument ‘‘was added to pleyel harpsichords in at the request of wanda landowska (prior to her first concert tour in america) to strengthen the outer case of the instrument, so it can withstand rough handlings and changes of climate.’’ ibid. see the chapter ‘‘landowska’s american circle’’ in palmer, harpsichord in america, – . roland gelatt, ‘‘a landmark for landowska,’’ saturday review of literature ( june ): – , , esp. . t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y a problem for the serious performer. whereas ‘‘quaintness’’ was a desir- able trait for both the museum display and the bourgeois parlor, it proved to be a liability in the concert hall. indeed, surveying the harpsi- chords constructed in the decades surrounding the turn of the twentieth century, we find a striking rupture in the evolution of their design: by almost none of the instruments being built were decorated with anything approaching the level of ornamentation given the laureates of the exposition. this is surprising, given the historically inspired custom casework available for many contemporary pianos. as michael latcham has noted, pleyel was offering several pianos during this time that ‘‘looked more or less like historical harpsichords, with their exter- iors painted in what appears today to be a pastiche of th-century french taste.’’ the firm was clearly capable of manufacturing instru- ments replete with period details, but latcham suggested that such lavish ornamentation may have been far from desirable for a musician like landowska, who focused specifically on providing a ‘‘modern interpre- tation of the past.’’ musical instruments live complicated lives. they are not just tools for music making but inevitably exist within a framework of political, social, and historical associations. the harpsichord is no exception. its mod- ern revival was particularly fraught because of the need to renegotiate the instrument’s identity: at once to take into account its evocative his- tories—both real and imagined—and to present it to modern audiences in a way that would allow it to be taken seriously not just as a reliquary of the musical past but as a functional musical instrument. in the end the successful reintroduction of the harpsichord in the early decades of the twentieth century relied on a sort of instrumental exorcism—a move beyond the literary hauntings and historical confabulations of the nine- teenth century toward a more sober conception of the instrument’s identity and the adoption of a more vital and pragmatic approach to its exceptions to this rule can be found in a few of the instruments produced by ar- nold dolmetsch that were generally closer to historical models than other instruments of the time. even dolmetsch’s instruments, however, generally favored more restrained decoration and often featured some modern appendages such as registration pedals. see the illustrated catalogue arnold dolmetsch and his instruments (haslemere, uk: a. dolmetsch, ), – , – . latcham, ‘‘don quixote and wanda landowska,’’ . ibid. the instrument most studied for its social and cultural position is undoubtedly the piano. the classic work in this area is arthur loesser’s men, women and pianos: a social history (new york: simon and schuster, ). a more recent contribution is the collection of essays edited by james parakilas, piano roles: three hundred years of life with the piano (new haven, ct: yale university press, ). j o h n s o n performance. by the s the instrument could legitimately be claimed to belong to the modern world. the harpsichord had also become a very different instrument from the fragile antiques of the previous century. the following poetic extract reflects the distance the instrument had come, both mechanically and culturally. on a late night in a watchman at new york’s steinway hall (credited only as ‘‘a. bunte’’) was inspired to pen a short poem after having watched landowska practicing on stage on her massive pleyel: one evening i hear a knock on the door. it was somebody i never seen before: madam landowska with her harpsichord. of this instrument the madam is very proud! because it is wonderful and the latest out. the madam herself is full of art: and she certainly knows how to play her part. with her energie [sic] and all her might, she studies late into the night. please do not forget her worthy address— as we all hope and wish her the best success. gone are the spirits of composers past, or the images of distant times and far-off lands. this modest verse, preserved in the pages of the music trade review, betrays none of the antiquating tropes so popular in the nine- teenth century, concentrating instead on landowska’s ‘‘energie’’ and ‘‘might,’’ and making a special note that the polish virtuoso’s instrument is ‘‘the latest out.’’ the generation of revivalists that came to maturity after world war ii reacted strongly against what they perceived as a lack of historical fidelity in such instruments, reserving their choicest vitriol for landowska’s pleyel. in a interview the preeminent builder william dowd went so far as to refer to the pleyel as ‘‘the chief anti-christ’’ of all modern harpsichords. joel cohen and herb schnitzer, writing in , effec- tively articulated the postwar consensus: while the dolmetschniks proselytized among amateur musicians and literary-artistic circles, landowska was giving solo recitals in the same halls, and for the same audiences, as the famous violinists and pianist of those times. not for her the timid tinkle of some antique keyboard: the harpsichords she played . . . were robust, metal-cast contraptions. the a. bunte, ‘‘music’s inspiration stirs steinway and sons watchman: night guardian of steinway hall waxes poetic after hearing madam landowska practice her art during the still hours of the evening,’’ music trade review , no. ( january ): , http:// mtr.arcade-museum.com/mtr- - - / /. harold haney, ‘‘portrait of a builder,’’ harpsichord , no. ( ): – , esp. . t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y pleyels she made famous through concerts and recordings were meant to fill large halls with plenty of noise; built inside with modern piano technology, they also contained almost as many oddball voicing con- traptions as the japanese electrical keyboards now invading our department stores. cohen and schnitzer concluded that the pleyel (the ‘‘metal monster,’’ as they unaffectionately call it) ‘‘wasn’t really a harpsichord,’’ and they end their diatribe with a parting shot: ‘‘the pleyels boomed in the bass and boinked in the treble like the true pieces of late victoriana that they were.’’ whether or not the pleyel harpsichords ever actually ‘‘boomed’’ or ‘‘boinked,’’ they were anything but victoriana. asked late in life about the historical veracity of her chosen instrument, landowska provided an astute answer: ‘‘i cannot sign a guarantee that this is how bach wanted it. but i feel it to be so. you know, there were no factories in bach’s day, and no standard harpsichord existed. i built mine as a ‘symbol’ of the early eighteenth-century instrument. to the best of my knowledge it is a faith- ful re-creation.’’ in speaking of her harpsichord as a ‘‘symbol’’ and a ‘‘re-creation,’’ landowska seems to acknowledge, however tacitly, that the instrument she had been playing exclusively for four decades was not in fact bach’s harpsichord—or that of any other eighteenth-century com- poser—but instead a necessary and ingenious compromise, a representa- tion of the musical past that had been reinforced and redesigned for the audiences of the present. occidental college abstract though far from being the only historical instrument to receive renewed attention during the decades surrounding the turn of the twentieth century, the harpsichord holds a special place in the history of the early music revival. no other instrument played as visible—or, per- haps, as controversial—a role in popularizing musical activities during the revival. as a large and visually distinctive presence, the harpsichord has a tendency to garner attention wherever it appears, whether in a museum case or on the concert hall stage. in this article i explore the harpsichord’s nineteenth-century ‘‘death’’ and its subsequent revival— joel cohen and herb snitzer, reprise: the extraordinary revival of early music (boston: little, brown, ), . ibid. gelatt, ‘‘a landmark for landowska,’’ . j o h n s o n the two periods of its history that have been most neglected. by reexa- mining the ways in which the harpsichord was portrayed in both words and images, i show that the instrument’s eventual acceptance in the twentieth century was far from being a fait accompli but depended largely on an extensive and deliberate renegotiation of both its image and its cultural identity. in the first half of the article i explore the harpsichord’s nineteenth- century existence as an evocative emblem of a vanished past: an instru- ment turned relic that was frequently laden with supernatural literary tropes and ghostly imagery. in the second section i examine the instru- ment’s revival, focusing on the ways in which the harpsichord was brought before modern audiences, ultimately in a form that was heavily reengineered and reconfigured. indeed, in its journey from museum piece to modern musical instrument the harpsichord underwent a marked transformation of both form and character. the process involved a gradual rejection of much of the cultural baggage the harp- sichord had accrued during its long dormancy in the nineteenth century and resulted in a transformation that ultimately won it a place in the modern musical world. keywords: early music revival, harpsichord, wanda landowska, organ- ology t h e j o u r n a l o f m u s i c o l o g y occidental college from the selectedworks of edmond johnson spring the death and second life of the harpsichord jm _ _johnson .. bakunin and the united states pa ul a vrich bakunin and the united states "mikhail aleksandrovich bakunin is in san francisco", announced the front page of herzen's kolokol in november . "he is free! bakunin left siberia via japan and is on his way to england. we joyfully bring this news to all bakunin's friends." arrested in chemnitz in may , bakunin had been extradited to russia in and, after six years in the peter-paul and schlusselburg fortresses, condemned to per- petual banishment in siberia. on june , , however, he began his dramatic escape. setting out from irkutsk, he sailed down the amur to nikolaevsk, where he boarded a government vessel plying the siberian coast. once at sea, he transferred to an american sailing ship, the vickery, which was trading in japanese ports, and reached japan on august th. a month later, on september th, he sailed from yokohama on another american vessel, the carrington, bound for san francisco. he arrived four weeks later, completing, in herzen's description, "the very longest escape in a geographical sense". bakunin was forty-seven years old. he had spent the past twelve years in prison and exile, and only fourteen years of life — extremely active life, to be sure — lay before him. he had returned like a ghost from the past, "risen from the dead" as he wrote to herzen and ogarev from san francisco. his sojourn in america, one of the least well-known episodes of his career, lasted two months, from october th, when he landed in san francisco, to kolokol (london), november , . all dates are new style. see e. h. carr, "bakunin's escape from siberia", in: the slavonic review, xv ( - ), pp. - ; libero international (kobe), no ( ). in yokohama, by an odd coincidence, bakunin ran into wilhelm heine, a fellow participant in the dresden rising of . san francisco evening bulletin. october , . alexander herzen, my past and thoughts, transl. by constance garnett ( vols; london, - ), v, p. . pis'ma m. a. bakunina k a. i. gertsenu i n. p. ogarevu, ed. by m. p. dragomanov (st petersburg, ), p. . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states december th, when he left new york for liverpool and london. as far as the sources permit, the present article will describe this interlude — the places he visited, the people he met, the impression he made on them. it will also explore his attitude towards the united states, both during and after his visit, and trace his influence on the american anarchist move- ment over the last hundred years. i when bakunin reached san francisco, he wrote immediately to herzen and ogarev in london. first and foremost, he asked that $ be sent to new york to enable him to proceed to england. for his passage to new york he had already borrowed $ from f. p. coe, a young english clergyman whom he had met on the carrington. his own funds, he wrote, were exhausted, and he had "no friends, nor even acquaintances" in san francisco, so that, "had i not found a kind person who gave me a dollar loan to new york, i should have been in great difficulty". bakunin begged herzen and ogarev to get word of his escape to his family in tver province. expecting his wife to join him when she heard the news, he asked his friends to find them an "inexpensive nook" {deshevyi ugolok) in their neighborhood. it was bakunin's intention, on reaching london, to resume his revo- lutionary activities. like a man awakened from a trance, as e. h. carr has noted, bakunin was determined to take up life again at the point where he had laid it down a dozen years before. as herzen put it, "the fantasies and ideals with which he was imprisoned in konigstein in he had preserved complete and carried across japan and california in ." above all, he would devote himself to the liberation of the slavic peoples. "friends", he wrote to herzen and ogarev, "i long to come to you with all my being, and as soon as i arrive, i will set to work. i will assist you on the polish and slavic question, which has been my idee fixe since and was my special sphere of activity in and . the destruction, the total destruction of the austrian empire will be my last word, i do not say deed — that would be too ambitious. to serve this great cause i am ready to become a drummer-boy or even a scoundrel, and if i succeed in advancing it even by a hair's breadth, i shall be satisfied. and after that will come the bakunin to herzen and ogarev, october , , ibid., p. . carr gives both $ and $ as the sum borrowed from rev. coe: "bakunin's escape from siberia", loc. cit., p. , and michael bakunin (new york, ), p. . pis'ma, p. . carr, michael bakunin, op. cit., p. ; herzen, my past and thoughts, op. cit., v, pp. - . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich glorious free slavic federation, the one way out for russia, the ukraine, poland, and generally all the slavic peoples". on october st, after six days in san francisco, bakunin left for new york by way of panama on the steamship orizaba. the next day, some miles from the isthmus, he wrote again to herzen and ogarev, repeating his request for money (to be sent to the banking house of ballin & sanders in new york) and inquiring after his family in russia. the orizaba docked in panama on october th. on november th, after a delay of two weeks, bakunin embarked on the champion bound for new york. his fellow passengers included the commander-in-chief of the union army in california, general sumner, with regulars under colonel c. s. merchant. also on board were three confederate sympathizers, ex-senator william m. gwin of california, calhoun benham, a former state attorney at san francisco, and captain j. brant, the former commander of a revenue cutter. one day out of panama, general sumner placed the three under arrest as secessionists conducting business for the south. in the meantime, bakunin had struck up an acquaintance with senator gwin, who seems to have influenced his views on the confederacy. bakunin arrived in new york on the morning of november th and registered at howard house on lower broadway at cortlandt street. among the people he called on were two old german comrades, reinhold solger and friedrich kapp, both well-known forty-eighters. solger had been educated at halle and greifswald, where he received the ph.d. in , intending to pursue an academic career in history and philosophy. a left hegelian, he was a friend of arnold ruge, ludwig feuerbach and georg herwegh. solger and bakunin first met in zurich in , after which they corresponded for several years, meeting again in paris in , together with herzen and herwegh. in solger joined the revo- lutionary army in baden, serving as adjutant to general mieroslawski, commander of the insurgent forces. when the rising was suppressed, he fled to switzerland "with a price on his head", emigrating to america in pis'ma, pp. - ; herzen, my past and thoughts, v, p. . pis'ma, pp. - . max nettlau, michael bakunin. eine biographie ( vols; london, - ), i, pp. - ; v. polonskii, mikhail aleksandrovich bakunin. zhizn', deiatel'nost', myshlenie, i (moscow, ), pp. - . the new york times and the new york tribune, november , . the passenger list of the champion, as printed in the new york tribune of november , , gives his name as "m. bakonnia". see bakunin to solger, october , , and bakunin to emma herwegh, october , , in sobranie sochinenii i pisem, - , ed. by iu. m. steklov ( vols; moscow, - ), iii, pp. - , - . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states and becoming a citizen six years later. a gifted speaker and writer, solger was twice invited to give the lowell institute lectures in boston ( and ) and won two literary prizes, in for a poem on the centennial of schiller and in for a novel on german-american life. an abolitionist and radical republican, he applied his verbal talents as a campaigner for abraham lincoln, who rewarded him with a post in the treasury department. he ended his days as a bank director, dying in january at age of forty-eight. like solger, friedrich kapp had known both bakunin and herzen in europe during the 's (for a time he was tutor to herzen's son) and had been a participant in the revolution. compelled to flee to geneva, he emigrated to america in , becoming a successful lawyer in new york as well as a prominent historian and journalist who aroused public opinion against the mistreat- ment and exploitation of immigrants. kapp, again like solger, became active in the radical wing of the republican party, winning the support of german-americans for the union cause. around november st or nd, bakunin interrupted his stay in new york to visit boston, where he remained a little over a week. it proved to be the high point of his sojourn in america. armed with letters of introduction from solger and kapp, he called on a number of influential figures, among them the governor of massachusetts, john andrew, a friend of solger's and a radical republican who had spoken out against slavery and raised funds for the defense of john brown. bakunin also carried letters to general george b. mcclellan, commander-in-chief of the union army, who had visited russia in - as an observer of the crimean war, and to both massachusetts senators, charles sumner and henry wilson, radical republicans and abolitionists like governor andrew. a few years later, bakunin was to praise sumner, "the eminent boston senator", for espousing a form of "socialism" by favoring the distribution of land among the freed slaves of the south. ibid., p. ; dictionary of american biography, xvii, pp. - . see also the forty-eighters: political refugees of the german revolution of , ed. by a. e. zucker (new york, ), pp. , - ; carl wittke, refugees of revolution: the german forty-eighters in america (philadelphia, ), pp. - . when bakunin visited solger's new york home, he wrote a note to herzen and ogarev, to which solger and kapp appended their greetings. see bakunin to herzen and ogarev, december , , pis'ma, p. . the forty-eighters, op. cit., pp. - ; wittke, refugees of revolution, op. cit., pp. , - . see also edith lenel, friedrich kapp (leipzig, ). m. bakunin, oeuvres ( vols; paris, - ), i, p. . on sumner see the fine two-volume biography by david h. donald, charles sumner and the coming of the civil war and charles sumner and the rights of man (new york, - ). cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich sumner's colleague, henry wilson, was a former shoemaker who had risen from poverty to the position of senator and, a decade later, of vice president of the united states under ulysses s. grant. a labor reformer as well as an abolitionist, his sympathies were always with the workingmen from whose ranks he had sprung (in he addressed the senate on the question "are working-men 'slaves'?"). he was best known, however, for his championship of the anti-slavery cause, speaking before the senate on "aggressions of the slave power" and "the death of slavery is the life of the nation", and later publishing a three-volume history of the rise and fall of the slave power in america ( - ). bakunin also called on george h. snelling, a boston reformer who, like bakunin himself, was an avid partisan of polish emancipation and the translator of a history of the polish insurrection of - . bakunin thus took special pleasure in making his acquaintance, and "at their first meeting he embraced him with much warmth", a contemporary recalls. bakunin, in short, mingled with the leading lights of progressive boston society. politicians and generals, businessmen and writers, they were men of liberal temperament and advanced social and political views who favored the growth of democracy and national independence in europe. as abolitionists and reformers they were conscious of the parallel between the freeing of the serfs in russia and their own anti-slavery crusade, and among them bakunin found a great sympathy for the russian people in their continuing struggle against autocracy. one such reformer was martin p. kennard, an abolitionist and partner in a boston jewelry firm, to whom solger had given bakunin a letter of introduction. bakunin dined twice at kennard's home in brookline and visited his office in boston. kennard describes his guest as "a large heavily framed yet well proportioned man, more than six feet in height, in bearing noble, in personage genial and attractive, and well-nigh entirely enveloped in a rubber mackintosh". bakunin, who amusingly called himself a "russian bear", found in kennard a sympathetic listener. as oscar handlin notes, kennard's progressive convictions, which had drawn him into societies to protect runaway slaves, reflected a broader concern for o n w i l s o n see r i c h a r d h . a b b o t t , c o b b l e r in c o n g r e s s : t h e life of h e n r y wilson, - ( l e x i n g t o n , k y , ); d i c t i o n a r y o f a m e r i c a n b i o g r a p h y , x x , p p . - . j o z e f h o r d y i i s k i , h i s t o r y of t h e l a t e polish r e v o l u t i o n , a n d the events of the c a m p a i g n ( b o s t o n , ). m a r t i n p. k e n n a r d , " m i c h e l b a k o u n i n " , m a n u s c r i p t in h a r v a r d l i b r a r y , p u b l i s h e d by o s c a r h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t visits b o s t o n " , in: t h e n e w e n g l a n d q u a r t e r l y , xv ( ), p p . - . k e n n a r d d e s c r i b e s solger as " a v a l u e d f r i e n d " w h o , like b a k u n i n , " h a d b e e n c o m p e l l e d to flee, a p o l i t i c a l r e f u g e e from t h e a b s o l u t i s m of his f a t h e r l a n d " . ibid., p . . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states human freedom, in europe as well as america. at their first meeting, bakunin told kennard "of the struggle for the life of poland, the unifi- cation of germany, and of the republican movement throughout europe, and of its temporary failure". as bakunin spoke, it was clear to his host that "his courage was still undaunted, and his ardor in no wise abated". one day, while bakunin was visiting kennard at his boston firm, an austrian officer, preparing to enter service in a massachusetts unit of the northern army, happened to be in another room. kennard's partner, mr bigelow, asked him if he had ever heard of bakunin. "'yes!' was the prompt reply" according to kennard's account, '"but what do you know of bakounin?' 'he is sitting there in the counting room', was the response. 'oh no!' replied this officer, with decided positiveness, 'it is impossible. he was exiled to siberia for life, and it was reported long since that he is dead. any one here who claims to be michel bakounin is an imposter.' 'the door is open; he sits there in plain sight; if you have ever seen him, go and see if you can now recognize him', said my partner. the officer deliberately strolled past the open door and glanced at our stranger. 'sure enough', said he returning to his interlocutor in excited amazement, 'that is bakounin! pray how came he here (i omit his expletives) tell me all about this. such a thing never occurred before.' 'he has just escaped from siberia', rejoined my partner. 'now tell me what you know of him.' 'well', said the officer, 'when bakounin was tried and sentenced to death, i was there in the service, and the orders were given to me to take him from the court house with a mounted guard of soldiers, and conduct him to the prison. i took charge of him, i saw him placed in the carriage and the door fastened upon him, and i rode by its side and delivered him within the prison gates.' there is ample opportunity here to comment upon the limitations of the area [of] this world as well as to philosophize upon this strange meeting of these two men of such divergent and exceptional experience, and after so many years, and under such unusual circumstances; but i forbear, and must leave these reflections to my auditors." like kennard and his other hosts, bakunin was firmly opposed to negro slavery, indeed to slavery in all its manifestations. throughout his sojourn in america, he moved in abolitionist circles, defended the anti-slavery movement and, unlike proudhon, supported the union in the struggle between the states. the civil war "interests me in the highest degree", he wrote to herzen and ogarev from san francisco. "my sympathies are all with the north". so strong were his feelings on the slavery issue that had i b i d . , p . . i b i d . , p p . - . p i s ' m a , p . . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich circumstances permitted, according to kennard, "he would have cast his future fortune with americans and heartily joined in the events of the war." in later years he condemned the northern apologists of slavery, along with "the ferocious oligarchy" of southern planters, as being "demagogues without faith or conscience, capable of sacrificing everything to their greed, to their malignant ambition". such men, he said, had "greatly contributed to the corruption of political morality in north america". not that the south was totally devoid of merit. no less than proudhon, bakunin distrusted the growing centralization of union power and cherished the waning agrarian virtues of the confederacy, whose political structure he considered in some ways freer and more democratic than that of the north. in reaching this conclusion, we learn from kennard, bakunin was probably influenced by senator gwin, "whose acquaintance he had made on his voyage from san francisco via panama, and who has sometimes been mentioned in the newspapers as 'duke gwin'". southern federalism, however, bakunin was quick to point out, had been tarnished by the "black spot" of slavery, with the result that the con- federate states had "drawn upon themselves the condemnation of all friends of freedom and humanity". moreover, with "the iniquitous and dishonorable war which they fomented against the republican states of the north, they nearly overthrew and destroyed the finest political organization that ever existed in history". soon after arriving in boston, bakunin went to cambridge to visit his "old friend" louis agassiz, the famous swiss naturalist, whom he had met at neuchatel in . agassiz had emigrated to the united states in and was now professor of zoology at harvard and a friend of henry wadsworth longfellow, to whom he gave bakunin a letter of introduction. longfellow, a man of abolitionist sympathies, was well known, apart from his other writings, for his poems on slavery; and when bakunin dined at craigie house, longfellow's cambridge home, george sumner, a brother of the abolitionist senator, was also invited. the date was november th and, according to van wyck brooks, bakunin arrived at noon and stayed till almost midnight. longfellow recorded the occasion in his diary: h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t " , loc. cit., p . . b a k u n i n , o e u v r e s , i, p . . i b i d . , p p . - . h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t " , p . . b a k u n i n , o e u v r e s , i. p . . p i s ' m a , p . . v a n w y c k b r o o k s , t h e f l o w e r i n g of n e w e n g l a n d , - , revised ed. ( n e w y o r k , ), p . . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states "george sumner and mr. bakounin to dinner. mr. b. is a russian gen- tleman of education and ability — a giant of a man, with a most ardent, seething temperament. he was in the revolution of forty-eight; has seen the inside of prisons — of olmiitz, even, where he had lafayette's room. was afterwards four years in siberia; whence he escaped in june last, down the amoor, and then in an american vessel by way of japan to california, and across the isthmus, hitherward. an interesting man." bakunin had read some american literature, including the works of james fenimore cooper in german translation, and had studied english while in prison, so that he could speak it, says kennard, "with fair facility". despite his years of confinement, he still possessed much of his old vitality and exuberance. he had aged, to be sure, had lost his teeth from scurvy and grown quite fat. but the grey-blue eyes retained their penetrating brilliance; and his voice, his eloquence, his physical bulk combined to make him the center of attention. he was, moreover, a nobleman as well as a rebel, endowed, as e. h. carr has noted, with the kind of aristocratic temperament which dissolved all barriers of class, enabling him to move with ease among men of different social and national background. "without the least reserve", writes kennard in this connec- tion, "my new acquaintance made himself at once on good terms, and in a free and easy manner rendered himself agreeable, with a cosmopolitan complaisance that bespoke an intelligent and affable gentleman, and en- ergetic man of affairs." wherever he went bakunin exerted a powerful fascination, making a favorable impression on nearly everyone he met. in after years, says ken- nard, longfellow "regularly enquired for the latest news of his radical guest, and of whom he related to me some amusing incidents". the sole dissenter, it seems, was longfellow's youngest daughter annie, the "laughing allegra" of the children's hour, who left an amusing memoir of bakunin's visit. when she came down to dinner she saw an "ogre" in her customary seat beside her father, a "big creature with a big head, wild bushy hair, big eyes, big mouth, a big voice and still bigger laugh". she had not been brought up on grimm's fairy tales for nothing, she writes. "no entreaties or persuasion could induce me to cross the threshold of that door. i stood petrified and while i resented his having my place at table, life of h e n r y w a d s w o r t h longf ellow , ed. by s a m u e l longfellow ( vols; b o s t o n , ), ii. p . . h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t " , p . . c o n t r a s t c a r r , m i c h a e l b a k u n i n , p . : " b a k u n i n n e v e r a c q u i r e d m o r e t h a n a s m a t t e r i n g of s p o k e n e n g l i s h " . c a r r , m i c h a e l b a k u n i n , p p . - ; h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t " , p . . h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t " , p . . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich what was dinner to me as long as he didn't make his dinner off me. so i vanished dinnerless." at the beginning of december, bakunin returned from boston to new york. with letters of recommendation obtained in these cities, he had intended to go on to washington, as he told herzen and ogarev, and possibly "learn something" there. e. h. carr writes that it is not known whether he made the trip. from kennard, however, we learn that he did not, owing to "a constant anxiety and characteristic impatience to depart to london, where it had been arranged he should rendesvous [sic] to meet his wife, of whom he often spoke with the tenderest affection". thus, when money arrived from england, bakunin booked passage on the earliest ship, the city of baltimore, which sailed for liverpool on december th. arriving on the th, he went directly to london, where, greeted by herzen and ogarev "as a brother", he rejoined the revolutionary movement. ii what impression of the united states did bakunin carry away with him? on the whole it was a favorable one, but with serious reservations about the country's political and social character. "i spent over a month in america and learned a great deal", he wrote to a russian friend in february . "i saw how the country has been brought by demagogy to the same miserable results which we have achieved by despotism. between america and russia, in fact, there is much in common. but most important to me, i found in america such universal and unconditional sympathy for russia and faith in the future of the russian people that, in spite of all that i saw and heard there, i left america a strong partisan of the united states." beyond this sympathy for russia, what impressed bakunin most about america was its history of political liberty and its federalist system of government. extolling the american revolution as "the cause of liberty against despotism", he was "very anxious to possess, as a souvenir of his visit to america, an autograph of washington", with which martin ken- a n n i e longfellow t h o r p , " a little person's little m e m o r i e s of g r e a t p e o p l e " , longfellow p a p e r s , craigie h o u s e , c a m b r i d g e , p u b l i s h e d by david hecht, ' " l a u g h i n g allegra' m e e t s an o g r e " , in: t h e n e w e n g l a n d q u a r t e r l y , x i x ( ), p p . - . pis'ma, p p . - . c a r r , m i c h a e l b a k u n i n , p . ; h a n d l i n , " a russian a n a r c h i s t " , p . . n e t t l a u , m i c h a e l b a k u n i n , o p . cit., i, p p . - ; t h e n e w york times, d e c e m b e r , . b a k u n i n , " h e r z e n " , in archives b a k o u n i n e , ed. by a r t h u r l e h n i n g , v (leiden, ), p . . b a k u n i n to p. p. lialin, l o n d o n , f e b r u a r y , , in m. k. l e m k e , ocherki o s v o b o d i t e l ' n o g o dvizheniia "shestidesiatykh g o d o v " (st petersburg, ), p p . - . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states nard was able to present him as a parting token. in his future writings, he would characterize the united states as "the classic land of political liberty", the freest country in the world endowed with "the most demo- cratic institutions". american federalism left a particularly deep impression, enriching his own ideas on the subject. to european pro- gressives he warmly recommended "the great and salutary principle of federalism" as embodied in the united states. "we must reject [the] politics of the state", he told the league of peace and freedom in , "and adopt resolutely the politics of liberty of the north americans." in spite of his anarchist doctrines, which matured over the next few years, bakunin did not lump all governments together as equally wicked and oppressive. from his personal experience in america, and afterwards in england and switzerland, he was convinced that "the most imperfect republic is a thousand times better than the most enlightened monar- chy". the united states and britain, he remarked, were "the only two great countries" where the people possessed genuine "liberty and political power", and where even "the most disinherited and miserable foreigners" enjoyed civil rights "as fully as the richest and most influential citizens". in both of these countries, of course, he himself had found political asylum; moreover, the united states government, during his visit, had refused to extradite him, which convinced the russian ambassador, baron stoeckel, that the american republic would never cease "to protect revolutionists". while in boston, interestingly enough, bakunin made a primary decla- ration of american citizenship, the equivalent of taking out his "first papers". "he probably never entertained a serious thought of ever becoming an american citizen", noted martin kennard, "and yet, with some vague idea of such a possibility or of some remote advantage to himself, he made and duly recorded in boston his primary declaration of such intention." and in the last years of his life, while living in switzerland, he again spoke of emigrating to america and becoming naturalized there. looking back to his american sojourn, bakunin recalled a society in which workingmen never starved and were "better paid" than their b a k u n i n , o e u v r e s , iv, p . ; h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t " , p . . b a k u n i n , o e u v r e s , i, p . . ibid., p p . - . s e e also h a n s r o g g e r , " r u s s i a a n d t h e civil w a r " , in: h e a r d r o u n d t h e w o r l d , ed. by h a r o l d h y m a n ( n e w y o r k , ), p p . - . b a k u n i n , o e u v r e s , , p . . ibid., iv, p . . q u o t e d in m a x m . l a s e r s o n , t h e a m e r i c a n i m p a c t o n r u s s i a : d i p l o m a t i c a n d ideological, - ( n e w y o r k , ), p . . h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t " , p . ; c a r r , m i c h a e l b a k u n i n , p . . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich european counterparts. "class antagonism", he wrote, "hardly yet exists", for "all workers are citizens", part of a "single body politic", and education is "widespread among the masses". these benefits, he said, were rooted in the "traditional spirit of liberty" which the first colonists had imported from england and, along with the principle of "individual independence and communal and provincial self government" (in english), had trans- planted into a wilderness that was free from "the obsessions of the past". in less than a century, therefore, america had been able "to equal and even surpass the civilization of europe" and to offer "a freedom which does not exist anywhere else". according to bakunin, america owed its "marvelous progress" and "enviable prosperity" to its "immense reaches of fertile land", its "great territorial wealth". because of this abundance, he said, hundreds of thousands of settlers were being absorbed every year, and an unemployed or ill-paid worker could, as a last resort, "always migrate to the far west" (in english) and set about clearing a stretch of land for cultivation. to some extent, perhaps, bakunin's image of the american wilderness was shaped by the stories of fenimore cooper; and there were moments, particularly in prison, when he himself longed for the life of a western mountaineer. his confession to nicholas i, written in the peter-paul fortress in , contains a striking passage to this effect: "in my nature there has always been a basic flaw: a love for the fantastic, for unusual, unheard-of adven- tures, for undertakings that open up vast horizons, the end of which cannot be foreseen. [...] most men seek tranquillity, which they consider the highest blessing. in me, however, it produces only despair. my spirit is in constant turmoil, demanding action, movement and life. i should have been born somewhere in the american forests, among the settlers of the west, where civilization has hardly begun to blossom and where life is an endless struggle against untamed peoples, against untamed nature, and not in an organized civic society. and if fate had in my youth made me a sailor, i would probably now be a respectable person, without any thought of politics and seeking no other adventures and storms but those of the sea." bakunin, however, was not without criticism of america. on the day of his arrival in san francisco, he already complained to herzen and ogarev b a k u n i n , o e u v r e s , i, p p . - . b a k u n i n ' s e s t e e m for local s e l f - g o v e r n m e n t was i n f l u e n c e d , a m o n g o t h e r s , by p r o u d h o n , t o c q u e v i l l e a n d j o h n s t u a r t mill. i b i d . , p p . - . t h i s , as d a v i d h e c h t p o i n t s o u t in r u s s i a n r a d i c a l s l o o k to a m e r i c a , - ( c a m b r i d g e , m a s s . , ), p p . - , w a s w r i t t e n twenty-five y e a r s before f r e d e r i c k j a c k s o n t u r n e r e n u n c i a t e d his f a m o u s " s a f e t y - v a l v e " t h e o r y of a m e r i c a n social stability. b a k u n i n , " i s p o v e d " ' , s o b r a n i e s o c h i n e n i i i p i s e m , iv, p p . - . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states of the "banality of soulless material prosperity" and the "infantile national vanity" that he found in the united states. the civil war, he thought, might save america and restore its "lost soul". "he used to assert", writes martin kennard, "that after the war, america would become a great power, more individualized, so to speak, and better poised in her social life, and that her great trial could bring out great men, indeed greater than she had ever known." yet america's favored position was only temporary, bakunin believed. for recent years had seen the crowding together in such cities as new york, philadelphia and boston of "masses of pro- letarian workers", who were beginning to find themselves in a condition "analogous to that of workers in the great manufacturing states of europe". as a result, "we see in fact the social question confronting the northern states just as it confronted us much earlier." before long, the american laborer would be no better off than his european counterpart, the victim of rapacious capitalism and of centralized political power. no state, bakunin insisted, however democratic, could get along without "the forced labor of the masses", which was "absolutely necessary for the leisure, liberty, and civilization of the political classes: the citizens. on this point, not even the united states of north america can as yet form an exception." although bakunin continued to prefer the democratic system of the united states, england and switzerland to the despotism of most other countries, his criticism of government in general mounted as the years advanced. "what do we really see in all states, past and present, even those endowed with the most democratic institutions, such as the united states of north america and switzerland?" he asked in . "the self-govern- ment of the masses, despite the pretense that the people hold all the power, remains a fiction most of the time." representative government, he added, benefits only the wealthy classes, and universal suffrage is merely a tool of the bourgeoisie, while the masses are "sovereign in law, not in fact". for "ambitious minorities", the "seekers of political power", attain pre- dominance "by wooing the people, by pandering to their fickle passions, which at times can be quite evil, and, in most cases, by deceiving them". while preferring a republic, therefore, "we must nevertheless recognize and proclaim that whatever the form of government may be, so long as human society continues to be divided into different classes as a result of hereditary inequality of occupation, wealth, education and rights, there will p i s ' m a , p . . h a n d l i n , " a r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t " , p. . bakunin, o e u v r e s , i, p p . - . ibid., p p . - . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich always be a class-restricted government and the inevitable exploitation of the majority by the minority." these themes are often repeated in bakunin's subsequent writings. in god and the state, drafted in , he stresses that even parliamentary regimes elected by universal suffrage quickly degenerate into "a sort of political aristocracy or oligarchy. witness the united states of america and switzerland." in the knouto-germanic empire and the social revo- lution, an unfinished work of which god and the state is a fragment, he re-emphasizes that even "in the most democratic lands, such as the united states of america and switzerland", the state represents an instrument of "minority privilege and the practical subjugation of the vast majority". and again in statehood and anarchy, published in , he writes that in the united states "a special, thoroughly bourgeois class of so-called politicians or political dealers manages all affairs, while the masses of workers live under conditions just as cramped and wretched as in monarchic states". during the last years of his life, bakunin despaired of any immediate improvement. to elisee reclus, the french geographer and anarchist, he wrote in that "evil has triumphed" everywhere, what with the resto- ration of the spanish monarchy, bismarck at the helm of a rising german state, the catholic church still rich and powerful over a vast part of the world, england faltering, europe as a whole degenerating, "and farther away the model republic of the united states of america coquetting already with military dictatorship. poor humanity!" the only escape from this "sewer", as bakunin termed it, was by "an immense social revolution", which could erupt only during a world war. "sooner or later", he said, "these enormous military states will have to destroy and devour each other. but what a prospect!" ill during his brief visit to the united states, bakunin left no discernible imprint on the revolutionary and working-class movements, which were in ibid., p p . - . m. b a k u n i n , g o d a n d the state ( n e w york, ), p. . b a k u n i n , o e u v r e s . i, p p . - . a r c h i v e s b a k o u n i n e , iii ( l e i d e n , ), p . . o n a n o t h e r occasion, while praising e d u c a t i o n a l a d v a n c e s in a m e r i c a a n d s w i t z e r l a n d , b a k u n i n nevertheless a r g u e d that " c h i l d r e n of t h e b o u r g e o i s i e " enjoyed a higher e d u c a t i o n while those " o f the p e o p l e " received a " p r i m a r y e d u c a t i o n only, a n d on r a r e occasions a bit of s e c o n d a r y e d u c a t i o n " . o e u v r e s , v, p. . b a k u n i n to r e c l u s , l u g a n o , f e b r u a r y , . in: j a m e s g u i l l a u m e , l ' l n t e r n a t i o - n a l e : d o c u m e n t s et s o u v e n i r s ( - ) ( vols; paris, - ), iii, p p . - . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states an embryonic phase of development. the international working men's association, for example, was not founded until , and its first american section was formed only in . bakunin himself did not be- come a member of the international until , after which, however, his influence spread rapidly. by the early 's, at the height of his conflict with marx, he could count on substantial support within the american branch of the international, which was far from being an exclusively marxist organization, as historians sometimes portray it. between and , federalist sections of the international were established in new york, boston and other american cities. in new york, for example, sections and were organized by such prominent liber- tarians as william west, victoria woodhull, her sister tennessee claflin, and stephen pearl andrews, who hailed bakunin as "a profound thinker, an original genius, a scholar and a philosopher". william b. greene, the leading american disciple of proudhon, helped start a libertarian section of the international in boston, while his colleague ezra heywood addressed internationalist meetings in new york and other cities. in , moreover, heywood launched a monthly magazine, the word, in princeton, massachusetts, one of the first american journals to publish bakunin's writings. together with woodhull & claflin's weekly in new york, the word became the unofficial organ of the international's liber- tarian wing in the united states, defending the principles of decentralist socialism and criticizing the marxist-controlled general council for its authoritarian orientation. "it is not pleasant to see dr. marx and other leaders of this great and growing fraternity lean so strongly towards compulsory politics", declared the word in may . "let us be governed by the laws of nature until we can make better. if the international would succeed it must be true to its bottom idea — voluntary association in behalf of our common humanity." . in addition to the native american groups, a number of foreign-language (principally french) sections of the intern- ational in america adhered to the bakuninist rather than the marxist wing. these included section of new york (composed in part of refugees from the paris commune), section of hoboken, new jersey, and section of paterson, new jersey, a city soon to emerge as a major anarchist q u o t e d by c h a r l e s s h i v e l y , i n t r o d u c t i o n t o s. p. a n d r e w s , t h e s c i e n c e o f s o c i e t y ( w e s t o n . m a s s . , , r e p r i n t o f t h e b e n j a m i n t u c k e r e d i t i o n o f ), p . . s e e , for e x a m p l e , b a k u n i n , " g o s p e l o f n i h i l i s m " , i n : t h e w o r d , a p r i l . as one might expect, marxist and other non-anarchist journals portrayed bakunin in an unfavorable light. for example, the new york arbeiter-union of october , , called him an "agent-provocateur in the service of russia and of panslavism". see archives bakounine, v, pp. - . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich stronghold. bakunin found additional adherents within the icarian community at corning, iowa, where his portrait decorated the common room. in spite of bakunin's expulsion from the international in , his influence continued to grow on both sides of the atlantic. nor did it decline after his death in . during the o's, on the contrary, his writings began to be published in the united states, making a powerful impression on the emerging anarchist and socialist movements. it was a young new england anarchist named benjamin r. tucker who did the most to publicize bakunin's ideas in north america. in tucker was an eighteen-year-old student at the massachusetts institute of technology when he attended his first anarchist meeting in boston. there he met ezra heywood, william greene and josiah warren (the "father" of american anarchism), who impressed him so favorably that he became a lifelong convert to their cause. after serving as associate editor of the word during the mid 's, tucker founded his own journal, liberty, which ran from to , superseding the word as the principal organ of individualist anarchism in the united states. like bakunin's boston hosts of twenty years before, tucker had great sympathy for the russian people and the russian revolutionary move- ment. in the first issue of liberty (august , ) page one displayed a portrait of sophia perovskaya, who earlier that year had been hanged for her part in the assassination of alexander ii. beneath the portrait was a moving poem by joaquin miller, "sophie perovskaya, liberty's martyred heroine, hanged april , , for helping to rid the world of a tyrant". in the same number, tucker hailed perovskaya's associate lev hartmann, who had come to america as an envoy of the people's will, as "a fine writer, an heroic worker, a grand man". succeeding issues of liberty contained news of russian revolutionists exiled in western europe or banished to siberia by alexander iii. in addition to perovskaya, tucker praised such "remarkable types of nihilist women" as vera zasulich, vera figner and sophia bardina. in january he printed an appeal of the red cross society of the people's will, signed by zasulich and peter lavrov, who, said tucker, "speak authoritatively for the best elements of russian life". he himself became the society's american representative and took up a collection in liberty, forwarding the proceeds to nicholas chaikovsky in london. socialism and american life, ed. by donald drew egbert and stow persons ( vols: princeton, ), i, p. . liberty, january and . march , . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states apart from bakunin, tucker published such well-known populists and revolutionaries as chernyshevsky and tolstoy, kropotkin and stepniak, korolenko and gorky. it was tucker who (working from a french edition as he lacked any knowledge of russian) produced the first english trans- lation of chernyshevky's what is to be done?, calling the author a "martyr-hero of the modern revolution". in tucker published the kreutzer sonata by tolstoy, which he again rendered from the french, as well as a review of the book by n. k. mikhailovsky, translated from the russian by victor s. yarros (yaroslavsky), a former narodnik from kiev who was liberty's associate editor. beyond all this, tucker translated two of peter kropotkin's best-known essays, "order and anarchy" and "law and authority", from the swiss journal le revoke. he also printed news of kropotkin's expulsion from switzerland in and of his trial at lyons in (lamenting the "cruel fate of kropotkine and his comrades", sen- tenced to long terms of imprisonment) and published sophia kropotkin's "the wife of number , " (translated from the french by sarah e. holmes, a contributor to liberty), based on her own experience with her husband at clairvaux prison. tucker, moreover, called on kropotkin when the anarchist prince came to the united states on a lecture tour in . the first mention of bakunin in liberty's columns occurred on november , , when tucker announced that he had obtained a photograph of "the great revolutionist", which he offered for sale at fifty cents a copy. two weeks later, an engraving of the picture appeared on the front page of liberty, captioned "michael bakounine: russian revolutionist, father of nihilism, and apostle of anarchy". this was accompanied by a biographical sketch of bakunin compiled by tucker from french and german sources. of bakunin tucker wrote: "we are willing to hazard the judgment that coming history will yet place him in the s e r i a l i z e d in l i b e r t y , m a y , , a n d f o l l o w i n g i s s u e s , p u b l i s h e d in b o o k f o r m in . t h e m o s t r e c e n t e d i t i o n of t h e t u c k e r t r a n s l a t i o n w a s p u b l i s h e d b y v i n t a g e b o o k s of n e w y o r k in , r e v i s e d a n d a b r i d g e d b y l u d m i l l a b. t u r k e v i c h . l i b e r t y , j u n e , . y a r r o s a l s o w r o t e essays for l i b e r t y o n c h e r n y s h e v s k y a n d h e r z e n . ibid., o c t o b e r , ; j u n e , , a n d f o l l o w i n g i s s u e s ; f e b r u a r y , ; m a r c h , , a n d f o l l o w i n g i s s u e s . ibid., n o v e m b e r , . t u c k e r ' s s o u r c e s p r o b a b l y i n c l u d e d j. w . a . v o n e c k a r d t , r u s s i a before a n d after t h e w a r , t r a n s l . b y e d w a r d f a i r f a x t a y l o r ( l o n d o n a n d b o s t o n , ), w i t h a - p a g e c h a p t e r o n b a k u n i n ; a n d a n a r t i c l e o n b a k u n i n by e. d e l a v e l e y e in the r e v u e d e s d e u x m o n d e s of t h e s a m e y e a r . in , it m i g h t b e a d d e d , t u c k e r p u b l i s h e d a n a m e r i c a n e d i t i o n o f p a u l e l t z b a c h e r ' s a n a r c h i s m ( t r a n s l a t e d f r o m t h e g e r m a n by t u c k e r ' s a s s o c i a t e s t e v e n t. b y i n g t o n ) , w h i c h c o n t a i n s a v a l u a b l e c h a p t e r o n b a k u n i n a n d his i d e a s . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich very front ranks of the world's great social saviours. the grand head and face speak for themselves regarding the immense energy, lofty character, and innate nobility of the man. we should have esteemed it among the chief honors of our life to have known him personally, and should account it a great piece of good fortune to talk with one who was personally intimate with him and the essence and full meaning of his thought and aspiration." tucker's greatest contribution towards familiarizing the american reading public with bakunin was his translation of god and the state, bakunin's most famous work. the original french edition appeared in , with a preface by two of bakunin's most devoted disciples, carlo cafiero and elisee reclus. tucker began selling it (at twenty cents a copy) as soon as he received a shipment from geneva. scarcely a year later, in september , he published his english translation, including the cafiero and reclus preface. the booklet had an excellent sale and went through at least ten printings, becoming the most widely read and frequently quoted of all bakunin's works, a distinction which, nearly a century later, it still enjoys. . in the midst of his translation of god and the state, tucker learned that another boston anarchist named marie le compte (of french origin, she styled herself "miss le compte, proletaire") was preparing an independent translation in bern, switzer- land, where bakunin is buried. miss le compte's rendition was serialized in the undermentioned truth in and , but it was tucker's translation that became the standard english version, reappearing in several editions, both in britain and the united states, over the ensuing decades. tucker, furthermore, published another important work of l i b e r t y , n o v e m b e r , . i b i d . , j u l y , ; t u c k e r to j o s e p h a. l a b a d i e , s e p t e m b e r , , l a b a d i e c o l l e c t i o n , u n i v e r s i t y o f m i c h i g a n . a l e a d i n g a u t h o r i t y o n t u c k e r calls its p u b l i c a t i o n " a l a n d m a r k in a n a r c h i s t p r o p a - g a n d a " . j a m e s j. m a r t i n , m e n a g a i n s t t h e s t a t e : t h e e x p o s i t o r s of i n d i v i d u a l i s t a n a r c h i s m in a m e r i c a , - , revised ed. ( c o l o r a d o s p r i n g s , c o l o . , ), p . . see h e r l e t t e r to t u c k e r of j u l y , , in l i b e r t y , a u g u s t , . t r u t h , s e p t e m b e r , - j a n u a r y , . s h e also p u b l i s h e d a t r a n s l a t i o n of k r o p o t k i n ' s " t o y o u n g p e o p l e " ( a n a p p e a l to t h e y o u n g ) in t r u t h , j a n u a r y - j a n u a r y , . in t h e u n i t e d s t a t e s it w a s r e - i s s u e d in by e. h. f u l t o n of c o l u m b u s j u n c t i o n , i o w a , as l i b e r t y l i b r a r y n o ; in by a b e isaak (a r u s s i a n m e n n o n i t e t u r n e d a n a r c h i s t ) of san f r a n c i s c o , as f r e e society l i b r a r y n o ; a n d in (as a m e n d e d by m a x n e t t l a u ) by e m m a g o l d m a n ' s m o t h e r e a r t h p u b l i s h i n g association, which incor- rectly l a b e l e d it t h e "first a m e r i c a n e d i t i o n " . m u c h to t u c k e r ' s c o n s t e r n a t i o n , the liberty l i b r a r y a n d f r e e society e d i t i o n s failed to c r e d i t h i m with the t r a n s l a t i o n , e r r o n e o u s l y a t t r i b u t i n g it to c a f i e r o a n d r e c l u s , w h o h a d m e r e l y c o n t r i b u t e d t h e foreword. cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states bakunin's, the political theology of mazzini and the international, translated from the french by sarah e. holmes and serialized in liberty in and . that an individualist and "philosophical" anarchist like tucker should have been the chief american expositor of bakunin, himself an apostle of collectivism and revolution, stems from their common devotion to freedom and rejection of coercive authority, whether religious or secular, economic or political. not surprisingly, however, bakunin won his principal follow- ing in america among those who, unlike the tuckerite school, shared his revolutionary and communalist convictions. an example was the group around the an-archist, a "socialistic revolutionary review" published by edward nathan ganz in boston in , of which only two issues were printed, the second being suppressed by the police. another case in point was the san francisco truth ("a journal for the poor"), organ of the international workmen's association founded by burnette g. haskell. even more, the spirit of bakunin pervaded the chicago alarm, with its special concern for the disinherited and unemployed. edited by albert r. parsons, the haymarket martyr, the alarm sold copies ofgodandthe state (and of stepniak's underground russia) and printed extracts from the bakunin/nechaev catechism of a revolutionary. still another militant journal with a strong bakuninist flavor was the new york solidarity, which appeared in the 's. its editor, john h. edelmann, an architect by profession and host to kropotkin during his visit, had become an anarchist after studying bakunin, "whose memory he revered". with the influx of immigrants during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the revolutionary anarchist movement received a fresh supply of recruits. beginning in the o's, bakunin's writings were translated into a number of european languages — german, czech, russian, yiddish, italian, spanish — by newly formed anarchist groups. here, again, god and the state was his most popular and widely distributed work. a german translation, by moritz a. bachmann, appeared in philadelphia in , barely a year after tucker's english version, and was afterwards serialized in johann most's freiheit, together with a long liberty, s e p t e m b e r , - j u n e , . e x c e r p t s in s p a n i s h a p p e a r e d in t h e a n a r c h i s t j o u r n a l el d e s p e r t a r ( n e w y o r k ) , j u n e a n d , . t h e a l a r m , j a n u a r y , . a l t h o u g h t h e a l a r m a t t r i b u t e s the c a t e c h i s m to b a k u n i n a l o n e , m o s t m o d e r n scholar s r e g a r d n e c h a e v as t h e p r i n c i p a l a n d p e r h a p s t h e sole a u t h o r . f r e e d o m ( l o n d o n ) , s e p t e m b e r - o c t o b e r . in , t o m e n t i o n a n o t h e r e x a m p l e , a b e isaak's f r e e society a p p e a l e d for f u n d s t o d e c o r a t e a n d m a i n t a i n b a k u n i n ' s g r a v e . f r e e society ( c h i c a g o ) , a u g u s t , . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich biographical article on bakunin. in due time, czech, russian and yiddish editions likewise made their appearance, while other writings by bakunin cropped up in a whole range of anarchist journals in different languages and locations. bakunin, it goes without saying, exerted a particularly strong influence on the russian anarchist movement that emerged in north america after the turn of the century. speakers for the anarchist red cross and the union of russian workers in the united states and canada were active in spreading bakunin's doctrines, while selections from his writings appeared in gobs truda, the organ of the union of russian workers, and in its successor, khleb i volia, whose masthead displayed his famous dictum "the passion for destruction is also a creative passion." after the first world war, bakunin's works were collected for publication in book form, but during the "red scare" hysteria of - the russian anarchist movement was broken up and its leaders imprisoned or deported, so that only the first of several projected volumes found its way into print. m . b a k u n i n , g o t t u n d der staat (verlag d e r g r u p p e ii, i.a.a., philadelphia, ); freiheit ( n e w y o r k ) , m a y — j u n e , , t h e n in p a m p h l e t form as internationale bibliothek, n o ( n e w york, ). b a k u n i n was often q u o t e d by most, the leading g e r m a n a n a r c h i s t in a m e r i c a , whose pittsburgh manifesto of o c t o b e r drew heavily on bakuninist ideas. dfelnicke listy ( n e w y o r k ) , j a n u a r y , , a n d following issues, r e p r o d u c e d in p a m p h l e t form as buh a stat [delnicka k n i h o v n a , n o ] (new york, ); bog i g o s u d a r s t v o (soiuz russkikh r a b o c h i k h gor. n ' i u iorka, new york, ); fraye a r b e t e r s h t i m e , - . f o r e x a m p l e , freiheit, m a r c h a n d april , , p r i n t e d a g e r m a n translation of t h r e e lectures delivered by b a k u n i n in m a y at c o u r t e l a r y in the swiss j u r a , re-issued as a p a m p h l e t entitled d r e i v o r t r a g e . a spanish translation a p p e a r e d in el esclavo of t a m p a , f l o r i d a , in , a n d a czech translation in dglnicke listy in a n d also as a p a m p h l e t , th pfednaski [delnicka k n i h o v n a , n o ] ( n e w york, ). bakunin's essays a n d speeches also a p p e a r e d in such j o u r n a l s as ii g r i d o degli oppressi (new york, - ), g e r m i n a l ( p a t e r s o n , - ), volne listy ( n e w york, - ), di f r a y e t s u k u n f t ( n e w york, - ), f r e e society ( s a n francisco, chicago, n e w york, - ), m o t h e r e a r t h ( n e w york, - ), a n d w h y ? ( t a c o m a , - ). g o l o s t r u d a ( n e w york, - ); k h l e b i volia ( n e w york, ). see also r a b o c h a i a mysl' ( n e w y o r k ) , a u g u s t , which invoked bakunin a n d herzen's slogan " t o the p e o p l e ! " a c c o r d i n g to o n e a u t h o r i t y , the first russian p a p e r in the united states, s v o b o d a , was p u b l i s h e d in california d u r i n g the 's by a follower of bakunin. l. lipotkin [lazarev], " r u s s k o e a n a r k h i c h e s k o e dvizhenie v severnoi amerike: istoricheskie o c h e r k i " , m a n u s c r i p t , i n t e r n a t i o n a a l instituut v o o r s o c i a l e geschiedenis, p. . m. b a k u n i n , i z b r a n n y e sochineniia, i, with an introduction by v a r l a a m cherkezov ( f e d e r a t s i a a . k . g . [ a n a r k h o - k o m m u n i s t i c h e s k i k h g r u p p ] , n e w york, ). see also t a k govoril b a k u n i n (bridgeport, c o n n . , n.d. [ ?]), first published in paris in by the bratstvo v o l ' n y k h o b s h c h e n n i k o v . a yiddish collection of bakunin's writings, g e k l i b e n e shriften, w a s p u b l i s h e d in n e w york in by the k r o p o t k i n literary society, with a b i o g r a p h i c a l sketch by r u d o l f rocker. cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core bakunin and the united states the years of the war and the decade preceding it constituted the last period for nearly half a century that bakunin enjoyed a significant following in america. in that age of industrial ferment, bakunin's notion that a free federation of trade unions would form "the living germs of the new social order, which is to replace the bourgeois world", made a deep impression on the anarcho-syndicalists and on the industrial workers of the world, founded in in chicago. inspired by similar ideas, a bakunin institute was established in near oakland, california, by the indian revolutionary har dayal. and in may the hundredth anniversary of bakunin's birth was celebrated at webster hall in new york, where an audience of , heard eulogies by alexander berkman, harry kelly and hippolyte havel in english, bill shatoff in russian, and saul yanovsky in yiddish. but the anti-radical repressions during and after the war left the anarchists in disarray, inflicting a blow from which they never recovered. languishing in prison, a celebrated victim of the red scare, bartolomeo vanzetti, pondered the similar fate of bakunin: "bakounin, a healthy giant such as he was — died at years — killed by the prisons, the exile, and the struggle." during the inter-war decades bakunin's influence rapidly declined. while scattered excerpts from his writings continued to appear in anarchist publications — for instance, in the road to freedom and vanguard of new york, and in man! of san francisco —, his books and pamphlets went out of print and became increasingly hard to come by. gregory maximoff, a refugee from the bolshevik dictatorship, did more than anyone else to keep bakunin's ideas alive, especially in delo truda and delo truda — probuzhdenie, which he edited in chicago and new york until his death in . with the upsurge of the new left in the 's, bakunin had a conspi- cuous revival. previously, american readers had to content themselves with maximoffs posthumous compendium, the political philosophy of bakunin ( ), and eugene pyziur's the doctrine of anarchism of michael a. bakunin ( ). now, however, fresh anthologies and q u o t e d in r u d o l f r o c k e r , a n a r c h o - s y n d i c a l i s m ( i n d o r e , n . d . ) , p . . see emily c . brown, h a r d a y a l : h i n d u r e v o l u t i o n a r y a n d r a t i o n a l i s t ( t u c s o n , ariz., ), p p . - . m o t h e r e a r t h , m a y ; t h e m o d e r n s c h o o l , j u n e , . h a v e l p r o d u c e d a small p a m p h l e t for t h e occasion, b a k u n i n , m a y , — j u l y , ( c e n t e n a r y c o m m e m o r a t i o n c o m m i t t e e , n e w y o r k , . f o r a s i m i l a r c e l e b r a t i o n in p a r i s , see paul avrich, t h e r u s s i a n a n a r c h i s t s ( p r i n c e t o n , ), p . a n d i l l u s t r a t i o n . v a n z e t t i to alice s t o n e blackwell, s e p t e m b e r , , t h e l e t t e r s of s a c c o a n d vanzetti, ed. by m a r i o n d e n m a n f r a n k f u r t e r a n d g a r d n e r j a c k s o n ( n e w y o r k , ), p . . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core paul avrich biographies appeared in print, and in campus demonstrations from ber- keley to columbia the black flag of anarchy, inscribed with bakuninist slogans, was once again unfurled. to the young radicals of the vietnam era the "warfare state" seemed to be fulfilling bakunin's most despairing predictions, while his formulas of self-determination and direct action exercised a growing appeal. of particular relevance, after the lessons of russia, spain and china, was his message that social emancipation must be attained by libertarian rather than authoritarian methods, that socialism without liberty, as he put it, is the worst form of tyranny. in , america's bicentennial year, anarchists in new york commemorated the hundredth anniversary of bakunin's death, proclaiming the virtues of workers' self- management, sexual liberation, equality of education and income, and the dispersal of state power. similar gatherings took place in zurich, vienna and other cities around the world. to a new generation of rebels, a century after bakunin's passing, his vision was as vital as ever. f o r e x a m p l e , b a k u n i n on a n a r c h y , ed. by s a m dolgoff (new york, ); m. b a k u n i n , selected writings, ed. by a r t h u r l e h n i n g ( n e w york, ); d a u g h t e r of a r e v o l u t i o n a r y : n a t a l i e h e r z e n a n d the b a k u n i n - n e c h a y e v circle, ed. by michael con- fino (lasalle, ., ); a n t h o n y masters, b a k u n i n : t h e f a t h e r of anarchism (new york, ). in e. h. c a r r ' s michael bakunin was re-issued by vintage books of n e w york, a n d in b a k u n i n ' s g o d a n d the state, was re printe d - for the first time since the m o t h e r e a r t h edition of — by d o v e r publications of n e w york. t h e first english translation of b a k u n i n ' s s t a t e h o o d a n d a n a r c h y a p p e a r e d in new york in , a n d his confession was p u b l i s h e d in a n english translation by cornell university press in . see paul avrich, " b a k u n i n a n d his w r i t i n g s " , in: c a n a d i a n - a m e r i c a n slavic studies, x ( ), p p . - . see f r e e d o m ( l o n d o n ) , april , . cambridge core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/ . /s downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. carnegie mellon university, on apr at : : , subject to the https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms https://doi.org/ . /s https://www.cambridge.org/core african women activists | womin skip to content home about us our vision our community our network our funders our work women building power consent & the right to say no militarisation & vaw development alternatives women in resistance resources blog critical analysis and research archive covid- response multimedia political statements and positions community activists resources get involved glossary contact us donate search for: menu close african women weaving a just world for people and nature​ unite with 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molecular version of this angler’s trick, operating at kinetochores, ensures accu- racy during mitosis: the mitotic spindle attaches ran- domly to chromosomes and then correctly bioriented attachments are stabilized due to the tension exerted on them by opposing microtubules. incorrect attachments, which lack tension, are unstable and release quickly, allowing another chance for biorientation. stabilization of molecular interactions by tension also occurs in other physiological contexts, such as cell adhesion, motility, hemostasis, and tissue morphogenesis. here, we review models for the stabilization of kinetochore attachments with an eye toward emerging models for other force- activated systems. although attention in the mitosis field has focused mainly on one kinase-based mecha- nism, multiple mechanisms may act together to stabilize properly bioriented kinetochores and some principles governing other tension-sensitive systems may also apply to kinetochores. ‘‘esa! esa! shame upon on you! you are but the pike, kenozha, you are not the fish i wanted you are not the king of fishes!’’ – henry wadsworth longfellow, thesongofhiawatha tension-dependent stabilization of kinetochore– microtubule attachments mitosis research has been guided for over half a century by the idea that mechanical tension signals proper attach- ment of chromosomes to microtubules of the mitotic spin- dle and selectively stabilizes these attachments. chromosomes are coupled to spindle microtubules via kinetochores, which are multiprotein complexes that form persistent attachments to growing and shortening - /$ – see front matter � elsevier ltd. all rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/ . /j.tig. . . corresponding author: asbury, c.l. (casbury@u.washington.edu). keywords: cell division; mitotic spindle; meiosis; chromosome; biorientation; aurora b; tension; mechanobiology; mechanosensor; catch bond. microtubule tips, thereby harnessing the dynamics of the filaments to produce force and movement. accurate mitosis requires all kinetochores to become properly ‘bioriented’, with replicated sister chromatids attached to opposite sides of the spindle (or with homologous chromosomes attached to opposite sides during the first meiotic division of gametogenesis). dietz [ ] was the first to recognize that chromosomes repeatedly reorient on the spindle, in a trial- and-error process that ceases only when proper biorienta- tion is achieved because only this arrangement is stable [ , ]. dietz also suggested a possible cause for this differ- ential stability: mechanical tension. bioriented chromo- somes come under tension and their sister kinetochores are stretched apart by opposing spindle forces, whereas incorrectly attached chromosomes are relaxed (figure a). direct evidence that tension indeed confers stability to chromosome–spindle attachments came from classic micromanipulation experiments using grasshopper sper- matocytes [ ]. the idea has since become a central tenet of mitosis research. an attractive molecular explanation for how tension may stabilize bioriented attachments began to emerge when genetic studies uncovered a kinase, aurora b, whose activity prevents errors in chromosome segrega- tion [ – ]. aurora b phosphorylates key microtubule- binding elements within the kinetochore [ , – ], reduc- ing their biochemical affinity for [ , ], and promoting their detachment from, microtubules [ – ]. if the de- tachment-promoting activity of aurora b is directed selectively toward kinetochores lacking tension and sup- pressed at kinetochores bearing tension, then it could explain why only relaxed attachments are unstable in vivo. experiments in a variety of cell types are consistent with this idea (see especially [ – ]), but do not yet provide final proof (see below). nevertheless, the hypoth- esis that tension suppresses aurora b-triggered detach- ment has become so popular among mitosis researchers that it is difficult to find skepticism about it in current literature. meanwhile, numerous instances have been uncovered in other physiological contexts where mechanical tension stabilizes molecular interactions. in some cases, force acts via regulation of kinase enzymes [ , ], as proposed for kinetochores. other cases involve specialized ‘catch bonds’ that are directly stabilized by force [ – ]. force on a protein can also promote or inhibit its proteolytic trends in genetics xx ( ) – http://dx.doi.org/ . /j.tig. . . mailto:casbury@u.washington.edu low tension high tension microtubule kinetochores phosphorylated by aurora b kinase kinetochores separated from aurora b kinase directly stabilized by tension intrinsically unstable pole sister chroma�ds sister kinetochores incorrect (syntelic) correct (bioriented) high tension low tension detach a�ach (a) (b) (c) trends in genetics figure . tension-dependent error avoidance during mitosis. (a) the accuracy of mitosis depends on trial-and-error and selective stabilization of correctly ‘bioriented’ attachments (i.e., those with sister kinetochores attached to microtubules emanating from opposite sides of the mitotic spindle). bioriented kinetochores come under tension due to forces exerted on them by opposing microtubules, which somehow stabilizes the attachments. conversely, a lack of tension on incorrectly attached kinetochores fails to stabilize them, so they release quickly, giving another chance for biorientation. for simplicity, we focus here on one type of incorrect attachment, called ‘syntelic’, with both sister kinetochores bound exclusively to microtubules from a single pole. another incorrect attachment, ‘merotelic’, occurs when a single sister binds microtubules from both poles [ ]. although merotelics are geometrically distinct from syntelics, they may or may not be corrected by similar mechanisms [ ]. (b,c) two models for how tension may stabilize bioriented attachments. (b) spatial separation model where a pool of aurora b kinase located in-between the sister kinetochores (i.e., at the inner centromere) selectively phosphorylates the kinetochores of relaxed chromosomes, weakening their grip on the microtubules and promoting their release. tension on correctly bioriented chromosomes causes them to stretch, spatially separating their kinetochores from aurora b and preventing kinase-triggered detachment. other mechanisms for tension-dependent suppression of aurora b are also possible (figure f,g). (c) catch bond-like model where tension acts directly and independently of phosphoregulation on the kinetochore–microtubule interface, causing it to adopt a more stable configuration (figure h). review trends in genetics xxx xxxx, vol. xxx, no. x tigs- ; no. of pages cleavage [ , ], or enable its binding to another protein [ , ]. although understanding of how tension-activated molecules contribute to cell morphogenesis is far from complete, it is clear that many different schemes have evolved for sensing and responding to mechanical force [ – ]. here, we review current ideas about how tension sta- bilizes kinetochore–spindle attachments. key experi- ments that form the basis of the popular kinase-based model are examined. we also consider alternative mecha- nisms suggested by work outside the mitosis field and by recent experiments where reconstituted kinetochore–mi- crotubule attachments were directly manipulated in vitro. we do not discuss how the ‘wait anaphase’ (checkpoint) signals generated by kinetochores may be suppressed by tension, a topic already covered by several excellent reviews [ – ]. evidence for tension-dependent suppression of aurora b kinase aurora b is widely conserved, even across evolutionarily distant eukaryotes [ , ], and is clearly important for promoting proper attachments between chromosomes and spindle microtubules. mutating it [ , ], depleting it from dividing cells [ ], or inhibiting its activity [ , ] causes severe chromosome missegregation, although the spindle remains fully capable of attaching and pulling on kinetochores [ – , ]. many pairs of sister kineto- chores in aurora b-deficient cells fail to biorient and the cells accumulate erroneous attachments where both sisters are bound to microtubules emanating from the same spindle pole [ – ]. in normal cells, such aberrant configurations are short lived [ – ], but aurora b defi- ciency makes them unusually stable [ ]. aurora b phosphorylates key microtubule-binding elements within review trends in genetics xxx xxxx, vol. xxx, no. x tigs- ; no. of pages kinetochores in vivo, including the widely conserved ndc and knl subcomplexes [ , , ] and the yeast dam subcomplex [ ]. phosphorylation [ , ] and phosphomi- metic mutations at aurora b target sites [ , , ] reduce the biochemical affinity of kinetochore subcomplexes for microtubules [ , , ] and also accelerate detachment of subcomplexes [ , ] and larger kinetochore assemblies [ ] from microtubules in vitro. altogether, these data sug- gest that aurora b promotes detachment of kinetochores from microtubules and that this activity is somehow restrict- ed in vivo to erroneously attached kinetochores. the idea that tension might regulate aurora b arose from studies of yeast engineered to enter mitosis without prior replication of their dna or without sister chromatid cohesion [ , ]. the resulting unpaired chromatids cannot biorient, so the spindle exerts little or no tension on them, and they associate with either of the two spindle poles randomly [ ]. however, upon aurora b inhibition, they associate almost exclusively with the ‘old’ pole, that is, the one leftover from the previous cell cycle (rather than the ‘new’ pole formed de novo during the most recent s phase). aurora b activity is evidently needed to break their attach- ments to the old pole, which they inherit from g . this aurora b-dependent turnover is reminiscent of the classic observations in insect spermatocytes, where unpaired x chromosomes undergo rapid pole-to-pole movements [ ] because they lack the tension normally required for stabi- lizing chromosome–spindle attachments in these cells [ , ]. the similarity suggests a unified explanation: aurora b may promote kinetochore detachment universally (dur- ing insect, yeast, and perhaps all eukaryotic cell division), and its activity may be universally inhibited by tension. the evidence that tension suppresses the detachment- promoting activity of aurora b, although entirely circum- stantial, is compelling. formally, any property absent from correctly attached kinetochores but shared by unpaired and erroneously attached kinetochores could underlie their differential susceptibility to detachment by aurora b. whatever the key difference, it does not depend on pre- cisely how kinetochore pairs are linked: bioriented kineto- chore pairs are resistant to aurora b-dependent turnover regardless of whether they are linked naturally, through replicated sisters bound by cohesion [ ], or artificially, through a single ‘dicentric’ dna molecule or through dna entanglements (created by inhibiting topoisomerase) [ ]. this adaptability again mirrors the situation in insect spermatocytes, where erroneous attachments can be arti- ficially stabilized either by applying tension with a micro- needle [ ] or by arranging a pair of maloriented chromosomes such that they become mechanically inter- locked [ ]. incorrect attachments can also be artificially stabilized in drosophila s cells by overexpressing nod [ ], a kinesin- motor that localizes on chromosomes. chromosome-anchored nod is normally thought to help align chromosomes at the spindle equator by pushing them away from the poles. nod overexpression may elevate this polar ejection force and significantly increase tension at kinetochores, thereby suppressing aurora b and prevent- ing erroneous attachments from releasing [ ]. given the similarity of these observations, it seems likely that ten- sion somehow suppresses aurora b. notably, however, definitive evidence showing that direct application of me- chanical tension is sufficient to suppress chromosome re- orientation has only been obtained in meiotic grasshopper spermatocytes. whether reorientation in these particular cells depends on aurora b has not, to our knowledge, been proven. more generally, it remains unproven whether direct application of mechanical tension is sufficient to inhibit any aurora b-dependent activity. is kinetochore phosphorylation sensitive to tension? immunostaining with the ‘ f ’ antibody confirms that ten- sion, either from a micromanipulation needle or from nor- mal spindle forces, can inhibit kinetochore phosphorylation [ – ]. f antibody specifically detects phosphorylated kinetochore proteins [ ], but probably not aurora b sub- strates. (it recognizes spindle checkpoint proteins phosphor- ylated either by plk or mps [ – ].) nevertheless, key ideas that could apply to aurora b are illustrated by experi- ments where chromosomes from lysed cells are washed, directly manipulated, and then immunostained with f . relaxed kinetochores on the washed chromosomes are de- void of f phosphoepitope, but they can be rephosphory- lated by incubation with atp if a phosphatase inhibitor is also present [ ]. applying tension with a microneedle prevents rephosphorylation. the rephosphorylation of re- laxed kinetochores by incubation with atp shows that the chromosomes retain a complete phosphorylation system, including substrate and kinase. the requirement for a phosphatase inhibitor shows that a phosphatase is also retained and does not require tension for its activity. rather, tension must prevent phosphorylation in this case by inhi- biting the kinase, deforming the substrate, or repositioning the substrate relative to the kinase [ ]. to our knowledge, such direct tests of tension sensitivity have not been performed using phosphospecific antibodies against bona fide aurora b substrates. however, antibo- dies that recognize phosphorylation of several aurora b substrates, including ndc and knl , reveal correlations that are mostly consistent with tension-dependent sup- pression in vivo [ , ]. high levels of phosphorylation on ndc and knl correlate with unaligned, relaxed chromo- somes. low phosphorylation is seen at metaphase, when most kinetochore pairs are aligned, stretched apart, and probably bioriented. an exception is anaphase, when low tension correlates with low ndc phosphorylation [ ], presumably because aurora b delocalizes from the chro- mosomes at this time (binding instead to microtubules in the spindle midzone, together with other members of the ‘chromosomal passenger complex’ [ ]). more puzzlingly, in cells treated with nocodazole to depolymerize their microtubules, the level of phosphorylation on ndc is low [ ], whereas high levels are seen for knl [ ]. ten- sion should be absent after microtubule depolymerization, so the low phosphorylation of ndc is incompatible with a strict model in which aurora b always phosphorylates all its targets at relaxed kinetochores. the spatial separation model for suppression of aurora b activity in mitotic animal cells, aurora b localizes prominently on inner-centromeric chromatin, midway between sister review trends in genetics xxx xxxx, vol. xxx, no. x tigs- ; no. of pages kinetochores. this pattern is the basis for an appealing ‘spatial separation’ model explaining how aurora b may selectively phosphorylate the kinetochores of relaxed chro- mosomes: sister kinetochores on relaxed chromosomes are close enough to the inner centromere to be phosphorylated by aurora b located there (figure b). tension stretches the chromosomes and this deformation spatially separates the kinetochores from centromeric aurora b, thereby inhi- biting their phosphorylation. aspects of this model have been tested using a förster resonance energy transfer (fret)-based biosensor for au- rora b [ , ]. when the sensor is targeted to kinetochores (by fusion with the kinetochore proteins, mis or ndc ), its behavior matches the predictions for native kinetochore substrates, reporting high phosphorylation on unaligned kinetochores or after drug treatments that relax the chro- mosomes (e.g., nocodazole or monastrol), and reporting low phosphorylation on kinetochores that are properly aligned and bioriented. if instead the sensor is targeted to inner centromeres (by fusion with the centromere-targeting do- main of cenp-b) then its phosphorylation remains high, even on stretched chromosomes [ ]. this observation indicates that the inner-centromeric aurora b is constitu- tively active and that proximity of a substrate to this active pool is sufficient to cause its phosphorylation. the data are also nicely consistent with the spatial separation model, but a key question remains: in the normal physiological situation, is the aurora b at the inner centromere directly responsible for phosphorylation of relaxed kinetochores? two recent observations suggest that the aurora b di- rectly involved in error correction is distinct from the prom- inent pool at the inner centromere. first, an antibody that specifically recognizes the phosphorylated active form of aurora b labels not only the inner-centromeric pool between sister kinetochores, but also the outer kinetochore [ ]. the outer-kinetochore population of aurora b diminishes as kinetochores become properly aligned and less phosphory- lated on ndc , whereas the inner-centromeric pool remains prominent. the correlation between ndc phosphorylation levels and enrichment of outer-kinetochore aurora b sug- gests that this population, rather than the inner-centromer- ic pool, is responsible for phosphorylating ndc . a second recent observation is that aurora b supports normal cell growth [ ] and accurate chromosome segregation [ ] even when its targeting to inner centromeres is disrupted (by mutations that interfere with the binding of incenp to the centromere-targeting factor, survivin). whether inner-cen- tromere localization of aurora b is completely abolished in this case remains uncertain. however, if localization at the inner centromere is truly dispensable, then tension-depen- dent stretching of inner-centromeric chromatin cannot be the basis for suppression of aurora b, and a key assumption of the spatial separation model would be wrong. clearly, even with impressive advancements in understanding of aurora b, we lack a complete picture of how tension confers stability to kinetochore–microtubule attachments. mechanically regulated molecular systems outside of mitosis the notion that mechanical force can regulate molecular interactions and cellular activities is pervasive in many fields besides mitosis. in a growing number of cases, ten- sion-dependent molecular behaviors have been demon- strated by the application of force directly to purified proteins. what can those of us interested in chromosome segregation learn from studies of other micromechanical systems (and vice versa)? one lesson is that nature has produced a variety of molecular mechanisms for sensing mechanical force (figure a–e). there are examples where phosphorylation is regulated by force, similar to the proposal for kineto- chores, but not necessarily via spatial separation of the kinase from its substrates. adherent cells, for example, sense their mechanical environment through a series of biochemical events that includes tension-dependent phos- phorylation of the focal adhesion protein p cas [ ]. tension acts in this case by ‘substrate priming’: the relaxed p cas substrate domain is normally resistant to phos- phorylation, but becomes susceptible under load (figure e) [ ]. another phosphoregulatory mechanism occurs in muscle cells, where a kinase domain within the giant elastic protein titin senses mechanical strain and initiates a cascade of downstream biochemical events to control transcription of adaptive genes [ ]. force is trans- mitted directly through titin kinase itself, causing its activation by pulling an autoinhibitory domain away from its active (atp-binding) site (figure d) [ ]. more gener- ally, force on a molecule can expose a previously buried ‘cryptic’ binding site for another molecule. thus, stretching of the focal adhesion protein talin activates its binding to vinculin (figure a) [ ], and stretching an f-actin net- work activates the binding of b-integrin to the actin cross- linking protein, filamin [ ]. of course, force can also disrupt binding sites. the stretching that activates binding of b-integrin to filamin also causes the simultaneous un- binding of another filamin-binding protein, fligap [ ]. tension-dependent stabilization outside of mitosis as in mitosis, the concept that force can stabilize load- bearing molecular structures is central to many other areas of biology and the effect has been demonstrated in various molecular systems. tension-dependent stabilization proba- bly explains how fibrils of collagen, the most abundant structural protein in vertebrates, are preferentially oriented along directions of load transmission [ ]. tension stabilizes collagen fibrils indirectly, by rendering them resistant to cleavage by collagenolytic enzymes [ ], possibly because it inhibits the partial unfolding of the triple-helical structure of collagen (figure c) [ ]. tension can also cause stabili- zation more directly, via specialized molecular interactions called ‘catch bonds’ (box ) [ , ]. catch bonds were first demonstrated in single molecule experiments involving selectins [ ], adhesion molecules that support tethering and rolling of leukocytes on vascular endothelium during inflammation. lifetimes of individual selectin–ligand bonds initially increase and then decrease with tension, giving rise to a biphasic lifetime versus force curve [ , ]. around the same time, it was also discovered that adhesion of fimbriat- ed bacteria to host cells is enhanced by hydrodynamic force [ ], in part because a protein at the tip of the fimbria, fimh, forms catch bonds with mannosylated glycoproteins on the host cell surface. p talin vinculin cryp�c site, exposed without force with force ti�n kinase atp p without force with force p cas src kinase p p p substrate access, gained autoinhibited ac�vated fimh strengthened mannose autoinhibited collagen protected proteolysis p p p without force with force aurora b kinase micro- tubule ch ro m os om e kinetochore substrate deforma�on inhibits phosphoryla�on phosphoryla�on weakens microtubule binding p kinase deforma�on inhibits phosphoryla�on p bonds added or intrinsically strengthened (f) (a) (b) (d) (e) (c) (g) (h) phosphoryla�on weakens microtubule binding trends in genetics figure . gallery of mechanosensitive molecules and models for mechanosensation at kinetochores. (a) force exerted on talin exposes a cryptic binding site for vinculin [ ]. (b) force strengthens the fimh–mannose bond by pulling away an autoinhibitory domain [ ]. (c) force on collagen protects it from proteolytic cleavage [ ]. (d) force activates titin kinase by pulling away an autoinhibitory domain [ ]. (e) force on p cas promotes its phosphorylation by src kinase [ ]. (f–h) speculative models for how force-dependent deformations could strengthen a kinetochore–microtubule attachment. (f) kinetochore tension could deform aurora b substrates, preventing the kinase from weakening their grip on the microtubule. (g) if aurora b at the kinetochore–microtubule interface bears mechanical load, then the kinase itself could be inhibited by load. (h) tension can also stabilize the kinetochore–microtubule interface directly [ ], perhaps by altering the conformation of the microtubule tip or the kinetochore microtubule-binding elements in a way that strengthens existing bonds or promotes formation of additional bonds. review trends in genetics xxx xxxx, vol. xxx, no. x tigs- ; no. of pages multiple force-sensitive molecules are often combined a second lesson that mitosis aficionados can learn from studies of other mechanically regulated systems is that multiple tension-controlled molecules often participate together in the same cellular process. thus, bacterial adhesion is enhanced not only by fimh catch bonds at fimbrial tips [ ], but also by mechanically responsive fima molecules, which form a helical polymer comprising most of the length of the fimbriae. the fima polymer acts as a near-perfect shock absorber, uncoiling and recoiling dynamically to maintain the optimal force at the tip (i.e., the force where fimh–mannose bonds are longest lived) [ ]. likewise, the blood clotting potential of von will- ebrand factor is regulated not only by the catch/flex bonds it forms with platelet glycoproteins [ , , ], but also by a proteolytic cleavage process that is enhanced by shear forces [ , ]. mechanosensation by adherent cells via integrins is perhaps the most multi- faceted example currently known. a dizzying number of force-sensitive molecules participate, including (i) force- activated binding of integrin to actin via filamin [ ]; (ii) force-stabilized binding of integrin to fibronectin [ ]; (iii) force-activated self-assembly of fibronectin [ ]; (iv) force- activated binding of vinculin to talin [ ]; and, possibly, (v) force-dependent regulation of focal adhesion kinase [ ]. the cooperation of so many mechanically regulated proteins in one pathway may seem surprising. however, the experimental tools for studying force-sensitive mole- cules are relatively new. as they become more wide- spread, coincidence of multiple force sensors in a single pathway may turn out to be the norm rather than an exception. box . a conflagration of catch bonds bell [ ] first theorized that force would accelerate the dissociation of receptor–ligand bonds by tilting their energy landscape and lowering the energetic barrier for dissociation. such interactions are known as ‘slip bonds’, and their lifetime typically decreases exponentially with tension. later, it was proposed that tension could also do the opposite (i.e., prolong bond lifetime) by triggering a conformational change that tightens the ligand-binding pocket [ ]. this counter-intuitive behavior can be likened to a finger trap gag toy: the harder one pulls, the more stable the interaction becomes. since the initial discovery that force stabilizes selectin– ligand and fimh–mannose bonds (figure b and main text), catch bonds have been found in many other biological contexts. two prominent examples are the binding of integrin to fibronectin [ ], which supports cell adhesion to the extracellular matrix, and the binding of von willebrand factor via its a domain to platelet glycoprotein ib [ , ], which initiates blood clotting preferentially in areas of high flow. catch bond-like behavior is also common in atp-powered motor proteins. many muscle and nonmuscle myosins attach to actin filaments more stably when force opposing their motion is applied [ – ]. opposing force generally prolongs the attachment lifetime of myosin by slowing its release of adp and thereby preventing it from binding atp, which is normally required for detachment of myosin from actin. the result is a ‘latch’ effect that allows these myosins to consume less atp while sustaining loads for long durations (e.g., while maintaining vascular tone). a particularly dramatic example is myosin b, whose actin-attachment lifetime increases > -fold in response to small opposing loads (< pn) [ ]. similarly, opposing force applied to the kinesin motor domain favors its tight binding to microtubules [ ], in this case by accelerating its release of adp (which has the opposite effect on kinesin as on myosin). this tension-dependent stabilization prob- ably helps to coordinate the hand-over-hand stepping of the twin motor domains of kinesin over the microtubule lattice [ ]. some of the earliest demonstrations of force-stabilized motor-filament attachments [ ] pre-date the initial discovery of catch bonds. most have not been described using the term ‘catch bond’, but their similarity is obvious. review trends in genetics xxx xxxx, vol. xxx, no. x tigs- ; no. of pages kinetochore-microtubule attachments display catch bond-like behavior given the diversity of force-sensing mechanisms across biology, it is natural to ask whether selective stabilization of proper kinetochore–microtubule attachments during mitosis relies solely on tension-dependent regulation of aurora b, as is generally assumed, or whether other tension-dependent effects are also involved. until recently, addressing this question would have been prohibitively difficult due to the lack of suitable in vitro assays for applying precisely controlled forces to kinetochore–micro- tubule interactions. reconstitution of kinetochore–micro- tubule coupling using recombinant subcomplexes [ , ] and native kinetochore particles isolated from budding yeast [ , ] has made direct tests possible for the first time. one way to study purified kinetochore particles in vitro is to link them to polystyrene beads, which serve as artifi- cial cargoes (mimicking the chromosomes) and as handles to apply force (figure a). using a servo-controlled laser trap, bead-linked kinetochore particles can be attached to the tips of individual microtubules grown from coverslip- anchored seeds. the particles track with growing and shortening filament tips even when tension is applied continuously with the trap, to mimic the physiological situation. in addition, similar to kinetochores in vivo, the purified particles can maintain persistent, load-bear- ing tip attachments through periods of microtubule growth and shortening [ , ]. to measure the effect of tension on attachment lifetime, the laser trap can be programed to operate as a force ‘clamp’, applying a chosen level of force for the duration of each event. a large number of events is recorded, and mean attachment lifetimes are calculated at each force by dividing the total observation time by the number of detachments. considering that the purified kinetochore particles lack detectable aurora b kinase [ ], one might expect the lifetime to decrease monotoni- cally with force (similar to a typical ‘slip bond’; box ). however, attachment lifetimes initially increase and then decrease with tension, lending a biphasic shape to the lifetime versus force curve (figure c) [ ]. these results indicate the existence of a direct, catch bond-like stabili- zation mechanism that may act in parallel with aurora- based phosphoregulation to help ensure mitotic accuracy. catch bonds are often described by a two-state kinetic scheme where the bond switches between a weak and a strong state and force favors adoption of the strong state [ , , ]. as force increases from zero, the average bond lifetime initially grows because the bond spends an in- creasing fraction of time in the strong state. eventually, a critical force is reached, above which the lifetime decreases because the strong state is overpowered. this same model can describe the behavior of kinetochore–microtubule attachments (figure b). microtubule tips switch between two states, growth and shortening. kinetochore particles detach from growing tips more slowly than from shortening tips (figure e) [ , ], so tip growth corresponds to a strongly attached state. moreover, tension decreases the likelihood that a growing tip will begin shortening (an event called a ‘catastrophe’) and increases the likelihood that a shortening tip will resume growth (a ‘rescue’), thereby causing the kinetochore-tip attachments to spend more time in the strongly attached state [ ]. the resulting lifetime versus force relations for both kinetochore-micro- tubule attachments and canonical catch bond systems are well described by mathematically equivalent functions. however, the two systems differ in at least one way: canonical catch bond systems typically switch rapidly be- tween their weakly and strongly bound states, and because the associated conformational changes are subtle, it is not usually possible to directly measure kinetic rates for switching or detachment specifically from the strongly or weakly bound states. given that microtubule tips in vitro switch relatively infrequently between growth and short- ening, distinguishing between the two states is straight- forward, and the specific kinetic rates can be directly measured [ ]. alternative mechanisms for regulation of kinetochore– spindle attachment stability the catch bond-like behavior observed using reconstituted kinetochore–microtubule attachments arises because their attachment stability depends on microtubule tip dynamics. this dependence implies more generally that altering microtubule tip dynamics by any means could affect kinet- ochore attachment stability. the core microtubule-binding kinetochore elements, ndc and dam , for example, . . sw itc h ra te (h – ) force (pn) . . sw itc h ra te (h – ) force (pn) (d) (g) . d et ac hm en t r at e (h – ) force (pn) . d et ac hm en t r at e (h – ) force (pn) (e) (h) li fe �m e (m in ) force (pn) li fe �m e (m in ) force (pn) (c) (f) (a) (b) a�ached, growing �p a�ached, shortening �p detachedk k k k k k k k k k k k Δx laser trap tens ion mic ro- kinetochore par�cle tub ule bead trends in genetics figure . catch bond-like behavior of kinetochore–microtubule attachments, and how it may be regulated. (a) schematic of laser trap assay. a bead decorated with native kinetochore particles or recombinant kinetochore subcomplexes is attached to the dynamic tip of a coverslip-anchored microtubule. as the microtubule tip grows and shortens, the kinetochore-bead moves with it. during bead movement, the laser trap can be automatically steered to keep a fixed bead-trap distance (dx), thereby maintaining a constant tensile force on the kinetochore–microtubule interface. (b) a kinetochore-attached microtubule tip can grow (assemble) or shorten (disassemble), with transitions between these states governed by the rates of catastrophe, k , and rescue, k . the kinetochore can detach from either state, with rates k and k . given that k is generally much faster than k , the overall rate of detachment can be reduced by inhibiting catastrophe (k ) or promoting rescue (k ). (c) the mean lifetime of reconstituted kinetochore–microtubule attachments initially increases and then decreases with force in a catch bond-like manner (gray curve, adapted from [ ]). in principle, the lifetime versus force relation could be tuned to selectively stabilize relaxed attachments (blue) or those bearing higher loads (red). (d,e) force inhibits catastrophe (k , solid gray line), promotes rescue (k , dashed gray), accelerates detachment during growth (k , solid gray), and slows detachment during shortening (k , dashed gray). simultaneously adjusting the rates of catastrophe and detachment during growth across all forces as shown (blue and red lines in d and e) would shift the lifetime versus force relation leftward and rightward (blue and red curves in c). (f–h) selective phosphorylation of relaxed kinetochores by aurora b could accelerate detachment [green curve in (h)] or induce catastrophe [orange curve in (g)] at kinetochores that bear low forces (e.g., < pn). in either case, the net effect would be to sharpen the lifetime versus force curve, increasing its sensitivity to force in the low-force regime where tension prolongs attachment [green and orange curves in (f)]. review trends in genetics xxx xxxx, vol. xxx, no. x tigs- ; no. of pages affect tip dynamics in ways that promote microtubule growth [ ], which in turn promotes attachment stability. tip stabilization by ndc and dam is partially reversed by phosphomimetic mutations at aurora b target sites on these subcomplexes, suggesting that aurora b promotes kinetochore release not only directly, by accelerating de- tachment, but also indirectly, by destabilizing kinetochore- attached microtubule tips [ , ]. other candidates for affecting attachment stability via this mechanism are microtubule regulators of the kinesin- [ ] and kine- sin- families [ ], and plus end-binding proteins, such as xmap and eb [ ]. in principle, dividing cells might exploit the interplay between tension, microtubule tip dynamics, and kineto- chore attachment stability in interesting ways. simulta- neously promoting catastrophes while inhibiting detachment during assembly, for example, is predicted to shift the lifetime versus force curve rightward (figure c, red curve), so that the optimum force (where attachment lifetime is longest) occurs at higher tension. conversely, inhibiting catastrophes while promoting de- tachment during assembly would shift the curve leftward. if the rate changes were large enough, then the catch-bond effect would be abolished, and lifetime would decrease monotonically with force (figure c, blue curve). we spec- ulate that such shifts in the lifetime versus force relation may be biologically important. a leftward shift could allow stable attachment of relaxed kinetochores, perhaps pro- moting the formation of initial attachments during spindle assembly. a subsequent rightward shift could selectively destabilize kinetochores that have failed to biorient. a cell could tune the lifetime versus force relation for all kine- tochores simultaneously, by globally modulating the dy- namics of all kinetochore-attached microtubules [ ]. the relation for a particular kinetochore could be tuned by post- translational modifications or by local binding of cofactors that alter detachment rates or the dynamics of attached microtubules. box . how tension-dependent modulation of microtubule tip dynamics could help stabilize biorientation if both sister kinetochores attach to the tips of microtubules emanating from the same spindle pole (syntelic, figure a, main text), then opposing spindle forces will not develop and tension on both tip attachments will be low. both tip attachments will tend to remain in the disassembling state and, consequently, both will be weak (figure e, main text, k >>k ). correctly bioriented sister kinetochores will come under tension. in cells such as yeast, where microtubule minus ends are anchored statically at the spindle poles (i.e., in cells without poleward flux), the growth of tips attached to one bioriented sister kinetochore must be balanced by shortening of those attached to the other sister. this balance is probably achieved through tension-dependent modulation of tip dynamics [ – ]. the attachment on the growing side will be dramatically stabilized (figure e, main text, k < proteins, arranged in at least eight subcomplexes that as- semble hierarchically into a large structure [ , ]. why all this molecular complexity? one possibility is that it enables kinetochores to sense and respond in a sophisticated manner to a variety of mechanical and biochemical cues. we imagine two alternative mechanisms, besides spa- tial separation, by which mechanical tension could sup- press aurora b phosphorylation of kinetochores (figure f,g). first, tension could deform the substrates of aurora b within the kinetochore to render them inac- cessible to phosphorylation (or to render them more sus- ceptible to dephosphorylation by phosphatases). consistent with this view, kinetochores exhibit deforma- tions that correlate with their attachment state [ – ] and could affect aurora b kinase substrate access [ ]. tension-dependent control of substrate access at kineto- chores would be similar to the protection of tension-bearing collagen molecules against proteolytic cleavage [ , ] and to the priming of tension-bearing p cas for phosphory- lation by src kinase [ ]. a second possibility is that tension on aurora b itself, or on its activator incenp, could directly inhibit its kinase activity (figure g). auro- ra b and incenp bind not only to chromatin and kine- tochores (as discussed above), but also to microtubules [ , ], so they could bear some mechanical load at kineto- chore–microtubule attachment sites. direct mechanical control of aurora b kinase activity would be similar to the load-dependent activation of titin kinase [ ]. assuming that aurora b is indeed regulated by tension, how might it work together with the intrinsic catch bond- like behavior of kinetochores? the intrinsic catch bond-like behavior by itself produces only a modest stabilization in vitro (at the optimum force the mean attachment lifetime is increased approximately threefold relative to zero force) and the degree to which it will help stabilize biorientation in vivo is uncertain (box ). however, if aurora b phos- phorylation has a strong enough effect on the rates of kinetochore detachment and microtubule switching, and if its effects are sufficiently inhibited by tension, then the lifetime versus force relation could be substantially sharp- ened. (two examples of such sharpening are depicted in figure f–h.) another intriguing possibility is that kine- tochores may include canonical catch bonds that are stabi- lized by force even without changes in microtubule switching. if canonical catch bonds exist between kineto- chores and microtubules, they could have a profound influ- ence on attachment stability (figure h) [ ] and also chromosome movement [ ]. concluding remarks in many ways, our understanding of how kinetochores ‘catch and hold’ the correct microtubules but release erro- neous attachments remains in its infancy. various lines of evidence suggest that erroneous attachments are selec- tively eliminated through tension-dependent control of the spatial separation between aurora b kinase and its kinet- ochore substrates. considering the molecular complexity of kinetochores, the importance of mechanical cues during mitosis, and the diversity of force sensors in other areas of biology, it would not be surprising to find numerous other tension-sensing mechanisms operating at kinetochores as well. precise mechanical manipulation of reconstituted kinetochore–microtubule attachments should enable di- rect tests of the popular kinase-based model and facilitate the search for additional tension-sensing mechanisms. acknowledgments we thank sue biggins, jeffrey ruberti, jason stumpff, linda wordeman, erik yusko, cheng zhu, and four anonymous reviewers for their critical reading and helpful comments on this manuscript. we apologize to all those authors whose work we could not cite due to space limitations. our work is currently supported by national institutes of health grant ro gm and packard fellowship - . references dietz, r. 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tension-dependent stabilization of kinetochore-microtubule attachments evidence for tension-dependent suppression of aurora b kinase is kinetochore phosphorylation sensitive to tension? the spatial separation model for suppression of aurora b activity mechanically regulated molecular systems outside of mitosis tension-dependent stabilization outside of mitosis multiple force-sensitive molecules are often combined kinetochore-microtubule attachments display catch bond-like behavior alternative mechanisms for regulation of kinetochore-spindle attachment stability aurora b on the horizon: new concepts in the light of mechanobiology concluding remarks acknowledgments references poetry in utopian prose imaginaries of the future : politics, poetics, place how to cite: vesela, p poetry in utopian prose. open library of humanities, ( ):  , pp.  – , doi: https://doi.org/ . /olh. published: december peer review: this article has been peer reviewed through the double-blind process of open library of humanities, which is a journal published by the open library of humanities. copyright: © the author(s). this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution . international license (cc-by . ), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. see http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /. open access: open library of humanities is a peer-reviewed open access journal. digital preservation: the open library of humanities and all its journals are digitally preserved in the clockss scholarly archive service. https://doi.org/ . /olh. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . / pavla vesela, ‘poetry in utopian prose’ ( ) ( ): open library of humanities, doi: https://doi.org/ . /olh. imaginaries of the future : politics, poetics, place poetry in utopian prose pavla vesela charles university in prague, cz pavla.vesela@ff.cuni.cz in ‘politics and passions: the stakes of democracy’, chantal mouffe has argued that passions, rather than merely reason and interests, motivate people to act in politics and the only way to confront the mobilization of passions towards non-democratic ends by the right is to mobilize passions towards democratic visions. although poetry does not hold central stage in contemporary cultural production, it continues to mobilize various passions. therefore it comes as no surprise that in the world of real politics, poems (or strategically selected poetic fragments) serve to mobilize negative as well as positive passions, towards democratic as well as non-democratic ends. but what passions does poetry animate in imaginary utopian societies? and why is it featured there at all? these and other questions are probed in the pages below; and i conclude that poetry in utopian prose may open up spaces of negativity that contradict positive utopian designs. https://doi.org/ . /olh. mailto:pavla.vesela@ff.cuni.cz vesela: poetry in utopian prose article although in contemporary western society poetry may appear outdated compared to television programs, films and music, it continues to appear in various contexts, evoking negative as well as positive passions, towards democratic as well as non- democratic ends. but what about poetry in imaginary utopian societies? what passions does it animate and why is it featured there at all? after a brief discussion of poetry in the real world, the following article examines poetry’s position in selected anglophone utopian prose, ranging from nineteenth- and early twentieth-century works, such as ‘three hundred years hence’ ( ) by mary griffith, a modern utopia ( ) by h. g. wells and charlotte perkins gilman’s herland ( ), to later utopias such as ursula k. le guin’s the dispossessed ( ) and samuel r. delany’s triton ( ). i argue that poetry may open utopian works to a critical negativity that is in tension with the positive designs embedded within the prose. thus, i conclude, when considering the politics and ethics of utopian writing we need also to bear in mind its poetics. politics as passion, politics as poetry in ‘politics and passions: the stakes of democracy’, chantal mouffe has argued that passions, rather than merely reason and interests, motivate people to act in politics and thus the only way to confront the mobilization of passions towards non- democratic ends by the right is to mobilize passions towards democratic visions. ‘the prime task of democratic politics’, mouffe writes, ‘is neither to eliminate passions nor to relegate them to the private sphere in order to establish a rational consensus in the public sphere; it is, rather, to “tame” these passions by mobilizing them for democratic ends and by creating collective forms of identification around democratic objectives’ (mouffe, : ). in other words, as lynn worsham and gary a. olson summarized mouffe’s approach, ‘[w]hereas other political theorists maintain that people act in politics to maximize their interests, or act according to reason and rationality, mouffe suggests that political passions—for example, outrage, anger, empathy, and sympathy—are a basis for constructing a collective form of identification’ (worsham and olson, : ). vesela: poetry in utopian prose there is little to dispute in mouffe’s argument besides her vocabulary of reason vs. passion—vocabulary that reflects a dualism which has persisted in western cultures for centuries but which could be deconstructed. in contemporary western society, just about the worst passions get executed in the name of reason. as herbert marcuse wrote in negations ( ), although a society in which ‘basic institutions and relations, its structure, are such that they do not permit the use of the available material and intellectual resources for the optimal development and satisfaction of individual needs’ (marcuse, : ) may call itself healthy, it is sick. viewed from marcuse’s perspective, contemporary western society is governed by concealed passions such as greed, revenge and desire to dominate, and the aggression of its supposedly ‘reasonable’ citizens is mobilized for the sake of unjust, allegedly ‘reasonable’ wars, for example. so not only is there a place for passions in politics, as mouffe argues, but passions drive politics. the question is to recognize what passions drive politics. passions in contemporary western society are animated through various cultural forms, the least significant of which might seem to be poetry. its position in the cultural fabric has undeniably changed. as terry eagleton observed in marxism and literary criticism ( ), throughout antiquity, when poetry was a sub-branch of rhetoric, it held a central position among other cultural forms as it was openly intertwined with political and religious institutions (eagleton, : ). the situation changed in the middle ages, when rhetoric turned into a scholastic enterprise, and then again with the advent of the enlightenment and its emphasis on verbal lucidity. during romanticism poetry once again assumed a political role, but it aimed to ‘speak a language altogether different from commerce, science and politics’ (eagleton, : ). poetry, it was believed at that time: could conjure up enthralling new possibilities of social existence; or it could insist upon the contrast between its own sublime energies and a drably mechanistic social order. poetry could model a type of human creativity, along with “organic” rather than instrumental relationships, which were less and less to be found in industrial society as a whole. (eagleton, : ) vesela: poetry in utopian prose shelley’s well-known conclusion of his essay ‘a defense of poetry’ ( ) is exemplary in this respect (although shelley’s definition of poetry was broader than it is generally understood nowadays): poets are the hierophants of an unapprehended inspiration, the mirrors of the gigantic shadows which futurity casts upon the present, the words which express what they understand not; the trumpets which sing to battle, and feel not what they inspire: the influence which is moved not, but moves. poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world. (shelley, : ) returning to eagleton’s argument above, and shelley’s assertion of the importance of poets notwithstanding, poetry largely lost this position in the victorian era as the novel took its place. while the novel came to be seen as a weighty form ‘dealing in ideas and institutions, […] poetry had become the preserve of personal feeling’ (eagleton, : ). at the same time, there have remained poets and critics in the twentieth century who believed in poetry’s potentials and sought to maximize them, for both democratic and non-democratic ends. a poem, muriel rukeyser wrote: … invites you to feel. more than that: it invites you to respond. and better than that: a poem invites a total response. this response is total, but it is reached through the emotions. a fine poem will seize your imagination intellectually—that is, when you reach it, you will reach it intellectually too— but the way is through emotion, through what we call feeling. (rukeyser, : ) the marxist critic christopher caudwell in illusion and reality ( ) characterized poetry as a ‘directed feeling’ (caudwell, : n. pag., original emphasis). in poetry, caudwell wrote, ‘feeling is fashioned into a social form by being made to live in the common world of perceptual reality. poetry externalises emotion. the self is expressed – forcibly squeezed out. emotion is minted – made current coin. feelings are given social value. work is done’ (caudwell, : n. pag., original emphasis). although as vesela: poetry in utopian prose eagleton pointed out, one can see the closeness of this functionalist view of art to that advanced during the soviet writers’ congress in , where andrei zhdanov embraced joseph stalin’s now infamous proclamation that writers are the ‘engineers of human souls’ (eagleton, : ), the political role of poetry does not need to be understood merely as channeling the passions towards the crop production (which was caudwell’s example). marcuse emphasized the oppositional role of love poetry; as malcolm miles has highlighted: in conditions of extreme oppression freedom may be located ‘in a literature of intimacy, not in political literature or propaganda’ (miles, : ) because, to use the words of douglas kellner, only a literature of intimacy such as love poetry may ‘produce an alternative reality completely at odds with an oppressive reality [… and] this difference can help reveal the horror of the totalitarian life and the need to make a break with it’ (kellner, : ). meanwhile, concrete examples of poetry in modern politics could range from poems written on the walls of the chinese detention barracks on angel island and poems written to advance black rights during the harlem renaissance, to poetry that responded to events such as / (with both democratic and non-democratic objectives) and poetry that mobilized those who participated in occupy wall street (see, for example: lai, lim and yung [ ]; boyer, marinovich and the people of ows [ ]; and honey [ ]). in the real world, therefore, poetry may not play as powerful a role as other cultural forms, yet it has not vanished. so what about its role within the utopian societies imagined by speculative literature? poetry and utopia before addressing this question, a few clarifications are required to establish the boundaries of my analysis. first, i have not yet considered the question of defining poetry; however, this will not be necessary here because with the exception of radically formally experimental works, poetry in utopian prose is clearly identifiable. second, despite the well-known banishment of the poets from plato’s ideal state, many subsequent utopian visions have taken the form of poetry – however, these utopian poetical works will not be my concern in this article, either. rather, i will vesela: poetry in utopian prose focus on prosaic works that cite poetry. third, i use the term ‘utopian prose’ because the works addressed in this article are not merely fiction. i do not mean that they would not be—to remember two most well-known definitions of utopia—‘non- existent societ[ies] described in considerable detail and normally located in time and space that the author intended a contemporaneous reader to view as considerably better than the society in which that reader lived’ (sargent, : ) and ‘verbal construction[s] of a particular quasi-human community where sociopolitical institutions, norms and individual relationships are organized according to a more perfect principle than in the author’s community, th[ese] construction[s] being based on estrangement arising out of an alternative historical hypothesis’ (suvin, : ). rather, i mean that the utopias discussed below are discursive constructions that contain strong elements of realizability and ‘their vision of a good society located in the future may act as an agent of change’ (levitas, : ). in other words, they offer a mixture of unrealizable fantasy with realistic analysis of modern disciplines such as political and social theory, history and philosophy. thus i have chosen to use the term ‘utopian prose’, rather than ‘utopian fiction’. finally, over the course of history, imaginary worlds that are, as suvin reminds us ‘more perfect’ (suvin, : ) have appeared in various cultural forms, including painting, architecture, music, film and writing. in this article, however, my focus will be on written texts, particularly the novel, and the fragments of poetry that are often cited within utopian prose. the literary form of the novel, as ian watt and others have shown, is a modern invention, but poetry has appeared in utopian prose even before the rise of the novel. even in thomas more’s foundational text, utopia ( ), we can find several poems and his utopians are supposedly voracious readers of poetry: ‘of the poets they have aristophanes, homer, euripides, and a copy of sophocles in aldus’s pocket-book format’ (more, : ). several early-modern texts merely refer to poetry in passing. in the imaginary world depicted in francis bacon’s the new atlantis ( ), readers are informed of the utopian society’s ‘excellent poesy’ and its poetry performances, as, for instance, after dinner in solomon’s house when ‘there is a hymn sung, varied according to the invention of him that composeth it’ (bacon, vesela: poetry in utopian prose : ). other texts of this period begin with a poem dedicated to the utopian work itself, as exemplified in margaret cavendish’s the description of a new world, called the blazing world ( ), which opens with verses authored by cavendish’s husband, william newcastle. meanwhile, numerous prosaic texts cite poems merely as epigraphs, e.g. ebenezer howard’s garden cities of tomorrow ( ), where an extract from william blake’s ‘jerusalem’ is quoted. nevertheless, many utopias in prose include fragments of poems or even entire pieces within the text itself. this happens in a number of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century anglophone utopias discussed below, namely: mary griffith’s ‘three hundred years hence’, mary e. bradley lane’s mizora: a world of women ( ), the altrurian romances ( , ) by william dean howells, a modern utopia by h. g. wells and charlotte perkins gilman’s herland. poetry is featured also in later twentieth-century works, of which i will mention dorothy bryant’s the kin of ata are waiting for you ( ), ursula k. le guin’s the dispossessed and samuel r. delany’s triton (also referred to by its full title, trouble on triton: an ambiguous heterotopia). my choice of these works is idiosyncratic: i have tried to choose several of the most frequently discussed modern anglophone utopias. other works, from edward bellamy’s looking backward – ( ) and william morris’s news from nowhere: some chapters from a utopian romance ( ) to marge piercy’s woman on the edge of time ( ) and kim stanley robinson’s red mars, green mars and blue mars trilogy ( – ), could have been discussed as well, and some of these i address in my research elsewhere. in the works discussed below, poetry is sometimes cited disapprovingly; at other times, an attempt is made to incorporate it into the utopian world. many texts feature original poetry. almost always, however, poetry here creates spaces of critical negativity. that is to say, spaces in which a range of seemingly ‘non-utopian’ passions are animated, including anger, bitterness, despair, fear and sadness, often in the face of death. at best, utopian prose includes poetry of encouragement and agitation, and mystical poetry that celebrates (or rather accepts) the uncontrollable course of nature and the universe constructed within these utopian texts. poetry thus remains largely at odds with the dominant positive utopian design of the prose works under discussion—questioning it or adding a new, often contradictory, dimension. vesela: poetry in utopian prose returning now to mouffe’s appeal to mobilize the passions towards democratic ends, we could argue that whilst the prose of these utopian novels mobilizes positive passions such as empathy and sympathy, their poetry allows a critical textual space for articulating passions such as anger, sadness and fear. as such, the inclusion of poetic works enables utopian prose to contain its own self-reflexive critique via the channeling of strong passions that are no longer mobilized in these works for destructive ends (as they often are in the real world) but which nevertheless do not simply disappear. authors, as well as readers, of poetry in utopian prose may thus experience, acknowledge and move through a whole range of negative passions without these passions ultimately negating the overall utopian design imagined in these texts. poetry as the past nineteenth- and early twentieth-century anglophone utopias often featured poetry authored by a range of white male writers from the literary past and, less commonly, the present: william blake, william shakespeare, samuel taylor coleridge, william wordsworth, gordon byron, edgar allan poe, alfred tennyson, and others. their poetry was sometimes cited as a deterrent sample of outdated art. in charlotte perkins gilman’s herland, three male characters—van, jeff and terry—travel to an all- female society. in the course of the novel, each is enhanced by a reference to a poem, through which they attempt to understand herlandian realities. but the poetry that gilman’s male characters bring along with them from their originary world provides them with a distorted picture of the utopian world, animating archaic passions that the herlanders have rendered obsolete. first, van describes the three men’s attempt to escape herland in the following way: there wasn’t much talking done. at night we had our marathon-obstacle race; we “stayed not for brake and we stopped not for stone”, and swam whatever water was too deep to wade and could not be got around; but that was only necessary twice. (gilman, : – ) the line cited by van above comes from walter scott’s ‘lochinvar’, in which the knight lochinvar kidnaps his beloved from the wedding that her family had arranged for her. scott’s versification of a popular ballad tells a romantic story of male bravery and vesela: poetry in utopian prose female passivity, which is at odds with the reality of van, jeff and terry in gilman’s text, as they try to escape herland and come to learn of their male impotence in a world of strong and capable women. jeff, just like van, tries to understand the utopian realities of herland through a poem: ‘damelus’ song to his diaphenia’ by the sixteenth-century english poet henry constable, known among other things for his sonnets and courtly love poetry. jeff quotes the following lines in order to explain to himself and to terry that women know how to cooperate: ‘as the birds do love the spring/or the bees their careful king’ (gilman, : ). these lines are ridiculous on their own, given that the bee hive is presided over by a queen rather than a king, but the message of constable’s poem is, above all, the poet’s idolization of a woman called diaphenia, whose submission he desires. as we can see from the poem’s last stanza: diaphenia, like to all things blessed, when all thy praises are expressed, deare joy, how i doo love thee! as the birds doo love the spring, or the bees their carefull king: then in requite, sweet virgin, love me. (constable, : ) ‘damelus’ song to his diaphenia’ thus clearly fails to speak to the herlandian realities of women’s cooperation that jeff, van and terry encounter—rather, jeff’s citation of the poem functions to emphasize the herlanders’ progress beyond the language of patriarchal passion and domination, echoing affects that are no longer desirable in this utopian world. finally, poetry incites passions that are outdated in gilman’s novel also when the third male visitor of herland, terry, cites a fragment of rudyard kipling’s ‘the ladies’, ironically the most contemporary of the poems: i’ve taken my fun where i found it. i’ve rogued and i’ve ranged in my time, and the things that i learned from the yellow and black, they ’ave helped me a ’eap with the white. (gilman, : ) vesela: poetry in utopian prose although kipling’s misogynist and orientalist poem ends with a bitter reference to women’s resistance, once again it animates passions that no longer have any place in an all-female utopia. terry, instructed by kipling’s poem, misunderstands herlandian realities and attempts to rape alima, as a consequence of which he is expelled. in gilman’s novel, poems by scott, constable and kipling represent outdated male poetic tradition. they mobilize a desire for domination of women and outright misogyny. brief fragments of these poems are reproduced and clearly gilman opposed the feelings they inspired. interestingly, however, not only did gilman evoke these passions but she did not include any poetry that would animate democratic passions in her utopia, although she was an outspoken feminist poet herself. all poetry in herland is at odds with her vision of an all-female cooperative society. moreover, in the sequel, with her in ourland ( ), there is no poetry and gilman’s earlier utopia, moving the mountain ( ), cites two lines from percy bysshe shelley’s ‘to a skylark’ although supposedly the society has ‘good music, good architecture, good sculpture, good painting, good drama, good dancing, [and] good literature’ (gilman, : ). another example of utopian prose that uses poetry in this manner could be the altrurian romances. the series in which william dean howells contrasts the utopian society on the island altruria with the united states is richly intertextual: there are allusions that range from the bible, milton’s paradise lost ( ) and shakespeare’s plays (twelfth night, hamlet, the merchant of venice, and macbeth, among others) to utopian works such as tommaso campanella’s the city of the sun and william morris’s news from nowhere. on several occasions, poetry enhances vain and unsympathetic american characters, such as when the narrator of a traveler from altruria invites the altrurian visitor mr. homos to dinner with the following words from coleridge’s ‘the rime of the ancient mariner’: ‘the feast is set, the guests are met, / mayst hear the merry din’ (howells, : ). or, another character asserts that ‘poverty is the highest incentive that a man can have’ because ‘[i]f it were not for that and all the other hardships that literary men undergo—toil, envy, want, the patron and the jail—his novels probably wouldn’t be worth reading’ (howells, : ). the vesela: poetry in utopian prose line ‘toil, envy, want, the patron and the jail’ comes from samuel johnson’s ‘the vanity of human wishes’. although this will be a gross generalization about poems that come from different contexts, both coleridge and johnson present skeptical views of worldly affairs and realities, contrasting the corruption and powerlessness of humans with the power of god. moreover, when the narrator quotes from ‘the rime of the ancient mariner’, he casts homos into the role of the sailor who in coleridge’s poem returns from his sea voyage with a horrifying account of the destruction of his ship, thus subverting the role of homos as a utopian messenger. with one exception to which i return below, poetry cited in howell’s novels enforces dreary realities of the united states; no altrurian poetry is included. an example of a more contemporary novel where poetry represents outdated art is delany’s triton. set in , the novel focuses on the inability of the protagonist bron to fit into the utopian society on triton. being from the s, the text is more formally dense and experimental than the older works of gilman and howells— besides citing extracts from ludwig wittgenstein’s philosophische grammatik [philosophical grammar] ( ), karl popper’s objective knowledge ( ) and g. spencer brown’s the laws of form ( ), it includes a mathematical formula, for example. but there is no tritonian poetry. instead, once again, there is ‘old’ poetry. at the site of archaeological diggings in mongolia, bron encounters his fellow tritonians performing a very ‘highbrow’ and ‘classical’ (delany, : ) program for the earthlings: jackson mac low’s asymmetries. ‘really’, bron is told by one of the performers, mindy, ‘this planet must have the most conservative audience in the system’ (delany, : ). here is an extract of the poetry that the earthlings are animated by: hear the city’s singin’ like a siren choir. some fool’s tried to set the sun on fire. tv preacher screamin’, “come on along!” i feel like fay wray face-to-face with king kong. but momma just wants to barrelhouse all night long... vesela: poetry in utopian prose […] sometimes i wonder what i am. feels like i’m living in a hologram. it doesn’t seem to matter what’s right or wrong. everybody’s grabbin’ and comin’ on strong. but momma just wants to barrelhouse all night long. (delany, : , ) jackson mac low was an avant-garde poet and performance artist, active at the time when delany wrote the novel. he was known for his experimental compositional methods and an exploration of indeterminacy and randomness. the fact that delany chose mac low to represent outdated poetry playfully implies that the avant-garde of the present is not the avant-garde of the future as its poetry animates passions unfitting for utopian futures, such as resignation, bitterness and a self-centered sense of confusion. but what is tritonian poetry like? this question is not answered. once again, only old-world poetry, evoking supposedly outdated passions, is present. poetry of the past as poetry of the future notwithstanding, utopian prose does not feature poetry merely as a voice of the past; works such as the aforementioned altrurian romances, h. g. wells’s a modern utopia and mary griffith’s ‘three hundred years hence’ cite existing poetry as a sample of utopian art. however, even here, poetry creates spaces of negativity. in the altrurian romances, mrs. strange—a sympathetic character who eventually leaves for altruria— reads from ‘the challenge’ by henry wadsworth longfellow. although the first five stanzas of ‘the challenge’ are left out, the fragment is the longest in the trilogy: there is a greater army, that besets us round with strife, a starving, numberless army, at all the gates of life. vesela: poetry in utopian prose the poverty-stricken millions who challenge our wine and bread, and impeach us all as traitors, both the living and the dead. and whenever i sit at the banquet, where the feast and song are high, amid the mirth and the music i can hear that fearful cry. and hollow and haggard faces look into the lighted hall, and wasted hands are extended to catch the crumbs that fall. for within there is light and plenty, and odors fill the air; but without there is cold and darkness, and hunger and despair. and there in the camp of famine, in wind and cold and rain, christ, the great lord of the army, lies dead upon the plain! (howells, : ) robert l. gale has argued that ‘the challenge’ is ‘possibly a rare instance in which longfellow protests against selfish materialism and advocates social democracy’ (gale, : ) and that howells was moved by the poem, considering it a proof that ‘the poet’s heart was open to all the homelessness of the world’ (gale, : ). however, the first five stanzas howells that omitted would change the meaning of the poem substantially. they concern an old spanish legend according to which the ‘brave king sanchez’ and his ‘great besieging army’ are defeated, in response to vesela: poetry in utopian prose which one of sanchez’s kinsmen calls for popular resistance of the poor. the uprising thus takes place in the context of sanchez’s effort to conquer zamora, which howells left out, focusing instead on stanzas that dramatize injustice, insurrection and defeat. even so, what remains of ‘the challenge’ is at odds with the utopian vision of the altrurian romances as it is a poem of mobilization and protest with no promise of success. while ‘the challenge’ is cited in reference to the realities of the united states, which offers itself as an explanation of the poem’s anger and emphasis on protest, in h. g. wells’s a modern utopia, poetry is featured in the utopian society itself. while discussing the literature of ‘modern utopia’, the narrator’s double mentions william ernest henley, who was supposedly ‘on the committee that revised [the utopian] canon’ (wells, : ). the following fragment of henley’s poem is reproduced: out of the night that covers me, black as the pit from pole to pole, i thank whatever gods may be, for my unconquerable soul. (wells, : ) the stanza comes from henley’s untitled poem addressed to r. t. h. b. that was posthumously called ‘invictus’. the rest runs as follows: in the fell clutch of circumstance i have not winced nor cried aloud. under the bludgeonings of chance my head is bloody, but unbowed. beyond this place of wrath and tears out of the night that covers me, looms but the horror of the shade, and yet the menace of the years finds and shall find me unafraid. vesela: poetry in utopian prose it matters not how strait the gate, how charged with punishments the scroll, i am the master of my fate, i am the captain of my soul. (henley, : ) it is interesting that wells considered ‘invictus’ an instance of utopian art as it is permeated with images of darkness, menace, horror, suffering and perseverance in conditions of powerlessness. moreover, henley (just like longfellow) may seem like a strange choice for a poet canonized in wells’s utopia as he was politically rather errant (at one time he edited the conservative scots observer). more interestingly, henley was disabled from early youth and his entire life he struggled with various illnesses. in fact, he composed ‘invictus’ while in hospital, after losing one of his legs as a result of tubercular arthritis. yet, the inhabitants of wells’s utopia unfortunately conform to rather classical standards of beauty and health, as the following quote illustrates: the general effect of a utopian population is vigour. everyone one meets seems to be not only in good health but in training; one rarely meets fat people, bald people, or bent or grey. people who would be obese or bent and obviously aged on earth are here in good repair, and as a consequence the whole effect of a crowd is livelier and more invigorating than on earth. (wells, : ) why then did wells choose, as a sample of utopian art, a dark poem of stoic suffering; moreover, authored by a man who theoretically does not belong in his utopian construct? yet, ultimately, this is not surprising. henley’s poem stands in tension with the prose of a modern utopia, vocalizing issues suppressed otherwise. through it, wells attempted to redeem the otherness he cast out in the prose and the poem disturbs rather than enforces his utopian design. the fact that in the twentieth century, as david mccooey pointed out, ‘invictus’ was mobilized by disparate personalities ranging from nelson mandela and barack obama to the oklahoma city bomber, timothy mcveigh, who left a hand-written copy as a final statement before his execution, perhaps adds to this poem’s discomforting ineffability (mccooey, ). vesela: poetry in utopian prose finally, the inhabitants of the utopian society depicted in mary griffith’s ‘three hundred years hence’ care about the arts, although in their idiosyncratic ways: they attempt to ‘purify’ literature of colloquialisms and vernacular language to such an extent that they ‘expunge [...] all the low and indelicate passages’ (griffith, : ) from shakespeare’s plays and scott’s novels. the poem that griffith reproduces conforms to these formal standards—yet it concerns an issue that disturbs the utopian future, namely the mistreatment of native americans. when the protagonist of ‘three hundred years hence’ asks what became of native americans, his guide answers: i am sorry you ask that question,—for it is one on which i do not like to converse—but the indians have departed—gone is their hunting ground, and the twanging of their bow-string is a forgotten sound. where dwelleth yesterday—and where is echo’s cell? where hath the rainbow vanished—there doth the indian dwell! (griffith, : ) the guide then changes the subject to the fate of the blacks: ‘when our own minds were sufficiently enlightened, when our hearts were sufficiently inspired by the human principle of the christian religion, we emancipated the blacks. what demon has closed up the springs of tender mercy when indian rights were in question i know not?—but i must not speak of it!’ (griffith, : ) the fragment comes from ‘sachem’s hill’, a ten-stanza poem by an early nineteenth-century abolitionist eliza lee cabot follen. it indeed confronts the history of the native americans. the poem is evasive it its depiction of colonization, which is described in the following way: ‘the white man came with power; like brethen they met; / but the indian powers went out, and the indian sun has set’ (ll. – ). other stereotypes abound as well; for example, the author supposes that if native americans, christianized in ‘the land of spirits’, returned to the earth, they would appreciate the ‘stately domes’ and ‘happy homes’ in their former homeland. however, as they are supposedly exterminated, the conclusion is that ‘all the treasures of their vesela: poetry in utopian prose souls, shall be with us forever’ (l. ). despite such ideological limitations, follen’s poem draws attention to the suffering of the native americans, with whom the author tries to be sympathetic, and the fact that it is remembered in ‘three hundred years hence’ suggests that griffith could not imagine a seamless future in which the story of the native americans would not burn. once again, poetry created space for evoking this critical sadness. poetry of the future so far we have seen that when poetry of the past spoke in the future, it evoked negativity that contradicted positive constructs of the prose. could this be explained by the fact that existing poetry was utilized? let me finally glance at another nineteenth-century text, mary e. bradley lane’s mizora, as well as two recent utopias, dorothy bryant’s the kin of ata are waiting for you and ursula k. le guin’s the dispossessed, which include original poetry. although most utopias published around the turn of the twentieth century included existing poetry, mizora is possibly one exception. its protagonist, vera, learns that in mizora, poetry is recited on various occasions and that it is ‘just as common an occurrence for a poem to be read and commented on by its author, as to hear it done by another’ (bradley lane, : ). there are two mizoran poems cited in the text and they both concern nature. ‘but have you no building devoted to divine worship; no temple that belongs specially to your deity; to the being that created you, and to whom you owe eternal gratitude and homage?’ (bradley lane, : ), vera asks and her utopian guide, wauna, answers with ‘a majestic wave of her hand’ (bradley lane, : ): this vast cathedral, boundless as our wonder; whose shining lamps yon brilliant mists supply; its choir the winds, and waves; its organ thunder; its dome the sky. (bradley lane, : ) i say ‘possibly’ because perhaps poetry in mizora is not original even though i have not found any evidence to the contrary. this applies to the poetry in bryant’s and le guin’s novels as well. vesela: poetry in utopian prose the second poem is reproduced during a funeral, when mizoran women gather around the grave of a young dead companion and chant a dirge cited below. ‘the melody’, we learn from vera, ‘sounded like a chorus of birds chanting, in perfect unison, a weird requiem over some dead companion’ (bradley lane, : ): she came like the spring in its gladness. we received her with joy—we rejoiced in her promise. sweet was her song as the bird’s; her smile was as dew to the thirsty rose. but the end came ere morning awakened; while dawn yet blushed in its bridal veil, the leafy music of the woods was hushed in snowy shrouds. spring withered with the perfume in her hands; a winter sleet has fallen upon the buds of june; the ice-winds blow where yesterday zephyrs disported: life is not consummated. the rose has not blossomed, the fruit has perished in the flower, the bird lies frozen under its mother’s breast. youth sleeps in round loveliness when age should lie withered and weary, and full of honor. then the grave would be welcome, and our tears would fall not. the grave is not for the roses of youth; we mourn the early departed. youth sleeps without dreams— without an awakening. (bradley lane, : – ) wauna explains that in mizora, death is accepted stoically because ‘whatever sorrow we feel, […] we deeply realize how useless it is to repine. we place implicit faith in the revelations of nature, and in no circumstances does she bid us expect a life beyond that of the body’ (bradley lane, : ). to vera, this is shocking. ‘how much more consoling is the belief of my people’, she replies and continues: ‘their belief in a future reunion would sustain them through the sorrow of parting in this. […] vesela: poetry in utopian prose the belief that we have in a future life has often furnished a theme for the poets of my own and other countries. and sometimes a quaint and pretty sentiment is introduced into poetry to express it’ (bradley lane, : ). when wauna asks vera to recite such a poem, vera consents: that face and form, have long since gone beyond where the day was lifted; but the beckoning song still lingers on, an angel’s earthward drifted. and when death’s waters, around me roar and cares, like the birds, are winging; if i steer my bark to heaven’s shore ‘twill be by an angel’s singing. (bradley lane, : ) although from a present-day perspective mizoran society is problematic in many respects, its poetry is close in its form and content to original poetry in later utopian novels (such as bryant’s and le guin’s utopias discussed below). the contrast is between ornamental, rhymed, sentimental religious poetry of the old world and utopian free verse, which both celebrates nature and accepts its course. once again, however, particularly in the second mizoran poem, negativity emerges as the text is permeated with imagery of darkness, death and mourning: flowers wither, birds freeze, snow covers everything. and even the first poem mentions mists, winds, waves and thunder—albeit rhymed with boundless wonder. in other words, nature in mizoran poetry is more than sun, light and blossoming trees. a later utopian novel, dorothy bryant’s the kin of ata are waiting for you, includes the following ‘survival song’: already far from home far from the source of life we have strayed further to the deepest dark. vesela: poetry in utopian prose now turn, turn, turn we now turn back turn, turn, turn back to the light of life. rejoice in the darkest night dark night brings deep dreams the farther we go the closer to our home. so turn, turn, turn we now turn back turn, turn, turn back to the light of life. (bryant, : ) similarly, the theme of poetry cited in ursula k. le guin’s the dispossessed is the struggle with nature and death: gimar sings while working in a settlement camp, surrounded with dust: ‘she brings the green leaf from the stone, / from heart of rock clear water running’ (le guin, : ); on odo’s tomb, ‘in the great old willows, looking at the plain’, there is an inscription: ‘to be whole is to be part/true voyage is return’ (le guin, : ). in addition, the following longer verses are cited: o child anarchia, infinite promise infinite carefulness i listen, listen in the night by the cradle deep as the night is it well with the child (le guin, : ) and: o eastern light, awaken those who have slept! the darkness will be broken, the promise kept. (le guin, : ) vesela: poetry in utopian prose the first fragment is remembered in the context of odonian fears of centralization; the second is sung during an insurrection on anarres. (neither is supposedly good as ‘odonians’ first efforts to make their new language, their new world, into poetry, were stiff, ungainly, moving’ (le guin [ : ]), but no other utopian poetry appears in the dispossessed.) in both the poems, there is a sense of hope conveyed through references to the child, the promise and eastern light, but there is also mystery (the evocation of infinity and eternity) and passivity: in the first poem, the speaker listens; in the second one, s/he wishes for the light to awaken the sleepers. the background of both these poems is darkness in which hope originates—conveyed best, perhaps, through the image of ‘the cradle deep as the night’. conclusion as adrienne rich has noted, poetry does not require anything but language and it is, in principle, a democratic form. although in real life, it no longer holds central stage in animating passions (whether for democratic or undemocratic ends), it has not entirely vanished. nor has it vanished from utopian prose. it has been commonly argued that utopias—both in the sense of literary texts and imaginary societies—use poetry merely as propaganda. in one unfavorable response to bellamy’s looking backward – , for example, we can read that ‘[t]he doors of poetry and art were barred against everything beautiful, magnificent, sublime, and elevated, while they tenderly fostered the ugly, loathsome, and detestable’ (wilbrandt, : ). or, in the society depicted in aldous huxley’s brave new world ( ), which has stood in the twentieth century as a symbol of thwarted utopias, rhymed ‘solidarity hymns’ are used for emotional engineering and propaganda. in the utopian prose i have looked at, however, there is no such poetry. clearly, i have considered only a few, primarily classic works. as has been mentioned already, others could have been discussed, including the aforementioned novel by bellamy as well as the sequel equality ( ), ignatius donnelly’s caesar’s column ( ) and jack london’s the iron heel ( ). more recent texts that cite poetry are aldous huxley’s island ( ), ernest callenbach’s ecotopia: the notebooks and reports of william weston ( ) and its prequel, ecotopia emerging ( ), alongside more formally experimental works such as joanna russ’s the female man ( ), le guin’s always coming vesela: poetry in utopian prose home ( ), and the utopias of octavia butler and kim stanley robinson. even so, poems and fragments of poems cited in the above works by griffith, bradley lane, wells, howells, gilman, bryant, delany and le guin illustrate that poetry has had an important role in utopian prose: if the latter drew consoling pictures of happier futures, the former revealed blind spots in these designs. translated into chantal mouffe’s language of political passions, it may be argued that these utopian novels mobilize sympathy, love and desire for justice without canceling out negative passions such as anger, resignation, bitterness, sadness and fear. while the latter passions are not exactly directed here towards democratic ends (could they ever be?), they nevertheless generate moments of negativity that both authors and readers of these utopian narratives must experience and move through. and poetry—in a utopian echo of the much quoted words of w. h. auden—‘makes this happen’. competing interests the author has no competing interests to declare. references bacon, f the great instauration and new atlantis. arlington heights, il: harlan davidson, inc. boyer, s, marinovich, f and the people of ows occupy wall street poetry anthology. occupy wall street library. available at: https://peopleslibrary.files. wordpress.com/ / /occupypoems .pdf (last accessed october ). bradley lane, m e mizora: a world of women. lincoln, ne; and london: university of nebraska press. bryant, d the kin of ata are waiting for you. new york: random house. caudwell, c illusion and reality. new york: international publishers. available at: https://www.marxists.org/archive/caudwell/ 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community: chantal mouffe’s liberal socialism. jac, ( ): – . available at: http://www.jaconlinejournal. com/archives/vol . /worsham-rethinking.pdf (last accessed june ). http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/ /pg .txt http://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/ /pg .txt https://doi.org/ . /crt. . https://doi.org/ . /ep. . . https://doi.org/ . /actrade/ . . https://archive.org/details/defenseofpoetry https://doi.org/ . / - - - - https://archive.org/details/mreastsexperien wilbgoog https://archive.org/details/mreastsexperien wilbgoog http://www.jaconlinejournal.com/archives/vol . /worsham-rethinking.pdf http://www.jaconlinejournal.com/archives/vol . /worsham-rethinking.pdf vesela: poetry in utopian prose how to cite this article: vesela, p poetry in utopian prose. open library of humanities, ( ): , pp.  – , doi: https://doi.org/ . /olh. published: december copyright: © the author(s). this is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution . international license (cc-by . ), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. see http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /. open access open library of humanities is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by open library of humanities. https://doi.org/ . /olh. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . / article politics as passion, politics as poetry poetry and utopia poetry as the past poetry of the past as poetry of the future poetry of the future conclusion competing interests references birth trauma canada- rv detailing - rv detailing los angeles - rv detailing san diego - mobile car detailing - san diego mobile car detailing los angeles blog about us terms and conditions privacy policy contact us select page blog latest news how to prevent car paint oxidation by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing it’s always beautiful to look at the dazzling gloss and shine of your car. unfortunately, it’s probably an indication of oxidation damage if your joy and pride are beginning to look a bit faded and dull.   this is called paint oxidation. this will cause the paint to lose its sheen. on severe occasions, car paint can have a cloudy or chalky look.  aside from looking unappealing, paint oxidation will also greatly lower the resale value of your car.   fortunately, we’re here to help. aside from regular mobile car detailing los angeles, here are several tips you can follow to prevent car paint oxidation.  choose high-quality paintwork  you can make a lot of difference to your car if you have high-quality paintwork. it’s always a wise move to check out durable waterborne coating solutions. for those who don’t know, waterborne paints tend to have an excellent gloss level when it comes to overall quality and finishes. in addition to that, there’s less possibility for paint flaws. it also has excellent coverage. this improves the overall aesthetic appeal.  avoid using harsh car cleaning products  you should be careful of what car cleaning products you utilize if you’re wondering what causes paint oxidation. a couple of abrasive and stronger cleaners aren’t always kind to the paint surface of your vehicle. thus, it is a wise move to switch to environmentally-friendly cleaning products. typically, they’re gentle on car paintwork. in addition to that, you’re also helping the environment.   if you hire a professional to clean your car, make sure you look for an eco-friendly car detailing company.   maintain your car regularly  one of the main reasons why paint oxidation happens is the lack of car care. unluckily, a lot of individuals don’t have the time to commit to routine car care.   if you do wash your car yourself, you can maintain it by waxing it after washing. you can also utilize a unique paint protectant. you can always hire a professional car detailing company if you do not have the time to do it on your own.   avoid accumulation of contaminants  accumulation of contaminants will affect the smooth look and shine of your car’s paintwork. you can easily avoid this from happening if you regularly wash your car. car washing will help get rid of particles and pollution on the car’s surface. it is crucial to get rid of oxidation from car paint immediately if the paintwork is beginning to feel bumpy and rough.   park in the shade  do you always park your vehicle outdoors? street parking might be your only choice if you don’t have a driveway or garage. however, you need to park your car in the shade if you want to avoid paint oxidation. this is particularly true during the summer season where the rays of the sun are stronger.   if you can’t find shade in your area, you can invest in a car cover to protect the paintwork. you might have to leave car paint correction to the experts if serious uv damage has already caused paint oxidation.   difference between detailing an old and new car by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing aside from being a mode of transportation, your cars also serve as personal statements about who you are. car owners with well-maintained vehicles are socially recognized as tasteful, detail-oriented, and responsible.   it does not matter if you’ve got an old or new car. it’s your job to maintain it as much as possible. luckily, you can easily achieve this thanks to the advancements in car detailing technology and techniques.   today, we’re going to share with you the differences between detailing an old and new car with the help of a mobile car detailing san diego company.  waxing  most professionals suggest applying a coat of wax after polishing your car. this will help avoid corrosion from other substances like hot drinks, tree sap, and bird droppings, water spots, and sun damage.   waxing includes the application of wax over the exterior of the car, letting it harden, and then buffing it out using a polisher or towel. though the procedure for waxing old and new cars might look the same, the difference is in the forms of wax used.   despite being long-lasting, the rubbing compound is abrasive. thus, it’s not appropriate for an old car since most of its protective layers are gone. typically, professionals prefer using liquid wax when detailing an old car since it’s an excellent filling agent to smooth out inconsistencies in the surface.   polishing  old cars have higher possibilities of suffering from paint oxidation since they’ve been braved in the rain, wind, and sun. also, old cars typically have more scratches, swirls, and dents. thus, they need more complex and lengthy polishing methods.   before starting the process, a professional detailer needs to personalize their car polishing procedure depending on the car’s condition. when they are servicing an old vehicle, they need to spot test areas. this will help them figure out:  the speed combinations they need to use for the polisher  the forms of motions they need to use  the amount of pressure they have to use on the surface  how aggressive the products they need to use  claying  it does not matter if you are detailing a new car or an old one. the first thing you’ve got to do is to wash it. once you’re done washing the car, then the next thing you have to do is to clay it. first, a professional detailer will knead the clay bar into a soft malleable tool. they will utilize this tool to pick up tiny contaminants from the surface of the car. therefore, this will help make the paint feel smoother and return to its original look.  unfortunately, it is much more complex to clay an old vehicle. the reason for this is that older vehicles have higher possibilities of gathering more debris. thus, it takes more materials to avoid the abrasion of the paint surface. the clay bar lubricant is one of these materials. usually, they’re included if you purchase a high-quality car wash kit. this clay bar lubricant will help avoid the debris from damaging the paint coat of your old car.       knowing the basics of rv detailing by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing if you want to maintain the excellent condition of your rv, the best thing you can do is to regularly detail its interior and exterior. unfortunately, rv detailing is not as easy as it might appear to be. there are a couple of things you have to consider first before you can proceed with the task.   detailing an rv is a process of cleaning thoroughly the exterior and interior of the vehicle to maintain and improve its look. the task is called “detailing” because it is all about perfecting the small details of your car. because of this, there are a lot of steps included.   you can make your life easier if you hire a professional rv detailing san diego company. however, if you want to do it yourself, here are several things you should know:  interior detailing  usually, interior rv detailing includes at least a couple of tasks, such as odor removal, vent cleaning, crevice and dash cleaning, cup holder cleaning, seat cleaning, carpet cleaning, and much more.   exterior waxing  once you are done cleaning thoroughly the exterior of your rv, you can wax it. you can either go for a simple spray–on and wipe–off form of wax or a wipe-on and buff–off form of wax. it depends on your preferences.   tire cleaning  cleaning the tires of your rv should be the final step in the exterior cleaning process. the reason for this is that you have to work from top to bottom.  awnings  you might have to utilize a cleaning product made specifically for rv awnings. this will help you deep clean the awning of your rv. keep in mind that you need something that’s gentle on the fabric and paint.  bug removal  getting rid of bug splatter will become much harder if you wait a long period to remove it from the front of your car. you can utilize a chemical bug remover or a car washing kit to get rid of bug splatters. however, you can also create your own solution using water and dryer sheets. you can easily avoid hard-to-remove bug splatters in the future if you wax and maintain the front of your rv.  overall exterior washing  there are a couple of techniques when it comes to washing your rv. some are wet and some are dry. make sure you clean and dry full sections at a time if you are wet washing. this will help prevent streaks. typically, you can utilize a regular rv washing soap. however, you still have to examine that you are utilizing the correct product for your form of rv siding.   roof cleaning  typically, detailing goes from top to bottom. the ideal cleaning methods and products for your rv roof differ on whether you’ve got a rubber membrane-type roof, a fiberglass roof, or another form of roof. thus, make sure you consider this. fiberglass roofs are vulnerable to oxidation. you might require a strong cleaner if they look ashy or chalky. if you’re afraid of damaging the roof, you can always hire a detailer to do the job.  tips for detailing your rv by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing whenever you’re washing an rv, there are a couple of things you have to remember. it does not matter if you’re simply an rv owner that needs some recommendations or you’re an expert detailer trying to add rvs to your services.   washing and detailing an rv is not the same as detailing a normal car. rvs are big and they’ve got a couple of components that are different from regular vehicles.   lucky for you, we’re here to help. here are several tips you can follow for rv detailing los angeles.  take your time  as an rv owner or detailer, you’ve got to understand that detailing and washing an rv thoroughly will take around to hours. this is particularly true if you’re doing it alone. thus, try to work in the shade as much as possible. also, prepare some cold drinks if it’s hot. don’t forget to take breaks as well.   also, you should expect to pay more for rv detailing services as opposed to a regular car wash if you’re planning to hire a professional.   know how to clean the roof of your rv  unlike regular vehicles, the roof of your rv is usually made out of some form of rubber. typically, it’s white. it is also the dirtiest area of an rv. thus, need a lot of care and attention. when cleaning the roof standing up, you’ve got to be very cautious. if possible, use kneepads when handwashing.   a lot of individuals will utilize normal dish soap when cleaning the roof. unfortunately, it is not recommended for plastics. dish soaps typically include degreasers. this can dry out plastic and rubber over time. eventually, it will cause cracks. perhaps you want to buy a jug of rv rubber roof cleaner when cleaning the roof. these cleaners are designed to protect and clean the roof of your rv.  buy the right tools for rv detailing  if you are detailing bigger cars, such as an rv, one of the most important tools to have is a high-quality pressure washer.   typically, almost every professional detailer out there recommends buying a gas-powered pressure washer with wheels.   aside from the pressure washer, there are several other tools you need to have as well. this includes:  water deionizer to avoid water spots  foam cannon for your pressure washer  -gallon bucket for roof cannon  cleaner wax for protection  gel gloss for finishes  huge water tanks for mobile detailing  gas-powered pressure washer  if you’ve got a pressure washer, you can easily make the job faster and more efficient. this is particularly true since you are dealing with a quite tall car. however, you’ve got to ensure you use the right pressure. you might end up damaging your car if you use too much pressure.   avoid scratches by using lamb’s wool  a lot of rv manufacturers suggest using lamb’s wool when cleaning rvs. in general, lamb’s wool is an ideal option for any type of vehicle. keep in mind that rvs get dirty quite often. if you use a stiff-bristled brush, you might end up scratching the surface of your rv.     how to detail your rv by birthtraumacanada | mar , | car detailing the spring season is already here and summer is simply creeping in the corner. if you’re a person who loves beach parties, reunions, and nature trips, it is perhaps time to give your rv good detailing. of course, you and your loved ones would love to travel in comfort and style in a detailed and clean rv, right?  a couple of individuals believe that simply vacuuming the interior and hosing the exterior of their rv is clean enough. unluckily, this type of cleaning method won’t remove any microorganisms, oil, grime, and dirt that can damage the interior and exterior of your rv.   a mobile rv detailing can get rid of these things. aside from cleaning your car’s interior and exterior, you can also clean the under chassis and engine of your rv.   here are several tips you can follow when you want to detail your rv:   clean the water system  have you tried cleaning your car’s interior but still notice a musty odor inside? well, you’ve got to examine the water system. it might contain water from your past trips. thus, you have to drain the tank, water lines, and water heater. fill the tank with water and apply several drops of bleach. let the solution sit for a couple of minutes. this will guarantee that your water system is clean. after several minutes, drain the water and turn on the faucets and pump. this will get rid of the bleach from the system. before you refill the tank with clean water, make sure you leave the system for hours.   keep every detailing product close  if you want to lower your detailing mistakes, there are a couple of things you need. this includes:  car wax  towels for drying  brush with a long handle  squeegee  rubber gloves   a long garden hose  wheel cleaner  glass cleaner  car wash soap  tar remover  bug remover  you can try moving the cleaning solutions in tiny containers and properly label them. then, you can place these small containers in a basket or small bag that you can place put around your waste. with this, you can save a lot of time from walking around.   cover sensitive spots when detailing  utilize plastic to cover the filter, electrical wirings, spark plugs, air intake, and alternator. with this, you can avoid oil and water remover from seeping in and causing damage to your vehicle.   think about the weather and time  it’s preferable to detail your car before am. this is typically a warm morning to do the job. keep in mind that your rv is probably huge. you’ve got to complete the task before the sun gets too hot. else, water spots might form or the cleaning solution may dry up. you need to avoid these things since they can damage your car’s exterior paint.   if you think that detailing your rv is too much work, don’t worry. you can always hire a professional car detailing company to detail your rv. oftentimes, they’ll offer steam cleaning that makes the whole process more efficient and faster.   recent posts how to prevent car paint oxidation difference between detailing an old and new car knowing the basics of rv detailing tips for detailing your rv how to detail your rv search for: recent comments birth trauma canada how to prevent car paint oxidation march , it’s always beautiful to look at the dazzling gloss and shine of your car. unfortunately, it’s probably an indication of oxidation damage if your joy and pride are beginning to look a bit faded and dull.   this is called paint oxidation. this will cause the paint to lose its sheen. on severe occasions, car paint can have […] birthtraumacanada difference between detailing an old and new car march , aside from being a mode of transportation, your cars also serve as personal statements about who you are. car owners with well-maintained vehicles are socially recognized as tasteful, detail-oriented, and responsible.   it does not matter if you’ve got an old or new car. it’s your job to maintain it as much as possible. luckily, you […] birthtraumacanada knowing the basics of rv detailing march , if you want to maintain the excellent condition of your rv, the best thing you can do is to regularly detail its interior and exterior. unfortunately, rv detailing is not as easy as it might appear to be. there are a couple of things you have to consider first before you can proceed with the […] birthtraumacanada tips for detailing your rv march , whenever you’re washing an rv, there are a couple of things you have to remember. it does not matter if you’re simply an rv owner that needs some recommendations or you’re an expert detailer trying to add rvs to your services.   washing and detailing an rv is not the same as detailing a normal car. […] birthtraumacanada how to detail your rv march , the spring season is already here and summer is simply creeping in the corner. if you’re a person who loves beach parties, reunions, and nature trips, it is perhaps time to give your rv good detailing. of course, you and your loved ones would love to travel in comfort and style in a detailed and […] birthtraumacanada categories car detailing archives march microsoft word - ubc_ _spring_couture_selena.doc margo kane’s creative and community work: moving towards social change by selena marie couture bachelor of arts (honours), queen’s university bachelor of education, queen’s university a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of master of arts in the faculty of graduate studies (theatre) the university of british columbia (vancouver) april © selena marie couture 
 ii
 abstract this is a study of margo kane’s creative work – memories springing/waters singing, moonlodge and confessions of an indian cowboy – as well as her vancouver- based community work – full circle first nations performance company and their annual talking stick festival. i examine how kane’s creative and community work can be understood in terms of postcolonial theory of performance while also further illuminating that theory. i apply emmanuel levinas’ philosophical concepts of totality and infinity and the saying and the said to the content of her creative work as well as its publication. i use Édouard glissant’s poetics of relation to explain her administrative style and creative choices, particularly in confessions of an indian cowboy. postcolonial theatrical concepts including jacqueline lo and helen gilbert’s model for interculturalism and christopher balme’s syncretic theatre lead to an investigation of the numerous forms of movement that kane’s work demonstrates. through analysis of the multiple published texts of her performances as well as of an interview i conducted with kane on the founding and continuing administration of her company and the festival, i determine how the importance of movement in her work can help the shift from a colonial to a postcolonial society. 
 iii
 preface the ubc behavioural research ethics board – human ethics has approved this research. certificate of approval number: h - . 
 
 
 iv
 table of contents abstract................................................................................................................................................... ii
 preface......................................................................................................................................................iii
 table
of
contents........................................................................................................................... iv
 list
of
tables.........................................................................................................................................v
 list
of
figures.....................................................................................................................................vi
 acknowledgments.........................................................................................................................vii
 dedication ...........................................................................................................................................viii
 introduction:
why/how
margo
kane
and
postcolonial/theatre?............................. 
 chapter
one:
introducing
margo
kane.................................................................................... 
 chapter
two:

journeying
to
the
moonlodge ........................................................................ 
 chapter
three:
being
on
the
edge
of
a
new
frontier:
confessions
of
an
indian
 cowboy ......................................................................................................................................................... 
 chapter
four:
speaking
of
full
circle
first
nations
performance
and
the
talking
 stick
festival.............................................................................................................................................. 
 conclusion:
spinning
back............................................................................................................ 
 works
cited ......................................................................................................................................... 
 appendix
one:
kane
interview
script........................................................................................ 
 
 v
 
 list of tables table : full circle federal funding - ........................................................................... 
 
 
 vi
 list of figures figure
 :
lo
and
gilbert's
proposed
model
for
interculturalism.......................................... 
 
 vii
 acknowledgments first,
i
would
like
to
state
my
appreciation
to
margo
kane,
both
for
her
 inspirational
work
as
well
as
her
willingness
to
take
time
to
engage
in
conversation
 with
me.
i
would
like
to
thank
the
faculty
of
the
ubc
department
of
theatre
and
 film
for
their
encouragement
and
support,
specifically
the
wisdom
and
guidance
of
 dr.
jerry
wasserman
and
the
ready
attention
of
dr.
kirsty
johnston.
i
would
also
like
 to
thank
dr.
sherrill
grace
of
the
ubc
english
department;
although
she
did
not
 work
with
me
directly
on
this
thesis
she
has
been
very
supportive
of
my
academic
 work.

 
 viii
 
 dedication to
my
families…
 …my
parents,
janet
and
daniel
couture
for
a
solid
foundation
on
which
to
grow.

 …my
island
family
for
their
acceptance
and
unwavering
support.
 …my
chosen
family
of
friends
in
vancouver,
particularly
verity
rolfe
who
talked
me
 through
seeing
myself
as
a
student
again.

 …and
to
my
dear
partner,
matt,
and
daughters,
sadie
and
daisy,
always
a
steady
 source
of
love,
curiousity
and
fun
to
bring
me
back
to
shore
after
swimming

in
a
sea
of
 ideas.
 
 
 
 introduction: why/how margo kane and postcolonial/theatre? in , when i returned to academic work after almost twenty years of teaching, i had not been following scholarly debates after the culture wars of the s and ‘ s. i finished my undergraduate degree and had been busy working to create alternative learning environments for students within the public school system. the first course i took was women in theatre and film at ubc, taught by michelle la flamme. she introduced me to the academic work that had been done to move past the political impasse that had arisen in the culture wars era: theorists like trinh minh-ha who wrote of “speaking nearby” and homi bhabha’s conception of the third space of hybridity. as part of her course, we read confessions of an indian cowboy by margo kane [cree/saulteaux] . i investigated more of kane’s work and found that she had been running a festival of contemporary aboriginal performing arts in vancouver for a few years. i found the work to be compelling and a welcome remedy for the awkwardness i felt at being the recipient of displays of ‘traditional’ art for the touristic gaze. i felt that the importance of a festival of aboriginal art responded so well to minh-ha’s statement that “only in poetic language can one deal with meaning in a revolutionary way…as the stereotyped is not a false representation, but rather an arrested representation of a changing reality” (chen ). this understanding has led me to volunteer for the festival, research kane’s career and eventually interview her. among the things i have discovered, and the primary argument i want to make in this thesis, is that the 























































 
“[s]peaking that does not objectify, does not point to an object as if it is distant from the speaking subject or absent from the speaking place. a speaking that reflects on itself and can come very close to a subject without, however, seizing or claiming it. a speaking in brief, whose closures are only moments of transition opening up to other possible moments of transition” (chen ).
 when an aboriginal person is mentioned for the first time, i will note his or her tribal affiliation in square brackets.
 
 
 
 connecting thread through all of kane’s work is movement: her creative process through physical movement of the body, movement between audience and performer, movement of meaning through textual instability and movement through social change. this thesis demonstrates how the importance of movement in her work can help develop the shift from a colonial to a postcolonial society. before i discuss kane’s work, however, i will explain what i mean by “postcolonial.” canada’s place in the postcolonial discourse is not always assumed, nor is it clear why kane’s work would be particularly linked with any notion of postcolonialism or theory developed by theatrical scholars. the postcolonial theoretical base i will be using is comprised of ethical philosophy by emmanuel levinas, the poetics of relation by Édouard glissant, as well as helen gilbert and jacqueline lo’s charting of cross-cultural theatrical encounters, and observations about syncretic theatre by christopher balme. the aim of my approach is, in the end, to illuminate both postcolonial theatre theory and the work of margo kane. in postcolonial studies, canada is considered, along with australia and new zealand, a settler nation. helen gilbert, in her introduction to postcolonial plays, explains her inclusion of both settler and indigenous plays from canada by saying that the indigenous plays “might be examined as products of dispossessed minorities in various stages of struggle to attain agency within ‘western’ settler cultures,” that settler works that engage with imperialism are valuable for understanding the field, and “to exclude these texts would be to suggest that colonial relations impact only on the dispossessed” ( - ). christopher balme in his influential work decolonizing the stage: theatrical syncretism and post-colonial drama also assumes the inclusion of north american and “fourth world” indigenous cultures in the study of postcolonial theatre ( ). 
 
 
 first, i will examine the larger field of postcolonial philosophy, then move to literary theory and finally address theory regarding postcolonial theatre. emmanuel levinas ( - ) was a lithuanian-born french jewish philosopher who endured the nazi regime of world war ii and much of his philosophy is about making sense of ethics in the post-holocaust world. in totality and infinity ( ) he argues that the belief in mastery or totality of understanding is the cause of violence. the acknowledgement of the infinite unknowability of the other (or, as levinas terms it, infinity) and respect for it regardless of that unknown is the basis for ethical behaviour (levinas ). jane hiddleston asserts in understanding postcolonialism that levinasian ethics are the basis for postcolonial ethics: “an awareness or acceptance of this overflow or excess at the moment of encounter is, for levinas, the definition of ethics: it does not tell us how to be or act, but describes the fundamentally ethical nature of human encounter” ( ). in otherwise than being ( ) levinas discusses language, examining concepts that he calls the said and the saying. hiddleston explains: the saying is the excess of language, its openess and resistance to a single and restricted set of meaning. the said, on the other hand, is the expression of an essence, a theme or content…levinas argues that western philosophy has traditionally been preoccupied with the said…in privileging the said, however, philosophy has chosen to ignore the omnipresent excess of the saying…[which] constantly expands the potentially reductive and oppressive boundaries of the said: “the saying is both an affirmation and a retraction of the said” (levinas : in hiddleston ). levinasian concepts of totality and infinity as well as the said and the saying are not in opposition to each other. instead, “the ethical insistence on infinity, or the saying, is conceived alongside the apparent security of totality or the said. in both formulations, openess to excess is 
 
 
 the start of an ethical relation” (hiddleston ). this ethical philosophical stance can be used to support postcolonial thought about how to move forward in relation to others who are so different than oneself, particularly after a rupture or trauma brought on by the violence of the colonial project. Édouard glissant’s poetry, fiction and essays have recently begun to be influential in postcolonial discourse. his work is acknowledged to be deeply about place and also, more recently, concerned with a “poetics of relating” that responds to the chaos of the modern world. important concepts from glissant’s works, as translated by j. michael dash, include the “root identity” that corresponds with levinas’s totality and the “rhizome identity” that can be considered similar to infinity and the understanding of a constant work-in-progress ( ). glissant acknowledges that deleuze and guattari’s “rhizomatic thought is the principle behind what i call the poetics of relation,” noting that they “extol nomadism, which supposedly liberates being” (poetics of relation ). he goes on to argue that there are different types of nomadism, one which he calls “arrowlike,” which is not open to otherness and is “a
devastating
 desire
for
settlement” ( ). in celia britton’s Édouard glissant and postcolonial theory: strategies of language and resistance, she notes that in his work le discours antillais glissant criticizes deleuze’s concept of the rhizome for ignoring the importance of otherness (britton ). in considering glissant’s development of the rhizome concept, it is important to place his work in the caribbean where the brutality of colonialism led to the genocide of the indigenous people and the importing of african slaves for labour. this trauma, while not replicated exactly in the canadian aboriginal context, resonates nevertheless and makes glissant’s formation of the poetics of relation with its emphasis on the other and opacity a better fit for my work with kane than deleuze and guattari’s original work. dash interprets “opacité/alterité” as “the give and 
 
 
 take of self-denial and self-affirmation and recognition of the other” ( ). in understanding postcolonialism, hiddleston comments on his particular addition to the postcolonial discourse: “where glissant can be seen to be unrivalled, however, is in the dynamism and expansiveness of his poetics and his conception of the value of that poetics independent of the political requirements of the (post)colony” ( ). his focus on poetics as a freeing of the imagination as a precursor to political change can be useful in understanding margo kane’s work in the arts: her performances as well as her community work focusing on the creation of space for aboriginal people to work aesthetically. the form of cultural production recommended in glissant’s poetics of relation is one that includes opacity and a straining against boundaries. it is also rhizomatic in form, privileging relationality, questioning the possession of territory and is open- ended in exploration. glissant has written poetry and essays about theatre and he also acknowledges in his poetics of relation the importance of orality. he proposes, “the written is the universalizing influence of sameness, whereas the oral would be the organized manifestation of diversity” (glissant : ). his conception of orality allows for a spontaneity in relation with the listener, a response. this makes his work valuable in the consideration of live theatre. there are many connections to be explored between glissant’s thought and kane’s work. his concern with grounding in a specific place, his conception of an intercultural experience, the understanding of creative work as always in process, the importance of orality and his recognition of the political in his poetics of relation all make his theoretical work relevant to my study of kane. i now turn to considerations of postcolonial studies in theatre. my focus on helen gilbert and jacqueline lo’s essay, “toward a topography of cross-cultural theatre praxis” ( ), will help to explain how margo kane’s work can be considered postcolonial intercultural syncretic 
 
 
 theatre. i will also outline the theory of postcolonial syncretic theatre production discussed by christopher balme in decolonizing the stage: theatrical syncretism and post-colonial drama ( ). jacqueline lo and helen gilbert’s essay maps out a framework for consideration of cross-cultural theatre. they begin by dividing the category of cross-cultural theatre into three sub-categories: multicultural can be a state-sponsored or grassroots effort to respond to the plurality of culture; it also often fetishizes the authentic and is used to gain cultural capital and recognition by disenfranchised groups ( ); postcolonial includes particular textual or performative features and questions “cultural hegemony that underlies imperial systems of governance, education, social and economic organization, and representation” ( ); intercultural concerns itself mainly with the aesthetics of cultural transfer ( ). where does margot kane’s work fit into the framework that lo and gilbert have structured in their essay? their description of multicultural theatre which is not cross-cultural does in some ways seem to fit with kane’s work and audience: “[it] tends to be monocultural; it is staged for and by a specific ethnic community… [and] tend[s] to focus on narratives about origin and loss” ( ). they also define community theatre as engaged with social concerns of specific communities resistant to the dominant culture. the constitution of the performance group and the subject matter may be organized around common interests (such as gender, ethnicity, or shared social experiences) or defined in terms of geographical location. multicultural community theatre generally incorporates a range of languages and cultural resources, including performing traditions, drawn from the community. community arts workers are often employed to facilitate the work and the performances are typically presented back to the community as well as to “outsiders.” 
 
 
 cross-cultural negotiations therefore occur at a number of levels in this type of theatre. ( - ) both of these descriptions could be seen as applicable to kane’s performances as well as her community work. but i think that her work fits better with lo and gilbert’s description of postcolonial syncretic theatre that “aims to retain the cultural integrity of the specific materials used while forging new texts and theatre practices…[and] tends to highlight rather than disguise shifts in the meaning, function, and value of cultural fragments as they are moved from their traditional contexts” ( - ). lo and gilbert assert that this is a common strategy of aboriginal theatre artists in their “larger agenda of cultural recuperation” ( ). lo and gilbert also offer a critique of patrice pavis’ hourglass model of intercultural theatre from theatre at the crossroads of culture as too unidirectional. the downward flow from source culture to target culture does not adequately take into account the back and forth of a cross-cultural exchange ( ). they propose instead a model that is horizontal and includes two source cultures on either side of a disc called the “process for target culture” which spins both centrifugally and centripetally on the sociopolitical strings attaching it to the source cultures ( ) (see fig. ). this model is a better representation (than pavis’) of a collaborative exchange that happens between cultures rather than an imperialistic exchange that results in cultural appropriation and further domination. 
 
 
 figure
 :
lo
and
gilbert's
proposed
model
for
interculturalism


 source:
jacqueline
lo
and
helen
gilbert,
“toward a topography of cross-cultural theatre praxis”, (the drama review : , ) . 
 lo and gilbert also emphasize the importance of a postcolonial stance in intercultural work, such that questions about individual and collective power can be addressed. they propose asking questions such as, “whose economic and/or political interests are being served? how is the working process represented to the target audience, and why? who is the target audience and how can differences be addressed within this constituency? how does a specific intercultural event impact on the wider sociopolitical environment?” ( ). the most relevant question for this study is regarding the intercultural event and its impact on the sociopolitical environment. 
 
 
 in their discussion of postcolonial theatre, lo and gilbert cite christopher balme as a key theorist on syncretic theatre ( , ). balme defines the term “syncretic theatre” as an aesthetic phenomenon that takes place during a time of cultural interaction and change. it is different from theatre that appropriates from a source culture because of its respect for the cultural text and its maintenance of a precisely defined cultural meaning ( - ). balme uses the term ‘dominant code’ -- the assumed code by which a spectator generates meaning. he asserts that in syncretic theatre one should watch for shifting of the dominant code, e.g., dialogic (or spoken words) in a drama becoming kinesic (or movement-based), and then examine why and when the shift took place and how it affects meaning-making ( ). he also explains the importance of didascalia – everything in the written text that is not spoken by the performer. balme notes this is present in much post-colonial writing as the author/playwright attempts to make the cultural text less strange. in a dramatic text or performance this includes much more than the stage directions: it can also be the glossaries, footnotes, forewords or culturally specific explanations ( ). balme contextualizes his use of the concept of syncretism by explaining that it was once considered the creation of impure, less valuable work (or spirituality when applied to religious thinking) that needed to be guarded against. now it is considered a creative process of global cultural exchange, akin to mikhail bakhtin’s ‘heteroglossia’. in the postcolonial world, there is no longer a clear separation of cultures with an original, authentic culture to be reified. syncretization can be considered similar to glissant’s ‘creolization’ or bhabha’s ‘hybridity’ which “recogniz[es] the fundamentally hybrid constitution of self and culture” (balme ). 
 
 
 balme identifies syncretic theatre’s specific recurring elements: ritualization – the use of ritual, the interruption of it and/or the use of the liminal space around a ritual ; strategies of language use – the use of multiple languages translated and un-translated, relexification by the playwright (writing/thinking in one language and then changing to another for the script or performance), creolization; the use of the actor’s body – through dance, movement, masking; music; and experiments with performance space. his interest in analysing syncretic theatre is both to document what he considers an important movement in twentieth century theatre and to examine the ways in which syncretic theatre “questions some fundamental principles of western theatre aesthetics” ( - ). in consideration of kane’s performance and community work, i will be using concepts from levinas – totality and infinity, the saying and the said – as well as glissant’s poetics of relation that are rhizomatic in form and privilege relationality. balme’s observations about the dominant shift, didascalia, ritual, use of language, and body in postcolonial theatre will also be useful in examining kane’s performance work. i will also consider lo and gilbert’s questions of power relations and their model for interculturalism. my study includes her work both on and off stage; therefore it is important that i look at more than just postcolonial theories of performance, i must also consider her work in the larger sociopolitical context of late th and early st century canada. 























































 
 activities or dialogue that occur at the same time as a ritual, which can then create a new context for it. 
 
 
 
 chapter one: introducing margo kane in , prairie theatre exchange in winnipeg mounted the first staging of the canadian play the ecstasy of rita joe that utilized an all-aboriginal cast; margo kane played rita joe (charlesbois np). twenty-six years later, in , margo kane won a jessie richardson award for best supporting actress (“dynamic and diverse”) for her performance as june in where the blood mixes by kevin loring [nlakapmux] . the play went on to win multiple awards in – in vancouver, a jessie richardson award for outstanding original script and the sydney j. risk prize for outstanding original script by an emerging playwright, and nationally, the governor general’s literary award for drama (“where the blood mixes”). in the years between these two significant events in canadian aboriginal theatre history, kane has created and performed acclaimed solo shows moonlodge ( ) and confessions of an indian cowboy ( ). she has also been instrumental in the production of aboriginal contemporary arts through her company full circle first nations performance (fcfnp), established in vancouver in , and its annual talking stick festival (tsf), established in (“talking stick festival – history”). kane was born in edmonton, alberta in , adopted into a white family and raised without connection to her aboriginal heritage. she studied at edmonton’s grant macewan college for performing arts, banff school of fine arts and circle in the square theater in new york city. her career has spanned over forty years and she continues to be respected as an important figure in canadian aboriginal theatre: she has long-term connections with native earth performing arts in toronto, which staged moonlodge in , and was one of a number of aboriginal theatre artists who established the indigenous performing arts alliance in 























































 
the
play
opened
in
vancouver
on
the
same
night
as
the
historic
apology
from
the
 government
of
canada
to
aboriginal
people
for
residential
schools.
 
 
 
 (“ippa – history”). she is also influential in vancouver: the georgia straight, a local alternative weekly, consulted her in a interview on the state of the arts in vancouver, along with only two others: robert kerr (program director for the cultural olympiad, former director of coastal jazz and blues society) and kathleen bartel (director of the vancouver art gallery) (lynch and werb). in his essay in canadian theatre review, “poetry, remnants and ruins: aboriginal theatre in canada,” floyd favel , a well-established cree/saulteaux theatre artist and writer, describes his despair regarding the ongoing work of creating an aboriginal theatre within the middle class canadian theatre scene ( - ). he opens the essay, however, by describing his experience watching a performance at the talking stick festival, where he was “brought back to one of the reasons i went into theatre, to express our culture and the beauty of our people.” this experience inspires him to write about theatre again ( ). kane’s work on stage had an important influence on the beginnings of american aboriginal theatre in the late ’s: marcie rendon [white earth/anishnabe], a theatre artist working in minneapolis-saint paul, in an essay published in performing worlds into being: native american women’s theater ( ), describes seeing margo kane perform: this was the first time she saw a native woman on stage and it compelled her to pursue theatre-making in communities. rendon then explains the importance of members of the native community viewing performers like themselves in order to find their own voices ( - ). these are a few of the most recent references to kane’s work on stage and in the aboriginal theatre community by colleagues and media. they help reinforce the influence of her work nationally, internationally and locally. 























































 over his career, floyd favel is sometimes referred to as floyd favel-starr. his most recent publication uses the surname favel, which i will as well to avoid confusion. 
 
 
 to begin this study of kane’s work and to begin to contextualize it within the broader analysis of postcolonial aesthetics, i will first focus on a performance art piece that she created in banff in august , memories springing/waters singing. the piece is recorded through joane cardinal-schubert’s reflections on the performance (as requested by kane) which was part of a series in banff called as public as race. cardinal-schubert had worked with kane on a forum in vancouver about the appropriation of aboriginal art and voice. she starts with a biography of kane and explains kane’s practice of inviting first nations people from the area where she is performing to participate in the work as well. the performance at banff included a videotaped search for a source of water up a mountain to a glacier in banff national park, which she then developed and edited to be displayed on four video monitors placed on the floor of a lodge with lodgepole pines overhead. viewers interact with the space and view the videos and then kane enters as an old woman carrying sticks, puts them down and then returns with a stick and a pail of elk dung. she empties the pail and stirs it with the stick, focuses on it. she then leaves, coming back a few minutes later with a pail of water that she empties. she enters again later, pulling a travois, and sits among the audience members. duane mark, a member of the stoney tribe located in the banff area, enters with a drum and eagle whistle. he speaks in english and stoney and eventually says that the camp needs to be moved. the audience members then dismantle the lodge, each picking up a piece of it and carrying it outside to a clearing where it is reassembled. cardinal-schubert comments on the humour of the work and the lack of laughter from the audience: “out of fear of seeming disrespectful. they have forgotten, perhaps, that this is a performance piece and not a ceremonial cultural ritual” (kane and cardinal-schubert ). once the lodge is reassembled, mark sings and kane, crowned with roots and wearing a buffalo robe, enters the area, responding in song. she removes the robe and begins to drum and 
 
 
 sing. all audience members are asked to drink water from a pail passed clockwise, acknowledging the water. kane then tells stories of her childhood, her aunt buying her an indian doll, driving a station wagon like her father’s. she explains her connections with the stoney people and her creative process at banff, during which she reconnected with the land and brought pieces of it inside to her studio. she drums, sings and then pulls items out of her bag and gives them to people who have contributed to her work. the audience members then also give and receive items while kane sings. the performance ends with a feast of smoked salmon, fruit and bread. it is essential to note that this text is an account by an audience member, albeit one who is in a privileged position as a colleague of kane’s, but nevertheless a viewer of the performance. therefore this cannot be considered a fixed text of the script of the performance but instead a response to the experience. cardinal-schubert explains the methods of kane’s work: margo kane’s relentless search for the beginning of the glacier might serve as a metaphor for her search for self – a metaphor she transfers to each viewer. they then singularly participate in the struggle to understand from their position as viewer, fellow performer and partner, the shared ritualistic ceremonialism of deconstruction and reconstruction represented in the symbolic tearing down and rebuilding of both perceived reality and imposed reality of the experience. ( ) kane’s performance art piece is a little known work, preserved through the museum’s publication of cardinal-schubert’s reflections. i am intrigued by the way this piece exemplifies balme’s observations about the use of ritual in syncretic theatre, particularly the interruption of it and the use of the liminal space beside the ritual. i also find an interesting resonance with lines in 
 
 
 glissant’s poem, “movement, far from shores: theater”: “the rain/having scolded just as at the moment of the curtain/begins its dialogue with earth, of water” (collected poems ); both pieces focus on the use of water as enabling dialogue between distinct elements. this dialogue starts at the moment when mark announces that the camp needs to be moved and the audience must work together to dismantle and reassemble the lodge structure, surprising and possibly even disturbing the audience in it suddenness. this is a performance art piece, and so less constrained by the conventions of theatre but this part of the performance not only breaks the fourth wall but also expects the audience to pick up the theatrical staging and move it. this is a clear example of kane’s aesthetic use of movement to change audience expectations and perceptions. in introducing margo kane, i have established her current status as a senior artist in aboriginal performance in canada and considered her work in banff for its connection to the larger theme of movement i will trace throughout this thesis. although kane’s work has generated significant academic discussion, this overarching theme has yet to be fully considered, this is in part, i believe, due to a focus thus far on her performances over her off-stage work. in the next two chapters i will be examining some significant academic discussion concerning her work, which frames it as either postcolonial “writing back”, discusses it in semiotic terms as a discursive shifting of the gaze or considers the importance of her “soma text” in terms of hybridity theory. missing from the academic discussion is a documentation and analysis of the infrastructure creation, community support and aboriginal ensemble theatre training that kane has done since establishing full circle first nations performance in . chapters two and three will discuss the reverberations of levinasian ethics, glissant’s poetics of relation and balme’s syncretic theatre while tracing the concept of movement in her creative work. connections between lo and gilbert’s theory of intercultural theatre and kane’s community 
 
 
 work that can be considered an artistic movement for social change will be the topic of chapter four. 
 
 
 chapter two: journeying to the moonlodge in kane’s published plays, moonlodge and confessions of an indian cowboy, as well as in her performance art piece, memories springing, waters singing, she performs alone, embodying multiple characters, incorporating song, dance and movement. solo works are not unusual in canadian theatre – the small size of the production makes it easier and less expensive to stage and therefore makes sense in a country of such vast size and limited cultural spending. yet the solo nature of her shows cannot be simply understood as expedient. she is a woman performing alone, physically shifting between characters and giving voice to their perspectives. this is an example of levinas’ concept of infinity – the multiple and unending perspectives that exist in the world. in her plays, she also makes great use of humour, not just to share the pleasure of laughter with her audience but to invite them into the stories she is presenting. this is one of the ways the works can also be considered in terms of glissant’s relational identity. moonlodge, in particular, is a description of a search for identity, which in the end is created through the connections between women. moonlodge premiered at the women in view festival in vancouver in and then opened toronto’s native earth performing arts - season (kane “from the centre” , ). it has subsequently been performed across the us, canada, europe and australia (“full circle - performances”). the play opens with the sounds of women talking and laughing in cree and english. agnes, the main character, speaks about first being invited into the lodge by a woman named millie. she then flashes back to her childhood and remembers trying to get a bird out of the house with her mother. she embodies her mother, father and herself as a child, helping to make frybread for a family party. her father speaks about resistance to the state and is taken away. agnes is then also removed from the family in a scene depicting a frightening struggle: 
 
 
 there is a horrible image of agnes beating against the car window as she is taken away – with movement to mimic the trapped bird earlier in the scene. the dominant code shifts from spoken drama or dialogue to silent movement, indicating the lack of words to express the pain. sometimes, if something is not spoken or cannot be spoken, then it cannot be communicated to others and therefore people can pretend it did not happen. agnes’ silent movement at this moment gives more power to the horror and trauma of the incident and heightens the communication. agnes moves from foster home to foster home until a woman named aunt sophie takes her in. aunt sophie is a no-nonsense, outspoken woman who embarrasses agnes as she talks to people in the town yet also cares for her until she graduates high school. with aunt sophie kane introduces humour, as sophie compares agnes joining brownies to her learning about her tribal heritage. the brownies and the “indian” songs sung are the introduction to cultural stereotypes of aboriginal people. agnes sings, in quick succession, girl guide songs “my paddle” and “land of the silver birch,” hank williams’ “kaw-liga” and johnny preston’s hit “running bear.” she brings attention and a critique couched in humour to the stereotypes of aboriginal women as savage, tragic, subservient and sexy. she says she prefers sexy. she talks about not knowing any indian people growing up, having a crush on a boy from a reserve who drops out of school. once she graduates from high school, she decides to go to california – it is the s and that is where all the action is. she tells aunt sophie that she loves her and leaves. agnes gets into trouble on the road hitchhiking. she manages to get out of the first creepy ride without harm. the second encounter shows her romantic youth and naivety by having her get involved with a guy because of his shiny expensive motorbike. she is expecting love but gets raped. the rape scene is performed while the agnes character sings “in a high soprano” the 
 
 
 romantic song from my fair lady, “on the street where you live”. the juxtaposition of the young woman enamored of the muscular biker thinking they will have some loving physical contact and the brutal rape as she sings verses of this song is a powerful and poignant illustration of the loss of innocence. it can be seen as an indictment of the concept of romantic love as promoted by cultural norms that do not prepare women for reality. the song also makes the violent act being committed seem even more horrible. after the rape scene she simply says, “somehow i made it to santa fe,” as she crawls away (kane ). in santa fe she meets indians selling their artwork. she follows a man in blue cowboy boots who turns out to be an indian activist named lance. in discussing his political views, lance echoes her father’s words right before he was taken away. lance is on his way to a powwow and takes agnes along. she is welcomed and dances. she meets a woman named millie who gives her an eagle plume and helps her understand the importance of finding her family. the play ends with agnes telling of a dream that she has had of driving in a car with a bird trapped in it. she stops the car and then wraps the bird up and cradles it like a baby. the bird could be considered a metaphor for her sense of self – delicate, easily broken, frightened when caged but able to fly if free. the final image is of her comforting herself, holding herself close. an examination of the publications of the text of moonlodge highlights the ongoing nature of kane’s work. the first published version of the play is in the an anthology of canadian native literature in english, edited by daniel david moses [delaware] and terry goldie. published by oxford university press, the anthology is a scholarly text and includes forty-three writers dating from to as well as some undated traditional songs and orature. there is no introduction to moonlodge in this edition but there is a short biography of kane in the “notes on authors” section. in it she is described as an “actor, singer, 
 
 
 choreographer, director and teacher” and it lists some of her work, including playing the title role in the ecstasy of rita joe ( ). the next edition of the anthology, published in , includes fifty-nine writers. the text of the play is unchanged but her biography is expanded to include a short introduction to her work as a multidisciplinary artist, and quotes her explaining her creative process: i wanted to perform scripts that spoke to my humanity both as a native contemporary woman and as an artist. i began experimenting with style and technique using storytelling methods learned from formal western theatre and drawing on my experiences of story telling in the native community, formal and informal events. (kane ) the biography ends by emphasizing that she performs in rural and urban native communities and that her work is “socially relevant” and “empowering” ( ). in the third edition of the anthology, published in and slightly expanded to include sixty writers, the text still remains unchanged but the biography of kane which was at the end of the anthology, in the “notes on authors” section, is now included as an introduction to the play, making much more of a presence of her voice in explaining the context of her work. that there has been no change in the text of the play over the thirteen years since the first edition of the anthology makes it seem a fixed, static text, although, as an examination of another version shows, this is not so. moonlodge was also published in a collection called singular voices: plays in monologue form, edited by tony hamill ( ). the introduction to the play includes a biography of margo kane, which describes her work traveling to rural and urban native communities in canada. it also mentions her initiation of a forum in vancouver, “telling our own story: appropriation and indigenous writers/artists,” as well as her work on the racial equality and first people’s advisory committees for canada council. it highlights the recent 
 
 
 formation of her company, full circle: first nations performance, and the river-home video/performance installation. it notes that her work is to be included in the smithsonian institute’s inaugural exhibition for the new national museum of the american indian. this version includes a playwright’s preface to the play explaining the children’s aid practice of “scooping” children and the importance to many native people of finding their “way home” ( ). “it is hoped that moonlodge will be a part of the healing of our people. we have survived tremendous losses with a sense of humour, dignity and honour. we are capable of determining our own future and that of our children” ( ). the biographical introduction also includes a description of the creative process that led to the development of the script: mainly, that it was an oral story performed many times with input from multiple directors before it was finally scripted in for the native earth performing arts festival in toronto. kane describes it as a joyful and traumatic experience. i never considered myself a writer before this experience. i was a storyteller, animator, actor, cultural worker; so the challenge of writing and clarifying the intention of the work evolved through the years of performing it…asking ‘how many stories can you possibly tell at once?’ ( ) she then describes moonlodge as a “living, breathing piece of work” ( ). the script in the version is longer – the opening moment includes more women in the moonlodge and explains that it is a place where only women come for their moontime (menstrual period). this script moves into the bird incident with her mother through references to a ‘eating like a bird’ and a branch fluttering against the teepee. it is changed from the earlier version’s more humourous entrance where agnes awkwardly enters, excusing herself, looking for millie, and where millie’s hands are described as busy like a fluttering bird. 
 
 
 in the scene where agnes leaves home, aunt sophie catches her before she can go and agnes must speak directly to her. in the first version she leaves a note and calls from the road. this makes some sense because if aunt sophie is being portrayed as a powerful pushy woman, it is unlikely that she would let agnes go easily. changing the scene to have agnes say her goodbye in person significantly changes the dynamic between the two women and the characterization of agnes. the leave-taking in person is more respectful to aunt sophie, giving her a chance to try to influence agnes’ decision and also accept it. in the end this strengthens the bond between them, making it possible for agnes to return to sophie’s home someday. the scene also strengthens agnes’ character, showing her standing up to a powerful woman to get what she wants. there are also a few changes in the songs being sung in different places – “kaw-liga” now follows the “running bear” song. kane has also added john denver’s “leaving on a jet plane” right after agnes leaves aunt sophie, giving a bit more of a sense that she is somewhat sad to go. the stage directions now say, “agnes gets her suitcase and begins to sing, trying to decide what to do” (kane ). when she gets picked up by lance and asks him about the eagle feather on his rearview mirror, the line in the first published text was: “then lance tells me it was given to him. you can’t buy eagle feathers. they have to be given to you. the eagle is a very sacred bird, a messenger. you can’t go out and shoot an eagle for its feathers. the eagle will leave them for you” (kane ). in the second version, she notes the eagle feather and says, “i thought i’d sure like to have an eagle feather like that someday” (kane ). this cut makes the eagle feather a subtler dramatic symbol and then when millie gives her the plume at the end, it is more about a personal connection rather than a traditional ritual. this change is interesting. it perhaps 
 
 
 indicates kane’s stepping away from explaining traditional symbols and assuming that the audience that already knows about such things will understand the significance of the eagle feather gift and the audience that does not know will have a different experience. when she goes to sleep in the back of lance’s truck after dancing at the powwow, in the second version she is afraid of him: “she lays down facing ds, afraid of him” and “she lays with eyes open listening for his every move” ( ). she falls asleep only after he has left the truck. in the first version lance leaves her alone in the truck. i noticed when reading the first version that agnes did not seem to be afraid of lance, even though the biker had just raped her. it seemed strange to me, but i decided it was meant to show that either lance was a good man or that she felt safe at the powwow. leaving out the fear does make the rape seem like it is not resonating with the character – or that she is in denial about it. in this second version, having the character feel afraid even while enjoying herself at the powwow is a more subtle portrayal of the gender dynamics within aboriginal communities. it also shows agnes learning from her experiences when lance invites her to another powwow but she declines (kane ). the final scene in the moonlodge in the second version is more like the opening in the first version, with her awkwardly entering the lodge and looking for millie. she does still share her dream about the trapped bird but the last lines are changed. there is an addition of some description of the moonlodge and millie’s welcoming line happens at the end instead of before her dream. in the first version, having the dream speech at the end keeps the focus on agnes’ reconnection with her fragile self. in the second version, agnes recounts her dream with much more description and awareness of the women surrounding her in the lodge. the play then ends with millie saying, “welcome my girl. welcome to the circle” (kane ), cutting the line “we are grateful and thank the higher power that you are here” (kane ). this change 
 
 
 brings focus on agnes’ development of self as a part of a community of women and allows for a non-religious reading of the circle. in birgit däwes’ book native north american theater in a global age: sites of identity construction and transdifference ( ), she proposes in her discussion of kane’s moonlodge that the lack of specific time and place in the moonlodge “transcend[s] various borderlines of ethnic, national, tribal, and pan-tribal communities…extending the temporal dimension into present, past and timelessness” ( ). she acknowledges that it is possible to read the moonlodge as a place of gender construction and the sharing of gender-related knowledge ( - ), yet she also proposes that while at first glance moonlodge seems to replace the boundaries of tribal affiliation with a gender-oriented circle coded as traditionally indigenous, its structural and semiotic inclusiveness and the multiplicity of its meanings simultaneously subvert such exceptionalism. instead agnes’ identity is presented as an ongoing process of negotiation and dialogue…however the boundaries of this community are drawn much less by social and political labels, entities and institutions than by the performative choices of its members. it is the sharing of one’s stories rather than ethnic or tribal ties that widens the circle. (däwes ) i disagree with her assertion that the membership in the circle is open to anyone who is willing to share stories. i do agree with her that kane’s lack of specificity in time and space makes the moonlodge into a metaphor, but i think that, particularly in light of the revisions to the script in , kane’s focus is on women supporting each other in forming community. the second version is more focused on the women’s community and also portrays the male characters as more dangerous. the first version is more clearly about agnes’ development 
 
 
 as a person. the second has her developing within the context of the important women in her life, specifically: making the leave-taking with aunt sophie more tender, changing the way she tells millie about being taken away from her family when she first meets her, and then having her joining an existing circle of women at the end. kane’s changes to her script reflect an important theme in postcolonial philosophy. many works developed for the stage go through multiple versions usually indicating that the work is still in process. kane’s changes to moonlodge show the development of the work. i also believe that these differences between the published texts can be linked with levinas’ concepts of the saying and the said. a published script is an example of the said in that it has the stability of text – particularly the scholarly oxford university press anthology. once the works are compiled, if the editors do not re-engage with the playwright, they may not be changed in a subsequent edition. the text gains status as original, unchanging and in some ways as a piece of history. a live performance is more ephemeral and much more responsive in the present. this trace of the responsive, enabling readers to see the changes in the text, is an indication of the present and ‘sayingness’ of kane’s moonlodge, and its status, as she says in the preface to the edition, as “a living breathing piece of work” ( ). not only does kane respond to her audience by revising her creative work, but she also has engaged in a dialogue with the critical community writing about her work. in monique mojica’s introduction to the special issue of canadian theatre review dedicated to native theatre in the americas, she explains that the articles have been commissioned from within the native theatre community, “in the firm belief that we are articulate enough to talk about our own work, analyze our own trends, and interpret our own symbols” ( ). kane contributed to this special issue and was also active at this time in advocating for the re-centering of aboriginal 
 
 
 people in their own work as described in terrie hamazaki’s article for kinesis, “women in view: who’s telling whose story?” in march . the article covers a panel on cultural appropriation that is part of the women in view festival. it discusses “orientalizing”, “othering”, and quotes qualitative studies about visible and audible minorities on canadian television and the vancouver arts club stage. hamazaki then quotes kane directly: native actor margo kane asked, ‘who’s telling whose story?’ she described how her life experiences had given her ‘fuel-for-fire’ to risk making changes and related an instance when a non-native woman who had been more successful at getting the role of a native character asked kane, as her understudy, to teach her to play this role. “i’m angry…i can’t articulate my anger…we have to do our own representation…and tell our own stories in our own ways,” said kane. she added that native communities wanted solidarity rather than help from others in their struggles to achieve self-determination. ( ) clearly kane is working both creatively and politically to engage with discussions of how to make changes so that intercultural work can happen without further damage to aboriginal people. kane’s contribution to mojica’s canadian theatre review issue was “from the centre of the circle the story emerges,” a description of the process she used to create and perform moonlodge. in it she explains the importance of her relationships with women: it was the women at the centre of the native community, strong and enduring women, who provided me with answers to questions not yet formulated and ones that plagued my senses. they showed me it was possible to survive genocidal attempts on their lives with dignity and sensitivity and humour. ( ) 
 
 
 she explains that moonlodge was created from improvisation workshops with floyd favel and then re-worked and directed numerous times before being written down as a script. she also explains the importance of oral storytelling: “without a written script, i told the story over and over… it was a method not without its trauma. i loved to improvise, yet i didn’t have the trust in myself as yet to think i could really hold an audience for an hour all by myself” ( ). she defines the play clearly as a provocative performance rather than a polemic: “moonlodge is not about providing answers. it reveals no secrets of ancient rites of passage. it doesn’t tell all! it is performance, a demonstration of survival” ( ). she also identifies the spirit in which she offers the work and how she believes it should be accepted: sitting around a fire in the high desert mountains, watching for shooting stars, is a perfect time for storytelling. it can be a sober time when people release those stories they have held close to their chest for a long time. it is not a time for prying for more juicy details, for questions that bore deep into another’s personal vulnerability at their expense. it is a time to listen with awe and respect to mysteries of ancestors and dreams that challenge one’s intellect. it is a time to listen with your entire being, especially your heart. it is a time to feel privileged that they want to share with you… you may not understand but you respect the effort it has taken the storytellers to reveal themselves to you. ( italics mine) what strikes me most about this article is how kane is willing to be vulnerable in describing the process. she mentions her fears, explains that the creation of the play was an oral process and that she had anxiety about her writing. she credits the people who helped her process the work to the point that she could write it. she wants the story to be recognized as an offering of a 
 
 
 vulnerable self – given in reciprocation for other stories offered and with the hope of inspiring confidence in others to speak. kane’s “from the centre the story emerges” has since been republished and quoted in works about her and moonlodge, most recently in the books feminist theatre and performance and theatre in british columbia, both part of the critical perspectives in canadian theatre series published by playwrights canada press. susan bennett in her essay “diversity and voice: a celebration of canadian women writing for performance” includes a description of margo kane’s moonlodge in the section of the essay on “performing women.” she notes that the piece has been performed in theatres in toronto, banff and vancouver but also in native and inuit communities across canada. she also includes the lengthy quote from kane describing the experience of sitting with people in a circle, each person offering something of themselves. bennett describes kane’s work as an “invitation to listen – a contract from which we might learn much” ( ). there is a difference in her handling of kane’s work in this article compared to the analysis she offers of other women writers. she limits her analysis and mainly quotes kane’s article – clearly indicating that she wishes to allow kane to speak for herself. the largest quote in the article is the one i have just cited from kane’s description of her work and bennett’s only comment is: “notions of land and place are so crucial to native beliefs and practice, and kane’s moonlodge marks those connections as a powerful performative, one that is offered as a gift to her nation” ( ). kane’s article and the quotes from her used to introduce moonlodge in the different anthologies and in the critical works are examples of her efforts to place her work in a specific sociopolitical environment – that of a postcolonial indigenous woman who is both a creative artist and a critic. she is clearly concerned with “cultural hegemony that underlies imperial 
 
 
 systems of governance, education, social and economic organization, and representation” (lo and gilbert ). in some ways her work is targeted at an audience with shared concerns of gender, ethnicity and resistance to the dominant culture. moonlodge does, however, highlight rather than disguise shifts in traditional meaning, function and the value of cultural fragments – as in the moments of cultural appropriation at the powwow by what lance calls the “wannabee” tribe or when agnes represents the various stereotypes of indians based on misunderstood cultural fragments. the reclaiming of cultural fragments is also noticed by renate eigenbrod in her discussion of moonlodge in “evangeline, hiawatha and a jewish cemetery: hi/stories of interconnected and multiple displacements,” published in in the journal of postcolonial writing. she seeks to understand “the complex relationship between the material reality of displacements in the hi/story of …acadians, aboriginal people of north america and jewish people – and their discursive significance in the work of henry wadsworth longfellow” by identifying a “sentimental racism” and an “extinction discourse” in longfellow’s work ( ). she uses kane’s moonlodge as an example of “writing back” to longfellow’s the song of hiawatha. eigenbrod contextualizes kane’s play about the search for identity, explaining that colonization led to a “double displacement,” meaning the loss of land as well as the removal of children from families ( ). she recognizes the importance of a single actor performing all the characters as emphasizing the complex identity construction of agnes, the main character ( ). kane, she says, [e]xposes the phoniness of depictions of “indians” in imaginary constructs by writers like longfellow and, at the same time, she accepts all of these as part of her story and history…[this] all-inclusive identity construction in [her] narrative may be considered 
 
 
 another strategy of ‘writing back’, re-framing disempowering and fragmenting experiences of colonization in a world view of interrelatedness. ( ) in this critical analysis of longfellow, it is not enough to identify the racism of his work, but also the effects of his well circulated writing which promoted an “extinction discourse” ( ) as well as the colonialist fantasy of “auto-genocide” (brantlinger in eigenbrod ). eigenbrod explains, using the contemporary artistic voices of colonized people, that although the scholar can identify this problem, these artists have already responded in their own ways. i find her focus on kane’s accepting of history and the inclusive nature of her identity-construction to be useful in understanding the nuances of the play, with its one actor playing several characters in order to explore and appropriate, using humour and sarcasm, pervasive stereotypes of first nations people. i consider eigenbrod’s article an example of a literary analysis of kane’s text, which through a close reading finds a complexity to respect while considering her work in a postcolonial context. eigenbrod’s analysis of the acceptance of all the types of identity also fits in with levinas’ theory of totality and infinity – they are not opposed and exclusive of each other but co-exist. in “making relations visible in native canadian performance,” an essay published in siting the other: re-visions of marginality in australian and english-canadian drama ( ), rob appleford is much more focused on the theatricality of dramatic works. he argues, “by making the relations between performer, story and audience visible, native playwrights and performance artists articulate a sense of self that is at once multivalent and grounded, both destabilizing passive definitions of identity and championing active subjectivity” ( ). he considers the “sites of reception” to be crucial to the understanding of native performance and wants to examine the “desires and ideologies that influence how non-natives perceive native 
 
 
 theatre” ( ). to discuss these ideas, appleford uses kane’s moonlodge, daniel david moses’ almighty voice and his wife and floyd favel’s lady of silence. his analysis of kane’s play focuses on the sections where she embodies agnes’ efforts to find identity – the hollywood indians and brownie songs. he also points out how the miming of a scream “the audience is not permitted to hear” when the character agnes is taken away from her parents denies the audience inclusion in the character’s pain/self ( - ). this connects with glissant’s proposal of the importance of opacity in postcolonial relations. some things are private and not to be shared. appleford uses a modern form of semiotics that is informed by reception theory and a feminist use of lacan’s concept of the gaze to understand the changing representation of identity that can occur in aboriginal theatre. this reading/viewing of aboriginal performance and the purposeful evasion of a fixed gaze definitely makes sense when considering kane’s plays. by examining the various published versions of the text of moonlodge, kane’s comments on her creative process and her sociopolitical intentions as well as critical response to it, we can begin to see how kane’s work can be considered postcolonial and why it is important to understand it in this way. because of her sharp focus on the importance of women in community as well as the inclusion of the theme that lo and gilbert have identified as the narrative of origin and loss in this play, her work could be ghettoized as women’s or ethnic theatre. instead, it is clear that kane has an intention of ‘writing back’. she is aware of the power of the cultural fragments that have been appropriated and re-writes them. she is also aware of what she is willing to share in an intercultural setting while she creates new texts and theatre practices. most importantly though, it is clear that in the orality and constantly developing responsive nature of her work she is resistant to the dominant cultural impulse to claim total understanding and authority. 
 
 
 chapter three: being on the edge of a new frontier: confessions of an indian cowboy as discussed in the previous section focusing on kane’s moonlodge, her published creative work evades a fixed form by using multiple characterizations performed by the single actor avoiding rigid meanings. in this section i will move on to kane’s next published work, confessions of an indian cowboy, which is again available in two differing print versions. this play shifts away from the focus on identity creation and aboriginal women in community displayed in moonlodge, yet still features the work-in-process, open-ended style. it further explores the results of intercultural relations. after examining the two published versions, i will explore the elements of music, humour and movement in the work as they elucidate glissant’s concepts of relational identity and rhizomatic form. confessions of an indian cowboy is a family story. all the main characters represented are related by birth or marriage – we have kokum and old man as the grandparents of ruby who is the result of an intercultural relationship between rodeo princess mom and cowboy dad. there is also a character called indian cowboy who is identified as an uncle in the first version but, as i will explain, is a more malleable character in the second version. each character tells fragments of the story and their versions of how ruby’s parents got together, and what happens after her mother dies. the emphasis in the play is on ruby’s life and status as a mixture of cowboy and indian. she is at times portrayed as a wild pony that eventually gets tamed by a cowboy. having two different versions of the script to work with -- one published much more recently than the other – i am tempted to validate the latest version. however, i will examine and comment on the differences between the two versions considering both as valid texts that offer remnants of performance. 
 
 
 the first version, in dramétis: three métis plays, edited by greg young-ing [cree] and leanne flett kruger [cree/ métis], was published by theytus books in penticton bc in . the introduction calls the play a work in progress, and describes its production history – first produced in at main dance in vancouver and the en-owkin centre in penticton and then in whistler in . significantly, the text is preceded by three pages of production photos, unlike the other two plays in the anthology. i think this may be the editor’s indication that the text of the performance is not enough to explain the work. extensive editorial notes precede the script: the evolution of this script is still on going. this version will undergo more drafts. it is the nature of margo’s works to begin in an experimental state first …her work is rooted in oral storytelling traditions and therefore improvisation is at the heart of her work. the story remains the same but the way it is told varies slightly with every telling…she likes to use audience response as part of the show as a stand-up comedian might…the style of this piece was developed from margo’s way of script development that begins in the body as improvisation, with and without voice, with and without text. the extended movement is often non-literal and subsequently the movement for ruby is her text; just as the other characters use a hybrid of aboriginal storytelling and commedia ‘del arte clown characters to share their perspectives. (kane ) this introductory note touches on many important aspects of kane’s work. first, the idea that, although this is a published text, the work will still change; second, the nature of the development of her work, which is through movement of the body and third, the importance of movement for a central character in the play. 























































 
theytus books is canada’s oldest publisher of indigenous books and is first nations owned and operated.
 
 
 
 the first version of the play opens with the kokum/old man, who is “one and the same character,” entering through the audience and visiting with them ( ). the character then sings and chants a song about walking the long red road. kane then changes costume to become ruby who is “moving throughout” as she takes a drink and then explains that she does not know which path to take. she then starts running back and forth becoming a wild pony ( - ). the pony runs through forests and hills, through fields to the edge of town and then the edge of a dark canyon where she stands. the canyon is a dark place of internal judgment and criticism, externally symbolized by a battle between “cowboys and indians”. the music shifts and there is the sound of a telephone ringing, while kane becomes the indian cowboy who speaks about land as a place for production and “moving from job to job until i got a hankerin’ for settlin’ down” ( ). old man/kokum then returns and talks about being pushed out; some people agreed to take pieces of land allotted in treaties while others kept moving, eventually squatting in road allowances ( ). kokum then speaks about her husband’s work to support the family and tells a joke about two cowboys seeing an indian from far away. the older one tells the younger one not to shoot at first, when he is far away and only visible as a small figure. once he gets close enough, and the older cowboy gives the younger one permission to shoot, he cannot do it, because he has known the indian since he was small ( - ). ruby then returns, remembering childhood times playing in the mud and dressing up in her mother’s fancy clothes, which leads to a brief cameo of the rodeo princess/mom character winning her crown. she makes a speech to her fans – undercutting the fluffy tone with a political view: “i see how large our communities have grown and how we can take over this fair land that was always ours anyways. oops” ( ). kokum and ruby then introduce cowboy dad, who describes working, and dancing with the rodeo princess at the bar. 
 
 
 the play then moves into kokum/old man disapproving of the match and ruby wondering about her family tree. kokum says, “we don’t have a family tree. we got family bushes” ( ), and proceeds to describe the various mixing that has happened in their family between cree, saulteaux, chinese, french, and english. ruby is distressed by her apparent lack of belonging and old man offers to fight. ruby then starts feeling like she is sinking in mud. the first act ends with the indian cowboy capturing a wild pony. act two opens again with a comic scene: old man/kokum hosts a community radio show, giving lessons on how to be an indian. the scene ends with old man dancing a jig and then moves into a somber scene discussing the death of the rodeo princess. ruby talks about her mother’s death and then tries to outrun it, turning into a pony and describing how she wanted to be a cowboy. she then changes into her father who talks about moving to where the work is, and reads a passage from a louis l’amour novel while the musicians play ennio morricone’s score from “the good, the bad and the ugly”. cowboy dad gives ruby a ride on a carousel and then he is gone. kokum says he is off in search of another frontier and sings hank williams’ song, “mama don’t let your babies grow up to be cowboys”. ruby feels lost, stumbling around, tired of being in the middle of a battle. the stage directions then call for kokum/rodeo princess/ruby to sing john prine’s “angel from montgomery” ( ). after the song kokum/old man grieves the losses of people, buffalo and land and wonders who will be left to remember once everything is gone. ruby then describes the mix of music her ancestors have given her. kokum reinforces the mixing that has happened for so many years and the indian cowboy decides to move on – wondering what to bring and what to leave behind. in ruby’s final speech she describes being in a field: first she is running (like a wild pony), then she changes the verb to riding (as a human on a horse). the change in verb indicates an acceptance 
 
 
 of humanity (both her own and others) ( ). the play then ends with a reel and ruby singing cher’s song “halfbreed” with the band. the first version of the play is split up into two acts comprised of thirty-six sections. fifteen of the sections are ruby speaking, fourteen kokum/old man and the remainder split up between the other characters. kane has one woman play her ancestors, changing costumes and characters onstage in full view of the audience. they are all in her, parts of her to be revealed. the combination of the wild pony/girl character works well to represent youth and vitality. the portrayal of this mixed character running and exploring and then being caught is both beautiful and sad. the comedy invites the audience in and gives the play a warmth. as she moves between characters, kane draws attention to the theatricality and performativity of both race and gender. it is interesting to consider the frontier, which is constantly being renewed by economically motivated movement, as homi bhabha’s third space where cultures come together. ruby expresses both the pain and the promise of the hybrid in the third space. a hybrid person must manage the battles within family, friends and self, yet mutual acceptance can lead to action and creativity. the second version of the text was published in in volume two of staging coyote’s dream: an anthology of first nations drama in english, edited by ric knowles and monique mojica. kane’s introductory note is left out, as are the photos, and instead knowles and mojica describe kane’s career and the production history of the play, and include a short analysis of some of the themes: “a history of encounter, of loss, of pleasure and of pain” ( ). this script skips the first three pages of the kokum/old man introduction and instead gives a quick introduction of each of the characters, starting with the indian cowboy, then kokum/old man, ruby, and finally the rodeo princess. 
 
 
 music is still integrated into the show; it now opens and closes with the folk song “red river valley” ( ). also included is the eagles’ “witchy woman” ( ), the spiritual “golden slippers” ( ) and cher’s “halfbreed” sung by kokum midway through the play, after her speech about cultural purity ( ). “angel from montgomery” ( ) is still sung, but after the death of rodeo princess and by kokum alone. the rodeo princess’ death comes shortly after the pony capture sequence and ruby’s pony riding. ruby changes her riding rope into a noose, possibly indicating that the death is a suicide. kokum/old man then talks of loss. from this scene of mourning, the play then moves into the humour of the radio show. the play now opens and closes with the indian cowboy character talking about “movin’ camp”. he says, “it’s like being on the edge of a new frontier. havin’ to move out into new territory. movin’ camp. whadda ya take with you? whadda ya leave behind? it’s never easy” ( ). at the conclusion he adds “but you know there’ll be new stories to share around the campfire. learnin’ new songs. makin’ new songs together. it’s the sharin’ of the journey together that’s gonna make the journey easier” ( ). half of the thirty sections of the second version are titled for ruby and the indian cowboy, twelve are now kokum/old man and the other three are the cowboy dad and the rodeo princess. at the end of the play, ruby and the indian cowboy merge into one character – before she speaks, the stage directions say: “picks up indian cowboy’s hat” ( ). she then talks about a world that wants to categorize her and she identifies herself: “i am an indian cowboy. a living treaty” ( ). there are no stage directions for movement or a change in costume. then the indian cowboy speaks about leaving, and learning new stories and making new songs. 
 
 
 the version is much more concise and has a more clear plot line involving the coming together of cultures and the capturing of the pony. there is loss with the death of the rodeo princess, then resilience and carrying on. it ends with hope of making new songs and sharing a journey. the difference between the two versions is significant. much of the same material is included, but cut down by about fifteen per cent. the order of the scenes is different, and now there are two characters made up of male and female: kokum/old man and ruby/indian cowboy. in knowles and mojica’s introduction, they list four more productions since , including a tour in australia for the dreaming international indigenous performing arts festival ( ). kane continues to develop the performance as she engages with new artists and audiences. she responds to her audiences’ reactions as a performer in the midst of a production, and then further responds as she changes the text of the play that represents the performance. it is clear that she is continually open to dialogue and is still saying her piece in a levinasian formulation. at this point, a more thorough examination of glissant’s poetics of relation will be of help in understanding the role of music, humour and movement in the play. j. michael dash translates and interprets glissant’s poetics of relation to mean an “emphasis on proliferation, excess, exuberance, becom[ing] naturalized in a world of uncertainty and indeterminacy. the ideal text then becomes a kind of hyper-text which is not unidirectional or fixed but a web of segments that are interactive and polyvocal” ( ). this is a very good description of kane’s confessions of an indian cowboy. further, he explains that identity needs to be re-imagined: “the old mechanisms of identity, the traditional process of recognition and delineation, can no longer be maintained in a situation of cultural chaos. identity is no longer stable and becomes threatened by otherness” ( ). instead, glissant explains a new way of considering 
 
 
 identity: “ ‘root identity’ is typified by a central, predatory downward-growing shaft. ‘rhizome identity’ is characterised by horizontal encounter, not depth” ( ). at the beginning of this play, ruby is bewildered by her choices. she has many paths that she can take, her connections to multiple characters are staged and, as noted above, when she asks her kokum “where do family trees grow? do we have one?” the response is: “no, we don’t have a family tree. we got family bushes, bramble bushes, tangled overgrown bramble bushes” ( ). birgit däwes also quotes this section of the play when she is commenting on genealogy and family in native north american theatre: “these differentiations of family are particularly relevant for the context of native north american identity during a long history of intercultural encounters…this non- linear, heterogeneous notion of kinship is also phrased metaphorically by margo kane in her play confessions of an indian cowboy ( )” ( ). the rhizomatic form is clearly identified in this play, and recognized by däwes, as an element of native north american theatre. music in the play is a representation of this kind of growing network of connections. kane is in one way performing solo but at the same time she is on stage with three musicians: a fiddler dressed as a métis voyageur, a guitarist dressed as a cowboy and a percussionist dressed as an indian ( : ). these musicians provide original music composed for the dance/movement segments as well as to underscore some of the monologues. as the first version of the play ends, the music becomes more of a focus: kokum sings ed and patsy bruce’s song (popularized by waylon jennings and willie nelson) “mama don’t let your babies grow up to be cowboys” ( ), then kokum/rodeo princess/ruby – three generations singing in one body -- sing “angel from montgomery” ( ). the show ends with two songs, first a reel, “smash the window,” and then “halfbreed”, which the ruby character sings ( ). the progression of the music is an indication of the increase in harmony between the characters, 
 
 
 a heightening of pleasure and the confidence shown when a character belts out a song. the second version of the play also has a focus on the songs, sometimes given to a different character to sing, but in this version they match the mood more closely: e.g., kokum sings “halfbreed” after she talks about cultural purity ( ) “angel from montgomery” is sung after the death of the rodeo princess ( ); and, as stated above, the play opens and closes with the music of “red river valley,” a melancholy song about leave-taking ( , ). the connection between music and intercultural mixing is most clear in ruby’s final speech in the first version. she is talking of the confusion and tension of being expected to declare an allegiance to one side or another but not being able to choose because of the cultural mixing in her blood, which she compares to a river flowing over stones: (music: drumbeat) smooth round stones bouncing along with currents as old as the canyons along which they speed, currents that carve pathways through soft sedentary rock, rock that is varied in its mineral content, as varied as the kinds of life it supports, the blood is as varied as…the music (music: add fiddle and guitar) which my father’s father carried with him from his irish scot’s homelands, that mingled with the drum and chant from my mother’s people, the cree and saulteaux. the dance which was shared around cold winter nights, the camps alive with their frolicking, camps alive with camaraderie despite their differences. this is what i want to remember. ( - ) in the second version, this speech is shortened but the sense of cultural mixing through the sharing of music is still present ( ). the importance of the music is clear at this climax of the play. ruby declares her decision not to choose an allegiance while the matching of the 
 
 
 meaning of the words to the sounds of the music emphasizes the connection of the musical code along with the dialogic. another, perhaps less evident, use of glissant’s concept of rhizomatic identity and horizontal growth is kane’s use of humour throughout the play. one way that humour works is by identifying something that the audience also recognizes and then shifting it. this could be considered as looking at something from the perspective of one node of the rhizome and then shifting to another, still connected but separate space and re-looking from that perspective. the first version of the play has more humour. it opens with humour right away as kokum/old man work the audience. one of the lines is: “that forest you call stanley park. we call it woejdojfkjfoflk;lskpfapoelfmsm! why do you have to rename everything?” ( ). public discourse about the renaming of indigenous lands is a political issue and by mentioning it she connects with the audience and then makes the joke about the unpronounceable names. she shifts the tone; her humour is about altering perspective and surprise. kane is self-deprecating at a time when there is great awareness about not being disrespectful to aboriginal culture, using her position as an insider to make the jokes. in the first version she also has old man chant in his opening song: “all creation and all its creatures know me/i run with the buffalo/i dance with the deer/i play with the antelope/i burrow with the groundhog” ( ). a few scenes later she makes the buffalo bill joke about killing an indian ( - ). these lighter moments are cut from the second version, definitely changing the tone from a bit of a stand-up comedy act to more of a cohesive play. there are some funny moments included in both versions: rodeo princess speaking to her admirers about “taking back the land that was always ours anyway” ( - : ); the “how to be an indian” lessons and radio show ( - : - ); and, although the order has been changed, the irresistible singing of cher’s 
 
 
 “halfbreed” ( : ). kane appropriates this bizarre s pop culture iconography, and then by changing the perspective heightens its ridiculous nature. i contend that the humour in the play, along with the music, can be considered the connections between the developing nodes of the rhizome. the perspectives are different, but through music and humour, audiences are encouraged to move back and forth between them. as music and humour allow movement between perspectives that kane offers in the play, it is also essential to examine the role of physical movement of the body. as kane explains in her opening notes to the first version, her creative process first comes from movement and “the movement for ruby is her text” ( ). we can find traces of the movement by reading the didascalia, exemplified in this description of the ruby character first appearing on stage: ruby removes kokum’s skirt and shawl, scarf slides around neck. places them reverently over fence, memories of her family and their stories rise to the surface of her mind. she crosses to campfire, crosses to water pail, drinks from the dipper, then lets the rest of water dribble into the pail. looks around. ( ) descriptions of movement are also found in the details of costume/character shifting, as from old man to kokum: “costume – old man removes coat revealing kokum who takes scarf from around neck and covers her head, tying it under her chin. kokum moves cross stage to sit on stump at campfire. she drinks from tin cup and stares off for a while before speaking ( ). these movements are key to understanding the co-existence of the characters. movement defines ruby’s character. she is unsure of which way to turn at the beginning of the play and then later becomes a wild pony, running to the edge of a canyon. the physical movement of ruby’s character in particular and the moving between characters through kane’s shifting of her body, voice and costume help to create meaning in the play. in michelle la 
 
 
 flamme’s phd dissertation, “living, writing and staging racial hybridity” (ubc ), she uses both kane’s moonlodge and confessions of an indian cowboy to analyze the performance of a hybrid soma text body as one which signifies hybridity. la flamme developed the term soma text to draw attention to the range of visual clues that are based on the whole body of the mixed race person...together these two words signify the ways in which the ambiguous signifiers of a racially hybrid body are "read," like a text, given specific ideological value and acquire different meaning in diverse sites. ( ) her research is focused on determining the centrality of embodiment in hybrid narratives in canadian literature as well as drama. la flamme both cites and agrees with appleford’s argument that avoiding a fixed gaze and making visible the looking relations in an intercultural performance are essential to understanding these types of plays. although kane’s moonlodge is about the search for identity rather than a biracial experience, la flamme uses it in her thesis because appleford’s theorizing about kane’s reversal of the gaze supports her theories regarding the discursive power available in the embodied soma text on stage ( - ). in her analysis of confessions of an indian cowboy, la flamme explains that “kane is literally placing her biracial soma text on stage and inviting the audience's racialized gaze to witness her transformation as her persona comes to embrace a third space paradigm that is both ‘cowboy’ and ‘indian’ ” ( ). kane performs multiple characters in this play as she does in moonlodge; in contrast however, the topic of this play is the hybrid identity and all of the characters played are related to each other. part of the brilliance of the play is this physical representation of all of the people who make up one person. helen gilbert and joanne tompkins in post colonial drama: theory, practice, politics, 
 
 
 also note the significance of one actor playing multiple roles, and how the fluid movement and role changes “emphasize the performativity of the body and thus frustrate viewers’ desire for a fixed and unitary subject” ( ). they further explain how this type of performance makes the body more malleable and stretching of the borders of corporeality not only claims theatrical and, by implication, cultural space for the post-colonial subject, but also expresses his/her expansive and flexible identities. the strategic use of form emphasizes the manipulations of the body on stage, as simultaneously split and multiple subjectivities develop into sites that disrupt the colonizer/colonized binary. ( ) as these writers point out, the physical body of the performer enacting the multiple characters is a structural use of movement that complicates the audience members’ viewing and understanding of the experience. in the first version of the play, ruby’s last speech has her describing being in a field. first she says she is running (like a wild pony), and then the verb changes to riding (as a human on a horse). the change in verb indicates an acceptance of humanity (both her own and others): “i imagine running, no riding across…riding like the wind. these lands. full of all us creatures breathing and feeding and growing...crawling and walking…sailing…jigging and reeling!” ( ). this listing of verbs, signifying movement, further strengthens the focus on change and process. at the end of her speech the fiddler plays a reel – which is music that almost involuntarily causes movement. the movement in the play is also a physical manifestation of the importance of travel, or moving on in frontier-style cowboy culture or nomadic aboriginal culture. old man, who talks about moving because the settlers kept coming, refers to this in the play: “mostly they just 
 
 
 moved west to continue their way of life. travel where the game was. it was west and more west. the country was being developed and finally many people ended up livin’ in the road allowances” ( : ). cowboy dad, who moves on after the rodeo princess dies, also demonstrates the essential nature of movement in cowboy culture. if we return to glissant’s poetics of relation, we can see that he defines “the experience of relation… expressed as créolisation… in terms of the accidental, the unpredictable… ‘an unprecedented dimension which allows each one to be here and elsewhere, rooted and open’” (dash ). this is a concept essential to confessions of an indian cowboy. ruby is a hybrid character, eventually in the second version even merging with the indian cowboy. her identity is unpredictable and needs to be created through connections both here and elsewhere, rooted and open. in the final speech in the second version, when ruby/indian cowboy talks of moving on, asking, “whadda you take with you? whadda you leave behind?” he/she is talking about rootedness. then, when she/he says “there will be new stories to share around the campfire. learnin’ new songs, makin’ new songs together,” the emphasis is on the openess ( ). my analysis of the two versions of confessions of an indian cowboy presents another example of kane’s method of continual response and revision, which i argue is evidence of the open nature of her creative process. this second one-woman multi-character performance is also an excellent example of a form that utilizes multiple perspectives that are linked and communicating, through music, humour and movement. celia britton, in Édouard glissant and postcolonial theory: strategies of language and resistance, explains the concept of relation in this way: “relation is, among other things, a principle of narration: what is ‘related’ is what is told. and it is also what is relayed from one person to another, forming a chain or network of narrative ‘relations’ ” ( ). in thinking of this, one can consider confessions of an indian
 
 
 
 cowboy as a play that is related orally by a number of relations, and just like traditional orature, can change with each telling.
 in my next chapter, i continue to explore the importance of movement in kane’s work, but in the context of her efforts to establish a horizontally organized aboriginal performing arts infrastructure in vancouver. she continues to move audiences but now she is also working to move performers, institutions and even government bureaucracies. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 chapter four: speaking of full circle first nations performance and the talking stick festival in february , i began volunteering for full circle first nation’s annual talking stick festival. the experience started very easily, by my filling out a volunteer application online. next i was invited to attend an “orientation/cultural gathering” at the roundhouse. we sat in a circle as kane spoke of the origins of the festival and the company. a man then welcomed us, drumming and singing a song. from the quick comings and goings of the staff, it was clear that they were very busy with preparations. nevertheless, i felt acknowledged and in a space that had been created purposefully for welcoming newcomers. for the rest of the meeting, the volunteer coordinator explained the jobs to be done and what to expect as a volunteer. there were approximately twenty-five volunteers present. my first shift was the “aboriginal writers” storytelling series with tea and bannock at the first nations house of learning (fnhl) at ubc. it was a pay-what-you-can event and i worked the door, greeting people and making sure the donation can was visible. this was my introduction to both the fnhl and a talking stick festival event; i felt welcome and like i could be of use. having never been to a talking stick event before and also knowing very few people, i was glad to have a clear purpose. i did not feel like an out of place observer, but instead like a (very minor) support. i particularly loved the combination of storytelling and sharing of food. despite the large space and the gathering of two hundred or so it felt friendly. part of the performance experience was sharing tea brewed from local plants and served by ethnobotanist/media artist/educator and artist cease wyss [skwx’u mesh]. i volunteered for a few more events that year and in reflecting on that first festival, i realize that i felt welcome, but also, at times, uncomfortable. i was outside of my usual sphere. 
 
 
 there were many times when i was not sure what i was supposed to be doing. there were many occasions when i was experiencing something totally new and i had to be present and attentive at all times. as i come to the end of my thesis research on kane and her community work, linda tuhiwai smith’s statement, from decolonizing methodologies, that “indigenous research is a humble and humbling activity,” resonates with me ( ). after volunteering in , i felt like i had lots to learn, and was grateful for the inviting space. the talking stick festival is not a bureaucratically manufactured educational or cross-cultural opportunity – the purpose is to create a social movement which will provide a space for contemporary aboriginal performing arts, healing the aboriginal community and helping to shift from an existence defined by colonial hierarchies to a self-defined postcolonial one. there is a need for support to make this happen. this need, as well as my interest in the larger project of postcolonial theatre, has led me to continue to volunteer. thus far in this thesis, after outlining my purpose and the postcolonial theatrical context i am working within, i have given an overview of kane’s career. i discussed the sayingness or infinity in the resistance to totality as exemplified in moonlodge as a play, both through its publication in different editions and through kane’s engagement in ongoing critical discussion around her work and cultural appropriation. i have outlined the ways in which glissant’s rhizomatic/relational identity concept is useful in considering confessions of an indian cowboy. here i will continue considering the importance of the rhizomatic structure – but within the arts infrastructure organizing that kane has been doing. this concept has proven valuable in my attempts to survey and understand kane’s broader arts organizing and context. i will also further address the intercultural nature of her work, examining how it fits lo and gilbert’s proposed model and how that model fits with deleuze’s concept of milieu (or middle) as articulated in his 
 
 
 work on bene’s theatre. i will demonstrate how kane’s method of organizing runs counter to the dominant cultural vision of a performing arts company or institution. she is organizing a network of performers and audiences to heal the aboriginal community, acknowledging the actuality of intercultural sharing and working to create a safer and more equal space that privileges the aboriginal performer and audience but welcomes the non-aboriginal ally. this leads to an understanding of contemporary aboriginal performance that is not mediated by the mainstream media but recognizes the creative originality of aboriginal artists while they work with their traditions and at the same time respond to the contemporary world. this is all complicated by the availability to the general public of a mix of interactive social media and web-based information, through the company’s facebook page, twitter account and website. however, before i go much further with my analysis of full circle and the talking stick festival, based on my research through reading as well as through personal experience and interview, i need to establish my position. i came to this research topic after studying kane’s play in an academic setting and volunteering at the talking stick festival in . my relationship with the company has been developing over three years, but in a very limited capacity. i have volunteered for approximately thirty hours over the three years, corresponded by email with various company members, known the tsf volunteer coordinator for over ten years, and spent about two hours with margo kane in an interview. in order to interview kane for my thesis i had to pass a ubc behavioural research ethics review board process and kane signed an informed consent form. but as linda tuhiwai smith explains, “consent is not so much given for a project or specific set of questions, but for a person, for their credibility. consent indicates trust and the assumption is that the trust will not only be reciprocated but constantly negotiated – a dynamic relationship rather than a static 
 
 
 decision” ( ). i am a bit of a shy person, but not overly, yet i still feel unsure of my position when interacting with the company. the times when i was most comfortable were definitely when i’ve been a volunteer, clearly appreciated by the staff. i have felt very awkward in requesting time for my research specifically. i think this would be the case for me regardless of whose time i was asking for, but it is definitely heightened in this research situation where i am an outsider in various ways – not a theatre artist but an academic researcher, not aboriginal but of settler descent. i feel that i have built some relationships over the years – when i see some members of the company on the street, we stop and chat, but i am still very much getting to know the company and kane. this is a process, still being negotiated and ongoing. what i present in this chapter is a reflection on my experiences thus far, with the acknowledgment that my perspective is limited. in order to acknowledge the multiple ways that full circle is working to build a social movement through its performance company, i would like to explain some of the main ways, beyond attending events, that the company invites community or audience interaction. first i will review some of the information that is available through the full circle first nations website and then i will follow up with the results of the interview i did with kane in january . kane established the performance company in after having worked in theatre, film, television and performance art for many years. “full circle speaks of many images: full gathering of people – all races, cultures, communities, perspectives; completeness, inclusiveness, wholeness; the completeness of a journey; unceasing movement – no beginning or ending” (“about us” n.p.). it is not surprising to me that the company’s mission statement reflects the levinasian concepts of totality/said (“completeness”) and infinity/sayingness (“unceasing movement”). the company documents also explain the importance of working with first nations 
 
 
 traditions in the context of contemporary interdisciplinary techniques. the website is a useful site of information about the full circle company, its history and the talking stick festival, offering opportunities for reading about and viewing their work. the website also includes some interactive elements: offering people opportunities to become a member of full circle (free), sign up for the newsletter, donate money or buy a ticket to a performance, as well as providing links to their facebook page, twitter feed and youtube channel. the interactive parts are mainly to enable donations. the social media are used to offer more current (even daily or hourly) accounts of the company’s activities. while these things could be termed interactive in that they allow the user to choose images to view, posts to read and (on facebook) a chance to post comments, they do not really foster interpersonal relationship building. they seem mainly like a more immediate way of presenting ongoing activities that are not filtered through another media source. i can imagine that if one already felt connected to members of the company, this would be a way of interacting (or perhaps if i had grown up in the online world, i would understand the more interactive possibilities of this sphere). the social media could also be considered a manifestation of the constant work in progress and saying. after volunteering for various talking stick festival events, reading kane’s plays, briefly meeting with her when she was artist-in-residence at ubc in - as well as seeing her perform in where the blood mixes, i requested an interview with her. i sent her the interview script that breb had approved (see appendix one) in advance, but when we spoke, we didn’t cover all of the topics that i originally outlined. this was a purposeful strategy – i wanted to introduce topics relevant to my research, but also let her speak without leading her to 
 
 
 only answer my questions . we spoke for over an hour and she explained the work she has done over the last eighteen years to keep the company going, the reasons for the various projects and the future direction of the talking stick festival as well as her own creative work. of particular interest to my study were her thoughts on the structural form of the company necessary for working within a community and the challenges that has created for funding; on the shift towards embedding the talking stick festival in a physical neighbourhood; on her experiences with intercultural performance; and on the necessity of creative work in the aboriginal community while acknowledging the sacrifice she has made in her own creative work to build this infrastructure. all of these points lead to a further understanding of her community work with which she intends to help move aboriginal culture towards a more dynamic relationship with contemporary postcolonial canadian society. kane began by speaking about the formation of the company. she explained that she thought she formed it rather late in her career – she was in her early forties -- and that she has wondered if she would ever see all of her work come to fruition. initially, she focused her comments on the funding for the company and her frustrations with not being recognized for the work she was doing. “we’re just not a traditional theatre company per se and we’re much more…we’ve got a lot of different kinds of perspectives around creating work and creating audience and working with the community to inspire them to want to become part of what we’re doing.” she then went on to describe specifically the challenge that she faced with canada council theatre funding: 























































 
i
directed
the
conversation
to
four
topics:
the
founding
of
fcfnp;
the
invitation
to
 participate
that
seems
to
be
a
theme
running
through
her
work;
the
necessary
nature
of
 creative
work;
and
her
experiences
of
cross‐cultural
performance.

 
 
 
 we weren’t being seen for the work we were doing. they expected us to do a season of work…in a certain fashion. and it didn’t matter what i explained. there’s a built-in bias, an automatic bias. … so we kind of had to get grants from all over the place. it was really exhausting actually…writing that many grants for your small programming. this statement is supported by the information available on federal government websites about grants allocated to full circle (see figure ). they received the largest amount of money ($ , ) in (which is also the year the company received the least number of separate grants). the types and number of grants that the administrators of the company have applied for and received over the years are extensive. according to the canada council reports, besides grants for aboriginal arts and for theatre organizations, full circle has received grants for writing and publishing ( / ); music ( / / ); audience and market development ( ); director of the arts ( / ) and outreach ( ). in they began receiving small grants from inter-arts: $ , in , increasing to $ , in . inter- arts is a section of canada council that funds “integrated and contemporary circus arts professionals and arts organizations” (“canada council: inter-arts”). canada council defines integrated arts as “artistic activities with a singular artistic vision that combine art forms, or integrate existing art forms into its own distinct form” (“inter-arts office: guidelines and application form”). integrated is a key word for the work that full circle does. it can be defined as the opposite of segregated and also as uniting or reuniting disparate entities. integration also involves movement, change and the “forging [of] new texts and theatre practices” as described by lo and gilbert when they discuss postcolonial syncretic theatre. 
 
 
 fiscal year canada council funding (number of grants) canadian heritage: canada arts training funds (number of grants) total federal funding (total number of grants) average worth of grant $ , ( ) $ , ( ) $ , ( ) $ , $ , ( ) $ , ( ) $ , ( ) $ , $ , ( ) $ , ( ) $ , ( ) $ , $ , ( ) $ , ( ) $ , ( ) $ , $ , ( ) n/a $ , ( ) $ , $ , ( ) n/a $ , ( ) $ , table : full circle federal funding - sources: “searchable grants listing,”canada council for the arts, march , web, march and “disclosure of grant and contribution awards over $ , ,” canadian heritage, march ,web, march . kane explained that full circle moved the company over to inter-arts completely in : we moved out of the theatre section, they weren’t supporting us because they couldn’t see…they couldn’t understand…they were just too traditional…i do different kind of work, process-related work. i worked in a lot of the performance art centres…and it was immediate, whereas to actually plan a theatrical show and all the funding and all the people that you need to make that happen it was just such a long journey. when you have no money and you’re trying to sustain a company…so i found that the company eventually, was better served in inter-arts and that was only in the last maybe three years or so that we’ve moved over, totally…and before that it was challenging because we could only get a certain amount of funding. politically, i think, it’s partly because it’s 
 
 
 just an old model. i don’t know what the new model would look like but it’s a very closed system. part of the challenge of being seen as a theatre company is the expectation that you will mount a season of work and tour. kane’s goal of engagement with community runs counter to this. i did confessions of an indian cowboy a couple of times and at one point i did it at the roundhouse and we had decent crowds and decent revenue. i can’t do that all the time…i toured a lot, you know, i like to tour. toured with that show as well. that was a little bit bigger show; there were five of us as opposed to two of us. it’s hard to sustain all of that activity and still build some kind of community base. this helps to explain the tension between a traditional theatre company that is expected to mount shows and tour and the community engagement and development that kane values. part of this tension comes from what kane sees as the necessary structural rhizomatic form of the company working with a community. at the beginning she envisioned the company as a way to create an ensemble of aboriginal performing artists. as time has gone on though, this has become too difficult. the last show she developed was “the river home”, which she started creating with the ensemble in . the show has had five performances over eleven years, in vancouver, banff, alberta and harrison, bc (“about us: touring history”). she discussed her reasons for creating the ensemble and “the river home”: i developed it…from being in the workroom with people for a month. but they still never had the full skills that they needed to have. i always stood out. i couldn’t have a full ensemble because i was way too experienced and everybody else had no experience. so that’s… not really a true ensemble, it’s really if you want to have people that work the 
 
 
 way you work, training them isn’t necessarily the way you’re going to find them. that was very disheartening for me, it was very disheartening. because i really wanted to work with other people in the way that i wanted to work. so, i didn’t give up. while the ensemble training does continue, it is more projects-based and kane has focused the company’s efforts on the talking stick festival. “so we build a lot of partnerships with people and we try to develop a rapport with them so that they know they can come to the festival and be part of the festival.” this is one of the methods that i would consider a kind of rhizomatic growth. kane talked about the need to build a very broad foundational base in order to reach everybody and how this takes the form of relationships with individuals: it comes down to the individual, really quite frankly…an individual within an organization that’s working on a great idea and is working with youth, and …we’ll give them space to be part of our festival. and over time, if they want to come again, we’re happy to…we take people’s ideas right up to almost the last minute, it’s a bit nutty actually, quite frankly. but it is what it is, and if we can accommodate you we’re happy to do so. so that’s the major way that we’ve been building those relationships is by engaging with people or inviting them to be part of the festival if they have an idea. it is clear from this statement that even though a more efficient organizing method would be to have deadlines and perhaps even commissioned work, the company puts greater value on their supportive relationship with individual artists and organizers. kane sees the festival as a way to give hope and focus: give the community of artists across disciplines, give them some hope, give them a little bit of audience. give them a chance to share what they were doing with an audience. but 
 
 
 over a long term of course you need to build audience, you need to have things that the audience wants to come and see, you need to be able to have paying tickets, you need to have, you know, a structure that is going to support all of that, so that’s what the company has been basically trying to do for the last eighteen years. this is the struggle she has with the company: how to be flexible enough to support artists and at the same have a sound structure supported by a group of people who can plan and follow through, who have worked together long enough that they develop a common vocabulary. but with having a couple of interns here this year, we were able to do a bunch of outreach this summer, so that we send them out and they let people know about the festival, and just say hello and be at different events…and be seen. it’s pretty traditional kind of outreach you know, its getting to know people and being at their events. if they need stuff for fundraising, give them stuff for fundraising or... it’s just kind of being around, being part of the community. the interns that she is speaking about are paid with the training funds from canadian heritage (see figure ). training interns to learn the skills of arts administration has helped spread out the responsibilities for running the company. the multiple people working administratively can also be considered, using the rhizome metaphor, as the links between the various nodes of the structure. the administrative team is very conscious of creating relationships with people and then staying connected: “it’s really hard to find those ones… that might be keen to join us. when we do find them, we just keep them engaged, we make sure we know where they are, we make sure we call them in.” this building of connections will eventually become part of the larger 
 
 
 structure that lasts. the company also uses the funds as seed money to support artists who work independently. kane spoke of an example from this year: so we said ok, let’s give some money to them… and the other thing is [the artist] needs to learn too, she needs to put some effort into this too. we can’t just give away stuff to people. they need to actually want it and have to do the work, some of the work, some of the heavy lifting. so we gave her some money so she could do the heavy lifting. in this way, the company uses its structure to mentor other artists to produce their own work. during the olympics, the festival had to find new venues because there was so much going on in the city. one result was that talking stick had events at the britannia community centre site in the grandview woodlands neighbourhood. kane spoke of this as a turning point in the festival’s history. since they began, they have had venues all over the city, ranging from the ubc campus in west point grey, to downtown vancouver at the roundhouse, to the east side at the wise hall, to the city of west vancouver at the kay meek centre. after , even though the events at britannia were not necessarily well attended, the administrative team realized the potential in being more grounded in a particular area. the talking stick festival had many more events in the neighbourhood; they still made use of the community centre and the hall, but there were also events at cafes and restaurants along commercial drive. kane said, the concentration in the britannia area is to make sure we get people in the neighbourhood coming out to things and it’s pay what you can…we’ll have to do a lot of outreach, but just...it’s exciting; you just feel it can fly in a very short period of time. 
 
 
 kane is identifying here the creation of a site for the festival that can interact with an existing community of both urban aboriginal and non-aboriginal people. she hopes that the use of small businesses this year will inspire owners of other establishments to get involved as well. two of the events this year, the spoken word night at café deux soleils and the salish seas writers collective at the pond tapas bar and grill, were sold out. street level storefront venues such as these make it more possible to have a milieu, as defined by deleuze in “one less manifesto: theater and its critique” , with which it is possible to interact. kane recognizes that people are only going to come to an event if they are engaged in a way that serves them, excites them. she is looking for ways to make the sharing mutual. she imagines a post-festival community meeting: “a gathering at the wise hall and invite everybody in and say, let’s talk about the festival, let’s talk about next year, who’s doing what, who’s wants to do what.” in locating the festival in a particular urban space kane sees an opportunity for more community engagement: it means that as more people then get engaged, then the whole community is excited by the possibility and it also means then you can plan for other events throughout the year, and people will come…we want our people, our families, and all ages to be able to see creative work by aboriginal artists and we want it to be affordable, we them to be able to come, so if they don’t have to take a bus, they just have to walk, that would be great. 























































 
“the
milieu
assumes
a
third
figure
here:
it
is
no
longer
an
interior
or
exterior
milieu,
even
 a
relative
one,
not
an
intermediate
milieu,
but
instead
an
annexed
or
associated
milieu”
 ( ).
in
this
sense
deleuze
is
describing
both
a
time
and
a
place
that
draw
upon
existing
 elements.

 
 
 
 it is interesting, given the importance of different forms of movement in her work, that she is attentive to how her audience is moving to an event. the creation of a human scaled physical site for the talking stick festival also echoes the importance of physical movement in kane’s creative process. the importance of the aboriginal community’s seeing aboriginal performers cannot be overstated in kane’s vision. she has established her work within aboriginal communities very purposefully, based on her experiences as a performer in mainstream theatre and film. i wanted the work to actually influence society. and i can’t influence the dominant culture. i can’t by myself, i can’t do that. i need to influence and i need to inspire the people that i love and that i’ve grown up with and that i’m wanting to encourage the development of our own communities… repair our communities, inspire them and educate them, use our creativity for balancing out our communities. for the well being of our communities…the artistic and the creative voice needs to be part of that circle. this is a key concept for kane, and it makes her seem uninterested in intercultural work. this is similarly the case when she explains: “it’s got to be my people that have seen that work because it’s great to have allies in the non-native community but really quite frankly…we have to do it for ourselves. we can certainly use help to do it but we ultimately…we need to see our children performing and creating, drawing or designing or writing.” as we were speaking, i described lo and gilbert’s model for intercultural work and asked her to respond. she said: 























































 
a
site
that
can
be
accessed
by
people
using
their
own
energy,
biking
or
walking
rather
 than
the
mechanized
energy
of
cars
and
transit.


 
 
 
 i mean for a long time, in cultural conversations, political conversations, it’s been a really tough road… because you’re always in relation to a dominant culture, that has…that thinks their way of seeing and viewing and doing things is the world, is the way it is. and it is for them. it’s like…you don’t want to be the one who is always fighting to be understood, or you know whatever else. so i just gave up. i just…i walked away. it was…i don’t like to give up. i’m a fighter. i fight in other ways. when she says that she gave up and decided to fight in other ways, she is explaining that she has given up trying to share within a dominant culture setting. instead, she has worked to create a more equal and safe setting for intercultural work. her work has been intended to strengthen artistic interpretation of aboriginal culture, so that when, in lo and gilbert’s model, the disc is spun one way by the dominant culture, there can be some resistance and response, to send the disc spinning back the other way with force. she also considered her experiences as a performer in an intercultural setting, as an aboriginal performer, sometimes dealing with very agonizing issues in front of a non-aboriginal audience: so cross-culturally i don’t have the same problem on stage anymore. i still have a little bit of reticence, because i don’t want to [pause] … you know, i have my vulnerability too…i can overcome my insecurity a bit, cross-culturally…i have a certain amount of resentment for having been held back, in my life, by forces of the world. and i don’t want to take them out on people individually. i do sometimes, i’m not proud of it. but i know that i’m also, kind of, that our community is suffering, and suffered…has suffered and is suffering. and we have to get ourselves through it, but we need allies to do it... so culture plays a role, but it also needs at sometime to be kind of, um, permeable. not 
 
 
 something that separates us, something the art can move back and forth across, you know. kane’s reflective honesty and vulnerability as she wrestled with these thoughts is an indication of her willingness to move across the divide between the two of us as artist and researcher. it is also clear again that she is focused on culture as “permeable” and sees art as moving back and forth across cultures. she articulates her use of humour as a way across this divide. i don’t want to beat people over the head with stuff either; so i have a certain amount of humour in my own world, in my own self. so with a certain amount of compassion for people that they didn’t know, they don’t understand, or they’re or…and you know a certain amount of anger. all those feelings have a place in the right balance of things. people came to hear, they came to hear. and they were listening. it is clear from her comments that performing and organizing are not without ambivalence for her, on a personal as well as an organizational level. the frustrations of running an organization lead her to think that she would like to give up, and also make her think of the irony of trying to create a lasting entity in this way: this is the dominant culture way of thinking. and i say to myself, you know what, my peoples come from nomadic peoples, they travelled with what they could carry on their travois, on their horse, on their dog, on their back. that’s it! they knew the impermanence of those things and…there’s a wisdom there. why do i have to build and build and build…and why does it have to be? and i got stuck in this kind of thing of having to build a system, a foundation and all this stuff because i wanted something that could withstand…that could serve many of us through the years. but buried into that, 
 
 
 entwined in that is a way of thinking that it’s gotta be this way and it’s gotta be bigger and it’s gotta have more funding, its gotta have more revenue, it’s gotta have more bums in seats. this is one of the contradictions with which she lives. her way of organizing runs counter to that of the dominant culture, yet she has to find funding to support it through existing structures. she is critical of the existing expectations that are based on an ideal of permanence and unlimited growth. her reflection on the wisdom of nomadic people whose lives are defined by movement is also a key to understanding her work. another dilemma that she lives with, and that she proposes is true for many aboriginal people, is the personal drive to get up on stage. she talks of feeling reticent to perform in the talking stick festival herself. “and i feel kind of apologetic…why don’t i just throw off this whatever…this reticence to be who i am on the stage? partly…some of that maybe traditionally [what] we are struggling against. we’re struggling, you know our whole community is struggling that we don’t see each other on the stage.” kane recognizes that the absence of visible creative artists from the aboriginal community is a serious problem. “some of us didn’t make it and some of us still have the chance to make it. to make a full expression of ourselves. some of our people, that are my age and younger than me, have gone, they’re dead. they didn’t get to be fully creative, they didn’t get to fully engage.” in her work with the company and with the festival she is trying to ensure that this doesn’t happen any longer. the sad irony, though, is that by dedicating herself to this work over the last eighteen years, she feels that she has limited her own creative productivity. she has carried the administrative weight – she repeatedly referred to her work as an administrator as “doing the heavy lifting” – for too long. she expressed hope that the administrative team that has been 
 
 
 growing has finally become experienced enough to do more of the work. she described being in the last third of her life and wanting to cut down the extraneous work she is doing and focus on creative work again. and i find that when i perform…it [is] a real natural place for me to just unburden myself and be who i am...it may take me a while to actually want to tell the truth or say what i mean or lay it on the line…and i find that i can do it. i can do that on stage… and there’s so much pleasure in being able to talk to people… and have them listen. there’s something about that, i think, that’s really important. kane’s use of the metaphor of “heavy lifting” for administrative work and her description of performing as a place to “unburden herself” also fit with her thinking about change and impermanence among nomadic people. it is very hard to move or move far when you are carrying a heavy load. yet at the same time, if you have the assistance either of a group of people or a structure to carry the load, then you can move and bring the important things with you. kane hopes that she is now at the point where she has done enough of the structural organizing and fundraising for the company that she can find time to return to her creative work in earnest. full circle first nations’ funding support from inter-arts as well as from canadian heritage for training arts administrators has helped to create a stable structure. they have been able to create a network of engagement between performers and community through the talking stick festival. the plans to base the festival at the britannia site are opening up new possibilities of community and physical engagement. all together these efforts have begun to show results in strengthening aboriginal culture and contemporary art. kane summed up her work, saying, “the hope has been, that we would be able to create work and have an audience of 
 
 
 our own people and inspire them. it’s such a simple dream. but oh, my lord, it’s huge. it feels like i’ve been at sea. in the middle of a sea.” i hope, for her sake, that landfall is in sight. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 conclusion: spinning back this study of margo kane’s work from to the present day has examined her performance art and plays as well as the administration of her company and performance festival. the connecting thread through all of kane’s work is movement: of the body; between audience and performer; of meaning through textual instability; and of contemporary culture through social change. her work is illuminated by and itself illuminates the larger considerations of postcolonial performance. the levinasian concepts of totality and infinity as well as the said and the saying are particularly valuable in that kane’s work both reflects the concepts and demonstrates how they are not in opposition to each other. instead, as hiddleston asserts, “the ethical insistence on infinity, or the saying, is conceived alongside the apparent security of totality or the said” ( ). glissant’s focus on poetics as a freeing of the imagination which serves as a precursor to inspire political change has been useful in understanding kane’s conception of her performance company; his concern with both grounding in a specific place and openness in his poetics of relation also makes his theoretical work relevant to understanding kane’s confessions of an indian cowboy as well as the administrative structure of her company. lo and gilbert’s model for interculturalism is key in identifying the constant movement of kane’s work. kane’s work also links to balme’s theory of syncretic theatre. her performance work evinces many of the elements he names -- particularly the interruption of ritual and the use of the liminal space around a ritual; creolization and the use of the actor’s body through dance, movement and music -- are clearly apparent. memories springing/waters singing exemplifies balme’s observations about the use of ritual in syncretic theatre. it also uses water as a metaphor for enabling dialogue between distinct elements. in this work, kane breaks the fourth wall and has her audience physically 
 
 
 disassemble, move and then reassemble the performing space, changing their expectations and perceptions. in moonlodge, as a woman performing multiple characters alone, kane enacts a physical demonstration of levinas’ concept of infinity – the multiple and unending perspectives that exist in the world. she uses humour to build relations with an audience. additionally, the different editions of the text function in terms of the concepts of saying and said. kane is concerned, in this piece, specifically with the experience of aboriginal women. kane’s critical writing about her creative work and the theatre in general is an example of her efforts to place her work in a specific sociopolitical environment – one that is actively working to decolonize the aboriginal community. the inclusive nature of kane’s identity construction through agnes in the play fits in with levinas’ theory of totality and infinity – they are not opposed to and exclusive of each other but co-exist. agnes’ miming of a scream as she is removed from her family is a purposeful evasion of a fixed gaze, akin to glissant’s concept of opacity in postcolonial relations. it is through the orality and constantly developing responsive nature of moonlodge that kane resists the dominant cultural impulse to claim total understanding and authority. kane continues with her work-in-process and openness of style in confessions of an indian cowboy while further exploring the results of intercultural relations. in her discussion of this work, kane identifies even more clearly the importance of movement in its development as well as in the expression of the character of ruby. again, one woman plays multiple characters, changing costumes and characters onstage in full view of the audience. as she moves among them, kane draws attention to the theatricality and performativity of both race and gender. the concept of a constantly moving frontier is central to the play. dual editions of the published play are evidence that kane responds to her audiences’ reactions as a performer in the midst of a production, and then further responds as she changes the text of the play that represents the 
 
 
 performance. this is more evidence that she is continually open to dialogue and is still saying her piece in a levinasian formulation. the humour in the play and the music can be considered as connections between the developing nodes of the rhizome. the physical movement of ruby’s character in the context of la flamme’s concept of the soma text as she changes into other characters through kane’s shifting of her body, voice and costume helps to demonstrate créolisation. créolisation is used in the play as an essential concept to establish ruby as a hybrid character, who eventually, in the second version, merges with the indian cowboy. this also resonates with gilbert and tompkins’ point that the physical body of the performer enacting the multiple characters is a structural use of movement that complicates the audience members’ viewing and understanding of the experience. her identity is unpredictable and needs to be created through connections both “here and elsewhere”, “rooted and open”. the two versions of confessions of an indian cowboy present another example of kane’s method of continual response and revision, which is evidence of the open nature of her creative process. confessions of an indian cowboy is a play that is related orally by a number of relations, and just like traditional orature, changes with each telling in order to honour the presence of the audience. the administration of full circle first nations performance and the talking stick festival provides further examples of the importance of movement in kane’s work. the social media connections presented by the full circle company are an immediate way of presenting ongoing activities not filtered through another media source and also an interesting and new manifestation of the constant work in progress and ‘saying’. the company’s recent funding opportunities through canada council’s inter-arts program are related to integration involving movement, change and lo and gilbert’s identification of the “forging [of] new texts and theatre practices” ( - ). rhizomatic growth is used in organizing the company: multiple administrative 
 
 
 assistants building relationships with individual artists and organizers and then supporting them in their work. the company’s move to the use of one main physical site for their talking stick festival is a way to engage with a milieu on a human scale while privileging self-propelled movement. kane’s description of the importance of creative work in the aboriginal community has given a new understanding to lo and gilbert’s model for intercultural performance as one where the work strengthens artistic interpretation of aboriginal culture in order to send the disc spinning back with strength. kane reveals her ambivalence to the development of a permanent, always-growing theatre company as expected by the dominant culture, placing herself in the context of her nomadic ancestors who understood the importance of movement. my focus on levinas’ philosophy and glissant’s poetics illustrates how the concept of movement, which runs throughout kane’s work, suggests its postcolonial nature. the theatre-specific postcolonial observations by lo and gilbert as well as gilbert and tompkins also suggest ways of understanding kane’s work in a postcolonial context. although some of balme’s elements of syncretic theatre have been visible in my analysis of kane’s work, i believe that i have demonstrated how movement should be considered as an element on its own – not just as a sub-category to the importance of the physical body. kane’s work also illuminates these postcolonial theories. levinas does not specifically mention movement but the constant dialogue between totality and infinity as well as the said and the saying in the textual instability of kane’s work exemplifies how the openness to excess that he calls for engenders movement. glissant’s poetics of relation are more specific in their structuring narration as moving through a chain. kane’s characters, in moonlodge and especially confessions of an indian cowboy, embody this notion in ways that demonstrate this kind of relay or movement very clearly. kane’s work also helps to focus attention on the spinning of the disc in lo and gilbert’s model. their 
 
 
 construction involves almost constant movement, the moment of stasis only happening as the energy builds up to spin back. i also would like to assert, given the thematic connection i have traced through kane’s performance and community work, that her work in creating an infrastructure for aboriginal performing arts has also been a creative act and should be considered equally important in the assessment of the legacy of her career as an artist. there are a number of limitations of this research. i have not been able to respond personally to kane’s creative work in performance. my research is based entirely on the textual evidence of her performances and some video footage. considering that i am discussing orality and sayingness, this has limited my ability to respond to her as a performer. this is partly due to the nature of her work in recent years; although i was able to see her perform in kevin loring’s play where the blood mixes, she has not performed any of her own creative works since . she has been busy with the administration of the company and the talking stick festival. i have attempted to remedy this heavy reliance on the texts of her work by interviewing her. as explained above, the interview, while very helpful in beginning to gain an understanding of her work with the company, occurred under the conditions of a newly negotiated understanding of consent and trust. the strength of my research begins with the filling in of a gap in aboriginal performance literature by integrating the critical academic work that has thus far been using kane’s work in discussion of other issues in postcolonial and aboriginal performance. my research goes further in the incorporation of her creative, critical and administrative work as one continual body of work. my proximity to her company, my personal experiences as a volunteer at the talking stick festival as well as my time spent with kane one on one have enhanced my ability to speak 
 
 
 nearby. although my experiences are limited, they are also unique to this time and place, and can stand as a witness to the particular history of some of her work. my work to highlight kane’s articulation of her difficulties with traditional funding structures could be of use in making policy at various levels of arts funding institutions. it could help with re-conceiving the expectations of an aboriginal arts organization’s infrastructure. this could apply not just to the federal level as discussed in this thesis but also perhaps to provincial, municipal and private foundations. i have also identified a significant oversight in daniel david moses and terry goldie’s second and third editions of an anthology of canadian native literature in english. they have not included any commentary on the fact that they have reproduced the first edition of kane’s moonlodge nor have they directed readers to the other version of it. i would recommend that in any subsequent edition, they either add such comments or communicate with kane to publish a more recent version of the play – perhaps even one that has been revised since the edition in singular voices. as my final words at this time on kane’s work, i would like to acknowledge that this has been the study of the movement of a creative artist over more than twenty years. as i have identified that a continual theme in her work is movement, and a constancy of change, i acknowledge that my academic research is a said to her saying, not functioning in opposition to each other, but as counterparts. this work is a scholarly interpretation of her efforts to decolonize aboriginal people’s lives and imaginations. i hope that it can be cross-culturally spun back out of the academic setting, and that the energy accumulated through my research be shared out into the culture of aboriginal performance in canada. echoing kane’s description of the full circle performance company, i end my thesis as the completing of a journey while knowing that there is an unceasing movement to which there is no beginning or ending. 
 
 
 works cited “about margo kane.” full circle first nations performance. . april . “about us.” full circle first nations performance. . march . appleford, rob. “making relations visible in native canadian performance.” siting the other: re-visions of marginality in australian and english-canadian drama. ed. marc maufort and franca bellarsi. brussels: presses interuniversitaires européennes, . - . print. balme, christopher. decolonizing the stage: theatrical syncretism and post-colonial drama. oxford: clarendon press, . print. bennett, susan. “diversity and voice: a celebration of canadian women writing for performance.” feminist theatre and performance. critical perspectives on canadian theatre in english, volume four. ed. susan bennett. toronto: playwrights canada press, . - . print. britton, celia. Édouard glissant and postcolonial theory: strategies of language and resistance. charlottesville, va.: university press of virginia, . print. charlesbois,
gaetan
and
anne
nothof. “the ecstasy of rita joe.” canadian theatre encyclopedia. september . may . 
 
 
 chen, nancy. “ ‘speaking nearby’: a conversation with trinh t. minh-ha.” visual anthropology review . ( ): - . print. dash, j. michael. Édouard glissant. cambridge: cambridge university press, . print. däwes, birgit. native north american theater in a global age: sites of identity construction and transdifference. germany: heidelberg winter, . print. “disclosure of grant and contribution awards over $ , .” canadian heritage. march . <
http://www.pch.gc.ca/pc-ch/dp-pd/sc-gc/index-eng.cfm > march . “dynamic and diverse theatre community celebrates the th jessie richardson theatre awards.” jessie richardson theatre award society, june . april . deleuze, gilles. “one less manifesto: theater and its critique.” ed. timothy murray. mimesis, masochism & mime: the politics of theatricality in contemporary french thought. ann arbor: university of michigan press, . - . print. eigenbrod, renate. “evangeline, hiawatha and a jewish cemetery: hi/stories of interconnected and multiple displacements.” journal of postcolonial writing . ( ): - . favel, floyd. “poetry, remnants and ruins: aboriginal theatre in canada.” intercultural performance. spec. issue of canadian theatre review ( ): - . print. gilbert, helen and joanne tompkins. post-colonial drama: theory, practice, politics. new york: routledge, . print. glissant, Édouard. caribbean discourse: selected essays. trans. j. michael dash. charlottesville: university of virginia press, . print. ----- . the collected poems of Édouard glissant. trans. jeff humphries and melissa manolas. minneapolis: university of minnesota press, . print. 
 
 
 glissant, Édouard. poetics of relation. trans. betsy wing. ann arbor: university of michigan press, . print. hamazaki, terrie. “women in view: who’s telling whose story?” kinesis. vancouver: vancouver status of women. march . . print. hiddleston, jane. understanding postcolonialism. stocksfield,
uk:
acumen,
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 print. “ipaa – history.” indigenous performing arts alliance, n.d. < http://ipaa.ca/about/history/ > april “inter-arts office: guidelines and application form.” canada council for the arts. march . < http://www.canadacouncil.ca/nr/rdonlyres/a bbc a- b - e - c d- beb d c f/ /iag e .pdf > march . kane, margo. “confessions of an indian cowboy.” dramétis: three métis plays. ed. greg young-ing and leanne flett kruger. penticton, bc: theytus books, . print. -----. “confessions of an indian cowboy.” staging coyote’s dream: an anthology of first nations drama in english, volume two. ed. ric knowles and monique mojica. toronto: playwrights canada press, . - . print. -----. “from the centre of the circle the story emerges.” native theatre in the americas. spec. issue of canadian theatre review ( ): - . print. -----. interview with the author. january . -----. “moonlodge.” an anthology of canadian native literature in english, first edition. ed. daniel david moses and terry goldie. don mills: oxford university press, . - . print. 
 
 
 -----. “moonlodge.” an anthology of canadian native literature in english, second edition. ed. daniel david moses and terry goldie. don mills: oxford university press, . - . print. -----. “moonlodge.” an anthology of canadian native literature in english, third edition. ed. daniel david moses and terry goldie. don mills: oxford university press, . - . print. -----. “moonlodge.” singular voices: plays in monologue form. ed. tony hamill. toronto: playwrights canada press, . print. ----- and joane cardinal-schubert. margo kane: memories springing waters singing. banff: walter phillips gallery, . print. la flamme, lisa michelle. “living writing and staging racial hybridity.” diss. ubc, . vancouver: ubc circle. print. levinas, emanuel. totality and infinity: an essay on exteriority. trans. alphonso lingis. dordrecht, nl: kluwer academic publishers, . print. lo, jacqueline and helen gilbert. “toward a topography of cross-cultural theatre praxis.” the drama review : ( ): - . print. lynch, brian and jessica werb. “state of the arts.” georgia straight. vancouver. feb. : n.p.< http://www.straight.com/article- /state-of-the-arts?# > april . mojica, monique. “theatrical diversity on turtle island: a tool towards healing.” native theatre in the americas. spec. issue of canadian theatre review ( ): . print. ratsoy, ginny. “introduction: locating place.” theatre in british columbia: critical perspectives on canadian theatre in english, volume six. ed. ginny ratsoy. toronto: playwrights canada press, . vii-xxiv. print. 
 
 
 rendon, marcie. “theatre in the house/raving native productions.” performing worlds into being: native american women’s theater. eds. ann elizabeth armstrong, kelli lyon johnson and william a. wortman. oxford, ohio: miami university press, . - . print. “searchable grants listing.” canada council for the arts. march [sic]. march . smith, linda tuhiwai. decolonizing methodologies. new york: zed books, . print. “talking stick festival – history.” full circle first nations performance. . april . “where the blood mixes.” talonbooks.com. n.d. <
http://www.talonbooks.com/books/where-the-blood-mixes > april . 
 
 
 appendix one: kane interview script the ubc behavioural research ethics board approved this interview script. i emailed it to kane before we met for our interview. margo kane interview script possible topics for discussion: . could you describe the process that led to the formation of full circle first nations performance company? who was involved in the creation of the company? how has the company changed over the years since it has been established? . could you describe the process that led to the formation of the aboriginal training ensemble? who was involved in the creation of the ensemble? how has it changed over the years since it has been established? what does the -year training currently entail? . could you describe the process that led to the formation of the talking stick festival? who was involved in the creation of the festival? how has the festival changed over the years since it has been established? . could you describe the process that led to the formation of the indigenous performing arts alliance? who was involved in the creation of the organization? how has it changed over the years since it has been established? . could you explain “the river home” project and how it is connected to these other projects? . could you consider how themes from your plays/performances of moonlodge, confessions of an indian cowboy and memories springing/waters singing may be connected to your organizational/community work? 
 
 
 
 
 
 version july , pii: - ( ) -v historia mathematica ( ), - abstracts editedby david e. zitarelli the purpose of this department is to give sufficient information about the subject matter of each publication to enable users to decide whether to read it. it is our intention to cover all books, articles, and other materials in the field. books for abstracting and eventual review should be sent to this department. materials should be sent to prof. david e. zitarelli, department of mathematics, temple university, philadelphia, pa , u.s.a. readers are invited to send reprints, autoabstracts, corrections, additions, and notices of publications that have been overlooked. be sure to include complete bibliographic informa- tion, as well as transliteration and translation for non-european languages. we need volun- teers willing to cover one or more journals for this department. readers interested in receiving a computer-readable version of the abstracts, beginning with # . . , are invited to write to the abstracts editor. in order to facilitate reference and indexing, entries are given abstract numbers which appear at the end following the symbol #. a triple numbering system is used: the first number indicates the volume, the second the issue number, and the third the sequential number within that issue. for example, the abstracts for volume , number , are num- bered: . . , . . , . . , etc. for reviews and abstracts published in volumes through there is an author index in volume , number , and a subject index in volume , number . the initials in parentheses at the end of an entry indicate the abstractor. in this issue there are abstracts by victor albis (bogota), joe albree (montgomery, al), thomas bartlow (villanova, pa), gary brown (collegeville, mn), louise grinstein (brooklyn, ny), susanne hensel (jena), james j. kaput (north dartmouth, ma), robert e. kennedy (warrensburg, mo), albert c. lewis (hamilton), peter ross (santa clara, ca), and david e. zitarelli. adele, gail h. . when did euclid live? an answer plus a short history of geometry. the mathematics teacher ( ), - . a classroom module based on a chronological table of the history of geometry. it omits the projective geometry of desargues and poncelet. (dez) # . . alcolea banegas, jesus. . arend heyting. mathesis (m&co) , - . succinct presen- tation of arend heyting’s work on intuitionism. brouwer. heyting’s bibliography. wa) # . . anderson, j. m. . elisha netanyahu ( - ). bulletin of the london mathematical society , - . netanyahu was a native of warsaw, and his family emigrated to palestine in . he was influenced by michael fekte at the hebrew university in jerusalem in the s and his early mathematical career was concerned with complex analysis, in particular, dirichlet series. this was interrupted by his service during world war ii and in the early years of the state of israel. “in a very real sense he was the creator of the mathematics department at the technion” [in haifa]. the “second flowering” of netanyahu’s mathematical career involved his work on univalent func- tions. the list of netanyahu’s published papers omits his three papers in hebrew; there is also a photo. (ja) # . . anon. . academician leonid vitalevich kantorovich (on the th anniversary of his birth). [in russian] optimizatsiya ( ), - . brief biography of leonid vitalevich kantorovich. other ~ / $ . copyright by academic press, inc. all rights of reproduction in any form reserved. abstracts hm articles in this volume of the journal dealing with his work are: d. a. vladimirov, “the works of v. i. kantorovich in the descriptive theory of sets and functions” (pp. -l . ); l. t. petrova. “com- mentary on the works of l. v. kantorovich on large-block programming” (pp. - , ); ya. . fet. “the investigations of l. v. kantorovich in the area of computer architecture” (pp. - , ); and a. g. kusaraev and s. s. kutateladze, “the contribution of l. v. kantorovich to the theory of ordered vector spaces” (pp. - , ). photograph. (dez) # . . anon. . jan mikusinski: april - july . studiu muthemafica (l), ii-xi. brief obituary of jan mikusinski. bibliography of books and papers. photograph. (dez) # . . anon. . professor raj chandra bose. journal of geometry ( - ) l- . brief obituary of raj chandra bose. photograph. (dez) # . . anon. . recipients of the korean mathematical society prizes for . [in korean] bulletin of the korean mathematical society (l), - . brief biographies of two of the winners, chin myung ch~ng and jongsik kim. photographs. (dez) # . . arnold, v. i. . a topological proof for the transcendence of the abelian integral of i. newton’s principia mathematics. istoriko-matematicheskie zssledovaniya , - . [in russian] in this paper, which was presented at the moscow conference on the th anniversary of principia mathematico, a modern proof is given of an integral which appeared in principia lemma . newton’s proof is translated into russian by a. n. krylov and analyzed from a modern viewpoint. the author also generalizes the newtonian theorem to the multidimensional case of smooth hypersurfaces in r”. w-u # . . beller, walter. . sicologia y matem ticas: convergencias y divergencias (psychology and mathematics: convergences and divergences). muthesis (m&ico) , - . (va) # . . binder, christa. . ii. gsterreichisches symposium zur geschichte der mathematik. hisro- ria mathematics ( ), . announcement of a week-long symposium in october on the history of mathematics. (dez) # . . borowczyk, jacques. . universite d’ete d’histoire des mathematiques, aotit au septem- bre . hisroria mathematics ( ), - . a list of the speakers and the titles of their talks from five conferences, six presentations, and numerous workshops at the third interdisciplinary history of mathematics meeting, held at la rochelle from august to september , . (dez) # . . bowen, k. c. . a mathematician’s journey through operational research. mathematical pro- gramming (l) (ser. b), - . the author reminisces on how, as a pure mathematician in , he gradually became involved in operations research. he also discusses his relationship with martin berle. (dez) # . . browder, felix e. . stone age of mathematics at the midway. the mathematical zntelli- gencer ( ), - . a tribute to marshall stone’s chairmanship at the university of chicago. see also # . . . (dez) # . . brown, morton. . the mathematical work of r. h. bing. topology proceedings (l), l- . a discussion of the work of r. h. bing on the kline sphere characterization problem, the pseudoarc, homogeneity, metrization, convex metrics, -manifolds, and decomposition spaces. topology. (dez) # . . bulicheva, s. see # . . . ceruzzi, paul. . electronics technology and computer science - : a coevolution. annals of the history of computing u( ), - . an analysis of the continuous interplay between electronic engineering and computer science since . electronic engineering dominated the hm abstracts activities from to but computer science dominated from to . more recently both electronic engineers and computer scientists see their work as “the management of complexity.” (lw # . . coleman, a. john. . the greatest mathematical paper of all time. the mafhemarical intelli- gencer ( ), - . coleman exceeds even thomas hawkins in his praise of the work of wilhelm killing. he chooses a paper by killing as the greatest paper of all time, explains the main ideas and results in it, and describes its subsequent effects on e. cartan, coxeter, kac, and moody. photo- graphs. (dez) # . . dale, a. i. . thomas bayes: a memorial. the mathematical intelligencer ( ), - . the family vault in bunhill fields, where thomas bayes is buried, was restored in but “is once again in a sorry state.” (dez) # . . d’ambrosio, ubiratan. . a research program and a course in the history of mathematics: ethnomathematics. historia marhematica ( ), - . the term ethnomathematics is defined, and a program for teaching a non-eurocentric, ethnomathematical history of mathematics course is described. (dez) # . . debarnot, marie-th~%se. see # . . . debnath, lokenath. . srinivasa ramanujan ( - ). a centennial tribute. znrerna- tional journal of mathematical education in science and technology ( ), - . a tribute to srinivasa ramanujan on his th birthday. the first part gives an account of ramanujan’s life. the remainder is a synopsis of his contributions and their importance. see mathematical reviews g:o for a review by bruce berndt, who states that “much of this material is incorrect or misleading.” (pr) # . . del pino arabolaza, pilar, and valera, manuel. . analisis estadistico y sociometrico de la production matematica espariola a travts de la revista matemritica hispanoamericana (statisti- cal and sociometric analysis of the spanish mathematical production through the reuista maremdtica hispanoamericana). llull l& - . evolution of spanish mathematical production from to through the study of papers that appeared in rev&a matemdtica hispanoamericana, from a bibliometrical viewpoint. spanish math. (va) # . . demidov, s. s. . der philosophische kontext der herausbildung der moskauer funktionen- theoretischen schule. ntm-schrijtenreihe fiir geschichte der naturwissenschafren, technik und medizin , - . the philosophical context of the development of the moscow school of func- tion theory. d. f. egorov; n. n. luzin; n. g. bugaev. (acl) # . . demidov, s. s., parshin a. n., and polovinkin, s. m. . on the correspondence of n. n. luzin with p. a. florenski. isroriko-matematicheskie issledovaniya , - . [in russian] this continues the account, started in vol. , of the source materials for the history of the moscow school in function theory found in the florenski archives. an overview of the history of the moscow school is followed by an analysis of the historical relevance and the content of the correspondence from to . the correspondence for these years is published on pages - . (sh) # . . dutt, sukomal. . bibhuti bhusan datta ( - ) or swami vidyaranya. pp. - in # . . . biography of the indian historian of mathematics, bibhuti bhusan datta, who is known for his work on ancient hindu contributions, especially the decimal number system. at age datta left his professorship at calcutta university for the ascetic life of sannyas, where he was known as vidyaranya. there is a bibliography of datta’s publications in the history of mathematics. indian mathematics. photograph. (dez) # . . emerson, roger. . sir robert sibbald, kt, the royal society of scotland and the origins of the scottish enlightenment. annals qfscience (l), - . the author claims that there existed in abstracts hm fate th century scotland a sizeabfe virtuoso community whose leaders were abreast of european developments in philosophy, history, and science. there is little mention of this community’s knowf- edge of mathematical developments. (gb) # . . ermolaeva, n. s. . new biographical material on n. n. luzin. isforiko-matematicheskie issledovaniya , - . [in russian] an introduction to newly revealed correspondence between luzin and a. n. krylov between and . the fetters are preserved in the archives of the ussr academy of sciences in moscow and in its leningrad division. the author provides not only biographical information but also a history of the mathematics concerned, especially of the moscow school in the theory of functions of real variables. the author also reconstructs the beginning of the relationship between luzin and kryfov. following the article, on pages - , the correspondence is reproduced along with additional documents: ( ) luzin’s travel report for the international congress in bologna which he presented to the ussr academy of sciences in ; ( ) luzin’s notes on a paper by a. kaz; ( ) a letter from luzin to the remembrance jubilee commission for newton’s th anniversary. (sh) # . . ermolaeva, n. s. . the dissertation of g. w. kolosov and its evaluation by v. a. steklov. istoriko-matematicheskie issledovaniya , - . [in russian] kofosov’s “on the appfica- tion of the theory of complex variables to the plane cases of the mathematical theory of elasticity,” is considered for its theory of functions and the fact that not all of kofosov’s ideas have been further developed later by other researchers. further, several circumstances relating to kofosov’s disserta- tion defense in at petersburg university are clarified on the basis of manuscripts of the two referees (stekfov and bobylev) and of two fetters from kolosov to stekfov. these concern the differ- ences of opinion during the defense which, though they have been known, have not hitherto been explained in the historical literature. (sh) #f . . evans, james. . on the origin of the ptofemaic star catafogue. i. journal ofrhe history of astronomy ( ), - . provides evidence to dispute earlier accounts that claim that ptolemy borrowed hipparchus’s star catafogue instead of establishing the catafogue himself in almagesr - . greek astronomy. mathematical reviews h: . (dez) # . . evans, james. . on the origin of the ptofemaic star catafogue. ii. journal of the history of asfronomy ( ), - . a continuation of # . . . suggests various solutions to account for a shift of ’ in ptolemy's star longitudes, thus providing further evidence of ptolemy’s paternity of the star catafogue in the almagest. mathematical reviews h: . (dez) # . . fauvel, john. . platonic rhetoric in distance learning: how robert record taught the home learner. for the learning of mathematics (l), - . this article analyzes the pedagogic style of robert record, who was one of the best and most successful textbook writers of all time. his geometry was the reverse of euclid, and his arithmetic provided the foundation for the practical mathematics of navigation and science of elizabethan times. (jjk) # . . fenton, p. c. . an extremaf problem in harriet’s mathematics. historia marhematica ( ), - . this note provides an elementary geometrical proof to refute the suggestion that thomas harriot needed to use infinitesimals to solve an optimization problem. (dez) # . . fleming, wendell, and klee, victor. . edward james mcshane - . notices of the american marhematical society ( ), - . brief biography with an indication of mc- shane’s contributions to the cafcufus of variations, integration theory, control theory, and stochastic calculus. (dez) # . . fletcher, colin r. . fermat’s theorem. hisroria mathemarica ( ), - . arguments are given to support the claim that the usual interpretation regarding frenicle's challenge to fermat to find a perfect number with at feast digits is flawed. (dez) # . . folkerts, menso, and knobloch, eberhard. . christoph j. scriba- jahre. historia hm abstracts muthematica ( ), - . biographical comments on the historian of mathematics, christoph j. scriba, with a bibliography of his works. (dez) # . . folta, jaroslav. . some remarks on the history of numerical analysis especially in the area of prague. llull , - . the concept of numerical analysis in goldstine’s history of numerical analysis from the th century through the th cenfury is contrasted with that of computa- tional mathematics of the babylonians, the egyptians, brahe, wittich, borgi, and kepler as related to astronomy. (va) # . . freguglia, paolo. . study centre for scientific thought between and . historia mathematics ( ), . report of a seminar held at perugia university on “moments of the mathe- matical culture between the th and th centuries, ” including a list of speakers and the titles of their lectures. (dez) # . . goldstein, bernard r. . levi ben gerson’s theory of planetary distances. centaurus ( ), - . presents levi’s theory as found in chapters and in his astronomy. a translation of the two chapters is included. astronomy. (tb) # . . gordan, paul. . vorlesungen iiber invariantenrheorie. erster band: determinanten. zweiter band: bin&e formen. new york: chelsea. vol. i: xii + pp.; vol. ii: xii + pp. $ . . a new printing in one book of the second edition of two classic volumes that were first issued in . and , lectures on invariant theory. vol. i: determinants. vol. ii: binary forms, edited by georg kerschensteiner. the book contains an elaboration of two series of lectures by paul gordan, the first of which dealt with the theory of determinants and the second with invariants of binary forms. see the review by jean dieudonne in mathematical reviews g:o . (dez) # . . gower, b. . planets and probability: daniel bernoulli on the inclinations of the planetary orbits. studies in history and philosophy of science b( ), - . a review of daniel bernoulli’s different approaches to the problem of the inclination of planes of the planetary orbits with the plane of the solar equator. also looks at criticisms by jean d’alembert and isaac todhunter of these approaches. astronomy. (gb) # . . graef [fernandez], carlos. . espacio matemfitico y espacio ffsico (mathematical space and physical space). mathesis (ml;xico) , - . in cuadernos de seminario de problemas cient@ cos yfilos$icos. cuadernos y suplementos. primera serie, mtxico: universidad national autbnoma de mtxico. , l- . (va) # . . graef [fernandez], carlos. . mi justa con albert einstein (my tilt with albert ein- stein). mathesis (mpxico) , - . spanish version from the american scientist ( ), - . (va) # . . grigoryan, a. t. . lev davidovich landau (on the th anniversary of his birth). [in russian] voprosy istorii estestvoznaniya i tekhniki (l), - . a brief biography of lev davidovich landau. (dez) # . . gruenberg, k. w. . kurt august hirsch ( - ). bulletin of the london mathemati- cal society , - . hirsch was first influenced by i. schur at the university of berlin, - , but began his career as a journalist. he fled the nazis in and settled in cambridge where he came under the influence of philip hall and earned a second phd. his mathematical interests were in group theory. “his most impressive achievement” was his leadership in the s in transform- ing the department of pure mathematics of the university of london into “an active, internation- ally respected centre for research in algebra, without being in overall charge of the department. . . ” furthermore, “internationally, the mathematical community owes him a debt of gratitude for the immense amount of work he devoted to the translation of russian mathematics” over the years from the end of world war ii until his death. unfortunately, a complete list of these translations is not included. there is a list of hirsch’s papers and there are two photos. (ja) # . . abstracts hm gupta, r. c. . kurt vogel ( - ). the veteran german historian of mathematics. pp. - in # . . . brief biography of kurt vogel, who, among other things, was responsible for founding the institute for the history of science in munich. also included is some of vogel’s corre- spondence with the indian mathematicians b. b. datta (see also # . . ) and a. n. singh. photograph. (dez) # . . gupta, r. c. . on values of a from the bible. pp. - in # . . . an examination of several explanations of the biblical quotation “a molten sea, ten cubits from the one brim to the other; it was round all about; . . and a line of thirty cubits did compass it round about.” pi. (dez) # . . gupta, r. c. (ed.) . tenth anniversary volume. gn#a-bhrirati lo(l- ). the datta-vogel centenary issue celebrating years as the official bulletin of the indian society for history of mathematics. articles by sukomal dutt, r. c. gupta, parmeshwar jha, j. n. kapur, kripanath sinha, and b. l. van der waerden are abstracted separately. (dez) # . . gupta, r. c. . tombstone mathematics. pp. - in # . . . brief discussions of mathe- matical epitaphs ranging from archimedes to sierpinski. (dez) # . . hald, a. . galileo’s statistical analysis of astronomical observations. internafional statisti- cal review ( ), i- . a statistical analysis carried out by galileo in contains the rudiments of a theory for comparing hypotheses by means of the sums of the absolute deviations of the observa- tions from the hypothetical values. statistics. (dez) # . . hansen, vagn lundsgaard. . from geometry to topology. normat ( ), - , . [in danish with a summary in english] a discussion of the development of topology from its origins up to the brouwer fixed point theorem and the borsuk-ulam theorem. mathematical reviews h:olo . (dez) # . . heinzmann, gerhard. . poincare et la philosophie des mathematiques. cahiers du spmi- naire d’tlistoire des mathpmafiques, univ. paris vi , - . a discussion of poincarr and his philosophy of mathematics, which he called “pragmatism,” a synthesis of his intuitionistic require- ments followed by a descriptive analysis of the mathematical constructions. see mathematical re- views h:olo for a list of corrections to the references in the paper. (dez) # . . hentschel, klaus. . die korrespondenz duhem-mach: zur modellbeladenheit von wis- senschaftsgeschichte. annals of science (l), - . the preserved part of the hitherto unpublished correspondence between pierre duhem and ernst mach, kept in the archives de i’acadtmie des sciences, paris, and in the ernst mach institute of the fraunhofer society, freiburg im breisgau, is documented and commented upon. (gb) # . . hewitt, edwin. . what pave sergeevich aleksandrov meant to me. [in russian] uspekhi matematicheskikh nauk ( )( ), - . hewitt’s remembrances of his personal contact with pavel sergeevich aleksandrov, and the influence exerted on him by aleksandrov’s books. trans- lated into english in russian marhematical surveys ( ), - . zentralblatr :o . (dez) # . . heyde, c. c.. and seneta, e. (eds.) . bicentennial history issue. the australian journal of statistics (special vol. b), l- . contents: e. seneta, “silhouettes in early australian statis- tics” (pp. - ); c. c. heyde, “official statistics in the late colonial period leading on to the work of the first commonwealth statistician, g. knibbs” (pp. - ); john d. kerr, “introductionof statisti- cal design and analysis by the queensland bureau of sugar experiment stations” (pp. - ); j. b. f. field, f. e. speed, and j. m. williams, “biometrics in the csir: - ” (pp. - ); david b. duncan, “australian biometry and multiple comparisons” (pp. - ); h. . lancaster, “statistical society of new south wales” (pp. - ); e. j. williams, “a survey of experimental design in australia” (pp. - ). (dez) # . . hm abstracts hogendijk, jan p. . al-ktihi’s construction of an equilateral pentagon in a given square. zeitschrift fiir geschichte der arab&h-zslamischen wissenschaften , - . al-kotii was a mathe- matician and astronomer working in iran in the th century. he was a leading figure in a revival and continuation of greek geometry in the medieval islamic world. his method for constructing an equilateral pentagon in a square involves the intersection of hyperbolas and the solution of a quartic equation. conic sections. algebra. mathematical reviews g:o . (dez) # . . hormig~n, mariano. see # . . . houzel, christian. . colloque d’histoire des mathtmatiques sous le patronage de la socicte mathcmatique de france. hisforia mathematics ( ), . a list of the speakers and the titles of their talks at the conference on the history of algebraic equations held june - , , in marseille. (dez) # . . hoyningen-huene, p. . context of discovery and context ofjustification. studies in history and philosophy of science l& ), - . the author argues that the traditional argument between “positivist” philosophers and “historicist” philosophers can be clarified by focusing on the distinction between the “context of discovery” versus the “context of justification.” philosophy of mathe- matics. (gb) # . . hughes, barnabas. . the arithmetical triangle of jordanus de nemore. historia mathe- matica ( ), - . an analysis of book ix, proposition , of de arithmetica by jordanus de nemore. three illustrations suggest a knowledge of pascal’s triangle. appendices include an english translation and a critical edition of the material. (dez) # . . hunter, m. . promoting the new science: henry oldenburg and the early royal society. history of science x( ), - . analyzes why oldenburg came to be so dominant in his correspon- dences with early members of the royal society. (gb) # . . illy, j. . einstein teaches lorentz, lorentz teaches einstein: their collaboration in general relativity, - . archive for history of exact sciences ( ), - . this paper discusses the cooperative work of einstein and lorentz in developing the theory of general relativity between and . (gb) # . . indorato, luigi, and nastasi, pietro. . the resolution of the fermat-descartes controversy. historia mathematics ( ), - . an examination of a booklet from by pietro dr martino disputing the prevailing view that fermat’s law of refraction was obtained by des- cartes from an opposite hypothesis. there is also an explanation of the reason why di martin stated his minimum principle only for optics, unlike the similar principle discovered by maupertuis and extending to dynamics. isaac newton. italy. (dez) # . . iosifescu, marius. . obituary notice: octav oniciscu, - . international sratistical review (l), - . brief biography of octav oniciscu, a description of his major contributions, and lists of his papers and books. statistics. (dez) # . . janusz, gerald j. . irving reiner - . illinois journal of mathematics ( ), - . a biography of irving reiner, a discussion of his work, a list of his students, and a bibliography. (dez) # . . jha, parmeshwar. . mm. hemtirigada thtikura and his work “rbhiipar%gapaiiji.” the math- ematics education (z), - . hem.&&gada th.%kura was the grandson of a king whose family ruled mithilh for four centuries. the work, whose title means “table of eclipses,” gives a list of predicted lunar and solar eclipses from to . astronomy. mathematical reviews g:olol . (dw # . . abstracts hm jha, parmeshwar. . study of history of mathematics in bihar. pp. - in # . . . a description of research activity in the history of mathematics that has taken place in bihar, india. it includes biographical comments about several of the present researchers. (dez) # . . jones, f. burton. . r. h. bing. topology proceedings (l), - . some personal remi- niscences of r. h. bing. topology. (dez) # . . kapur, j. n. . a brief history of mathematics education in india. pp. - in # . . . eight periods in the mathematics education in india are discussed: ancient india (up to the th century), medieval india ( th and th centuries), the transition period ( th century), early british period ( - ), pre-university period ( - ), post-university th century ( - ), pre- independence th century ( - ), and post-independence th century ( - ). cd=) # . . kaufmann-b~hler, walter. . gaufl: eine biogruphische studie. berlin/heidelberg: springer verlag. viii + pp. dm . a german translation of gauss: a biographical study. this edition of a biography of gauss contains some corrections and “alters some historical explanations that can be omitted for an edition intended for a german-speaking reader.” reviewed by karin reich in historic mathematics ( ), - . see muthematica/ reviews j:o for a review of the english original. (dez) # . . kaunzner, wolfgang. . ijber charakteristika in der mittelalterlichen abendllndischen mathematik. mathematische semesterberichte ( ), - . the characteristics of medieval oc- cidental mathematics are described in three periods. in the th and th centuries the primary concern was practical problems, even though the material appeared to be strongly theoreticized; between and the theoretical direction dominated in symbolic algebra; the s again witnessed the dominance of the practical side. zentralblart : . (dez) # . . keiding, niels. . the method of expected number of deaths, - - . international statistical review (l), i- . the expected number of deaths was calculated in th century actu- arial mathematics but the method seems to have been forgotten, and was reinvented in connection with th century studies of geographical and occupational variations of mortality. statistics. (dez) # . . kennedy, edward s., and debarnot, marie-th~r~se. . two mappings proposed by biruni. zeitschriftfir geschichte der arabisch-lslamischen wissenschaften , - . two ways of mapping a hemisphere upon a plane by al-birljni. (dez) # . . kerschensteiner, georg. see # . . . kilmister, c. w. . j. t. combridge ( ?- ). bulletin of the london mathematical society , - . combridge was a student of mathematical physics. the major intellectual influence in his life was sir arthur eddington, with whom he carried on an important scientific correspondence from the end of world war i until . his major scientific contributions were two: “notes on relativity ,” a survey of the most important literature of the s and s in three volumes, now in the archives of king’s college, london; and, a bibliography of general relativity covering the same time period and published in a limited edition in . in , he moved into the administration of king’s college, london. he was president of the mathematical association in l%l- and wrote a history of the association in , apparently never published. there is a photo. (jai # . . klee, victor. see # . . . kleiner, israel. . evolution of the function concept: a brief survey. the cokge mat&mat- its journal ( ), - . after a glimpse of precalculus notions, the paper considers the th and early th century view of a function as a formula or a geometric curve, dirichlet’s definition in terms of an arbitrary correspondence, the study of various pathological examples, baire class&a- hm abstracts tion, the controversy relating to the use of the axiom of choice, l functions in functional analysis, distributions, and category theory. (dez) # . . knobloch, ebeiuiard. . analogie und mathematisches denken. berichte zur wissen- schafisgeschichte , - . analogical thinking in mathematics, especially in the works of kepler, wallis, leibniz, euler, and laplace. (acl) # . . knobloch, eberhard. see # . . . knorr, wilbur. . archimedes and the pseudo-euclidean catoptrics: early stages in the ancient geometric theory of mirrors. archives znternationales d’histoire des sciences ( -l is), - . part supports the viewpoint that the work catoptrics on the reflections of light was written by theon of alexandria and not by euclid. the connection with archimedes is explained. part discusses the correspondences between catoptrics and other works on optics by damianus, ptolemy, hero, and diocles in relation to the dating question. appendix i excludes damianus. appendix ii discusses ptolemy’s authorship of the optics ascribed to him. ancient greece. mathematical reviews g:oloos. (dez) # . . koblitz, ann hibner. . science, women and the russian intelligentsia: the generation of the s. isis ( ), - . discusses how the s in russian history offered greater opportuni- ties for women in science and medicine. russia. (gb) # . . lam, lay-y• ng, and shen, kangshen. . methods of solving linear equations in traditional china. historia mathematics ( ), - . a survey of the methods used by ancient chinese mathematicians to solve problems that today can be solved by the modem methods of linear equations. the rod numeral notation encapsulates the complexity of the underlying concept. algebra. si- multaneous equations. (dez) # . . lancaster, h. . . a bibliography of statistical bibliographies: an eighteenth list. interna- tional statistical review (l), -l . another list of bibliographies in statistics. the th list contained national bibliographies [ ( ), - while the th listed biographies [ ( ), - . (dez) # . . larroyo, francisco. . filosofia de las matemdticas (philosophy of mathematics). mexico: editorial pomia. math philosophy. (va) # . . laugwitz, d. . hidden lemmas in the early history of infinite series. aequatianes mathe- maticae ( - ), - . certain results are put into the language of infinitesimals (as in nonstan- dard analysis) and then claimed to be implicit in the work of euler, poisson, and cauchy. mathematical reviews g:o . (dez) # . . laugwitz, d. . definite values of infinite sums: aspects of the foundations of infinitesimal analysis around . archive for history of exact sciences ( ), - . usually the reorganization of analysis during the th century is attributed to the textbooks of cauchy. the foundational changes, the author claims, are not just a result of teaching obligations but also a result of the study of convergent and divergent series. the convergent series studied by euler are first reviewed, followed by a discussion of cauchy’s banning of divergent series, and finally a discussion of the need for divergent series in fourier analysis and its applications to partial differential equations of mathe- matical physics. (gb) # . . ldvu, toi~y. . figures de l’infini: les mattmatiques au miroir des cultures. paris: edition du seuil. pp. paperbound. f . reviewed by karen hunger parshall in isis ( ), - . the author wishes to unify the various “faces of the infinite.” according to parshall, levy has produced an eminently readable and engaging book on an ever-tantalizing subject. infinity. (gb) # . . linton, matthew. . babylonian triples. bulletin: the institute of mathematics and its applications ( - ), - . brief discussion of plimpton . see also historia mathematics ( ), abstracts hm - , in which .i. friberg came to the same conclusions. mathematical reviews h: . (dez) # . . liu, dun. . international symposium for the commemoration of mei wending and the chi- nese third annual meeting on the history of mathematics. historia mathematics ( ), - . a list of the speakers, and the titles of their talks, from a symposium held november - , , in mei’s hometown of xuanzhou. (dez) # . . llombart palet, jose. . ciencia y libertad: el papel de cient@co ante la independencia americana (science andfreedom: the role of the scientist in the presence of american independence). cuadernos galileo de historia de la ciencia, . centro de estudios hismricos. consejo superior de investigaciones cientificas. madrid. pp. (va) # . . lozano, juan manuel. . carlos graef fernandez. mathesis (mexico) , - . biograph- ical sketch of the mexican physicist and mathematician c. graef. mexico. (va) # . . maeyama, y. . the keplerian and mean motions: a geometric study. archivefor history of exact sciences ( ), - . mathematical derivation of the point from which keplerian motion of a planet appears most regular to an observer. the author seeks to keep “historical statements to a necessary minimum” and has attained a minimum of one, in the penultimate sentence of the paper. astronomy. (tb) # . . mainzer, klaus. . symmetrien der natur: ein handbuch zur natur- und wissenschaftsphi- losophie. berlin/new york: de gruyter. xi + pp. illustrated. bibliography. index. hardbound dm (symmetry in nature: a handbook for natural philosophy and philosophy of science). a compre- hensive historical account of symmetry in science, philosophy, and art. the mathematical topics include galois theory, lie groups, representation theory, and hilbert spaces. (acl) # . . mancoslj, paolo. . the metaphysics of the calculus: a foundational debate in the paris academy of sciences, - . historia murhematica ( ), - . a sketch of l’h~pital’s analyse des infinimentpetifs. a description of the debate on the logical admissibility of the differential calculus in the parisian academy of sciences from to . the most outspoken adversary for the finitist faction was michel rolle. foundations. infinitesimals. (dez) # . . marchisotto, elena anne. . mario pieri: his contributions to the foundations and teaching of geometry. historia mathematics ( ), - . a discussion of the work and influence of mario pieri, a member of peano’s school of italian geometers. an appeal is made for additional information on pieri’s influence. (dez) # . . medvedev, f. a. . the horn angle in the works of newton. zstoriko-matematicheskie issledovaniya , - . [in russian] applications are looked at in methodus differentialis and in principia mathematics. on the basis of two extracts from these texts the author analyzes newton’s treatment of the infinitely small from the standpoint of non-standard analysis. (sh) # . . mehrtens, herbert. . the gleichschaltung of mathematical societies in nazi germany. the mathematical zntelligencer ( ), - . a translation by victoria m. kingsbury of the article “die ‘gleichschaltung’ der mathematischen gesellschaften im nationalsoziahstischen deutschland,” which appeared in . it is a report on how three mathematical societies were brought into line with nazi ideology. the roles played by some pivotal people are discussed: ludwig bieberbach, wilhelmblaschke, wilhelm s~ss,georghamel, andlunw~~pna~~~~.theconclusioncon- tams an analysis of the histories of the three organizations. german mathematics. photographs. (dez) # . . millan gasca, ana. . el matemtitico julio rey pastor (the mathematician julio rey pas- tor). logroao: instituto de estudios riojanos. pp. foreword by mariano hormigon. the life and works ofthe spanish mathematician julio rey pastor. (va) # . . hm abstracts mills, a. a. . the mercury clock of the libros del saber. annals of science ( ), - . translation of the section of the libros de saber de asrronomia dealing with a mercury clock, preceded by an introduction and followed by a description of a model constructed by the author. astronomy. (tb) # . . milton, j. r. . induction before hume. the british journal for the philosophy of science (l), - . this paper demonstrates that in the centuries before david hume virtually everyone was affected by doubts about the reliability of inductive inferences. the last two sections of the paper criticize both ian hacking’s and the author’s own explanations of the emergence of the modem problem of induction. mathematical reviews g:olo . (dez) # . . mitchell, charles e. . henry wadsworth longfellow, poet extraordinaire. the mathematics teacher ( ), - . five problems written by this american poet attest to his interest in mathematics. (dez) # . . monastirski, m. i. . the fields medallists. istoriko-matematicheskie issledovaniya , - . [in russian] after a short account of its history, the author takes up the conditions under which the medal is awarded, the method of selection and the conferral. the members of the fields committee from to and the medallists from to are introduced. in the second part of the article the author gives summary descriptions of the medallists’ work. (sh) # . . monna, a. f. . marcel brelot ( - ) hommage posthume. [in french] nieuw archief voor wiskunde ( ) ( - ) - . a homage to marcel brelot and his contributions to potential theory. the author recalls his relationship with brelot beginning in the s. (dez) # . . moller, claus. . zum . geburtstag von hermann weyl. jahresbericht der deutschen mathematiker-vereinigung @j( ), - . on the th anniversary of the birth of hermann weyl. describes the historical background, mathematical content, physical motivation, and applications of weyl’s work. also includes the philosophical context and implications. mathematical reviews h:olo . (dez) # . . nastasi, pietro. see # . . . newing, angela. / . the life and work of h. e. dudeney. mathematical spectrum ( ), - . a popular account of h. e. dudeney’s contributions to mathematics, particularly recreational mathematics. in his day dudeney was known as “the puzzle king.” includes some biographical information. (pr) # . . ortiz, eduardo l. . una alianza para la ciencia: las relaciones cientificas entre argentina y espana a principios de este siglo (an alliance for science: scientific relations between spain and argentina at the beginning of this century). llull , - . (va) # . . palter, r. . saving newton’s text: documents, readers and the ways of the world. studies in history and philosophy of science u( ), - . a discussion of isaac newton’s de gravitatione. in this work, newton criticizes descartes’ formulation of physics and definition of motion. palter raises the following questions about this criticism: (i) why is descartes the sole target of newton’s criticism; (ii) who if anyone influenced this criticism; (iii) how closely does the natural philosophy of de gravitatione resemble that of newton’s later writings; and (iv) how closely does newton’s physics compare with modem physics? (gb) # . . parshall, karen. . the art of algebra from al-k~xowarizmi to vibte: a study in the natural selection of ideas. history of science ( ), - . the “natural selection of ideas” is an approach to the study of the historical and evolutionary development of mathematical ideas that may include a mathematician’s false starts, ill conceived techniques, and imperfectly formed theories. the author argues that the development of algebra from al-khowarizmi to vi&e provides a good “test case” for this model of the natural selection of ideas. (gb) # . . abstracts hm parshin, a. n. see # . . . petrova, s. s., and bulicheva, m. g. . on the history of newton’s polygonal method. istoriko-matematicheskie issledouaniya , - . [in russian] three matters are taken up. first is the view, represented by yushkevich, that newton did not consider the question of the number of developments of an implicit function in the neighborhood of the point x = . second is chebotarev’s objection that the term “newton’s diagram” would not be appropriate for the method since newton himself did not use a polygon but rather only drew a straight line in the diagram. and the third is the position that the analytical representation of the polygonal method is almost exclusiveiy tied to the name of lagrange, although d. m. sinzov has already indicated an analytical approach to the question in newton. the authors base their review on newton’s manuscripts published by d. t. whiteside in and in particular on the incomplete work of on series. (sh) # . . prcurrr, ettore. . pour l’histoire des sept premiers nombres parfaits. historia mathematics ( ), - . the history of the first seven perfect numbers. two manuscripts from and by allievo del vaiaio contain the fifth and sixth perfect numbers, respectively. the criteria fol- lowed by pietro cataldi are also explained. number theory. see also # . . . (dez) # . . plackett, r. l. . data analysis before . . international staristical review ( ), - . the focus is on nonstatistical data analysis in pneumatics, sound, and physiology during the period - . statistics. (dez) # . . polovinkin, s. m. see # . . . rey pastor, julio. . julio rey pastor. selecta. madrid: edition of the real acad. cie. exact. fis. nat. fundacion banco exterior. pp. comments by sixto rios, luis a. santalo, and ernest garcia camarero. a selection of rey pastor’s publications on analysis, algebra, geometry, and topology. spanish math. (va) # . . rodrfguez consuegra, francisco. . bertrand russell, - : los principios de /a matemdtica (parte ) (bertrand russell, - : the principles of mathemafics (part ). mathesis (m&co) , - . the last of three papers dealing with the genesis of bertrand russell’s “principles.” peano. cantor. (va) # . . rodriguez consuegra, francisco. . elementos logicistas en la obra de peano y su escuela (logicist elements in peano’s work and his school). mathesis (mexico) , - . math logic. foundations. peano. (va) # . . roero, c. s. . giomate di storia della matematica. historia mathematics ( ), - . report from an international symposium held september - , , in cetraro (cosenza), italy, dealing with the birth and first developments of calculus, and the achievements of modem mathe- matics beginning with the last decades of the th century. a list of speakers and the titles of their lectures is included. (dez) # . . rose, h. e. . r. l. goodstein ( - ). bulletin of the london mathematical society , - . goodstein was “greatly influenced by ludwig wittgenstein,” and he “was the first person whose main interests were in mathematical logic to hold a chair in a british university.” to be more specific, his interests included recursive functions, foundations, and the philosophy of mathematics. in addition to being a member of the faculty, goodstein held several administrative positions at the university of leicester, - . also, he was quite active in the mathematical association, serving as editor of the mathematical gazette, - , and as president of the association, - . included is a list of of goodstein’s research students, a list of his books and papers and notes, and a photo. (ja) # . . hm abstracts ross, george. . lagrange conference. historia mathematics x( ), - . report of a one- day conference held at king’s college, london, to mark the th anniversary of lagrange’s mb- chanique analitique. (dez) # . . rowe, david e. . symposium on the history of modern mathematics. historia mathematics ( ), - . abstracts of papers, about half of which deal with the interface between pure and applied mathematics, from a symposium held june - , , at vassar college. (dez) # . . saliba, george. . the determination of new planetary parameters at the maragha observa- tory. centaurus ( ), - . analysis of the determination of jupiter’s eccentricity according to the ptolemaic model, using observations of yahya b. abi al-shukr al-maormmt in his th~century text halkhis al-majisti. there is also a brief comment on maghribi’s use of a clock. astronomy. (tb) # . . scanlan, michael j. . beltrami’s model and the independence of the parallel postulate. history and philosophy of logic (l), - . a treatment of non-euclidean geometry in which beltrami’s original model is contrasted with its later presentation that occurred after the shift in attitude toward the axiomatic method in the s. logic. mathematical reviews h: . (dez) # . . seneta, e. see # . . . shen, kangshen. . historical development of the chinese remainder theorem. archive for history of exact sciences ( ), - . discusses the appearance of problems on simultaneous congruences, and their solution methods, in china, japan, india and europe, from ancient chinese calendrical reckoning to gauss’ disquisitiones arithmeticae. algebra. (tb) # . . shen, kangshen. see # . . . sherry, d. . the wake of berkeley’s analyst: rigor mathematicae? studies in history and philosophy of science w( ), - . questions the traditional view that berkeley’s analyst im- pugned the foundations of the newborn calculus and spurred mathematicians to situate their edifice more securely. instead, the author reexamines the analyst’s criticisms both in the context of berke- ley’s philosophy and the development of the calculus. the author argues that there is some of berke- ley’s “idealism” that is more congenial to newton’s approach to the calculus. (gb) # . . sheynin, . b. . letters from a. m. lyapunov to k. a. andreev. zstoriko-matemati- cheskie zssledouaniya , - . [in russian] six letters from the archives at lomonossov univer- sity in moscow are published and commented upon. (sh) # . . shields, allen. . banach algebras, - . the mathematical zntelligencer ( ), - . a discussion of some contributions of i. m. gelfand to functional analysis, including his collaboration with d. a. raikov and g. e. shilov. (dez) # . . shimura, goro. . yutaka taniyama and his time: very personal reflections. bulletin ofthe london mathematical society , - . in his tragically short life, yutaka taniyama ( - ) was “one of the most brilliant and pioneering minds of the time” (the middle s) and “the moral support of many of those who came into mathematical contact with him” at the university of tokyo. this affectionate and intimate memoir also recounts the start of taniyama’s promising career (algebraic numbers). there are two photos and a list of taniyama’s five papers and two books (with g. shimura). (ja) # . . sikic, zvonimir. . joseph louis lagrange (on the th anniversary of his birth). matematika (zagreb) #( ), - . a brief treatment of the influence of joseph louis lagrange on french mathematics. france. (dez) # . . abstracts hm simson, daniel. . in memoriam. journal of pure and applied algebra ( - ), . obituary of roman kielpiaski ( - ). algebra. (dez) # . . singh, parmanand. . “ratna matijusa,” a jain work on sanskrit prosody and binomial coefficients. the mathematics education ( ), - . written about a.d., this work of an un- known author contains two rules for the formation of binomial coefficients. permutations. mathematical reviews golol . (dez) # . . singh, sukhjit. . publications of r. h. bing classified by the year. topology proceedings (l), - . a list of publications and one preprint from to . topology. (dez) # . . sinha, kripanath. . vyaktaganitadhyaya of sripati’s siddhrintasekhara. pp. - in # . . . an english translation of, with an introduction to, sripati’s siddhxnta$ekhara, a major work on astronomy written during the period - a.d. the th chapter, titled vyakta- ganitadhyaya, contains verses, some of which deal with series and mensuration. indian math- ematics. (dez) # . . stigler, stephen m. . a look backward on the occasion of the centenary of the jasa. journal of the american statistical association ( ), - . a discussion of the history of this professional organization, including extracts from the first two volumes of jasa. (dez) # . . stone, marshall h. . reminiscences of mathematics at chicago. the mathematical zntelli- gencer ( ), - . marshall stone served as the chairman of the mathematics department at the university of chicago for years. here he discusses his drastic revision of the curriculum. see also # . . for an accompanying commentary. american mathematics. (dez) # . . struik, d. j. . dirk jan struik. ntm-schriftenreihe fir geschichte der naturwissenschaften, technik und medizin , - . interview with david e. rowe covering aspects of struik’s life and work. (acl) # . . swetz, frank j. . using problems from the history of mathematics in classroom instruction. the muthematics teacher ( ), - . there are several sets of problems for students to solve that interested early mathematicians. the problems are drawn from different time periods of china, egypt, babylonia, india, europe, and america. education. (dez) # . . tyrrell, j. a. . patrick du val ( - ). bulletin of the london mathematical society , - . du val was a student of h. f. baker in algebraic geometry, and he also was influenced by federigo enriques and other italian geometers of the s. his most important mathematical contributions were concerned with algebraic surfaces. his book ( ) “is the best source, in english, for the geometric applications of elliptic functions.” he made many geometric models, some of which are still to be seen at university college, london. there are two photos and a list of of du val’s publications, but omitted are his works published in turkish while he was on the faculty of the university of istanbul. (ja) # . . valera, manuel. see # . . . van den dries, lou. . alfred tarski’s elimination theory for real closed fields. the journal of symbolic logic (l), - . a description of the history of some of alfred tarski’s contributions to logic. mathematical reviews h:olo . (dez) # . . van der waerden, b. l. . the astronomical system of the persian tables, ii. centaurus m( ), - . a continuation of the paper entitled “das astronomische system der persischen tafeln i” that appeared in centaurus w(l%s), l- . in that first part, horoscopes recorded by the hm abstracts arabian astrologer ibu hibinta were analyzed. the aim was to reconstruct the astronomical theory underlying the tables which were used to compute the horoscopes. in the present continuation, the author wishes to compare the lunar longitudes presented in the horoscopes with those computed by means of the midnight system. persia. astronomy. (gb) # . . van der waerden, b. l. . a summary of roger billard’s l’astronomie indienne. pp. - in # . . . roger billard’s book indian astronomy [in french] sheds light on indian astronomy by its method of dating astronomical theorems. (dez) # . . van der waerden, b. l. . die astronomie der griechen. eine einfiihrung. dannstadt: wissenschaftliche buchgesellschaft. xi + pp. illustrated. paperback. the author intends this to be a less mathematical treatment than . neugebauer’s a history of ancient mathematical astronomy ( ). he emphasizes, for example, the observations upon which the mathematics is based. the work includes an argument that the heliocentric theory of aristarchos of samos played a much greater role in scientific greek astronomy than has been hitherto assumed. (acl) # . . vizgin, v. p. . die rolle der mathematik bei der aufnahme der relativitltstheorie und der quantenmechanik in russland und in der u.d.s.s.r. ntm-schriftenreihe fiir geschichte der naturwissenschaften, technik und medizin , - (the role of mathematics in the acceptance of relativity theory and quantum mechanics in russia and the u.s.s.r.) (acl) # . . vizgin, v. p. . the role of mathematics in the acceptance of fundamental physical theories (in the case of relativity theory and quantum mechanics in russia and in the u.s.s.r.). istoriko-mate- maticheskie zssfedouaniya , - . [in russian] this study points out the greatly increased role of mathematics in physics, with its new structures, which moved into prominence in the first third of the th century. this new mathematics essentially played no role in the classical theories which were tied to national mathematical traditions. the author’s goal is to show that, in the case being consid- ered, the “mathematical canal” for the acceptance of the scientific revolution was of substantial, if not decisive, significance. (sh) # . . wang, yuan. . obituary. graphs and combinatorics l( ), - . luo-geng hua ( - ). graph theory. (dez) # . . white, michael j. . on continuity: aristotle versus topology. history and philosophy of logic (l), l- . an analogy between aristotle’s idea of “continuity” and topological notions of continuum. mathematical reviews g:o . (dez) # . . whyburn, lucille. . r. h. bing - . topology proceedings (l), - . some reminiscences and comments about r. h. bing at the university of virginia in - . topology. (dez) # . . williams, gurney, iii. . the master of math. omni (s), - . was ramanujan reli- gious? this article, otherwise a standard biographical sketch, answers “no.” (rek) # . . wilson, robin. . mathematics in the low countries. the mathematical zntelligencer ( ), . stamps honoring simon stevin, johann de witt, and christiaan huygens. (dez) # . . wu, wen-tsun. . recent studies of the history of chinese mathematics. in proceedings of the international congress of mathematicians, vol. , pp. - . providence, ri: american mathematical society. a panoramic view of various results of recent historical research on ancient chinese mathematics. the major topics include problems concerning integers, geometry, and algebra. mathematical reviews h:oloo . (dez) # . . yushkevich, a. p. . on the history of the scientific relationships between mathematicians in the ussr and france (on the election of s. n. bernstein, i. m. vinogradov, and m. a. lavren- abstracts hm tiev to the paris academy of sciences). fstoriko-matematicheskie issledouaniya , - . (in russian] the evaluative reports held at the archives of the paris academy on these three mathemati- cians are transcribed with a commentary. (sh) # . . zhmud, leonid. . pythagoras as a mathematician. historia mathematics ( ), - . an examination of the reliability of the evidence concerning pythagoras’s mathematical studies, and the iogicai establishment of his contributions. deductive proof. (dez) # . . "here, i could rove at will": harriet martineau, sartain's union magazine, and freedom in the transatlantic periodical press "here, i could rove at will": harriet martineau, sartain's union magazine , and freedom in the transatlantic periodical press amanda adams victorian periodicals review, volume , number , spring , pp. - (article) published by johns hopkins university press doi: for additional information about this article [ access provided at apr : gmt from carnegie mellon university ] https://doi.org/ . /vpr. . https://muse.jhu.edu/article/ https://doi.org/ . /vpr. . https://muse.jhu.edu/article/ © the research society for victorian periodicals “here, i could rove at will”: harriet martineau, sartain’s union magazine, and freedom in the transatlantic periodical press amanda adams given her prodigious periodical legacy, it is no surprise that harriet martineau has received consistent critical attention in periodical studies, especially for her writing on slavery, women’s issues, and the industrial economy. her work in the s—a decade in which she commented on all of these subjects and more—has been well mined. still, her lake district writings of the same period have received less scrutiny. a group of writings that focus their attention on natural scenery and tourist sites, they might at first seem far removed from the issues of the day with which martineau was so often engaged and as such have engendered few critical investiga- tions. alexis easley constitutes the major exception with her treatment of martineau in literary celebrity, gender, and victorian authorship, – . easley links martineau’s lake district writings to the fraught issue of women’s celebrity, illuminating how martineau was able to carve out an authorial position that “provided a model of how women could capitalize on the emerging industry of literary tourism as a way of enhancing their status as literary celebrities.” this essay focuses on one such lake district writing—a series of articles published in the philadelphia-based sartain’s union magazine of literature and art. conceived of as “a year at ambleside,” the articles purported to describe martineau’s seasonal life from month to month in the english lake district. like easley, i am interested in the ways that these writings reveal a gendered cultural context. however, i focus on the transatlantic political theater in which martineau was writing. as bob nicholson argues in his recent overview of the transatlantic periodical press, technological developments over the course of the nineteenth century “allowed news- victorian periodicals review : spring papers and periodicals to become the nineteenth century’s most pervasive ‘contact zone’ between british and american culture, a channel through which words, texts, people, and ideas from one country entered the cul- tural bloodstream of the other.” indeed, “a year at ambleside” functions as a transatlantic channel designed to capitalize on american interest in the storied environment and culture of the english lake district. viewed from this perspective, martineau’s writings appear to be a victorian version of wordsworth’s writings aimed at an american audience: genial, tourist- minded accounts meant to celebrate the beauty, wildness, and literary heri- tage of the lake district. although the series was published in the united states during a particularly contentious year in the political struggles lead- ing up to the civil war—a year that included the compromise of and, as part of it, a stronger fugitive slave law—the articles at first seem disengaged from a transatlantic political context. however, a closer look reveals that the series is not as apolitical as it at first seems to be, especially when carefully situated within a transatlantic context. as paul giles points out, british and american works can shift in meaning and “are apt chameleonically to change their shape when refracted through a spectrum of alternative cultural traditions.” indeed, a transat- lantic reading of martineau’s series reveals secondary subjects beyond the apparent focus on lake district tourist sites of interest. throughout the series, i argue, martineau’s purported subject gives way in key moments to another topic: the freedom of embodied mobility that such a landscape offers to women like herself. the “freedom” she explicitly claims for her- self can and should be read in the context of the concurrent american debate about freedom and its counterpart, slavery. indeed, slavery and freedom were clearly on martineau’s mind as she wrote her monthly essays and would continue to preoccupy her thoughts for years to come. in fact, martineau not only donated some of her earnings from the series to two american anti-slavery publications but also obliquely engaged with the issue of slavery by focusing on women’s bodily liberation and making indi- rect references to american slavery. freedom, in other words, is at once a political goal and a rhetorical theme in the series. the question of slavery is never directly raised in the text, but it can be brought into focus through contextual analysis and martineau’s direct commentary on the freedom the lake district afforded to women like herself. thus, a seemingly innocuous description of a local place is actually engaged, directly and indirectly, with the transatlantic political debate about slavery. sartain’s union magazine of philadelphia was a counter-intuitive choice of venue for such a project given its nationalistic and apolitical reputation. working in collaboration with william sloanaker, british publisher john sartain purchased the union magazine of literature and art in and added his name to the title. he then moved the magazine from new york amanda adams to philadelphia and printed the first issue in january . sartain was already well known for his steel engravings and mezzotinto methods, and sloanaker had been a business manager at graham’s magazine, so both came to the project with experience in periodical publishing. they hired john hart and writer caroline kirkland (a future correspondent of mar- tineau’s) as co-editors. the magazine lasted until and at its height boasted a circulation of fifty thousand. not unlike many periodicals of the time, sartain’s sought to publish relatively noncontroversial articles on arts and culture with a distinctive nationalistic undertone. as heidi l. nichols points out, “sartain’s served to promote a distinctly american literature and art, often wrestling with ways to embrace, yet distance itself from, its european and especially english cultural heritage, as well as from the social and economic underpinnings reflected in foreign work.” sartain’s pursued its nationalist agenda by printing mostly american authors, such as edgar allan poe, catherine sedgwick, and henry wadsworth longfel- low. its commitment to american authorship was not exclusive, however, as it also printed martineau’s work and other non-american contributions. as jennifer phegley has argued in her study of harper’s new monthly magazine, the american reprinting of british works (or, we might add, british-themed works) wasn’t necessarily at odds with a periodical’s desire to fulfill a nationalist vision. rather, in the case of harper’s, the “editors theorized that by providing the public with these examples of ‘excellent’ high culture texts, the magazine would raise the standards of american readers and, in turn, raise the quality of american literature.” thus, the mission of instilling literary taste, even for british literature, could be con- strued as nationalistic. the lack of copyright protection for british authors meant that peri- odicals could reprint their work less expensively than the contributions of american authors. nevertheless, sartain’s was willing to pay for origi- nal work from american authors so as to enable them “to pursue their craft as full-time employment.” sartain himself critiqued magazines that wouldn’t publish well-known american writers because of high rates of payment, and he took pride in publishing works by american authors. he wrote, “we mean not to disparage the literary merit of the material of these periodicals, but, if we are to have a national literature, and compete proudly and successfully with britain in the great rivalry of intellect, it is assuredly time that our native authors receive adequate compensation for their labours, and not be driven from the field, as it were, merely by the cheapness with which transatlantic productions can be obtained.” sar- tain’s, like other american periodicals, thus saw its mission as celebrating american culture and subject matter while also paying for contributions from british authors. still, due to the tendency of american publishers to reprint british texts without payment, writers like martineau entered into the american literary marketplace with some trepidation. victorian periodicals review : spring the fact that an american publication saw martineau’s descriptive account of the lake district as worthy of cultivating american taste and interest suggests that the region had a cachet that made it attractive to readers. an american audience for lake district travel literature was only possible because of longstanding interest in the lakeland poetry of word- sworth and coleridge and the consequent status of the district as a tourist destination. indeed, as nicola j. watson points out, the nineteenth cen- tury was the “period [which] saw the practice of visiting places associated with particular books in order to savour text, place and their interrelations grow into a commercially significant phenomenon.” while in there were fewer american tourists in the lake district than there would be later in the century, tourists were visiting its literary haunts in increasing numbers. there was simultaneously a robust american audience for the british romantics’ writing about the area. in , for example, editor henry reed wrote of wordsworth’s guide to the lakes, “it may not be uninteresting to you to learn that a volume so purely local in its nature should afford so much value to a distant reader as i have drawn from it. i have found it a guide to the mind in kindred scenes and that it cultivates a taste for landscape which finds its indulgence in the worthy admiration of regions that are accessible to us.” americans, it seems, were not only interested in the lake district but also in the apparatus wordsworth pro- vided for appreciating its natural beauty. martineau’s descriptive account of her home in england was also well suited to sartain’s mission of culti- vating american taste. as part of its nationalistic agenda, sartain’s sought to avoid politically controversial topics such as slavery, instead focusing on the seemingly apolitical topics of arts and culture. in publishing martineau’s series, however, sartain’s inadvertently entered into martineau’s abolitionist proj- ect. unbeknownst to american readers, martineau had asked for most of the proceeds from her series to be given to two anti-slavery publications in the united states, the liberator and the anti-slavery standard. mar- tineau wrote to her friend ellis loring gray about her payment from the sartain’s series, asking if he would “be so kind as to receive this sum [ pounds], & to pay half of it to mr. garrison for the benefit of ‘the libera- tor,’ & the other half to ‘the anti-slavery standard.’” she explained that it was precisely because of the magazine’s apolitical stance that she needed gray to serve as her go-between: “i impose the trouble on you merely because messrs sartain might not (possibly) relish paying money directly to such heretical papers; & it may be prudent to make all easy to them.” in her hope of raising money for a just cause, martineau was savvy in her choice of sartain’s. by the s, it had a wide audience which included men and women of the rising middle classes in all regions of the country. amanda adams thus, if martineau wanted to reach women and men in the north and south, sartain’s was an optimal choice. as martineau’s donations suggest, “a year at ambleside” was more tethered to political concerns than first meets the eye. the series indirectly broaches the issue of slavery by foregrounding the issue of freedom from bodily confinement. martineau casts the lake district as a welcoming place for women like herself who enjoy freely walking in rural locales. she opens “january” by contrasting her previous state of confinement to her newly awakened freedom of movement. she remembers how in tynemouth, “after a long illness, during which i never saw a tree in leaf for upwards of five years, and passed my life between my bed and my sofa,” she was eventually restored to health. first she “crept” outside, then “extended [her] rambles to a fine beach three miles from home,” and finally moved to the lake district to live, write, and walk. she writes in the february installment, “there was no reason why i should not live where i pleased. . . . i was free to choose how to begin life afresh.” here martineau invokes the discourse of freedom to underscore her new-found mobility and self- determination, rights women—and slaves—were denied in the s. the fells around ambleside provided ample opportunity for women like martineau to walk, partly because there were so few men looking on. she explains that “in this valley, the gentlemen soon grow tired. they go off somewhere to find something to do,—some business, or foreign travel, or hunting.” in fact, martineau writes, the lake district “society becomes, in some sort, amazonian.” during the victorian era, the amazonian archetype constituted a challenge to male-female dichotomies (as well as racial binaries). maeve e. adams writes that in victorian culture, “rep- resentations of the amazon do not consistently or strictly adhere to the ways in which colonial ideology divided up the world into the powerful (white men) and the powerless (everyone else). the amazon is a mobile archetype that appears, at times, to challenge the fixity of those boundar- ies.” for martineau, to be among the amazonians was to claim unfet- tered movement and to express independent agency. however, the trope’s implicit deconstruction of racial hierarchies also proves relevant as martin- eau writes, however indirectly, in the context of black slavery. in each installment, martineau generally begins in a domestic space but then quickly leaves it on foot. of her newfound home in ambleside, she writes, “here, i could write in serenest repose; here, i could rove at will; here, i could rest.” the idea of wandering “at will” emphasizes self-deter- mination and freedom from a constricting masculine gaze. each monthly installment in the series is, for the most part, structured according to a walking path or direction. in “may,” she opens with “what a morning it is! my early walk shall be to stockghyll force.” later, in “june,” she victorian periodicals review : spring walks to bowness, deciding that the “walk will not be half a mile further, and that it will be much pleasanter, if we leave the highroad, and go up wansfell. . . . it is a toilsome ascent at first,—stony and hot and close; but by the time that we come out upon the brook, a sweet air blows upon us from the lake.” she keeps the reader’s eye tightly focused on natu- ral details as together they “rove” freely through the landscape. the free- dom of movement martineau performs in these pieces is striking precisely because she is a middle-class woman, a status so often associated with domestic confinement. the appeal of “wildness” is undeniable—it is the reward for her being “free to choose how to begin life afresh.” as stacey alaimo notes, many nineteenth-century women writers “looked outward toward a natural realm precisely because this space was . . . not replete with the domestic values that many women wished to escape. nature, then, is undomesticated both in the sense that it figures as a space apart from the domestic and in the sense that it is untamed and thus serves as a model for female insurgency.” martineau celebrates her domestic life and her walks as parts of a multi- faceted life, thus deconstructing the dichotomy between domestic life and professional work. she, like many other women authors, felt pressure to maintain a domestic image even as she pursued a public role, whether by walking out alone or working in the public sphere. certainly, as eas- ley points out, martineau was keenly aware of domestic ideology, and in “a year at ambleside” she devotes many pages to describing the literal construction of her domestic space. but rather than reifying a gendered public-private dichotomy, she destabilizes it by focusing alternately on the development of her home and the process of launching off from it. indeed, she emphasizes the link between domesticity and nature by gather- ing plants on her walks that she can cultivate in her garden. in march, for example, she describes removing “heather from an enclosure which is sort of a heather preserve” and finds that “one trowel [is] small enough to take the ferns clean out of the crevices of the walls” to transplant in her own yard. in other words, for martineau, there is no clear separation between walking in the fells and leading a rich domestic life. in fact, each feeds and develops the other. as part of her project to disengage domesticity from images of con- finement, martineau unequivocally insists on the importance of bodily freedom for women, whether by walking in the fells, planting ferns, or sitting at a writing desk. her insistence on freedom being anchored in the body was also at the heart of her ongoing interest in abolitionism. while martineau never mentions the word “slave” or “slavery” in “a year at ambleside,” the nineteenth-century concept of freedom, as toni morrison reminds us, “has no meaning . . . without the specter of enslavement, the anodyne to individualism; the yardstick of absolute power over the life of amanda adams another; the signed, marked, informing, and mutating presence of a black slave.” while morrison is referring to american literary tradition, her insight holds true for britain, which had only recently outlawed slavery and was still engaged in less official forms of forced labor in its imperial holdings. martineau’s references to freedom in “a year at ambleside” thus resonated with the “specter of enslavement,” not only because she donated her earnings to the abolitionist cause but also because she was dedicated to the mission of ending slavery throughout her career and explicity linked the experiences of women and slaves in many of her writings. her aboli- tionism began before her visit to the united states but her experiences there deepened her dedication to the cause. while in america, she received death threats because of her outspokenness on abolition, but this only sparked her further engagement with the issue in leaders for the london daily news and other newspapers and periodicals in the s and early s. for martineau, the issues of slavery and women’s freedom were entwined. in society in america, for example, she repeatedly ties american women’s lack of political standing to the position of slaves, as both are excluded from the claim in the declaration of independence that the gov- ernment derives its powers “from the consent of the governed.” white men claim to represent their interests, despite evidence to the contrary. she writes, “the georgia planter perceives the hardship that freedom would be to his slaves. and the best friends of half the human race peremptorily decide for them as to their rights, their duties, their feelings, their pow- ers.” as lesa scholl has written of this section, “both [white women and slaves are] in a similar bondage to the law, . . . both held by the whim of law, deprived of will and right.” white women and black slaves, in other words, both suffer at the hands of those who falsely claim to represent them. more pointedly, martineau cites thomas jefferson’s correspondence in which he yearns for a “pure democracy” that he concedes must exclude both women and slaves. women must be disenfranchised because they would face a “depravation of morals” if they entered the public sphere and slaves, because they exist in an “unfortunate state of things with us [which] takes away the rights of will and of property.” martineau suggests that if the disqualification he claims for slaves (in other words, the lack of rights of will and property) were applied to women, it “would be nearer the truth than as it now stands.” “by using the metaphor of women and slaves,” caroline roberts notes, “martineau’s discourse participates in a tradition of women’s abolitionist rhetoric in england that began in the late seventeenth century, when women writers projected their anxieties about their own subordination onto their representations of slaves.” indeed, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century women often did make this connec- tion, including mary wollstonecraft, whose vindication of the rights of victorian periodicals review : spring women is replete with the analogy. it is, of course, a fraught comparison, rife with questions of privilege and overstatement; nevertheless, it was a common analogy that, at least for martineau, reflected a compassionate concern for both groups. roberts argues that in fact “martineau’s use of the metaphor identifying women and slaves does not cause her to detract from the horrors of slavery or from the aims of abolitionism. instead, mar- tineau unravels the metaphor at the same time she evokes it. she identifies two separate systems of oppression that are alike, but independent.” society in america, where these analogies appear, was published in after martineau’s american visit. i suggest that the two identities—slave and woman—remained roughly analogous for martineau in when she wrote “a year at ambleside.” in this instance, however, she cloaks her abolitionist message in a vision of freedom for middle-class british women—as a celebration of mobility and self-determination, the freedom to traverse the static categories of public and private domains. this vision of freedom implicitly stands in contrast to enslavement. freedom, for mar- tineau, is not just an abstraction; it is linked explicitly to bodily freedom or literal freedom of movement. this, too, was a point of focus in all of martineau’s work regarding slavery but especially during the years just before and after “a year at ambleside.” in her other writing of the period, she discusses the lack of bodily freedom for female slaves in the middle east and africa—the members of the harem—and her esteem for the heroic mobility exhibited by runaway slaves. her treatment of harem women is especially pertinent given intersec- tional considerations of race and gender. in a letter published in the ameri- can liberty bell in , just two years before “a year at ambleside,” martineau writes of her visit to a harem and draws attention to one partic- ular woman who suffers from the bodily confinement inherent in slavery: “there can hardly be a day when she does not sigh . . . to be again under the broad sky of her own land, working with her mother at the guhern, or driving the ox with her little brother”; instead, she is “imprisoned for life behind the curtains of the women’s abode.” her concern for the eastern slave echoes her denunciations of the american slave system. indeed, she begins another letter to the liberty bell by drawing an explicit connection between the slavery she witnesses in egypt and that which she had seen in the united states, saying that “when i left your country, i thought i had seen the last i should ever see of slavery. . . . but i have been to the east, and have seen slavery again.” likewise, in her fuller treatment of the trip in eastern life, also published in , she contrasts women’s physical liberty in europe with the women of the harem: “everywhere they pit- ied us european women heartily, that we had to go about traveling, and appearing in the streets without being properly taken care of,—that is, watched. they think us strangely neglected in being left so free, and boast amanda adams of their spy system and imprisonment as tokens of the value in which they are held.” martineau’s celebration of her own embodied freedom in the lake district two years later stands in stark contrast to these images of imprisonment and subjugation. feminist materialism, articulated compel- lingly by alaimo, in fact places women’s physical experience at the center of questions of agency. in doing so, alaimo and others theorize what mar- tineau had already recounted in “ambleside” and elsewhere. similarly, martineau had a long-standing respect for the physical daring exhibited by runaway slaves, dating back to her visit to the united states in the s. in retrospect of western travel, published after her trip in , she includes a chapter titled “restless slaves.” she expresses admira- tion for them but is careful not to give away any details that may endanger them or future escapees. she does learn from the ferryman crossing the niagara that the “leap ashore of an escaped slave is a sight unlike any other that can be seen.” john ernest notes that this moment is extraor- dinary for a travel narrative since the “conventionally sublime portrait of niagara falls gives way to the ultimately sublime portrait of the fugitive slave’s leap for freedom from the united states to canada.” likewise, just one year after “a year at ambleside,” martineau hosted fugitive slaves william wells brown and william and ellen craft in her lakeland home. in his memoir of touring europe, brown recounts how martineau “was much pleased with ellen craft, and appeared delighted with the story of herself and husband’s escape from slavery, as related by the latter—during recital of which i several times saw the silent tear stealing down her cheek, and which she tried in vain to hide from us. when craft had finished, she exclaimed, ‘i would that every woman in british empire, could hear the tale as i have, so that they might know how their own sex was treated in that boasted land of liberty.’” in this anecdote, not only is martineau deeply moved by the tale of escape but succeeds in identifying victorian white women with a slave, ellen craft. finally, in , in her overview of the abolitionist movement written for the edinburgh review, martineau again hails the runaway slave—and the freedom of movement such narra- tives capture: “there can hardly be a stronger test, both of the force of the desire of liberty and of the personal heroism of certain negro slaves, than the mode of escape adventured by some few of them when the fugitive slave law rendered the old methods too hazardous.” she celebrates those who “have thrown themselves into the broad ohio or potomac, preferring to drown within sight of the free shore to being caught by the horsemen who are shouting behind.” these celebrations of the runaway slave, stretching from the s to the s, bookend her celebration of her own physical freedom in “a year at ambleside.” these works demonstrate martineau’s consistent admiration of runaway slaves, who often serve as powerful symbols of the victorian periodicals review : spring fight against slavery in general. self-directed movement under duress offers an important symbolic contrast to the imprisonment of slavery she decries in her description of the harem women. indeed, as roberts observes, “for martineau, the body is the site where feminist and abolitionist agendas converge.” likewise, ernest, in focusing on william wells brown’s fugi- tive statues, notes martineau’s mentorship of the writer and calls them both “fugitive tourists”: “they are fugitive tourists because they have stepped out of an assigned social position, a transgression that is liberat- ing but that comes at a price.” he adds that “ultimately, martineau and brown present a choreographic rendering of a world in which instability and movement are the only consistent characteristics, in which the fugitive is the only reliable guide, and in which strategic negotiations of the laws of mobility become the means by which authority can be crafted in a nar- rative performance.” thus, their mutual rejection of white patriarchal society is grounded in the importance of mobility and movement—a theme clearly picked up by martineau in her meditation on freedom for middle- class women in “a year at ambleside.” american slavery, then, exists in the subtext of “a year at ambleside,” an allusion which is available to those who might be familiar, then and now, with martineau’s full canon on the topic. there are, however, a few more direct allusions to slavery in the series. aware of her american audi- ence, martineau occasionally compares the lakeland scenery to that of the united states, as she does in the april installment when discussing lake windermere, “which you americans say, is so like their north river, near west point.” but more pointedly, in describing a restful moment she enjoys with her friend fredrika meyer in june, she writes, “the hours slip by as we lie couched among the ferns, reading our newspapers, or amusing each other by narratives of our wide travels. if f. m. tells me of the pyre- nees or the danube, i tell her of the mississippi, or pharpar and abana, the rivers of damascus, or of adventures in nubia.” here martineau brings up the mississippi, with its unquestionable associations with slavery (and nubia, which is the setting of her visit to the harem in her previously pub- lished eastern life). this invocation of the primary artery of the internal slave trade is directly contrasted with her own freedom, as she immediately follows this reference by returning to their perambulations: “and then we walk round the island, which is a mile in circuit.” in the november installment, we again see the specter of slavery in mar- tineau’s discussion of martinmas, a tradition in rural england: “the grand spectacle of the season is the martinmas hiring—the half-yearly engage- ment of farm-servants, both lads and lasses. those who wish to be hired, stand about the market-cross, with a sprig of green, or a straw in their mouths.” her description of the hirings sounds vaguely like a descrip- tion of a slave auction, which reflects broader concerns about the practice. amanda adams for example, a writer some fifty years later mused upon the irony of the town pocklington being both the birthplace of william wilberforce and the host of the region’s martinmas hirings. he writes of the “widespread boorish (dis)organisation known as the martinmas hirings. the slave- market! where men and girls, in spite of the ransom procured for them by william wilberforce, held themselves willing slaves to their own peculiar love of change, and their consistent patronage of an ancient custom which required them to act as cattle or slaves to be hired or sold in the market- place!” ironically, it is partly their status as migrant workers that makes them seem like slaves, but the act of putting their physical bodies up to be scrutinized and chosen by random employers is what seems to define them as chattel. the martinmas hirings are the focal point of martineau’s november installment, which distinguishes it from the other monthly articles that emphasize particular walks. in discussing the revelry that follows the actual hirings, martineau describes how those locals who have broken social codes are subject to “punishment by lynch-law,” which is “a ter- rible sight.” here, martineau compares the mob justice of a rural people to lynching in the united states, which she had written about in the past and would continue to write about in the near future. in an leader for the london daily news, for example, she writes about lynch law in rural england but grounds its history in the american battle over slavery: “we need not recite the mobbings that have taken place in the united states within the last five-and-twenty years, from the time when the slavery question became the recognized difficulty of the republic. it is enough to point to the results of the extension of the practice in the barbaric temper of the southern states.” the issue was personal to her, as she recounts in her autobiography, because she herself had almost been lynched over her controversial comments on abolition. as she headed down the ohio river following her public comments to the boston female anti-slavery society, her friend loring had warned her, “‘i must tell you what they mean to do. they mean to lynch you.’ and he proceeded to detail the plan. the intention was to hang me on the wharf before the respectable inhabitants could rescue me.” in other words, “lynch-law” had a specific association with slavery for martineau that was no doubt echoed in american readers’ minds. martineau’s account of the rural english martinmas celebration, with its attending imagery of the slave auction and mob lynchings, would have resonated with american audiences, who regularly read about such horrors in daily newspapers. the freedom to “rove at will” among the beauty of the lake district was, of course, denied to slaves and to many women less privileged than martineau. it is tempting, then, to dismiss “a year at ambleside” as an aesthetic or purely literary endeavor that was simply consumed by a victorian periodicals review : spring transatlantic audience hungry for all things lakeland. doing so, however, not only ignores the radical vision of freedom for women that martin- eau evokes—one that is embodied and that challenges and dissolves the restricting boundaries of the domestic—but also ignores that other vision of freedom, abolition, which occupied martineau’s thoughts throughout the s. the fight for freedom for american slaves haunts the series, through indirect allusion and an evocative discourse of embodied liberty; this subtext comes into focus when we consider the transatlantic context in which it was written and read. it certainly haunted martineau as she wrote, thus prompting her to donate the proceeds to the abolitionist cause. reading it in this way reflects recent developments in the field of ecocriti- cism, which reveal how seemingly apolitical works on nature are indirectly engaged in political discourse. jonathan bate, for example, takes issue with readings of nature writing that view it “as an escape from, or even an active suppression of, socio-political reality.” martineau’s accounts of walks into obscure locations around the lake district cannot be separated from the transatlantic political issues she and so many others found press- ing. the series also reminds us how the periodical press—in this case, sar- tain’s—functions as a platform for poly-vocal intellectual exchange. it exemplifies and reflects the ways in which the press could exploit or pro- mote american interest in british culture; publish british writers as part of a mission to cultivate american taste; act as a medium for abolitionism, however subtle that support might be registered; and provide a platform for an image of female embodied agency with all of its thematic extensions. in “a year at ambleside,” the lakeland region, as represented in the pages of sartain’s magazine, becomes an overdetermined site, as much a concep- tual place as a geographical one. the body of the woman and the specter of the body of the slave march through this real and symbolic geography, guided by an author for whom freedom was a central value. muskingum university notes i would like to thank jennifer phegley and the participants in the transatlantic periodical press seminar at the midwest victorian studies association conference for their helpful feedback on an early draft of this paper. . easley, literary celebrity, . . in sartain’s, each article appears in the month corresponding to the title, except “march” and “april,” which appear together in the april issue of the magazine for an unknown reason. . nicholson, “transatlantic connections,” . amanda adams . giles, transatlantic insurrections, . . as explained by heidi l. nichols, this method involved “scraping and bur- nishing plates to create enhanced light and shadow in the resulting prints. the quality of john sartain’s artwork exceeded that of most artists who were his contemporaries.” nichols, fashioning of middle-class america, – . . quoted in schultz, “editor’s desk,” . . nichols, fashioning of middle-class america, . . phegley, “literary piracy,” . . nichols, fashioning of middle-class america, . . quoted in nichols, fashioning of middle-class america, . . from martineau’s point of view, american publications were unreliable in their payment of british authors. writing privately about her agreement with sartain’s, she notes, “it is so rare a thing to us english authors to get any money from american publishers, that i shall not feel sure till the thing is done” (martineau to ellis loring gray, october, , , in collected letters, ). in another letter, she writes, “i have no reason to doubt their doing their duty by me. it is only that, somehow or other, such payments seldom come in” (martineau to w. l. garrison, october , , in col- lected letters, ). there was, then, both a tremendous interdependency and some scepticism in the relationship between british writers and ameri- can publishers. . watson, literary tourism, . . while wordsworth’s home, dove cottage, didn’t open as a public museum until , the story of how it came to be a literary shrine “revolves around the desire of victorian admirers of wordsworth to keep something of him in the world after his death; tangible, and, crucially, something transferable.” atkin, “ghosting grasmere,” . . meredith l. mcgill, in her introduction to the traffic in poems, suggests that “for british poets, american readers represented not only potentially vast, unrealizable profits, but also—because this field of reception was for- eign, unpredictable, and fundamentally ungovernable—something like a present-tense index of future fame” ( – ). . henry reed to william wordsworth, january , , in reed, word- sworth and reed, . . sartain, on a personal level, was deeply sympathetic to abolitionism. he later wrote, “i, as an englishman and as a sufferer for conscience’s sake, have a claim to speak. it is highly discreditable to human nature that as the north for years sided generally with the slave-power, all for the greed of gain, so for the same motive england, after goading americans inces- santly with irritating sneers about the disgrace of slavery, sided with slavery against freedom as soon as the conflict began.” sartain, reminiscences, . victorian periodicals review : spring . the magazine did, however, give some space to women’s issues, providing “significant, though not profuse, commentary” on them (nichols, fashion- ing of middle-class america, ). sartain’s was also known for paying female authors fairly, and, of course, caroline kirkland served as co-editor. . michael r. hill, who edited martineau’s lake district writings, briefly men- tions in his introduction that by donating the money she earned to anti-slav- ery causes, she “actively linked the lake district to her vigorous support of abolition in the united states” ( ). . harriet martineau to ellis loring gray, october, , , in collected letters, . . ibid. . patterson, art for the middle classes, . . martineau was strategic in the way she thought about transatlantic audi- ences. in , she wrote to fanny wedgewood that she was anxious to get her book on toussaint l’ouverture published in the penny magazine because her “chief object [was] to get at the southern states, where they reprint the p.m. fearlessly, and will never dream of meeting me.” harriet martineau to fanny wedgewood, february , , in harriet martin- eau’s letters to fanny wedgewood, . . martineau, “year at ambleside,” : . . ibid. . ibid., : . . ibid., : . . ibid. . see also elizabeth gaskell’s references to amazonians in cranford ( ). . adams, “amazon warrior woman,” n.p. . martineau, “year at ambleside,” : . . ibid., : . . ibid., : . . alaimo, undomesticated ground, . . in a letter to elizabeth barrett four years prior, martineau made the case for a balanced life, combining what we traditionally think of as domestic work with professional work and connecting both to her life in the lake district. she writes, “it is my desire to keep up that union of practical domestic life with literary labour wh has been such a blessing to me ever since i held the pen: but i feel pretty confident that much work (authorship) of a kind very serious & important to myself will be done on that spot where i so lately sat on the grass, & resolved there to pitch my tent. i have a horror of mere booklife;—or a life of books & society. i like & need to have some express & daily share in somebody’s comfort: & i trust to find much peace & satisfaction as a housekeeper, in making my maids happy, & perhaps a little wiser,—in receivg overworked or delicate friends & relations to rest in my paradise, & in that sort of strenuous handwork wh i like better than amanda adams authorship.” harriet martineau to elizabeth barrett, february , , in harriet martineau: further letters, . . in fact, just before proclaiming her desire to “rove at will,” she notes that “every woman requires for her happiness some domestic occupation and responsibility,—to have one’s daily happiness to cherish.” martineau, “year at ambleside,” : . indeed, given her lifelong writing on this subject, it is clear that she was genuinely committed to this concept. . ibid., : . . morrison, playing in the dark, . . quoted in martineau, society in america, . . martineau, society in america, . . scholl, “mediation and expansion,” – . . quoted in martineau, society in america, . . ibid. . martineau, society in america, . . roberts, woman and the hour, . . for an important analysis of this analogy, see zonana’s “the sultan and the slave.” in her study of “oriental feminism” in jane eyre and other victo- rian texts, zonana argues that during the nineteenth century, many women writers were “turning to images of oriental life—and specifically the ‘maho- metan’ and ‘arabian’ harem—in order to articulate their critiques of the life of women in the west” ( ). . roberts, woman and the hour, . . martineau, “incidents of travel,” . . martineau, “letter,” . . martineau, eastern life, . . martineau, retrospect, . . ernest, chaotic justice, . . brown, three years in europe, . . martineau, “negro race,” . . ibid. . roberts, woman and the hour, . . ernest, chaotic justice, . . ibid., . . martineau, “year at ambleside,” : . . ibid., : . . ibid. . ibid., : . . brierley, “north-country market,” . . martineau, “year at ambleside, : – . . martineau, leader, . . martineau, autobiography, : . . bate, romantic ecology, . victorian periodicals review : spring bibliography adams, maeve e. “the amazon warrior woman and the de/construction of gendered imperial authority in nineteenth-century colonial literature.” nineteenth-century gender studies , no. ( ). http://www.ncgsjournal. com. alaimo, stacey. undomesticated ground: recasting nature as a feminist space. ithaca: cornell university press, . atkin, polly. “ghosting grasmere: the musealisation of dove cottage.” in lit- erary tourism and nineteenth-century culture, edited by nicola watson, – . new york: palgrave macmillan, . bate, jonathan. romantic ecology: wordsworth and the environmental tradi- tion. new york: routledge, . brierley, harwood. “a north-country market.” newcastle courant, november , , . brown, w. wells. three years in europe: or, places i have seen and people i have met. london: charles gilpin, . easley, alexis. literary celebrity, gender, and victorian authorship, – . newark: university of delaware press, . ernest, john. chaotic justice: rethinking african american literary history. chapel hill: university of north carolina press, . gaskell, elizabeth. cranford. edited by elizabeth porges watson. oxford: oxford university press, . giles, paul. transatlantic insurrections: british culture and the formation of american literature, – . philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, . hill, michael r. “an introduction to harriet martineau’s lake district writ- ings.” in an independent woman’s lake district writings, by harriet martin- eau, – . amherst: humanity books, . martineau, harriet. autobiography. vols. london: virago, . ———. collected letters of harriet martineau. vol. , letters – . edited by deborah anna logan. london: pickering and chatto, . ———. eastern life, present and past. philadelphia: lea and blanchard, . ———. harriet martineau: further letters. edited by deborah a. logan. bethle- hem: lehigh university press, . ———. harriet martineau’s letters to fanny wedgewood. edited by elisabeth sanders arbuckle. stanford: stanford university press, . ———. “incidents of travel.” liberty bell, january , , . ———. leader. daily news, july , , . ———. “letter.” liberty bell, january , , . ———. “the negro race in america.” edinburgh review (january ): – . amanda adams ———. retrospect of western travel. . vol. . honolulu: university press of the pacific, . ———. society in america. vol. . new york: saunders and otley, . ———. “a year at ambleside.” sartain’s union magazine of literature and art (january ): – ; (february ): – ; (march–april ): – ; (may ): – ; (june ): – ; (july ): – ; (august ): – ; (september ): – ; (october ): – ; (novem- ber ): – ; (december ): – . mcgill, meredith l. the traffic in poems: nineteenth-century poetry and trans- atlantic exchange. new brunswick: rutgers university press, . morrison, toni. playing in the dark: whiteness and the literary imagination. new york: vintage books, . nichols, heidi l. the fashioning of middle-class america: sartain’s union mag- azine of literature and art and antebellum culture. vol. , early american literature and culture through the american renaissance. edited by reiner smolinski. new york: peter lang, . nicholson, bob. “transatlantic connections.” in the routledge handbook to nineteenth-century british periodicals and newspapers, edited by andrew king, alexis easley, and john morton, – . new york: routledge, . patterson, cynthia lee. art for the middle classes: america’s illustrated maga- zines of the s. jackson: university press of mississippi, . phegley, jennifer. “literary piracy, nationalism, and women readers in harper’s new monthly magazine, – .” american periodicals , no. ( ): – . reed, henry, ed. wordsworth and reed: the poet’s correspondence with his american editor: – . edited by leslie nathan broughton. ithaca: cornell university press, . roberts, caroline. the woman and the hour: harriet martineau and victorian ideologies. toronto: university of toronto, . sartain, john. the reminiscences of a very old man. new york: d. appleton, . scholl, lesa. “mediation and expansion: harriet martineau’s travels in amer- ica.” women’s history review , no. ( ): – . schultz, heidi m. “the editor’s desk at sartain’s magazine: – .” ameri- can periodicals ( ): – . watson, nicola j. introduction. literary tourism and nineteenth-century cul- ture, – . new york: palgrave macmillan, . wollstonecraft, mary. a vindication of the rights of woman. nd ed. edited by carol h. poston. new york: norton, . zonana, joyce. “the sultan and the slave: feminist orientalism and the structure of jane eyre.” signs , no. ( ): – . "the mighty spring tide of finnish music": nationalism and internationalism in the music of leevi madetoja “the mighty spring tide of finnish music”: nationalism and internationalism in the music of leevi madetoja by daniel sakari mahlberg b.f.a., simon fraser university, m.a., california state university, a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy in the faculty of graduate and postdoctoral studies (music) the university of british columbia (vancouver) october © daniel sakari mahlberg, ii the following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the faculty of graduate and postdoctoral studies for acceptance, the dissertation entitled: “the mighty spring tide of finnish music”: nationalism and internationalism in the music of leevi madetoja submitted by daniel sakari mahlberg in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy in music examining committee: vera georgia micznik co-supervisor david j. metzer co-supervisor alan dodson supervisory committee member alexander fisher university examiner herbert rosengarten university examiner daniel m. grimley external examiner iii abstract in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, finnish nationalists struggled to define their country’s national identity while simultaneously navigating two foreign infractions: swedish rule, which remained influential even after finland was annexed by russia in , and russian colonization, which continued until finland’s independence in . inspired by herder, they justified claims for cultural and political legitimacy by disseminating a written form of the incipient finnish language, manufacturing a national epic, the kalevala, and reinforcing the myth of finland as a homogenous national entity rooted in the natural world. meanwhile, finnish musicians sought to advance their nation’s international standing by producing works aimed at the elevation of finland’s artistic canon. jean sibelius was only one of several influential artistic figures active in early twentieth-century finland. leevi madetoja ( - ), who lived and worked in sibelius’s shadow, composed a number of weighty, melancholic works, many of which include national associations. for example, madetoja’s second symphony ( ) was inspired by the events of finland’s civil war, while his first opera pohjalaisia ( ) explores a narrative of self-determination and freedom from oppression. as there is little information available on madetoja outside finland, this project aims to bring an awareness of his life and work to a wider audience. it begins by situating madetoja in the larger political and artistic nationalist movements of the time. madetoja’s incorporation of a sense of place in his output, through the integration of folk idioms and iv references to the finnish landscape, is explored through an assessment of his contemporaneous critical reception. this in turn reveals how finnish audiences received his work with respect to finland’s nationalist undertakings. further, through a detailed analysis of the second symphony, this study discusses madetoja’s style through a demonstration of his twentieth-century adaptation of older formal models and his development of strong organic connnections among themes and motives. this dissertation concludes by investigating the commonly held perspective that madetoja’s work exhibits to a certain extent a french character, and it situates madetoja vis-à-vis his colleagues sibelius and debussy, aiming at a broader understanding of madetoja’s international position. v lay summary one of the most significant of jean sibelius’s small number of students, leevi madetoja ( - ) graduated from the university of helsinki in , continuing his training with vincent d’indy in paris and robert fuchs in vienna. madetoja composed two operas, the first of which received international acclaim and was quickly elevated to the status of finland’s national opera, a position it held for more than sixty years. he also composed three symphonies, the last of which is widely considered comparable in artistic merit to the symphonies of sibelius. many of madetoja’s works were composed during a time of intense sociopolitical unrest. this dissertation undertakes an examination of the nationalist climate of early twentieth-century finland, tracking the origins of the country’s journey toward independence. through an examination of madetoja’s life and music, it aims at an understanding of how finnish musicians impacted, and were influenced by, this turbulent milieu. vi preface this dissertation is an original, unpublished, independent work by the author, daniel sakari mahlberg. vii table of contents abstract ...................................................................................................................... iii lay summary ............................................................................................................... v preface ........................................................................................................................ vi table of contents ...................................................................................................... vii list of tables ............................................................................................................... x list of figures ............................................................................................................. xi list of musical examples .......................................................................................... xii acknowledgements .................................................................................................... xv dedication .............................................................................................................. xviii introduction ................................................................................................................. background .............................................................................................................................. literature review ................................................................................................................... thesis outline ....................................................................................................................... ..... background and introduction .............................................................................................. “qu’est-ce que une nation?” ................................................................................................. when is a nation? ................................................................................................................ johann gottfried herder and the reconstruction of the finnish language ................... constructing the ideal finn ................................................................................................. viii the kalevala: a case study ................................................................................................. from cultural to political nationalism ............................................................................... conclusion: does finland have a history? ........................................................................ .. background and introduction ............................................................................................. folk music ............................................................................................................................. nature and landscape ......................................................................................................... “europeanization”: an international awareness of national space ................................ conclusions to this chapter .............................................................................................. ..................... ostrobothnia ....................................................................................................................... juvenilia: madetoja’s formative years ................................................................................ university life, folksong collection, and studies under sibelius .................................... first-period compositions, travel abroad, and gainful employment ............................ “a costly sacrifice”: the war period ................................................................................. madetoja’s rise and fall: late-period compositions ........................................................ ........... introduction ........................................................................................................................ the first movement ............................................................................................................. subsequent movements ..................................................................................................... critical response ................................................................................................................. ix conclusions to this chapter ............................................................................................. ............................................. introduction ........................................................................................................................ sibelius ................................................................................................................................. debussy ............................................................................................................................... other french influences ..................................................................................................... conclusions to this chapter ............................................................................................. conclusion ............................................................................................................... bibliography ............................................................................................................. appendix .................................................................................................................. formal analysis of madetoja’s symphony no. in e-flat major, first movement ....... x list of tables table . : authentic cadences in madetoja’s symphony no. , first movement. ................ xi list of figures figure . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, large scale tonal movement. ..... xii list of musical examples example . : madetoja, pohjalaisia, opening motive. ............................................................ example . : madetoja, pohjalaisia, act , measures - . ................................................... example . : a) peter hyttinen’s spiritual melody; b) “tuuli se taivutti koivun larvan”; c) madetoja, pohjalaisia, opening motive. ................................................................................. example . : debussy, pelléas et mélisande, act , scene , opening motive. ..................... example . : original “talapakan nikolai.” ........................................................................... example . : madetoja’s “talapakan nikolai.” ...................................................................... example . : madetoja, pohjalaisia, opening of act . ........................................................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . .......................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, principal theme, measures - . .................................................................................................................................................. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, variations on subphrase a. ... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, comparison of subphrase a with motive a. .................................................................................................................................. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, variations on motive a. ........ example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, second thematic idea, oscillating theme, measures - . .......................................................................................................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, motive d, measures - . .... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, ascending octatonic variant of motive a, measures - . ..................................................................................................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, accompaniment patterns and , measures - . .................................................................................................................. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, continuous development of accomp. . ................................................................................................................................ example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, third thematic idea, “conjunct melody,” measures - . .................................................................................................... xiii example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, continuous development of motive e. .................................................................................................................................. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, fourth thematic idea, “dance theme,” measures - . ....................................................................................................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ................ example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ........................ example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, principal theme. ................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ..................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, third thematic idea, measures - . ..................................................................................................................................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, - . ................................. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , second movement, oboe solo, measures - . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , second movement, measures - , theme in first violins. .............................................................................................................................. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , third movement, measures - . ................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , third movement, measures - , “waltz-like jingle.” ..................................................................................................................................... example . : sibelius, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ............................. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ........................ example . : sibelius, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . ............................ xiv example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, principal theme fragment (above); debussy, string quartet no. , op. , first movement, principal theme fragment in rhythmic augmentation (below). ..................................................................................... example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, measures - , flute solo (ex. a, above); madetoja, symphony no. , second movement, measures - (ex. b, below). ...... example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, measures - . ............................ example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, measures - . .......................... example . : debussy, nocturnes, “fêtes,” measures - . .................................................... example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, measures - . ........................ example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - , reduction. .. example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, melodic variation of principal theme. ..................................................................................................................................... example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, continuous development of subphrase a. ............................................................................................................................ example . : madetoja, konserttialkusoitto, op. , opening. ............................................ example . : madetoja, kullervo, op. , measures - . ............................................... example . : sibelius, pohjolan tytär, op. , measures - . ........................................ example . : franck, le chasseur maudit, opening. ........................................................... example . : madetoja, kullervo, opening. .......................................................................... example . : madetoja, huvinäytelmäalkusoitto, op. , third theme. ............................ example . : madetoja, symphony no. , third movement, measures - . ................. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , third movement, measures - . .............. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , fourth movement, measures - . ................ example . : madetoja, okon fuoko, suite , “okon fuoko, unitaikuri,” measures - . xv acknowledgements this project would not have succeeded without the guidance and encouragement of my dissertation committee. vera micznik was critical in shaping the direction of my research. her sage counsel, meticulous review, and brilliant suggestions helped me clarify my thoughts and strengthen my voice. david metzer devoted untold hours to a ruthless reading of this document, lending keen insight, pragmatic advice, and a fresh perspective. alan dodson, who offered pivotal support during the earliest stages of my degree, kindly stepped in at the eleventh hour with his assessment of the project. alexander fisher, a guiding force throughout my degree, offered a careful reading and welcome feedback. herbert rosengarten’s perceptive questions and gracious demeanour helped make the defence experience a pleasant one. richard froese served as the examination chair, an important post without which my learning would not have been fulfilled. i am honoured to have my dissertation read by one of the foremost scholars of scandinavian music, daniel grimley, who offered rigorous, insightful commentary as the external examiner. many other dedicated individuals supported me both personally and professionally over the course of my degree. margret andan, william benjamin, gregory butler, edward jurkowski, and michael tenzer offered vital assistance on numerous occasions. kevin madill and the staff of the university of british columbia library accommodated my increasingly obscure interlibrary loan requests. my cohorts nick steinwand and jennifer paulson enriched my academic experience by sharing their experiences and offering xvi ongoing advice and reassurance. the late demi dunlap, a cherished friend, was pivotal in inspiring me to undertake this project; it was her dream to attend my convocation. my family was a tremendous source of inspiration, sharing in my excitement as my degree took shape and became a reality. their support, for which i will always be grateful, sustained me through a busy personal and professional period. my paternal grandparents, annikki and the late kauko mahlberg, inspired me to discover and study my cultural heritage; i am proud to trace my roots to finland and experience firsthand its rich history. my maternal grandmother, the late ann coles, was a strong advocate for my studies, and her “tuna surprise” sustained me through many late nights of study. my parents, kari and the late sheila mahlberg, were a source of unconditional love and unfailing encouragement, without which none of this would have been possible. my father guided this journey of cultural exploration, accompanied me to finland, doubled as my factchecker and proofreader, and motivated me to make this project a reality. my loving mother gave in every possible way, beyond what my words can justly describe; she was with me in spirit throughout the process. christy mahlberg and pradeep nair generously took time from their own busy lives to help me prepare for my defence, peppering me with razor-sharp questions and goat jokes. christy provided the ceaseless encouragement and support that only a sibling can offer, while deep offered every manner of concrete help. carol lloyd kindly offered her babysitting skills and endured countless iterations of my defense presentation. peter and teresa kam selflessly welcomed me to their home and their family, offering their support in myriad tangible ways too detailed to enumerate. xvii my beloved wife and best friend, lida, sustained me through all of this. i could not have reached this point without her unconditional love and care. my darling son, aiden, was a source of inspiration, joy, and sleepless nights that awakened in me newfound personal strength. i would like to thank the social sciences and humanities research council for providing funding that supported my studies and allowed me to travel to finland to conduct research. while in finland, i was fortunate to meet with dr. tuire ranta-meyer, who shared unparalleled advice, and to receive assistance from the archivists and staff of the national library of finland and the sibelius academy. the musical examples for jean sibelius's pohjolan tytär, op. are taken from the edition (berlin: schelsinger) and the examples for sibelius's symphony no. , op. are taken from the edition (copenhagen: wilhelm hansen). my thanks to susanna lehtinen and fennica gehrman publications for sanctioning the use of leevi madetoja's music in this dissertation. xviii dedication this dissertation is dedicated to my family, for their love and support, and to the memory of the late sheila mahlberg. introduction the average englishman is not too far wrong when he thinks, rather loosely, of finland as a land of desolate wastes. the finns call their country suomi, sometimes derivated from the word suo, meaning swamp, and indeed, one third of the area consists of peaty marshes similar to the peat bogs of ireland or the mosses of lancashire. moreover, the general bleakness is further emphasised by the fact that two-thirds of the year is bitterly cold and when the land of the midnight sun becomes the land of the mid-day moon, short nights stretch into interminable day. background denby richards’s facetious prose, above, hints at an important truth: that finland’s unique geography is crucial to its development as a nation. finland’s western border is formed by the gulf of bothnia and its southern border by the gulf of finland. its far northern latitude places a full third of the country within the arctic circle. this results in a strong sense of isolation from the rest of europe. in veikko helasvuo’s words, “less than a hundred years ago not many people in europe knew that such a country as finland even existed.” even today, although finland has been part of the european union since , its capital city, helsinki, “rarely shows up on central european television weather maps.” denby richards, the music of finland (london: hugh evelyn, ), . veikko helasvuo, sibelius and the music of finland, rd ed., trans. r. milton and paul sjöblom (helsinki: otava, ), . glenda dawn goss, sibelius: a composer’s life and the awakening of finland (chicago: university of chicago press, ), . the idea that geography is destiny—shaping people, polity, and culture—can be traced back at least as far as the french historian ernest renan ( – ). historically, finland’s remote location separated its inhabitants from contemporary european developments. finnish classical music before sibelius, the celebrated finnish conductor robert kajanus ( - ) recounted, was little more than “a feeble offshoot of the german school onto which finnish folk elements were, shall we say, ethnographically grafted.” likewise, ferruccio busoni—during a visit to helsinki in - —noted with dismay the utter lack of curriculum at the conservatory and of a regular opera company (according to him, there was only a pitiable theatre where standards like la traviata were sung in swedish). any and all efforts were praised as “good,” and everyone was “talented,” busoni lamented, and artists were content with “reproducing or imitating a fragment of that which has been achieved elsewhere.” finland’s cultural renaissance—which kimmo korhonen describes as the “golden age of finnish art” and “the mighty spring tide of finnish music”—did not arrive until the closing decade of the nineteenth century, when sibelius’s works of the s gave finland a more profound and original musical voice. according to see ernest renan, “qu’est-ce qu’une nation?” in oeuvres complètes, vol. (paris: calmann-lévy, - ), - ; repr. as “what is a nation?” in becoming national: a reader, ed. geoff eley and ronald suny, trans. martin thom (new york: oxford university press, ), - . kimmo korhonen, inventing finnish music, nd ed., ed. aarne toivonen, trans. jaakko mäntyjärvi (jyväskylä, gummerus kirjapaino, ), . goss, sibelius, . korhonen, inventing, . some scholars, his symphonic poem kullervo ( ) marked the birth of finnish music as “a sign that [it] had reached, besides a high aesthetic level, a spiritual independence, having found its own tone.” by the turn of the century, his music was already making international inroads, most notably through a highly successful concert with the helsingin kaupungin orkesteri at the paris world fair of . sibelius, however, was but one of several talented musicians in early twentieth- century finland. perhaps his most significant contemporary was leevi madetoja ( - ), whose stylistic refinement and technical polish secured him the nickname of “master of orchestral music.” a student of sibelius, madetoja is often described in relation to his teacher, even when arguing for his status as an artist in his own right. he has, for example, been characterized as “highest among the finnish symphonists immediately succeeding sibelius” and “possibly the most significant of the finnish post-sibelian romantic composers.” his three symphonies, the core of his output, have garnered considerable toivo haapanen, suomen säveltaide (helsinki: n.p., ), - ; trans. matti huttunen, “nationalistic and non-nationalistic views of sibelius in the th-century finnish music historiography,” in music and nationalism in th-century great britain and finland, ed. tomi mäkelä (hamburg: von bockel verlag, ), . goss, sibelius, - ; see also helena tyrväinen, “sibelius at the paris universal exposition of ,” in sibelius forum: proceedings from the second international jean sibelius conference, helsinki, - november, , ed. matti huttunen, kari kilpeläinen, and veijo murtomäki (helsinki: sibelius academy, ), - . kimmo korhonen, “leevi madetoja in profile,” trans. susan sinisalo, finnish music information centre, accessed december , www.fimic.fi. glenn norman koponen, “a study of the symphony in finland from to with an analysis of representative compositions” (phd diss., columbia university, ), . praise. evert katila asserts that madetoja’s second is “the most significant of our artistic achievements after sibelius’s monumental series,” while salmenhaara argues that the third is “one of the few items in finnish literature on par with the works of sibelius.” in certain respects, madetoja’s achievements have even eclipsed sibelius’s. whereas the latter’s only opera jungfrun i tornet (the maiden in the tower, ) was hindered by a poor reception, madetoja’s pohjalaisia (the ostrobothnians, - ) received exceptional critical acclaim, securing its status as finland’s national opera, which it maintained until the arrival of joonas kokkonen’s the last temptations in . moreover, it is possible, as salmenhaara states, to speak of a “madetoja school” in s finnish music, but not a “sibelius school”: whereas sibelius largely stopped composing after the premiere of tapiola ( ), madetoja’s contributions to finnish music continued through the s with such important works as the ballet-pantomime okon fuoko ( - ) and the opera juha ( - ). yet madetoja and his music are hardly known outside finland. this dissertation is “kaikesta huolimatta ihmeellistä elinvoimaa.” [. . .] “sinfonian tummalla traagilliselta pohjalta kohoava tunne-piiri vastaa erinomaisesti nykyajan henkeä.” [. . .] “huomattavin saavutus, mihin säveltaiteemme sibeliuksen monumentaalisen sarjan jälkeen [on päässyt].” evert katila, helsingin sanomat, january ; quoted in erkki salmenhaara, leevi madetoja (helsinki: tammi, ), . unless otherwise specified, translations are my own. erkki salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja: a composer from ostrobothnia and paris,” fennica gehrman, accessed july , www.fennicagehrman.fi/composers/madetoja-leevi/. ibid., . the literature is rife with impressive claims to madetoja’s achievements. about the third symphony and the comedy overture, paavo heininen states: “their humane, unpretentious classicism and their cultured outlook on the roots of finnish art make them unique in finnish music.” paavo heininen, liner notes for leevi madetoja, sinfonia iii, finnlevy sfx , , lp; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . anterro karttunen suggests that “leevi madetoja was the creator and the discoverer of new modes of expression. for his was an original, national, visionary musical outlook, by virtue of which he was able to make familiar procedures serve the purpose of expressing in music previously uncaptured moods.” antero karttunen, liner notes for leevi madetoja, pohjalaisia, finnish national opera, conducted by jorma panula, finnlevy sfx - devoted to bringing to light madetoja’s life and musical contributions, especially to audiences outside finland. leevi madetoja is an enigma, and his artistic profile is exceptionally contradictory. the composer seppo nummi describes him as “the most nordic of the northerners,” an epithet owing to a childhood in the remote finnish region of northern ostrobothnia. he repeats an established cliché of madetoja as “the most finnish of all finnish artists. slow- moving, straight, melancholy. somehow an entirely rustic figure, though cultivated enough in his incomplete quality.” the pianist gustav djupsjöbacka agrees, observing that madetoja’s output appears “somehow non-communicative in a peculiarly finnish way,” and adding that “the melancholy of the vast ostrobothnian plains which suffuses the music of madetoja complements the image of a profound finnish philosopher.” contrarily, seija lappalainen and erkki salmenhaara describe him as a cosmopolitan artist; “as an operatic , , lp. jarmo sermilä suggests that “during sibelius’s lifetime [madetoja] created a completely individual cycle of three symphonies that clearly diverges from sibelius’s massive use of the orchestra.” jarmo sermilä, finland’s composers: short historical outline [sic] (helsinki: ulkoasiainministeriö, ), ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . veikko helasvuo notes that sibelius’s three symphonies are equally celebrated and generally held to be the most successful efforts in the genre of finnish symphonic literature after sibelius. helasvuo, sibelius, ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . seppo nummi, “tänään oopperassa: madetojan pohjalaisia,” uusi suomi, sept ; quoted in kauko karjalainen, “nationalism in leevi madetoja’s operatic works,” in mäkelä, music and nationalism, . ibid., . gustav djupsjöbacka, “a brief outline of the finnish art song,” finnish music information centre, accessed march , www.fimic.fi. and orchestral composer,” they argue, “he is worthy of international stature.” his french influences are particularly noteworthy. kimmo korhonen maintains that madetoja’s oeuvre contains “an elegance indicative of french music,” while vera nilova insists that it “is imbued with a french modalism.” madetoja lived and worked through a time of intense sociopolitical unrest associated with the forced russification of finnish language and politics. the turmoil deepened through the late s, following the ascent to the throne of tsars alexander iii (r. - ) and nicholas ii (r. - ), who were less sympathetic than their predecessors toward finland’s autonomous status as a grand duchy. simultaneously, the hegelian call for the advancement of national culture, incited by european currents and expressed in finland most notably through the work and legacy of the finnish philosopher johan vilhelm snellman ( - ), reached a new level of intensity. these developments were all-encompassing, impacting upon education, government, language, and the arts. in music, they were expressed most notably through a demand, by finnish audiences and critics alike, for representative showpieces of national culture that contained not only a seija lappalainen and erkki salmenhaara, leevi madetojan teokset, trans. william moore (jyväskylä: suomen säveltäjät ry, ), . kimmo korhonen, “orchestral works of leevi madetoja,” trans. susan sinisalo, finnish music information centre, accessed february , www.fimic.fi. vera nilova, “un vent parisien souffle sur helsinki: les influences françaises dans la musique finlandaise au début du xxe siècle,” revue des études slaves , nos. - ( ): . unique, identifiably finnish character but also a measure of patriotic spirit. certain works in madetoja’s oeuvre, including the second symphony ( - ) and the opera pohjalaisia, fit this description. this congruity is problematic in some respects, for, as karjalainen points out, madetoja’s music tends to be neglected when nationalist considerations form the primary basis for his assessment. although this study will initially situate madetoja within a national framework, the intention is to explore how madetoja navigated this sociopolitical milieu in his compositions. literature review madetoja’s representation in english-language scholarship is negligible at best. although madetoja’s contemporaneous reception was second only to sibelius, and although his output has witnessed a present-day renaissance supported most notably by the release of his works on several major record labels, his music has not, to date, served as the sole subject of an article in a north-american academic journal, let alone an english- language book-length study. outside finland, madetoja scholarship is so scarce that album notes frequently serve as source material, even among academics. kauko karjalainen, leevi madetojan oopperat pohjalaisia ja juha: teokset, tekstit ja kontekstit (helsinki: helsingin yliopiston musiikkitieteen laitos, ), . ibid., . see, for example, koponen, “symphony,” , - . in english, ruth esther hillila’s “the solo songs of toivo kuula and leevi madetoja and their place in twentieth century finnish art song” is a pioneering work. while the study avoids discussion of madetoja’s symphonies and operas in favour of his vocal works, it offers useful biographical information and skillfully situates madetoja within finland’s historical, literary, and musical contexts. another important source is seija lappalainen and erkki salmenhaara’s leevi madetojan teokset [the works of leevi madetoja], which— despite the finnish title—contains several pages in english translation. unfortunately, it is not readily accessible outside finland, and its biography—at six pages in length—is far from comprehensive. otherwise, english sources are limited primarily to small feature pieces in the journal finnish music quarterly and brief articles affiliated mainly with the finnish music information centre which, while valuable, serve mainly to whet the reader’s appetite. for those with a reading knowledge of finnish, more material is available. for many years, kalervo tuukkanen’s leevi madetoja suomalainen säveltäjäpersoonallisuus [leevi madetoja: portrait of a finnish composer] offered the only widely available information ruth esther hillila, “the solo songs of toivo kuula and leevi madetoja and their place in twentieth century finnish art song” (phd diss., boston university, ). the most noteworthy include juoni kaipainen, “french colouring in a bothnian landscape,” trans. william moore, finnish music quarterly, nos. - ( ): - ; korhonen, inventing; korhonen, “leevi madetoja”; korhonen, “orchestral works”; salmenhaara, “composer from ostrobothnia”; and salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians: an opera about freedom,” trans. susan sinisalo, finnish music quarterly, no. ( ): - . kalervo tuukkanen, leevi madetoja: suomalainen säveltäjäpersoonallisuus (porvoo, wsoy, ). on madetoja’s life and music. published in , the year of madetoja’s death, it was hardly a neutral source; nevertheless, it presented the interested reader with a detailed biography written in an approachable manner. however, the centenary of madetoja’s birth in spawned a f lurry of activity. most significant is erkki salmenhaara’s eponymous biography of leevi madetoja, a definitive and extensively cited work. while salmenhaara’s musical discussions are—perhaps necessarily—limited in scope, his breadth of research is impressive. as one of finland’s most respected musicologists, salmenhaara’s other articles on madetoja likewise present valuable perspectives on various aspects of madetoja’s style. the same year, matti rossi oversaw the publication of leevi madetoja vuotta [leevi madetoja years], which contains not only a collection of articles in celebration of “madetoja week,” - [sic!] february , but also programs for a series of concerts held that week in madetoja’s birthplace, oulu. notable chapters include “leevi madetojan elämänvaiheet: lyhyt katsaus” [leevi madetoja’s life stages: a brief overview] and “leevi madetojan säveltäjantyö” [leevi madetoja’s compositions] by erkki salmenhaara; “leevi madetoja oulun koulussa” [leevi madetoja at school in oulu], by the archivist and historian samuli onnela; “madetojan yksinlaulut” [madetoja’s solo songs] by the composer this appears to have been one of hillila’s primary sources for her biography of madetoja. see, most importantly, erkki salmenhaara, leevi madetojan kauneuden filosofiasta (tampere: suomen filosofinen yhdistys, ); erkki salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana,” etnomusikologian vuosikirja ( – ): – ; and erkki salmenhaara, “madetoja oli myös musiikkipoliitikko,” arsis ( ), – . matti rossi et al., leevi madetoja vuotta (oulu: mainosyhtymä oulu, ). olavi pesonen; “minun madetojani” [my madetoja], a set of personal recollections by the choral conductor ensti pohjola; and “pulliainen kapellimestarin sinfonikko—leevi madetoja” [symphonic conductor—leevi madetoja] by riitta pulliainen. another significant source is kauko karjalainen’s publication, leevi madetojan oopperat pohjalaisia ja juha: teokset, tekstit ja kontekstit [leevi madetoja’s operas pohjalaisia and juha: the works, the texts, and the contexts]. the work, based on karjalainen’s doctoral dissertation, offers analyses of madetoja’s two operas on a scene-by- scene basis. a notable strength is a lengthy discussion of the operas’ national and international critical reception, which prompts important questions regarding nationalism and reception. meanwhile, an evaluation of european operatic and symphonic models suggests that madetoja’s output can as easily be compared with such pioneers of early modernism as mahler and schoenberg as with those composers commonly associated with late romantic idioms, such as sibelius and tchaikovsky. although it is a finnish-language publication, the reader has recourse to an abstract and summary in english, as well as a short english-language companion article in tomi mäkelä’s music and nationalism in th- century great britain and finland. karjalainen, madetojan ooperaat, . the abstract is on page ; the summary, translated by andrew bentley, is on pages - . karjalainen, “nationalism,” - . more recently, madetoja’s name has appeared in european scholarship focusing on links between finnish and parisian artists. helena tyrväinen and vera nilova have questioned the pervasive inf luence of wagner in finland by focusing on the manner in which debussy and composers associated with vincent d’indy’s schola cantorum made their way into finland. their work provides valuable insight into madetoja’s studies at the schola cantorum in - and his long and fruitful affiliation with paris. madetoja was a lifelong contributor to several newspapers and journals, including aamu, aika, helsingin sanomat, karjala, maailma, musiikkitieto, nuori suomi, päivä, säveletär, suomen musiikkilehti, suununtai, turun sanomat, uusi säveletär, uusi suometar, and vaasa, among others. although he was notoriously taciturn regarding his thoughts on his own output, he had no shortage of opinions on a variety of other subjects, especially regarding the music of his colleagues both within finland and abroad. a number of these articles were compiled by salmenhaara, and some of that material is included in this dissertation. nilova, “un vent parisien,” - ; helena tyrväinen, “kansallisten piirteiden ja ranskan musiikin vaikutteiden kohtaamisia toivo kuulalla, leevi madetojalla ja uuno klamilla,” musiikki ( ): - . leevi madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, ed. erkki salmenhaara (helsinki: suomen musiikkitieteellinen seura, ). thesis outline as madetoja’s output was shaped by the nationalist sentiment of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a meaningful exploration of his contribution to finnish music must take into account not only his nation’s cultural heritage but also its political circumstances. accordingly, this dissertation begins by probing the manner in which finland’s nationalist agenda developed from eighteenth-century cultural endeavours, and, further, how this agenda balanced cultural and political concerns in such a manner that finnish composers could participate directly in finland’s struggle for independence. weighing the tensions surrounding madetoja’s public image as a nationalist composer and his private motivations and values, this study explores the disparity between madetoja’s conception of his music and its interpretation by finnish audiences. finally, this project aims toward a broader contextual understanding of madetoja’s life and work. armed with a detailed analysis of the second symphony, it assesses the influence of french style on madetoja’s work, situating him relative to international models. chapter offers a definition of nationalism appropriate to finland’s situation. because finland’s cultural and political evolution is heavily linked with constructed or invented traditions, this chapter opens with benedict anderson’s and eric hobsbawm’s reference to the idea of “imagined communities” and “the invention of tradition.” it situates finland midway between civic and ethnic nationalism in a type of cultural nationalism explored by kai nielsen and john hutchinson. refuting the argument that the russian takeover of finland in was the primary instigator of finnish nationalist sentiment, it broadens the scope to include an analysis of the influence of lutheranism and, later, of eighteenth-century european nationalist trends. finally, it addresses the efforts of finnish nationalists to construct a finnish identity and the impact of this endeavour upon the heady political situation of late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century finland. in so doing, it lays a theoretical groundwork for a more detailed discussion of musical nationalism in the chapter to follow. chapter continues this investigation of finnish nationalism with a look into the ways that finnish musicians engaged with the prevailing socio-political environment. although it opens with a look at some of the most pressing expressions of musical nationalism, it acknowledges that such examples were limited in scope and coterminous with the desperate political situation of early twentieth-century finland. outside the two periods of russification ( - and - ), finnish musicians were far more likely to articulate a concern for the advancement of their country’s culture by engaging the familiar topics of folklore, nature, and landscape. the overriding concern of this chapter is to illustrate how composers employed these topics in navigating and constructing a finnish cultural identity. chapter continues this avenue of exploration by way of a brief biography, focusing on the manner in which madetoja’s life circumstances—including his upbringing in distant oulu, his folk-music collection endeavours, his painful war years, and his frequent sojourns to paris—may have influenced his approach to the integration of national and international elements in his music. as an example of his musical stylistic features, chapter introduces madetoja’s symphony no. in e-flat major, op. , which was conceived during the intense period of russian oppression preceding the finnish declaration of independence and completed during the short but devastating civil war that followed. as little is known about madetoja’s music, the chapter seeks an understanding of his symphonic style. first, it demonstrates strong organic connections among the symphony’s themes, both within and across movements. second, it describes how madetoja’s approach to form constitutes a twentieth- century adaptation of older models, like sonata form. third, it illustrates madetoja’s approach to tonal relationships, supporting korhonen’s seemingly offhand—yet insightful—remark that madetoja’s music contains “a fascinating ambiguity of harmony and rhythm under a smooth surface.” a secondary avenue of exploration concerns the assessment of the symphony as a nationalistic endeavour vis-à-vis a comparison of its national traits and its critical reception. the fundamental goal of chapter is to situate madetoja with regard to his national and international contemporaries. as one of the main problems encountered by madetoja scholars has been the primacy of madetoja’s national peer, sibelius, this chapter begins with a comparison of madetoja’s second symphony and sibelius’s fifth symphony. although this comparison demonstrates that the two composers shared a common concern for certain musical processes or materials, it suggests that at least some of these similarities korhonen, inventing, . could be part of a wider response to early modernism. an appraisal of the link between madetoja and debussy follows by way of a discussion of the latter’s prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, calling attention to similar compositional procedures despite divergent sound worlds. the final portion of this chapter discusses the influence on madetoja of the french neoclassicism of such composers as paul dukas, vincent d’indy, maurice ravel, and gabriel fauré, especially as illustrated through madetoja’s orchestral works kullervo ( ), comedy overture ( ), third symphony ( ), and okon fuoko ( ). a brief conclusion summarizes the dissertation’s most significant findings and posits some possible directions for future research. madetoja’s multifaceted output precludes a simple interpretation. although he assimilated a variety of influences over the course of his career, he was not influenced by any single composer or group of composers. rather, like other great artists, he took musical elements from a wide variety of sources, integrating these influences into his own highly personal, eclectic style. the five chapters of this dissertation work together to present a balanced view of madetoja’s life and art. it is hoped that, together, they arrive at a picture of leevi madetoja as one of finland’s most important cultural assets, a composer worthy of international stature. fashioning finland’s history: an overview of finnish nationalism a nation must have a navel, and if it has not got one, we must start by inventing one. background and introduction in spring , madetoja wrote to the finnish composer toivo kuula, who was studying in paris, to apprise him of finland’s increasingly tense political climate: conditions have started to become uncomfortable here. the repressive years have come again, and in a craftier form. but i believe, and i guess you do too, that our nation can no longer be killed; on the contrary, we are now beginning to develop intellectually, and we have much to contribute to the advancement of european culture. i dream that we will again see a flowering in the growth of [finnish] culture, especially music, that will draw the attention of the whole of europe, and therefore, the whole world. during madetoja’s formative years in fin-de-siècle finland, finnish national consciousness was awakening in a most urgent manner. although its trajectory has been described on numerous occasions, its ramifications for the music and art of madetoja’s period—and, more specifically, for madetoja’s compositional output—remain unclear. this chapter asks several important questions: how is finland’s case unique, rather than simply part of a anthony d. smith, “memory and modernity: reflections on ernest gellner’s theory of nationalism,” nations and nationalism , no. ( ), - . “täällä ovat olot alkaneet käydä tukaliksi. jälleen tulevat sortovuodet, tosin viekkaammassa muodossa. mutta minä uskon, ja niin kai sinäkin teet, että meidän kansaa ei enää voida tappaa, vaan että se päinvastoin nyt alkaa henkisesti elää ja että se vielä on tuova paljon uusia aineksia eurooppalaisen kulttuurin kekoon. uneksinpä vielä sitäkin, että tänne meille on kerran tuleva kulttuuripyrintöjen, varsinkin musiikin, kukoistusaika, joka vetää koko eurooppaa, siis koko maailman, huomion puoleensa.” salmenhaara, madetoja, . larger european phenomenon? how did finnish intellectuals’ drive to fashion a national history impact its artists? why did a fascination for nature and landscape elicit such a strong hold over finnish artists and intellectuals? the aim here is a strong contextual understanding of the forces shaping finnish national consciousness, which will facilitate, in subsequent chapters, a more detailed exploration of the role of nature, finnish musical identity, and broader european trends in madetoja’s musical output. “qu’est-ce que une nation?” as illustrated by the title of ernest renan’s celebrated sorbonne lecture, certain core terminology in the nationalism debate—notably the terms nation and nationalism— have been under discussion for some time. one of the most inf luential arguments comes from benedict anderson, who famously defines the nation as a socially constructed phenomenon. the nation is, according to anderson, “an imagined political community— and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign.” it is limited because even the largest nation has finite boundaries; sovereign because no dynastic monarchy can claim power over it; and a community because, despite the inequalities that invariably exist among its members, the nation is always perceived as offering a deep sense of kinship. most importantly, it is imagined because, although a nation’s inhabitants almost invariably feel a deep sense of connection with one another, they never have the chance to know the majority benedict anderson, imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism, rev. ed. (london and new york: verso, ), . of their fellow inhabitants. this collective process of invention is, anderson argues, one of the defining features of nationhood: “communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined.” anderson’s definition has been refuted nearly as often as it has been cited. a first area of critique concerns anderson’s inclusive approach. anthony w. marx, for example, sees the nation in a more multivalent light, the product not only of exclusive racial and ethnic positions but also of conf lict between elites and masses, both of which inform national boundaries also by means of religious differences. a second charge relates to the spontaneity of anderson’s position. about the power of imagination, as alexander j. motyl argues, “that imagining suffices to make nations of communities seems at best a gross overestimation” ; about anderson’s implicit claim that nationalism seems simply to emerge as a result of capitalism, he contends that “if capitalism is always the culprit, nations may ‘in the influential french writer ernest renan ( - ) cleverly alluded to this sense of imagined community with the following statement: “or l’essence d’une nation est que tous les individus aient beaucoup de choses en commun, et aussi que tous aient oublié bien des choses.” ernest renan, “qu’est-ce qu’une nation?” in oeuvres complètes, vol. (paris: calmann-lévy, - ), ; quoted in anderson, imagined communities, . anderson, imagined communities, . see anthony w. marx, faith in nation: exclusionary origins of nationalism (new york: oxford university press, ): - , especially pages - . for anderson, nationalism emerged in the final decades of the eighteenth century as the spontaneous intersection of disparate historical forces that, once formed, could be adapted within a wide variety of political and ideological contexts. anderson, imagined communities, . alexander j. motyl, “imagined communities, rational choosers, invented ethnies,” comparative politics , no. ( ): . the final analysis’ somehow be reducible to capitalism.” a third objection involves a lack of sufficient differentiation between nations and smaller sub-national communities. yael tamir remarks that “all human associations, even if no larger than families or primordial villages, could, according to [anderson’s] definition, be considered imaginary communities,” while motyl writes “that nations, unlike other entities such as classes and electorates, are especially susceptible to the imagination seems wrong.” even while such issues potentially undermine the usefulness of anderson’s position, his work remains an important theory for the study of finnish nationalism, primarily for the weight he places on the idea of invention; as we shall see, there is a strong correlation between the development of the finnish nation and the invented traditions developed by scholars, artists, and other elites. even the critiques of anderson’s arguments are instructive. for example, although religious differences played only a minority role in finland’s national struggle, marx’s exclusionary outlook forces a deeper look at the country’s purportedly inclusive nationalism. in fact, there was ongoing conf lict between the swedish- speaking elite, the agrarian finnish-speaking majority population, and the nomadic motyl, “imagined communities,” . yael tamir, “the enigma of nationalism,” world politics , no. ( ): . motyl, “imagined communities,” . see eric john hobsbawm and terence osborn ranger, eds., the invention of tradition (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), especially pages - and - . hobsbawm argues that many rituals and symbols associated with national tradition—such as flags, anthems, festivals, and folk costumes—are in fact deliberate recent constructions created as tools of national awakening. inhabitants of the far north, who were often considered culturally different and morally inferior ; discord between these disparate communities became a source of disillusionment culminating in the social and political upheavals of through . likewise, motyl’s argument against the power of imagination encourages a more fully qualified rationale for the process of invention. for this, consider svetlana boym’s argument that nations fill a void by building upon pre-existing needs and developing in response to feelings of incompleteness. “invented tradition,” she writes, “does not mean a creation ex nihilo or a pure act of social constructivism; rather, it builds on the sense of loss of community and cohesion and offers a comforting collective script for individual longing.” in finland’s case, this poignant loss of community developed in the years following the russian takeover of . it is widely accepted that modern nationalism contains essentially two paths: civic and ethnic. the former is defined by its political institutions, which are inclusive and democratic; it seeks to build a community of equal citizens irrespective of racial and religious differences. its transformation from state to nation begins with an already mature, linguistically homogenous culture, and its struggle is mainly political; prominent examples for more on finland’s indigenous population, see pasi saukkonen, “finns,” in imagology: the cultural construction and literary representation of national characters; a critical survey, ed. manfred beller and joep leerssen (amsterdam: rodopi, ), - . svetlana boym, the future of nostalgia (new york: basic books, ), - . anthony d. smith, building on the work of hans kohn, was among the first to propose these terms. krzysztof jaskułowski, “western (civic) versus eastern (ethnic) nationalism: the origins and critique of the dichotomy,” polish sociological review ( ): . are france, great britain, and the netherlands. the latter, ethnic nationalism, is determined by descent, which is inherited rather than chosen. confronted by the political developments and perceived superiority of other nations, it seeks validation through ethnic or blood consciousness, frequently through the assertion of the language, culture, or religion of its people. its transformation is more complex, for it lacks, at its outset, state representation, a vernacular culture, and even a complete social structure; its struggle is often initially cultural and social, with political emancipation coming at a later point. although civic and ethnic nationalism are often presented as a dichotomy, their component parts intermingle in most nationalist approaches. for example, civic nationalism cannot be purely political in nature, for—as kai nielsen argues—nationality is not determined simply through political belief: “when spain became fascist the spaniards did not cease to be spaniards. and their nationalists did not change when spain again became a liberal democracy. it remained constant through all the political turmoil and revolution.” there is, then, invariably a cultural component to nationalism, and since this cannot be otherwise, it follows that an exclusively civic nationalism is a myth—the latter is for more on this subject, see liah greenfeld, “nationalism in western and eastern europe compared,” in can europe work? germany & the reconstruction of postcommunist societies, ed. stephen e. hanson and willfried spohn (seattle: university of washington press, ), ; miroslav hroch, “introduction: national romanticism,” in discourses of collective identity in central and southeast europe, vol. , national romanticism: the formation of national movements, ed. balázs trencsényi and michal kopaček (budapest: central european university press, ), - ; mary nikolas, “false opposites in nationalism: an examination of the dichotomy of civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism in modern europe” (ma thesis, monash university, ), . kai nielsen, “cultural nationalism, neither ethnic nor civic,” in theorizing nationalism, ed. ronald beiner (albany, ny: state university of new york press, ), . simply too thin a conception upon which to define nationality or to promote a sense of national identity. even so, finland’s intermediary position between ethnic and civic nationalism is noteworthy. on one hand, it is possible to consider nineteenth-century finland’s struggle as representative of ethnic nationalist tendencies. finland was not yet an independent state, and therefore its concerns were initially cultural and social: the fennoman attempt to create a national identity, for example, involved the propagation and dissemination of finnish myths and memories. on the other hand, it is also possible to consider its challenges from the perspective of civic nationalism. finland was, notably, a political unit, the autonomous grand duchy of finland, and its concerns were also political: the fennoman endeavour to form a literate high culture that encompassed an entire political unit, the total population of finland, was an inclusive gesture that eliminated the distinction between the “low” culture of the masses and the “high” culture of the political and academic elite. some scholars have pinpointed finland’s emphasis on a national identity shaped by cultural traditions and by language as a variety of nationalism known as cultural nielsen, “cultural nationalism,” . fennomans, members of finland’s most important nineteenth-century national movement, contributed to the development of finnish cultural endeavors and promoted finnish as a language on parity with swedish. outi laari, “immigrants in finland: finnish-to-be or foreigners forever; conceptions of nation state in debate on immigration policy,” in a changing pattern of migration in finland and its surroundings, ed. ismo söderling (helsinki: the population research institute, ), . nationalism, which is, in kai nielsen’s words, “neither civic nor ethnic.” although cultural nationalism sometimes takes ethnic forms, it would be a mistake to conf late the two approaches. ethnic nationalism is cultural, but not all cultural nationalisms are ethnic; whereas ethnic nationalism tends to focus on common ancestry, race, or class, cultural nationalism tends to adopt a liberal, democratic approach, defining membership through willing participation in a common culture that is open to all. john hutchinson describes cultural nationalism by painting it in opposition to political nationalism and positioning it as “a dynamic vision of the nation as a high civilization with a unique place in the development of humanity” : unlike the political nationalist, who is fundamentally a rationalist, a cultural nationalist […] affirms a cosmology according to which humanity, like nature, is infused with a creative force which endows all things with individuality. nations are primordial expressions of this spirit; like families, they are natural solidarities. nations are then not just political units but organic beings, living personalities, whose individuality must be cherished by their members in all their manifestations. cultural nationalism, then, involves the creation and definition of a nation through historical, geographical, and cultural means so that it might participate as an equal partner within a broader cosmopolitan framework. nielsen, “cultural nationalism,” passim. ibid., . john hutchinson, “cultural nationalism and moral regeneration,” in nationalism: a reader, ed. hutchinson and anthony d. smith (oxford: oxford university press, ), . hutchinson, “cultural nationalism,” . when is a nation? almost as pressing is the question, “when is a nation?,” which has captured the interest of nationalist scholars since walker connor broached the subject in . hroch argues that “we can with relative ease demonstrate empirically that national movements, seeking to achieve a new national identity, were making their appearance in a period of serious cultural, social, and political convulsions.” accordingly, many scholars pinpoint the origins of the finnish nation with the russian takeover of , linking finland’s separation from sweden and its concomitant autonomous status with the maturation of its national identity. as steven duncan huxley states, “finland as an independent nation has arisen and developed its identity largely through an intricate on-going dialectical process of conf lict and resistance and cooperation and accommodation with russia,” an walker connor, “when is a nation?,” ethnic and racial studies , no. ( ): - . hroch, “introduction,” . interestingly, it was napoléon bonaparte ( - ) who, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, sealed finland’s fate. in , napoleon and czar alexander i of russia (r. - ) combined forces with prussia to form an alliance against britain. the fiercely anti-napoleonic king gustav iv adolf of sweden (r. - ), who had entered an alliance with britain, refused all french and russian overtures; thus alexander i had no choice but to initiate military operations on finland’s southeast coast during what would become known as the finnish war ( - ). although the finns defended themselves against great odds for a year and a half, they received little help from sweden, who ceded finland to russia during the treaty of hamina in september . with the permission of pope innocent iii, finland was officially granted swedish protection in . hroch, “introduction,” . affair that “began in when ‘finland’ was conquered by russia, and, a year later, ‘finland’ was created by russia.” while convenient, this perspective is inadequate for three reasons. first, it ignores the fact that the russian takeover was just one of a long series of conf licts between the swedish empire and the czardom of russia. as walter russell mead notes, “no country in europe has changed its geographical outline more often than finland […] and the entire history of its changing eastern frontier has been the product of armed conf lict.” during the early years of the great northern war ( - ), for example, finland lost most of karelia —including its capital city, viipuri (“vyborg”)—to the russians; in ensuing years, finland was twice occupied during conf licts known as isoviha (“the greater wrath,” – ) and pikkuviha (“the lesser wrath,” – ). second, it overlooks the fact that the status of autonomous grand duchy benefitted finland in many tangible ways. finland’s new ruler, the liberal-minded alexander i, envisioned the future of the russian empire as a steven duncan huxley, constitutionalist insurgency in finland: finnish ‘passive resistance’ against russification as a case of nonmilitary struggle in the european resistance tradition (helsinki: finnish historical society, ), ; cited in tina k. ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations: nationalism, globalization, and the changing soundscapes of finnish folk music (chicago: university of chicago press, ), . w. r. mead, “forward,” in anssi paasi, territories, boundaries and consciousness: the changing geographies of the finnish-russian border (london: john wiley, ), xi-xii. mead’s assertion is something of an overstatement, considering the territorial changes of such countries as hungary and poland. karelia is a culturally, geographically, and linguistically ambiguous border territory extending from the coast of the white sea to the gulf of finland. its borders have remained fluid since the viking age. in the treaty of pähkinäsaari established sweden’s eastern border with russia, dividing karelia into two cultural spheres: an eastern half that remained under the influence of the greek orthodox church until , and a western half that remained under the catholic church until the lutheranization of the nordic countries in the sixteenth century. grouping of semi-autonomous units under the governance of the czar. he declared that finland would have its own laws, administration, and currency; that finnish peasants would remain free and its population exempt from military service; that finland would retain its own law courts, schools, religious services, and custom-tariffs against russia; and that finland be reunited with karelia. there was little cause for national agitation; rather, it was only gradually that a sense of existential questioning emerged, as evidenced by the following catchphrase, which became commonplace in the years following : “we are no longer swedish; we will not be russian; let us therefore be finnish.” third, as we shall see, this perspective discounts the important matter that nationalist currents beginning long before the takeover had far-reaching impacts after. as i will argue in the following pages, the making of the finnish nation was a deliberate and protracted process, and the f lowering of national consciousness in the late nineteenth century had much earlier origins. focusing on the role of religion in nationalism, adrian hastings argues that, since the christian church sanctioned the use of the vernacular and reinforced the view of the nation as sacred and entrusted with a special destiny, early national ideologies and movements could be found in christian endeavours tracing as far back as eleventh-century europe. certainly, twelfth-century finland benefitted from the catholic church, which, “ruotsalaisia emme ole, venäläisiksi emme tule, olkaamme siis suomalaisia.” although supposedly coined by adolf ivar adwidsson, this phrase was first recorded by the influential fennoman johan vilhelm snellman in the s. see goss, sibelius, . adrian hastings, the construction of nationhood: ethnicity, religion and nationalism (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), especially pages – . brought to finland with swedish rule, aided in the development of certain national traits that would later become important factors in finland’s nationalistic awakening. when archbishops leimar and humbert of bremen, who were loyal to the holy roman emperor, attempted to gain a stronghold in northern europe, pope leo ix (r. - ) kept the northern churches within his own reign of inf luence by encouraging their individual national traits. following his instructions, each of the twenty-five catholic bishops elected to the archdiocese of turku on finland’s west coast between and were finnish-born individuals, each of whom ensured a native finnish successor. sixteenth-century finland was impacted by the spread of the protestant faith when finnish and swedish scholars, returning from studies in germany, promoted martin luther’s ideas to the finnish populace, advocating for proselytization in the native tongue and in turn laying the foundations for a nineteenth-century revivification of the finnish language. pietari särkilahti (d. ), for example, was luther’s first finnish student and the forerunner of finland’s reformation movement; a gifted orator, he was celebrated for his forceful finnish sermons. mikael agricola (c. - ), inspired by reformation and humanist principles, followed in särkilahti’s footsteps; he studied under luther in wittenberg, became ordained in , and returned to finland to develop a written form of eino sormunen, omalla pohjalla (porvoo: wsoy, ), . as imma penn states: “pope leo ix also met with adalbert, archbishop of bremen. they discussed the formation of all the scandinavian countries, including iceland and greenland, into a patriarchate, of which the see was to be bremen. the scheme was never accomplished, but the pope authorized the consecration by adalbert of the first native bishop of iceland.” imma penn, dogma evolution and papal fallacies (bloomington, in: authorhouse, ), . hudson strode, finland forever (new york: harcourt, brace, and co., ), . finnish and publish the first recorded works in the finnish language. his output included abc-kirja (“the abc book,” ), rucouskirja (“the prayer book,” ), and se wsi testamenti (“the new testament,” ). simultaneous with european developments, eighteenth-century finland experienced a broad awakening of cultural nationalist sentiment. the bishop of porvoo, daniel juslenius ( - ), was an early proponent of finnish history, folk poetry, and language; among his output was the suomalaisen sana-lugun coetus ( ), the first extensive finnish language dictionary with over , lexical entries. one of juslenius’s most important disciples, henrik gabriel porthan ( - ), was a historian and professor at the royal academy; in addition to publishing works of folk poetry and finnish literature, porthan authored the first detailed account of finnish poetry, de poesi fennica ( ), a pivotal work that laid the foundations for elias lönnrot’s compilation of the kalevala. he also founded the aurora society, which was designed to awaken national consciousness among the educated classes and listed among its accomplishments the publication of the first finnish newspaper, the “Åbo tidningar,” in . finland felt the effects of the reformation particularly keenly; in fact, lutheranism’s teachings continue to impact contemporary finland. goss, sibelius, - . in his written work, juslenius maintained a strong identification with finland, its people, and its past; he placed finnish on the same level as hebrew and greek, which he taught in his capacity as professor at the royal academy of turku. he cited folk song texts as proof of an ancient finnish civilization, believing that epic song recounted actual historical events. ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . johann gottfried herder and the reconstruction of the finnish language despite increasing interest in finnish history and folklore, porthan did not conceive of finland in national terms. when he died in , finland was still a province of sweden, and, as a nation, largely dormant. however, this would change over the course of the nineteenth century, when young patriots, eager for a new form of self-identification, adopted and promoted the influential philosophies of johann gottfried herder ( - ), whose work had made its way to finland in porthan’s time and initially through porthan’s personal library. herder claimed that each nation possessed an original national character, the product of a unique environment producing unique cultural characteristics: the elevation or depression of a region, its nature and products, the food and drink men enjoy in it, the mode of life they pursue, the labours in which they are employed, their clothing, even their ordinary attitudes, their arts and pleasure, with a multitude of other circumstances, which considerably influence their lives, all belong to the picture of changeable climate. herder dismissed the enlightenment view that national and cultural differences should be subjugated to the domination of reason. he considered culture, not politics, to be the driving force behind nationalism and argued that to survive, a nation must learn to express Łukasz sommer, “a step away from herder: turku romantics and the question of national language,” slavonic and east european review , no. ( ): . johann gottfried von herder, reflections on the philosophy of the history of mankind, ed. frank e. manuel (chicago: university of chicago press, ), ; quoted in taisto mäkelä, “imagined affinities: architectural representation and the rhetoric of nationalism in finland at the turn of the century” (phd diss., university of princeton, ), . mäkelä, “imagined affinities,” - . this culture. masterpieces of religion, music, poetry, and art gave history its meaning, while political and military events were of secondary importance. herder also espoused the idea that since each nation was unique, each nation should be in charge of its own destiny. “every nation,” he maintained, “contains the center of its happiness within itself.” for this reason, herder opposed the coercive imposition of an external idea of happiness onto a reluctant society; however, he did consider the education of a population for the purpose of building a national consciousness a legitimate undertaking. herder argued that the purest expression of a culture lay in its ancestral language, its chief asset, which ensured its cultural identity and continuity while providing resistance to threats of assimilation by other cultures. because a language was intrinsically linked with the mind, it ref lected its speaker’s experience and way of living; thus it followed that as communities varied in their experiences and habits, so too did their vernaculars, making each language a unique spiritual phenomenon. according to herder, a nation “has nothing more valuable than the language of its fathers. in it lives its entire spiritual treasury of tradition, history, religion, and principles of life, all its heart and soul. to deprive such a mäkelä, “imagined affinities,” . johann gottfried herder, sämmtliche werke (berlin: weidmann, - ), : ; quoted in william a. wilson, “herder, folklore and romantic nationalism,” the journal of popular culture , no. ( ): . alan patten, “‘the most natural state’: herder and nationalism,” history of political thought , no. ( ): . mäkelä, “imagined affinities,” , ; see also sommer, “a step away,” . nation of its language, or to demean it, is to deprive it of its sole immortal possession transmitted from parents to children.” the loftiest expression of a nation’s language, herder maintained, is folk poetry; if a nation’s development is interrupted in any way, the solution is to collect folk poetry surviving from before the time of this interruption and employ it as a means of restoring the nation’s soul. inspired by herder’s assertion that the language of the folk expressed the nation’s volksgeist or spirit, finnish nationalists began the slow process of rebuilding a linguistically centered finnish heritage. during this time, several associations that had as their focus the promotion of the finnish language became prominent. the earliest of these was founded at the royal academy of turku, where a group of young academics known as the turun romantiikka (“turku romantics”) laid the groundwork for finland’s national agenda. most active between the years - , the turun romantiikka—convinced that language was the foundation of national identity—renounced their native swedish tongue in favour of the still-rudimentary finnish language. they established a comprehensive archive of finnish folk music and poetry, undertook lengthy folk poetry collection trips through the woods of karelia, actively sought the promotion of their work through publication, and formed men’s choirs to express their patriotic and political ideas. the most notorious of the turku wilson, “herder,” . ibid., . for more information on the turku romantics, see david kirby, a concise history of finland (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), - ; matti klinge, let us be finns: essays on history romantics—the finnish political journalist, writer and historian adolf ivar arwidsson ( - )—was driven into exile by his outspoken assertions on freedom of print and finnish political autonomy. arwidsson argued that the finns could only join collectively as a nation as long as their mother tongue survived: when the language of its forefathers is lost, a nation, too, is lost and perishes. all speaking the same tongue naturally form an indivisible whole; they are bound together internally by times of mind and soul, mightier and firmer than every external bond. for language forms the spiritual, and land the material, boundaries of mankind; but the former is the stronger, because the spirit means more than the material. the main challenge that these associations faced was that, until the early nineteenth century, the finnish language barely existed. finnish, a member of the finnic group of the uralic family of languages, survived five centuries of swedish rule as an oral tongue comprised of a number of mutually intelligible dialects. whereas swedish was the (helsinki: otava, ), - ; sommer, “a step away”; and john h. wuorinen, nationalism in modern finland (new york: columbia university press, ), - . quoted in anthony d. smith, chosen peoples: sacred sources of national identity (oxford: oxford university press, ), ; also quoted in euno jutikalla, a history of finland (london: thames and hudson, ), . the finnish language’s closest neighbours are estonian, karelian, and sami; the often-cited link with hungarian and magyar is a distant one. by contrast, swedish, like many other scandinavian languages, is a germanic language, and russian a slavic language; both are members of the indo-european family. the dissimilarity of the finnish language to its neighbours was crucial to the development of a distinct finnish identity, culturally and geographically positioned between east and west. early finnish settlers established several distinct groups. the suomalaiset lived in the land of suomi, which may have been in finland’s southwest. the hämäläiset, their nearest relatives, lived inland from the coast in the region of häme, which in its present form extends from lahti as far westward as tampere. the karjalaiset lived in the eastern borderlands of finland and russia, representing modern-day karelia; it is from here that the doctor elias lönnrot would, over the course of the nineteenth century, collect the legends of the kalevala, finland’s national epic. while these groups spoke mutually intelligible dialects, finnish remained almost exclusively an oral tongue until its modernization in the nineteenth century. see kirby, concise history; henrik dominant tongue of the finnish nobility, administration and education, finnish remained the language of the peasantry, clergy, and local courts in predominantly finnish-speaking areas. it is one of europe’s youngest literary languages: the first finnish-language newspaper (the turun wiiko-sanamat) was not published until , and the first finnish-language novel (nils aejmelaeus’s haaksirikko) did not appear until . it received no institutional support; among official circles—including government, administration, the military, and the educated classes—it was not even a common second language. finnish academics’ attempts to reconstruct various dialects according to a common literary standard served to unify a diverse population and differentiate it from its neighbours. problematically, academics could not agree on the selection of a foundational dialect. in the eighteenth century, the only widely known supradialectal modification was bishop erik rothvius’s translation of the bible, which was strongly inf luenced by western coastal dialects and the swedish tongue. calls to create a revised literary form of finnish, excising swedish linguistic traits in favour of inland finnish dialects, clashed with conservative pleas for the maintenance of continuity and tradition. ultimately, written finnish not only maintained its biblical underpinnings but also absorbed some eastern inf luences. ironically, in wanting to do justice to the finnish vernacular, national activists meinander, a history of finland, trans. tom geddes (oxford: oxford university press, ); and fred singleton, a short history of finland (cambridge: cambridge university press, ). janne gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén and the constructed nation: art and nationalism in young finland, - ” (phd diss., new york university, ), ; see also sommer, “a step away.” john hutchinson, nations as zones of conflict (london: sage, ), . manufactured a new linguistic identity that moved further away from any of the local dialects actually spoken by finns. in , following the great fire of turku and the relocation of the university to helsinki, former pupils of the turku academy, including elias lönnrot ( - ), johan ludvig runeberg ( - ), and johan vilhelm snellman ( - ), founded a group known as lauantaiseura (“the saturday society”) for the purpose of continuing the romantics’ work in the new capital. its members had a profound impact on finnish nationalism: lönnrot wrote the kalevala; runeberg penned the lyrics to the national anthem; and snellman, the leading ideologist of the nineteenth-century finnish nationalist movement, advocated tirelessly for the development of the finnish language. as both a scholar and a politician, johan vilhelm snellman was well positioned to become the leading ideologist of the nineteenth-century finnish nationalist movement. through his research into the german philosopher georg wilhelm friedrich hegel ( - sommer, “a step away,” . lönrott is most famous for compiling the finnish kalevala epic; his contributions to finnish nationalism will be discussed in detail shortly. johan ludvig runeberg is widely accepted as finland’s national poet. despite writing in the swedish language, runeberg was able to rouse the interest of the aristocracy in the finnish peasant by according the finnish population a sense of identity. for example, runeberg’s poem “bonden paavo” ( )— a depiction of the peasant paavo of saarijärvi, who confronts and overcomes the harsh realities of agrarian life—described what would become the archetypal finnish peasant: virtuous, stoic, and persistent. one of his most famous collections of poems, fänrik ståls sägner (“tales of ensign stål,” - ), is a patriotic account of the finnish war of - , which he was—remarkably—able to express without offending the russian authorities. the first of these poems, “vårt land” (“our land”), provided the lyrics for the finnish national anthem. huttunen, “nationalistic,” . ), who followed herder’s conception of the volk but gave more importance to political frameworks, snellman took the position that individual nations were the active force in history and that national literature formed the essence of a national culture. snellman preached two core ideas. first, he argued that finland was inhabited by a single, finnish- speaking nation, and he urged swedish speakers to accept this position and adopt the finnish language. second, he claimed that the only way to ensure the survival of the finnish nation was through an improvement in finnish-language education. snellman articulated his views by way of a vicious editorial battle, writing, like many of his supporters, almost exclusively in swedish and stressing the importance of education in the creation of national culture : the new, modern national literature should be based on the national cultural heritage, and the new era more responsible for a foundation of patriotic pathos. folklore is an unconscious and naive art of words, and it is the responsibility of the intelligentsia to elevate it to a new, truly artistic level. nineteenth-century finland witnessed the gradual but inexorable development of a finnish-speaking class. snellman founded the first finnish speaking school in the country, an elementary school for girls, in . in , the university of helsinki appointed its first professor of the finnish language; in , the city of jyväskylä opened a finnish-speaking many of finnish nationalism’s strongest advocates, including porthan, runeberg, and snellman, lacked fluency in written finnish and instead used swedish, the language of the cultured elite, to advance their patriotic ideas. “uuden, modernin kansalliskirjallisuuden tulee perustua kansallisen kulttuuri perinnön ja uutta aikaa paremmin vastaavan isänmaallisen paatoksen perustalle. kansanrunous on tiedostamatonta ja naiivia sanataidetta, ja sivistyneistön tulisi kohottaa se uudelle todella taiteelliselle tasolle.” cited in karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . secondary school. in —the year that finnish was proclaimed an official language alongside swedish—universities began offering lectures in finnish. on july , czar alexander ii (r. - )—wishing to prevent unrest from the polish uprising from spreading to finland—signed a “language rescript” stating that finnish be equal in status to swedish in all matters concerning the finnish population; that finnish documents be accepted in finland’s courts and government bureaus; that official documents be distributed to the population in finnish no later than ; and that the finnish senate take care of all measures resulting from the execution of the rescript. this placed finland in a more autonomous position than ever before. education became one of the primary vehicles of finnish nationalism. to strengthen the finnish language and culture, it was important to enroll as many children as possible in school. before , only percent of students were from peasant backgrounds, but by the number had doubled, and continued to increase in ensuing years. finland’s small population—just over two million in —did not permit the exclusion of females from the education system, and after , it was possible for women to obtain a university education. literacy rates soared as the century drew to a close: in , little over percent of the population over the age of ten could read and write; by , percent of those over the age of fifteen could do so. gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . gisela kaplan, “comparative europe: feminism and nationalism: the european case,” in feminist nationalism, ed. lois a. west (new york: routledge, ), . gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . constructing the ideal finn there are two ways in which the community can be located and its true state revealed: through poetic spaces and golden ages. the first involves the uses of landscape, the second the uses of history. the one roots the community in its distinctive terrain; the other charts its origins and flowering in the age of heroes. both together provide a history and metaphysic of the individuality of the community, from which an ethic of regeneration issues to lead it forward. —anthony d. smith nations have long justified their claims for cultural and political legitimacy by virtue of their rootedness in nature, and through associated ideas of folk, tradition, and community. these concepts can be traced back to herder, who celebrated a “vision of a folk whose aesthetic creativity sprang from nature,” arguing that cultures are, to a large extent, determined by their physical environment: nature has sketched with the mountain ranges she formed and with the rivers she made flow from them the rough but definite outline of the entire history of man. [. . .] oceans, mountain chains, and rivers are the most natural boundaries not only of lands, but also of peoples, customs, languages, and empires; and even in the greatest revolutions of human affairs they have been the guiding lines and the limits of world history. anthony d. smith, the ethnic origins of nations (oxford: blackwell, ), . max paddison, “art and the ideology of nature: sibelius, hamson, adorno,” in jean sibelius and his world, ed. daniel m. grimley (princeton, nj: princeton university press, ), . philip bohlman, the study of folk music in the modern world (bloomington: indiana university press, ), xix. herder, sämmtliche werke, : - ; quoted in wilson, “herder,” . romantics considered it their duty to recover and sustain folk cultures. the growth of folklore studies during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was virtually synonymous with the development of romantic nationalistic movements throughout europe; it was viewed as the “handmaiden of a politics of vernacularity” and justified through the representation of global civilization as a synthesis of numerous unique national cultures. nationalists could claim that although their nation was currently underdeveloped, it had once been a leader among nations; for them, borrowing folk elements was simply a way of reclaiming a lost heritage. as part of the rediscovery of their collective selves, nationalists undertook journeys to record the distinctive qualities of their homeland. these journeys extended their sense of belonging spatially, deepening their sense of attachment to the land. in so doing, some remote areas of natural beauty or cultural significance became endowed with a sense of mystery and sacred purpose, inspiring poets, artists, and musicians to disseminate their vision of the land through their art. interest in folk culture was also driven by struggles for national independence and cultural self-determination. for many nationalists, folklore research was synonymous with the pursuit of national power and motivated by patriotic sentiment, playing a significant role in the development of a national identity. nationalists focused on the construction roger abrahams, “the past in the presence: an overview of folkloristics in the late twentieth century,” in folklore processed: in honour of lauri honko, ed. reimund kvideland (helsinki: suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, ), ; cited in ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . hutchinson, nations, , . wilson notes that this was largely due to the publication of the kalevala. william a. wilson, of the folk as rural people, inhabitants not only of specific landscapes, but also within particular politically determined spaces, employing specific stereotypical characterizations of their country, landscape, and people in the creation of a positive national self-image. although finland’s cultural composition draws from a diverse array of ethnicities, as is typical of many border regions, literature that dealt with finnish cultural history in the years between and tended to avoid discussing finland’s origins in cultural fragmentation and artistic rootlessness; rather, when finnish nationalists recreated a national language and traditions, they necessarily presented finland as a unified culture. moreover, they took special efforts to convince the swedish-speaking elite that the finnish- speaking majority population was not only agrarian but also honest and upright. for example, johann ludvig runeberg ( - ), finland’s national poet, produced several literary works placing his characters in a romanticized pastoral or war setting; the finnish author zachris topelius ( - ), in his boken om vårt land ( ), endowed the national character matti with such traits as diligence, obedience, perseverance, and stubbornness in an effort to portray the phlegmatic personality type supposedly common within the finnish population. folklore and nationalism in modern finland (bloomington: indiana university press, ), - . for more on this topic, see tomi mäkelä, “poesie in der luft”: jean sibelius; studien zu leben und werk (breitkopf & härtel: weisbaden, ). saukkonen, “finns,” - . these images were not an accurate depiction of the finnish character by any means. they were instead idealized creations of the finnish character by a select group of intellectuals who rejected existing ideas of national self-identification as woefully inadequate. moreover, in creating what they were supposed to describe, they frequently served as a thinly disguised compendium of prescribed behavior for the common folk. yet, finnish audiences took the idea of a homogenous finnish culture for granted, meeting alternative representations of the finnish self-image with harsh censure. aleksis kivi’s ( - ) literary masterpiece seven brothers ( ), for example, was reviled for its depiction of the titular characters not only as divergent entities, rather than a single super- individual, but also as ignorant, lazy, and resistant to bourgeois values, which clashed with ideals of national purity. in a review in the finlands allmäna tidningen, august ahlqvist called the book a “ridiculous work and a blot on the name of finnish literature.” these territorial attitudes were a necessary precondition of finland’s independence and became firmly entrenched—from both a foreign and a domestic perspective—as a given aspect of finland’s cultural makeup. by the turn of the twentieth century, it became commonplace to allude to the close link finns have with nature, and, in so doing, reinforce the myth of finland as a homogenous national entity. for example, the painter akseli saukkonen, “finns,” - . hannes sivo, “aleksis kivi,” trans. roderick fletcher, biografiakeskus, accessed july , www.kansallisbiografia.fi/. gallen-kallela, whose output is sometimes compared with sibelius’s, wrote in that “anyone who lives and works hard in open nature achieves in the end such a personal relationship to his environment that he may find himself speaking to the trees—like a child speaks to the f lowers in the field. the deep integration in nature is particular to us finns; this is proven by our folk poetry.” similarly, sibelius encouraged parallels between his music and a northern landscape, stating from his retreat in järvenpää that he needed to compose in silence, surrounded by nature and the sounds of the forest. evocations of nature are found in his works as late as the symphonic poem tapiola, the score of which features an opening quatrain referencing “the northland’s dusky forests.” gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . erik tawaststjerna, jean sibelius: Åren - (helsinki: söderstroms, ), ; quoted in tomi mäkelä, “the nordic landscape and ‘extra-territoriality: jean sibelius in the context of cultural geography and adorno’s reception,” in sibelius in the old and new world: aspects of his music, its interpretation, and reception, ed. timothy l. jackson et al. (frankfurt am main: peter lang, ), . ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . tomi mäkelä argues that the opening quatrain was likely written by a member of sibelius’s german publishing house. see tomi mäkelä, “the wings of a butterfly: sibelius and the problems of musical modernity,” in jean sibelius and his world, ed. daniel m. grimley (princeton, nj: princeton university press, ), . the kalevala: a case study i will sing the people’s legends, and the ballads of the nation. —elias lönnrot a final important facet of herder’s philosophy is the idea of historical continuity. when such continuity is lost through national decay, herder argues that a nation’s history and volksgeist can be revivified by shaping the cultural fragments of its agrarian population—which, as we have seen, lived in harmony with nature and possessed intimate ties with their nation’s geographic setting—into a unified narrative expressive of a nation’s unique spirit. herder’s prescriptions were realized in various nation-building endeavours through the construction of a history that included tales of national myths, heroes, and adversaries. roused by james macpherson’s purported discovery of the ossianic lays ( ), the germans rekindled their interest in the thirteenth-century nibelungenlied, the irish their ancient celtic ulster and fenian cycles, and the norwegians the edda (translated - ). kalevala, rune , lines - ; trans. ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . wilson, “herder,” . hroch, “introduction,” . james macperson’s english-language translation of ancient scots gaelic poetry received considerable attention on the continent and was translated into swedish between - , serving as a strong model for the kalevala. hutchinson, nations, . in finland, this task was taken up by elias lönnrot ( - ), who—inspired by the german philologist friedrich august wolf ( - ) and his theory on homeric epics —travelled to karelia to collect peasant ballads and tales before ultimately shaping them into a finnish epic. in february , while editing and comparing his collected materials, lönnrot wrote: “a desire to organize and unify them awoke in me, to extract from finnish mythology something corresponding to the icelandic edda,” adding that “our descendants will possibly esteem such a collection as highly as the gothic nations regard in finland, one of this first to express the need for a national epic was not lönnrot but rather the folklorist carl axel gottlund ( - ). gottlund published his first collection of finnish folk poetry in and founded a finnish society in stockholm in ; however, he was shunned by lönnrot and his colleagues, likely because of his long association with sweden, where he conducted the majority of his research. see kirby, concise history, . elias lönnrot is chiefly known for his role in the collection, editing, and publication of the kalevala, a book of finnish verse that has been officially recognized as finland’s national epic. he developed a passion for folklore while studying at the royal academy of turku, where he enrolled in , and he submitted a master’s dissertation on the mythical finnish shaman and musician väinämöinen in . after graduation he moved to the newly established university of helsinki, where he wrote about folk medicine while working toward a medical degree. in , with the help of his colleagues in the saturday society, he established the suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura (“finnish literature society”) with the intent of collecting, publishing, and studying folklore material; one of the first actions of the sks was to raise funds to finance lönnrot’s folk poetry collection trips to the remote regions of karelia, where he collected material that would later be incorporated into the kalevala. friedrich august wolf, prolegomena ad homerum, . according to wolf, homer’s iliad and odyssey could not have been composed in their current form without the aid of writing, and must therefore have originally consisted of loose songs; these songs would thus have been reproduced in oral tradition and collected together in the form of an epic poem only about years after the date of their original composition. many of the the songs lönnrot used in the kalevala survived chiefly along both sides of the present- day finnish-russian border in karelia, possibly owing to the region’s isolation from western european influences and the russian orthodox church’s more lenient position toward folk poetry. thus karelia— especially russian karelia, which finnish intellectuals, ethnologists, and artists identified as the epicenter of finnish oral poetry and the mythic home of an ancient finnish civilization—evolved into a highly symbolic space. by the early twentieth century, the idealization of karelia—which gave rise to a movement known as “karelianism”—had become integral to finnish nationalism, and some enthusiasts referred openly to russian karelia as an inseparable part of the finnish nation. ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . edda or the greeks and romans, if not homer, at least hesiod.” lönnrot’s ensuing work, the kalevala, is one of the most powerful illustrations of the formation and recreation of an ancient collective memory, made all the more compelling by the myriad ways it was justified by generations of finnish intellectuals. lönnrot published the first edition of the kalevala—titled kalewala taikka wanhoja karjalan runoja suomen kansan muinosista ajoista —in , following a series of folk music collection trips. as lönnrot considered the ancient finns to have entered karelia around the ninth century via the white sea, he used this geographical backdrop in his portrayal of the mythical heroes of finland’s iron age society. aware of disputes jouko hautala, finnish folklore research - (helsinki: societas fennica, ), . “the kalevala, or old karelian poetry from the antiquity of the finnish people.” this version would become known as the “old kalevala” after the publication of the revised edition in . it consists of , lines arranged into thirty-two poems or “cantos.” the text is set in trochaic tetrameter with four poetic feet per line; although this meter has been famously used by henry wadsworth longfellow (in the song of hiawatha) and shakespeare (in midsummer night’s dream), it is commonly known in poetic circles as kalevala meter. although there has been some debate concerning the actual origin of the finns, historians now believe that the finno-ugric peoples—including finns, estonians, and magyars—originated in the upper regions of the volga. they began to migrate to their present locations approximately , years ago, moving into what is now finland through the baltic region and eventually displacing a scattered nomadic population known as the sami (of whom the majority currently inhabit lapland and other parts of nordkalotten, the area of fennoscandia within the arctic circle). see kirby, concise history; meinander, history; and singleton, short history. the plot revolves around the eternal sage väinämöinen, the epic’s main protagonist. he seeks a wife from the land of pohjola, as do the heroic artificer-smith ilmarinen and the handsome but arrogant lemminkäinen, both of whom must accomplish heroic tasks to win their brides. the tragic figure of kullervo—who figures prominently in nationalist depictions of the kalevala—is born as a slave, sold to ilmarinen, and exploited by ilmarinen’s wife; ultimately, he commits suicide. the latter half of the epic concerns a struggle between two lands, kaleva and pohjola, over the sampo, a magical mill that brings its owner unending wealth. concerning the authenticity of macpherson’s ossian, lönnrot vowed not to be pigeonholed in a similar manner. he was open about his working procedures and alterations. he justified them by way of the competence he had gained listening to folk singers and notating their oral performances, and he argued that his editing of source material corresponded to the variations in the folk performances he encountered. to support his position, he included a hundred-page appendix that provided variants to the poems he had chosen to publish. thus, it was widely believed that the form lönnrot gave to the kalevala was representative of the epic in its original shape. to be fair, lönnrot pursued this ideal earnestly. in a printed introduction to the first edition, he discussed how he had arrived at the chosen order of the individual poems, arguing that it was not a subjective or artistic choice, but rather an ethnographically interpretative one: two things i have taken into consideration in the method of organization: firstly what i have seen the best singers pay attention to in regard to order, and secondly, when this did not help, i consulted the poems themselves as to the basis of the events and put them in order accordingly. the kalevala’s significance for finland’s developing nationalism was immense. a national epic, which juslenius had implied, porthan had refuted, and gottlund had smith, chosen peoples, . hautala, finnish folklore research, ; quoted in pertti anttonen, “the kalevala and the authenticity debate,” in manufacturing a past for the present: forgery and authenticity in medievalist texts and objects in nineteenth-century europe, ed. jános bak, patrick j. geary, and gábor klaniczay (boston: brill, ), . porthan rejected the original finns as uncouth. he thought of the inland finns as a people of primitive descent, once even comparing finland to canada as an endless expanse of forest. derek fewster, attempted, had at last come to fruition. it quickly became the de facto symbol of finland’s ancient national culture for several reasons. first, the kalevala benefited from a campaign to propel it into public awareness. proselytism like that of the finnish ethnographer matthias castrén ( - ) was typical: “from beyond the night of centuries,” he stated during an lecture on the kalevala, “these poems speak to us words of our fathers’ faith, their wisdom and their strength.” lönnrot’s suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura (finnish literary society) proclaimed it finland’s national epic—a designation that has endured, having never been contested —and the society quickly secured patronage at a time when the authorities were wary of anything that might be construed as disloyal. within a week of the society’s first meeting, it had secured pledges of protection from both the chancellor of the university of helsinki and the vice-chairman of the finnish senate. anyone who appeared to challenge its authority was ostracized. second, as a national epic, the kalevala provided a heroic history that distinguished finns from other peoples, transcended the visions of past glory: nationalism and the construction of early finnish history (helsinki: finnish literature society, ), - , . kirby, concise history, . goss, sibelius, . kirby, concise history, ; see also irma sulkunen, suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura: - (helsinki: suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, ). despite the kalevala’s ideological success, its adoption by the public at large was not immediate, nor was its impact on the finnish arts: the printing of copies was, in fact, still being sold twenty years later. this could possibly be attributed to the repression of finnish national activism by russian authorities, but it was also a matter of language: in part finland’s low level of literacy, and in part the complex language lönnrot had documented and employed within the publication, which even enthusiasts had trouble understanding. see gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” ; goss, sibelius, . periods of swedish and russian rule, and established a firm foundation for finland’s national project. possessed not only of a national language but also a noble epic, finland could be considered a legitimate candidate for inclusion into the european concert of nations ; finns could now say, “i too have a history.” third, the kalevala was largely considered a historical document, taken as authentic and factually based even by later generations of finnish nationalists. though the era it described was earlier than could be corroborated by external evidence, its linguistic mannerisms and its description of tools, weapons, and customs appeared consonant with what was known of pre-christian iron-age societies. in the words of american folklorist alan dundes, “the forces of romanticism and nationalism were—and are—so powerful in finland that what the people believed was—and is—more important than what was true.” in , following a further series of folklore collection trips, lönnrot published a revised and extended edition of the kalevala. in contrast with his methodical approach to the edition, lönnrot took significant liberties with the source material. he created new plots and characters, lengthened narrative episodes, and combined separate songs and their motives. he also changed the orthography, language, and poetic meter in fully % of the smith, chosen peoples, . wilson, folklore, . goss, sibelius, . alan dundes, “nationalistic inferiority complexes and the fabrication of fakelore: a reconsideration of ossian, the kinder- and hausmärchen, the kalevala, and paul bunyan,” journal of folklore research , no. ( ): , . lines, composed a further % of the lines anew using selected elements from the folk poems, and created % of the lines in their entirety, with no equivalent in the sources. only % of the lines in the kalevala match with the original folk texts. because of the many changes lönnrot made to this edition, scholars consider it “more artistic than ethnographic.” “one cannot speak of the second edition,” writes jouko hautala, “not even of a revised one, but rather of a new epic, built on the basis of the first.” significantly, lönnrot steered the kalevala toward nation-building. he eliminated most of the dialectal and linguistic differences in the materials, thereby not only making the epic comprehensible to all finnish speakers but also removing traces of local culture. in doing so, he intentionally nationalized the work by having the folk poetry emerge not from a narrow geographic locale between finland and karelia but rather from within the broader environment of finland, meaning any place within the developing conception of the finnish nation. thanks to changing research premises—from romanticism to evolutionism and positivism—the kalevala’s status as an authentic representation of ancient finnish history väinö kaukonen, lönnrot ja kalevala (helsinki: suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, ), ; quoted in anttonen, “kalevala,” . anttonen, “kalevala,” . hautala, finnish folklore research, ; quoted in anttonen, “kalevala,” . anttonen, “kalevala,” . gave way to a reading of the epic as a literary anthology of oral folk poetry. the finnish professor julius krohn articulated this new attitude in the s: “the printed kalevala, although it is put together so skillfully, or in fact, for that very reason, is not at all suitable as a basis for scholarly research.” curiously, this new attitude was met with attempts to legitimize the kalevala. these were not motivated by skepticism toward the epic, but rather by an earnest wish to verify the work to the international community. axel august lähteenkorva , for example, led expeditions to karelia to find evidence of the kalevala’s historical authenticity, hoping to disprove allegations that the epic was a hoax like macpherson’s ossianic texts. meanwhile, in an effort to make available the kalevala’s original source material, krohn launched an ambitious publishing effort that would last more than a century: kalevalan toisinnot (“the kalevala’s variants”) was published in ; kalevalan esityöt i-iii (“the kalevala’s preliminary work”) in - ; and the -volume set suomen kansan vanhat runot (“finnish people’s ancient poems”) in - , with an additional th volume released in . karelianism notwithstanding, the preservation of finnish cultural material from within those same imperial boundaries from which finnish nationalists sought separation hautala, finnish folklore research, ; quoted in anttonen, “kalevala,” . ibid., . - , né borenius. gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - . anttonen, “kalevala,” . was problematic. over time, finnish folklorists began to argue for a sense of finnish identity aligned with the west. for example, lähteenkorva, in an paper, “missä kalevala on syntynyt?” (where did the kalevala originate?), argued that the kalevala’s poems did not have their origin in the places in eastern finland or in karelia, where they were last sung, stating that “the poetry has come to russian karelia from the west, from finland, and not spread from there in the opposite direction into finland.” as proof, he pointed to swedish loanwords that had been distorted in the songs since these words were unknown in the ordinary language of the song regions. in a later work, he compared kalevala’s poetry to equivalents in english, german, danish, and norwegian to demonstrate that the finnish poem cycle was linked to the medieval tradition of western europe. similarly, in a study published in , julius krohn concluded that by origin the kalevala’s source material had migrated to finland from the west as small units or cells, later evolving into poetic cycles. these conclusions were potentially damaging to the view of folk poetry as the spontaneous expression of the volk. lönnrot, however, offered a loophole in his account of his working methodology in the periodical litteraturblad ( ). in constructing the new kalevala into a unified whole from disparate elements, he explained that he had assumed the role of a singer himself: “i considered that i had the same right that, i am convinced, ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . quoted in hautala, finnish folklore research, . ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . most singers take upon themselves, namely to organize the poems according to how best they fit together [. . .] in other words i regard myself as being as good a singer as they are.” this allowed later academics to position lönnrot, the son of a tailor in a finnish-speaking family, as one of the last of the folksingers. according to krohn: it was not so much the original subject matter as its recreation by the finns that had imbued the poems with the finnish spirit. […] in preserving the original character of the poems, it is most advantageous if the final shaping is performed with as sensitive hand as possible; and it is most fortunate if the compiler, in poetic matters, is as close to the folk singers as possible. this our lönnrot has been. the theoretical perspectives outlined above indicate the extent to which folklore scholarship intersected with finnish nationalism. as sociologist alberto melucci notes, identity is not a thing, an object that can be attained, but “a system of relations and representations.” questioning origins of finnish poems and songs and comparing finnish folklore material with swedish and russian material were ways of defining finnish identity, an identity constructed in relation to the similarities and differences between finland and its neighbors. quoted in anneli asplund and ulla lipponen, the birth of the kalevala (helsinki: suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, ), . wilson, folklore, - ; cited in ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . alberto melucci, l’invenzione del presente: movimenti, identità, bisogni individuali (bologna: il mulino, ), ; cited in ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . from cultural to political nationalism it is a well-known fact that we always recognize our homeland when we are about to lose it. —albert camus in his discussion of cultural nationalism, john hutchinson identifies a familiar narrative in the process of nation-building where an initial period of cultural awakening begets the drive to political independence. he notes that political nationalism is usually seen as the more progressive form of nationalism, while cultural nationalism—with its focus on nations’ golden ages and the preservation of continuity with previous generations— appears more preliminary, if not downright sentimental: the consensus is that cultural nationalism is a regressive force, a product of intellectuals from backward societies, who, when confronted by more scientifically advanced cultures, compensate for feelings of inferiority by retreating into history to claim descent from a once great civilization. somehow or other, cultural nationalism, it is argued, is functional for the formation of nations in such backward cultures, but in itself cannot shape their path to socio-political modernization. this attitude illustrates a fundamental misunderstanding of the role of cultural nationalism in the formation of a national identity. even though civic movements are generally more albert camus, lyrical and critical essays, ed. philip thody, trans. ellen conroy kennedy (new york: alfred a. knopf, ), . hutchinson, “cultural nationalism,” . effective in directing large-scale political action, cultural efforts regularly affect political change, especially within rigid sociopolitical frameworks: cultural nationalism has everywhere generated a flowering of the historical sciences and the arts as intellectuals have established cultural forums in which to challenge ossified political and cultural elites and to inspire a rising educated generation to campaign to ‘recreate’ the idea of the nation as a living principle in the lives of people. there is, moreover, a dynamic interplay between cultural and political movements, with each becoming the vehicle for political mobilization when the other fails. this “contrapuntal relationship” becomes more complex during times of crisis, when identity formation and state power acquisition efforts achieve greater social momentum. it is readily apparent in late nineteenth-century finland, where fennoman activists—roused by increasing conf lict with swedish and russian factions—moved from a program defined largely through cultural endeavours to one motivated by the need for political self- determination. fennoman efforts—as we shall see—were aided by cultural nationalists, who hutchinson, “cultural nationalism,” . hutchinson, “cultural nationalism,” ; quoted in daniel m. grimley, grieg: music, landscape and norwegian identity (woodbridge: boydell press, ), . hutchinson, “cultural nationalism,” . ibid., . according to hroch, “national agitation, the national idea, could only be comprehensible to the masses and acceptable to them if it corresponded to some extent with their everyday experience: in that case, it was the experience of conflict, in particular, which most stimulated each social movement.” hroch, “introduction,” . advocated for social improvement and renewal as a means of resistance to political and cultural domination. beginning in the s, finland saw increasing tension between its finnish and swedish partisans. on one side, the fennoman movement—which was encouraged by russian authorities as a means of distancing finland from sweden —saw significant cultural and political advances on positions historically held by the swedish-speaking elite. on the other side, the “svecoman” movement—which arose largely in opposition to fennomania—insisted that finland’s swedish population constituted an indigenous nationality and could not be forced to renounce its native tongue. in support of their position, many svecoman turned to the inherently racist writings of the swedish journalist august sohlman, who argued that finnish culture was a swedish import: if the foreign elements were removed [from finland] and the finnish nation started to build on its own foundation, and detach itself from contact with swedish culture, it would cover the distance to barbarity and extinction in as many decades as it took centuries for the swedish influence to uplift finns to civilization, self-esteem, and a life of law and social order. such sentiments, while not absolute, remained an underlying component in svecoman arguments concerning the importance of swedish culture. russian authorities perceived the dominant swedish culture—but not the historically subordinate finnish culture—as a threat to russia’s political and territorial interests. the swedish population comprised roughly percent of finland’s population in . gallen- kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . august sohlman, det unga finland ( ); quoted in gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” ; also quoted in jutikkala, history, - . simultaneously, finland witnessed fresh tension with russia. sparked by the crimean war ( - ), the abolition of serfdom ( ) and the polish revolt ( ), conservative nationalism spread in russia through an aggressive propaganda campaign, with such sentiments as that of russian journalist mikhail katkov ( - ) becoming commonplace: russia needs a unified state and a strong sense of russian nationality. […] even the worst enemy cannot think of a worse destiny for russia and the spreading of the finnish example. to the political feelings of the russian people there is nothing more contemptuous than federalism, alone the thought of it makes one sick. escalating russian mistrust of finnish politics, coupled with changing leadership in the russian capital and heightened international political tensions, persuaded czar nicholas ii to back plans transforming finland from an autonomous grand duchy into an obedient russian borderland. most troubling for finland was the appointment of a new governor-general, nikolay ivanovich bobrikov ( - ), to the finnish senate. his nomination sparked a period of oppression—and a simultaneous period of cultural and intellectual activity in defense of finland’s autonomy known as routavuodet (the “ground moskovskia vedomosti, september . quoted in gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - . finland benefitted immensely from the leadership of czar alexander i (r. - ), who had more-or-less guaranteed finland’s autonomous status under oath on march at the diet of porvoo, and his successor alexander ii, who ruled finland with such a liberal hand as to earn the sobriquet “the good czar” (gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - ). however, alexander iii (r. - ) and nicholas ii (r. - ) had less sympathy for finland’s autonomous status. the growing threat of a european arms race combined with the formation of the so-called triple alliance between germany, austria-hungary, and italy prompted russia to desire a more active defense of the baltic-finnish coast and increased authority within finland. gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - . frost years” )—that lasted until the great strike of . one of bobrikov’s first acts in his new position was to force an imperial edict known as the february manifesto through the senate in , which not only revoked the special status that finland had enjoyed for close to one hundred years but also initiated a series of oppressive measures robbing finland of its authority. the edict gave russia the ability to rule finland without the consent of local legislative bodies; it also made russian stamps and currency the only legal tender, the russian orthodox church the official state church, the press subject to russian censorship, and the army subject to russian rules of military service. the language manifesto of further curtailed finnish freedoms through its declaration of russian as the legal language of finnish administration, and a military service law ordered the assimilation of the finnish army into the russian empire. in spite of a tense political climate, the late nineteenth-century finnish middle class was reluctant to challenge a government that had hitherto protected its economic and social privileges. in the years preceding the bobrikov era, even the fennoman movement developed increasingly conservative tendencies, refusing to compromise on the language question, institute constitutional reform, or relinquish any power to the people they claimed to represent. this inertia left the finnish bourgeoisie largely helpless in the face of the matti vainio, “how modernism came to finland? an exposition of the history of ideas,” in mäkelä, music and nationalism, . symptomatic of this attitude is the fennoman society raittiuden ystävät (“friends of abstinence”). like the old fennomans, with whom it had intimate ties, the society was old fashioned, conservative and hierarchical; its main objective was to direct the working classes toward controlled cooperation with the educated elite, thereby circumventing the possibility of independent political demands. founded in , it february manifesto: complacent with its own status, divided on the language question, and utterly incapable of tackling the russian threat. however, this void was, in illustration of hutchinson’s position above, countered by a rise in cultural nationalist forces: namely, the efforts of musicians, writers, poets, and other intellectuals who were not only responsive to this heightening political tension but also accustomed to working on the perimeter of society. initially, this new union of art and politics manifested through an improved caliber of art criticism. artists and critics increased their focus on the political connotations of art objects, while politicians and members of the finnish bourgeoisie—in lieu of decisive action—supported the cultural endeavours best characterizing their party’s political ideology. faced with the increased urgency of the bobrikov era, however, many of these same individuals transcended their political allegiances to emphasize the national importance of a robust finnish cultural output; accordingly, finnish art became synonymous with the declaration of a unanimous political will. in the words of janne gallen-kallela-sirén, “whether or not a work was conceived with political intent did not rapidly increased its membership, garnering the support of , members by and , members by . see gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - . see risto alapuro, “nineteenth century nationalism in finland: a comparative perspective,” scandinavian political studies , no. ( ): ; gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - , . gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . ibid., - . matter as long as it originated from a finnish hand and expressed or depicted something that could be seen as a metaphor of the current situation.” one of the most inf luential groups to emerge from this climate was nouri suomi (“young finland”), with which madetoja would develop close ties in ensuing decades. although nuori suomi lacked a rigid political agenda, it functioned as a political party between and the finnish civil war of - , tackling such political affairs as “the abstinence question, the workers’ question, and the women’s question,” as the finnish writer santeri ivalo observed in . nevertheless, in its primary capacity as a multifaceted cultural and political movement, it was a beacon for creative energy. its members saw the enrichment of finland’s cultural life as a fundamental means of defense for their status as nation: they promoted finland’s cultural autonomy, opposed cultural and political conformity, and aimed to define finland’s identity within a modern european context—all of this accomplished, most prominently, through the päivälehti, which today bears the name ibid., . santeri ivalo, “kahdenkymmenen vuoden varrelta: huiken ‘nuoren suomen’ historiikkia,” nuori suomi: joulualbumi ( ): ; quoted in gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . the “women’s question” was, of course, suffrage, toward which finland’s highly politicized atmosphere allowed women to make huge strides. the first finnish women’s movement was uniquely situated as an extension of the finnish nationalist cause: suomen naisyhdistys (the “finnish women’s association”) was founded in and grounded its policies within finnish national events through a focus on political, educational, and social rights. notably, the author minna canth, an active member of nuori suomi, served as branch secretary for the first external department of suomen naisyhdistys, which opened in kuopio in . other associations followed: for example, unioni naisasialiitto suomessa (the “league of finnish feminists,” founded in ) fought for equal pay, the vote, and a voice for women in the first finnish parliament. in , finland became the first nation to grant full female suffrage. see kaplan, “comparative europe,” . helsingin sanomat and enjoys the widest circulation of all nordic newspapers. such undertakings would prove a significant source of inspiration for madetoja, who worked tirelessly toward the development of finland’s cultural milieu through the improvement of public support for young finnish composers. conclusion: does finland have a history? nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness: it invents nations where they do not exist. —ernest gellner benedict anderson’s argument that “communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined” is particularly germane to finland’s case. it is shown in the construction of a new linguistic identity that its members, the crème de la crème of finnish society, included musicians willy burmester, robert kajanus, oskar merikanto, alfred reisenauer, and jean sibelius; artists akseli gallen-kallela, eero järnefelt, and emil wikström; authors juhani aho, minna canth, arvid järnefelt, and eino and kasmir leino; and politicians eero erkko and kaarlo ståhlberg, the latter of whom would become the first president of finland. gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - . madetoja was an active member not only of the finnish musician’s union (muusikkojen liitto, which he helped found) but also the national music council (musiikkitoimikunta), the finnish composers’ copyright bureau (teosto), and the society of finnish composers (suomen säveltäjät); madetoja’s will and testament even dictates the formation of a madetoja foundation within the last of these associations, to which madetoja’s copyright revenue is used even today for the commissioning of new music from finnish composers and the recording and performing of new finnish music. salmenhaara, “musiikkipoliitikko,” – . this does not necessarily make such endeavours duplicitous or insincere, benedict anderson argues. ernest gellner, thought and change (chicago: university of chicago press, ), ; quoted in anderson, imagined communities, . anderson, imagined communities, . eschewed spoken dialects, the idea of a homogenous finnish culture, the manufacture of collective memory through the wholesale creation of a national epic, and the mapping of a geographical identity not only in relation to eastern and western neighbours but also a broader european framework. finnish academics were well aware that finland’s culture was a recent construction. if finland’s history could not be discovered, then it would have to be invented. responding to lauri kivekäs’s statement that “we do not have a history, we must invent history,” the finnish writer arvid järnefelt, in a article in the journal nuori suomi titled “onko suomella historiaa” (“does finland have a history?”), wrote: finland’s real history is unwritten. it is the history of passive resistance. even when normal histories compete amidst themselves over who has the most bellicose emperors, who the most splendid courts, the greatest aristocracies, the finnish people’s history is a history of a people amidst whom the feeling of equality is so great and so natural that no families among the people have been able to feel greater than others and none have transformed themselves into national emperors. […] the finnish people who during this intermediary period between an old and a new state of awareness have become conscious of themselves will not need any history of battles and kings—something they have never had—but will from their past seek and discover altogether different events that will give them direction. referring to history as an enduring series of events, järnefelt argues that finland’s ongoing historical reconstruction efforts were crucial to the creation of a national identity not only for the elevation of the historical status of the finnish people but also for the promotion of arvid järnefelt, “onko suomella historiaa,” nuori suomi: päivalehden joulualbumi ( ): , ; quoted in gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . finland’s culture as more meaningful than its written history. finland’s cultural nationalists were vital in this regard. despite their relatively small numbers, and facing the dominant assimilating pressures of swedish and russian inf luences, finnish intellectuals and artists recognized the importance of finnish national history, broadcast a new collective national identity to a larger populace, and ultimately legitimized their nation’s right to exist by transforming a deep sense of connection into a cultural and historical tradition. gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . john hutchinson, “ethnicity and modern nations,” ethnic and racial studies , no. ( ): . “beauty knows no racial boundaries”: finnish musical nationalism väinämöinen old and steadfast passed the days of his existence where lie väinölä’s sweet meadows. kaleva’s extended heathlands, there he sang his songs of sweetness, sang his songs and proved his wisdom. background and introduction nationalist musicians, ben curtis argues, contribute to the same debates and intellectual activities as nationalists in other fields. they aim to produce truly national works; they intend for music, as part of a national culture, to inspire national citizens; and they hope, in the process, to elevate their nation’s cultural and historical standing. in other words, they engage in intensely political behavior. in finland, especially during the heated kalevala, rune , lines - ; trans. ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . ben curtis, “on nationalism and music” (phd diss., university of chicago, ), . see also celia applegate, “how german is it? nationalism and the idea of serious music in the early nineteenth century,” th-century music ( ): - ; celia applegate, “what is german music? reflections on the role of art in the creation of the nation,” german studies review (winter ): - ; michael beckerman, “in search of czechness in music,” th-century music ( - ): - ; michael beckerman, “the master’s little joke: antonín dvořák and the mask of nation,” in dvořák and his world, ed. michael beckerman (princeton: princeton university press, ), - ; carl dahlhaus, “nationalism in music,” in between romanticism and modernism, trans. mary whittall (berkeley: university of california press, ), - ; roger parker, arpa d’or de fatidici vati: the verdian patriotic chorus in the s (italy, instituto nazionale di studi verdiani parma, ); roger parker, “va pensiero and the insidious mastery of songs,” in leonora’s last act: essays in verdian discourse (princeton: princeton university press, ), - ; leon plantinga, “dvořák and the meaning of nationalism in music,” in rethinking dvořák: views from five countries, ed. david r. beveridge (oxford: oxford university press, ), - ; jim samson, “nations and nationalism,” in the cambridge history of nineteenth-century music, ed. jim samson (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), - ; richard taruskin, “introduction: nationalism and music,” repercussions , nos. - political climate of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, composers went to great lengths to promote finland’s international standing and cement its status as an independent nation. they explored music’s potential as a vehicle of socio-political discourse by incorporating overt political references into their music; and, in recognition of finland’s embryonic artistic climate, they promoted their nation through the adoption of folk, nature, and landscape references. yet, as nationalism is a category not only of intention but also reception, it is important to emphasize the reciprocal nature of their nationalist undertakings. seeking validation for their efforts, they entered into an elaborate dialogue with both national and international audiences, actively encouraging the european glorification of nordic mythology and responding to a positive international reception through increased engagement with european stereotypes of finnish music. an important example of these tendencies can be found in madetoja’s first opera, pohjalaisia ( ). rife with folk music and landscape references, it quickly achieved the status of finland’s national opera and today is strongly linked with the struggle for finnish independence. surprisingly, historical documents show that finnish audiences received the opera’s distinct sense of locale not as stereotypically finnish but rather as uniquely ostrobothnian. moreover, critics celebrated the opera almost exclusively for its ( ): - ; and richard taruskin, “nationalism,” grove music online, accessed july , www.oxfordmusiconline.com. ostrobothnia (“pohjalaisia” in finnish) is the finnish province where madetoja was born; it forms the title for madetoja’s first opera. contribution to the canon of finnish national art; international audiences applied patriotic sentiment retroactively, a finding that questions the idea of madetoja as a national composer. during the s, finland’s political environment became increasingly heated. although tensions escalated most dramatically between and with the appointment of governor general nikolay bobrikov, a general sense of political anxiety pervaded many aspects of finnish society. finnish artists made a conscious attempt to steel the people for the coming struggle for independence; many were ardent nationalists, quick to profess their dedication to finnish nationalism and language and eager to use their art in the service of finland. for example, the sculptor emil wikström wrote to akseli gallen- kallela asking him to “pave the road for national art,” declaring that he, too, was “ready to live and die for the sake of national art.” this encouraged greater intertwinement between finnish culture and national politics, and, accordingly, a dramatic increase in the volume of politically inspired works. composers who explored facets of finnish identity in their music were now perceived as agents of the national cause, quick to profess their dedication to finnish nationalism and language. one of the most celebrated was, naturally, sibelius, who was not only a symbol letter from emil wikström to akseli gallen-kallela; quoted in markku valkonen and olli valkonen, suomen taide: suomalaisuus (porvoo: wsoy, ), ; quoted and translated in gallen-kallela- sirén, “axel gallén,” . gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . of finnish resistance but also a political activist with well-known white sympathies. veijo murtomäki states: sibelius was not an innocent composer, who was exploited or misused for patriotic and political purposes. on the contrary, he was an active and conscientious citizen, who was worried about finland’s fate and tried to influence that fate through his art (about pieces), which was decisively aimed at securing the liberation of finland. he was aware of his role as a symbol of finland’s fight, and it was even expected of him to strengthen the morale of his compatriots. arguing for sibelius’s increasing political activity from the start of the s to , murtomäki catalogues sibelius’s efforts within several broad categories: language politics; domestic politics, or the stand regarding the gradual division of the finnish people into left-wing workers and right-wing middle- and upper-class society; “foreign” politics, or the stand regarding russia’s oppressive measures and legislative integration with finland; patriotic politics, or the national movement to gain independence; and imperialistic politics, or the national aspiration to incorporate karelia and karelian tribes into finland. sibelius is purported to have stated: “i cannot influence circumstances in any other way than by composing.” most of his political or patriotic works are works for men’s choir, the most popular musical medium for patriotic sentiment; notable examples include the finnish civil war was fought between the “whites,” supported by germany, and the social democratic “reds,” supported by lenin and the bolsheviks. veijo murtomäki, “sibelius, composer and patriot,” in matti huttunen, kari kilpeläinen, and veijo murtomäki, eds., sibelius forum ii: proceedings from the third international jean sibelius conference, helsinki, - december (helsinki: sibelius academy, ), . ibid., . ibid., . “atenarnes sång,” “isänmaalle,” “jääkärimarssi,” “skyddskårsmarsch,” and “karjalan osa.” there is nothing specifically finnish in the music; patriotic intent was communicated through the lyrics. for example, “atenarnes sång,” one of the most famous musical responses to russian oppression, inspired nationalist fervor in concert audiences on account of viktor rydberg’s text: splendid is death, when thou fallest courageous, leading the onslaught, fallest in war for thy land, dying for birthright and home. rise with thy strong arm furious, rise to fight for thy country, hasten to yield up thy life, life for the races to come! other pieces were composed in support of specific nationalist causes; “skyddskårsmarsch” was written for finland’s civil guards, and “karjalan osa” for an organization that was later to become the extreme-right lapua movement. “song of the athenians,” ; lyrics by viktor rydberg. “to the fatherland,” ; lyrics by paavo cajander. “march of the finnish jaeger battalion,” ; lyrics by heikki nurmio. “skyddskår’s march,” ; lyrics by nino runeberg. “karelia’s fate,” ; lyrics by aleksi nurminen. ilkka oramo notes that the march of the jaegers uses a melodic pattern related to a southern ostrobothnian folk song, “tuli se taivutti koivun larvan,” but in such a way that the connection is not immediately recognizable. oramo, “beyond nationalism,” in mäkelä, music and nationalism, . jean sibelius, “atenarnes sång,” op. , no. , lyrics by viktor rydberg, trans. william wallace (wiesbaden: breitkopf and härtel, ). madetoja explored a similar direction in “viipurin marssi” (op. , no. ), which referenced viipuri, the capital of the contested region of karelia, and issued a blunt call to war: finland’s wall has stood since ancient times with karelia’s aid. viipuri’s castle is karelia’s lock; aid us in our fight, god of thunder! again we are called to defend the fatherland, karelia! finland is protected. karelia will not be conquered! singing, we commence battle! similarly, his “kymmenen virran maa” (op. , no. ), references battle, bravery, and national pride. the same lyrics were used by the composer oskar merikanto in a composition adopted as the provincial anthem of north ostrobothnia and lapland: this vigorous land at the border of the north is an exemplary battlefield; so brave, brisk, and unwavering, it is a wonderful land of memories. this land inspires me, this land of ten streams! the militarism of atenarnes sång and viipurin marssi takes finnish cultural nationalism in a bold new direction. the lyrics do not romanticize the finnish landscape “vyborg’s march,” , for male choir; lyrics by eero eerola. “suomen muurina vanhastansa seistä on saanut karjalan kansa. viipurin linna on karjalan lukko, taistossa auta ein’ meitä, ukko! taas meittä katsuvi taattojen mantu, karjala! suomen on suojaksi pantu. karjalan maa, sua sorreta ei! laulaen tiemme ain’ taistohon vei!” “the land of ten rivers,” , for male choir; text by august v. koskimies (né forsman). “maa ponteva pohjolan äärillä on, se on entistaistojen tanner; niin rohkea, reima ja horjumaton, se on muistojen mainio manner. tämä maa minun mieltäni innostaa, se on kymmenen, kymmenen virran maa!” or its people; rather, they represent a call to action. madetoja, like sibelius, was unequivocally involved in the promotion of his country’s patriotic efforts through his artistic output. given the intense political developments within early twentieth-century finland, it would have been difficult to avoid a level of participation. however, finnish musicians were just as likely to advocate for social improvement and renewal as a means of resistance to political and cultural domination. recognizing that their country’s musical scene was embryonic, they considered the advancement of a unique cultural output as the surest way to gain international standing and secure status as an independent nation. inspired by the nineteenth-century “volksgeist” philosophy, which explained nations as manifestations of a collective national spirit, they interpreted finland’s history as owing to the steady development of national consciousness. this framework was, in particular, a logical choice for finnish music historians, who reinterpreted finland’s history according to a nationalist model. beginning in the early s, interest in finnish music history grew rapidly, and, owing to the political climate, attempts to document this history were strongly nationalistic. gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . hegel’s philosophy of self-determination arrived in finland relatively early, around , via johan jakob tengström, a professor of philosophy at the university of helsinki, who connected nationalistic thoughts to hegelian philosophy and disseminated the theories throughout the university. huttunen, “nationalistic,” . the first major achievement in finnish musicology was martin wegelius’s hufvuddragen af den västerländska musikens historia. wegelius—himself a composer— wrote this book for students at the helsinki music institute. his dedication to wagner and the german music tradition, however, deterred him from surveying finnish music. “in finland a music history must first be made before it can be written,” wegelius famously argued in the closing pages of his book, “and the generation growing now may probably in this respect both experience and be able to produce more excellent things than we.” these words seem prophetic, for sibelius would emerge as a counterpart to the national sentiment of finland’s inhabitants. many finns considered sibelius an agent of weltgeist, whose role, in the hegelian sense, was to birth music that was truly finnish in character. in the words of toivo haapanen: in the history of finland’s music it is possible to see a clear development towards national independence, which can be said to have been reached in the final decades of the last century. our musical culture, which at the end of the th century had already blossomed, turned in the th century towards national development, and the fruits were ripe by the end of the century. jean sibelius’s works of the ’s were, above all, a sign that finnish music had reached, besides a high aesthetic level, a spiritual independence, having found its own tone. main features of the history of western music ( - ). hufvuddragen af den västerländska musikens historia från den kristna tidens början till våra dagar : ; trans. huttunen, “nationalistic,” . herder conceived of weltgeist (world-spirit) as the invisible force elevating world history. huttunen, “nationalistic,” - . haapanen, suomen säveltaide, - , trans. huttunen, “nationalistic,” . describing finland’s “own tone,” though, is no easy matter. intertwined with finland’s nationalist endeavours is the oft-cited view that its cultural output is somehow connected with its landscape or geography. robert simpson relates that the slow movement of sibelius’s third symphony expresses repose and underlying tension “such as may be felt in the vast and mysteriously monotonous forests and lakes of [sibelius’s] country” ; leonard bernstein notes that the use of the dorian mode in sibelius’s sixth symphony evokes finland’s “remote, lonely forests.” because of their pervasiveness in the discourse, such observations cannot be easily dismissed. as tomi mäkelä states, “this kind of contextualizing observation […] even today seems to be almost an obligatory trope in any other than a strictly analytical reading of sibelius and his music.” the portrayal of the finnish populace as having close ties with nature was crucial to the development of finland’s cultural character. as discussed in the previous chapter, finnish nationalists, in their struggle for cultural and political self-determination, necessarily presented finland as a collective national identity with a unified language and heritage. inspired by herderian views of the folk, they highlighted the morality of the robert simpson, carl nielsen: symphonist (london: kahn and averill, ), ; quoted in daniel grimley, “landscape and structural perspective in nightride and sunrise,” in huutunen, kilpeläinen, and murtomäki, sibelius forum ii, . leonard bernstein and jack gottlieb, leonard bernstein: young people’s concerts (cambridge: amadeus, ), ; quoted in eero tarasti, signs of music: a guide to musical semiotics (new york: mouton de gruyter, ), . mäkelä, nordic landscape, . mostly finnish-speaking agrarian population, drawing attention to their mystical connection with nature and their deep sense of attachment to the finnish landscape. finnish musical nationalists engaged with similar concepts, adding two main categories of national musical material to their music: references to finnish folklore— especially the kalevala—and folk music, and allusions to nature and landscape, including but not limited to politically charged locales. the challenge lies in attempting to define these elements. musical nationalism is an ideology, and although it may have artistic consequences, it should be regarded not as a technical or stylistic feature but rather as a category of intention and reception. as dahlhaus observes, almost any stylistic feature can be nationalistic: if a composer intended a piece of music to be national in character and the hearers believe it to be so, that is something which the historian must accept as an aesthetic fact, even if stylistic analysis—the attempt to “verify” the aesthetic premise by reference to musical features—fails to produce any evidence.” this can be clearly seen in an early finnish national effort. although the creation of national symbols was of primary importance, the origin of these symbols was, at least initially, of lesser concern. in , pacius and runeberg composed vårt land (our land). anssi paasi, “geographical perspectives on finnish national identity,” geojournal , no. (september ): . tomi mäkelä, “towards a theory of internationalism, europeanism, nationalism and ‘co- nationalism’ in twentieth-century music,” in mäkelä, music and nationalism, . dahlhaus, “nationalism in music,” - . vårt land is the original swedish title; the finnish title is maamme. the composer, pacius, was german, his music was rooted in german romanticism and biedermeier (he was a pupil of spohr), and the melody based on a german folk tune in mazurka style. this was evidently a non-issue: it has served as an important anthem since its creation. its status was determined by its reception among the populace, not by its origins or substance. folk music according to herder, the “folk” preserved an ancient cultural heritage and bore past traditions as timeless as the nation itself. accordingly, various nationalist movements have propagated the view of folk music as an inherent part of a nation’s cultural life with its roots in the distant past. as recently as , for example, the international folk music council defined folk music as the orally transmitted traditions of rural communities that have remained impervious to influences from other genres such as popular and art music. such movements posit the claim that folk music, or at least the oldest and purest manifestations of it, was already an archetype of a perfected art. as bartók suggests: peasant music, in the strict sense of the word, must be regarded as a natural phenomenon; the forms in which it manifests itself are due to the instinctive transforming power of a community entirely devoid of erudition. it is just as much oramo, “beyond nationalism,” . ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . ibid., . ibid., . a natural phenomenon as, for instance, the various manifestations of nature in fauna and flora. correspondingly it has in its individual parts an absolute artistic perfection, a perfection in miniature forms which – one might say – is equal to a musical masterpiece of the largest proportions. it is the classical model of how to express an idea musically in the most concise form, with the greatest simplicity of means, with freshness and life, briefly yet completely and properly proportioned. dahlhaus, however, argues that the nineteenth-century position that folk music invariably embodies or reflects the music of a nation is questionable, since “it is not clear how far the ‘ethnic raw material’ in which nineteenth-century nationalism purported to discover the roots of national musical styles belongs of its original nature in the category of national at all.” the distinction between folk and art music is a construction, relying on fixed ideas of what exactly constitutes a universal style. moreover, folk music is no more a construction than other preconceived notions of nationalist or universal music. according to dahlhaus, the same musical tools and techniques that represent folklore are also used in representations of exoticism: it is no easy matter to see a definite distinction between the combination of a double bourdon, lydian fourth, and chromatic coloration in the jumping dance of grieg’s purportedly scandinavian nordic dances and folk tunes op. ( ), and the similar stereotype combination used as an orientalism in the dance “l’almée” from bizet’s djamileh. in neither case can the local colour be localised in purely musical terms without a scenic or linguistic tag. regardless of the milieu being depicted, exoticism and folklorism almost invariably make do with the same technical devices: pentatonicism, the dorian [raised] sixth and mixolydian [flatted] seventh, the raised béla bartók, “the relation of folk song to the development of the art music of our time [ ],” in béla bartók essays, ed. benjamin suchoff (new york: st. martin’s press, ), - ; quoted in michael john malone, “symbols of transformation: reconceptualizing the boundaries of organicism in the music of béla bartók” (phd diss., university of texas at austin, ), . dahlhaus, “nationalism in music,” ; quoted in grimley, grieg, . grimley, grieg, . second and augmented fourth, non-functional chromatic colouration, and finally bass drones, ostinatos, and pedal points as central axes. by no means, however, is dahlhaus arguing for the dismissal of a nationalist interpretation of folklore as illegitimate: aesthetically it is perfectly legitimate to call bagpipe drones and sharpened fourths typically polish when they occur in chopin and typically norwegian when they occur in grieg, even if some historians are irritated by the paradox of something which is common to national music in general and yet is felt to be specifically national in the consciousness of the individual nations. the most important aesthetic arbiter is not the original ethnic substance but rather musical context. folk music signifies otherness by sounding against a universal style, and in so doing, suggesting a sense of archaism that references nationalism. however, as grimley points out, the cultural output of the dominant nation defines any ostensibly universal style. by extension, any given division between folk and art music is arbitrary, since it relies on the presumption that one musical style is superior to another. the first mature composition to draw inspiration from the kalevala was sibelius’s kullervo ( ), a symphonic poem for soloists, chorus, and orchestra with stylistic elements drawn from modal rune singing. its premiere on april inspired carl dahlhaus, nineteenth century music, trans. j. bradford robinson (berkeley: university of california press, ), . dahlhaus, “nationalism in music,” ; quoted in grimley, grieg, . grimley, grieg, . ilkka oramo and ilkka kolehmainen, “finland,” grove music online, accessed july , www.oxfordmusiconline.com. nationalistic fervour in helsinki; composer oskar merikanto wrote in päivalehti that “sibelius takes us to entirely new territories, to unknown melodies, he brings before our eyes the most beautiful pearls of our national epic, he caresses our ears with finnish melodies which we know to be our own even if we have not heard them in this form.” but sibelius was just one of many composers to turn to the kalevala and the karelian landscape as a source of inspiration. with the advent of the karelianism movement, folk poetry and rune singing became a powerful source of inspiration for robert kajanus, erkki melartin, fredrik pacius, filip von schantz, and madetoja. although the return of the great kalevalan hero, väinämöinen, was of great interest to fin-de-siècle poets, artists, and composers, the kalevala’s tragic hero, kullervo, would become the most popular inspiration. kullervo’s sinister character attracted many fin-de-siècle finnish artists as the archetype of an idealized national finnish character: taciturn, but fiercely vehement when roused. adriaan van der hoeven argues that kullervo’s popularity between and , particularly in the roles of “the cursing kullervo” and “the kullervo who goes to war,” had national motivations, for he “symbolized the finnish will to resist russian political activities.” einari marvia and matti vainio, helsingin kaupunginorkesteri - (porvoo: wsoy, ), . vainio, “modernism,” . gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . finnish composers were inspired not only by the kalevala but also by their country’s wealth of folk tunes. folk music collection and transcription was very much en vogue, and many of finland’s young composers undertook lengthy folk music collection trips through rural areas. calls for the integration of these melodies into composers’ works became increasingly common. for example, the finnish musicologist dr. ilmari krohn ended a talk at the paris universal exposition with a manifesto for his country’s composers: “the melodies of the kalevala songs […] must always be the natural basis for our national finnish music.” as a musicology student at the university of helsinki under ilmari krohn, madetoja simply could not avoid folk music research. typical of his assignments was a cataloguing of the helsinki library collections of printed and unprinted folk tunes, which he undertook in . the same year, as a degree requirement, madetoja completed at krohn’s request a study of lithuanian folk tunes, which comprised handwritten pages and a comprehensive index of tunes. in spite of madetoja’s folk music collection efforts, however, the arranging of these tunes played a much less central role in his compositional helena tyrväinen, “ilmari krohn and the early french contacts of finnish musicology: mobility, networking and interaction,” res musica, no. ( ): . unfortunately, the -page catalog has not been preserved. salmenhaara, leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana, . salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana,” . output than that of his colleagues, even if he was in some cases inspired by the kalevala’s lyrical folk poems and various texts by finnish authors. madetoja’s most celebrated work, the opera pohjalaisia, had its genesis in the folk music collection trips of the early twentieth century. in , madetoja’s friend toivo kuula undertook a folk music collection trip to the finnish province of southern ostrobothnia (adjacent to the province of ostrobothnia) with classmate artturi järviluoma; they procured folk tunes. järviluoma subsequently wrote a patriotic folk drama the ostrobothnians ( ), which included ten folk songs from this collection and two fiddlers’ tunes; it was first performed at the national theatre on october . madetoja—at the urging of opera singer vaino sola—began work on an opera based on the play in december . tyrväinen, “kansallisten piirteiden,” . pohjalaisia is a verismo opera in three acts. act introduces the farmer antti hanka, who visits his fiancée, maija haari, while awaiting trial for stabbing a neighbour. he arrives at the haari farm singing the folk tune “tuuli se taivutti koivun larvan.” the sheriff demands to see antti’s leave pass. maija’s brother, jussi, presents it without removing his hat, a sign of disrespect. the sheriff knocks jussi’s hat off with his whip, but jussi grabs the whip and breaks it. act chronicles the developing relationship between jussi and the servant girl, liisa. the romantic mood is broken when antii reppears, announcing that he has been ordered to prison. maija pursuades him to flee. a group of thugs arrive at the haari farm, but withdraw when their leader loses a wrestling match with jussi. during the fighting, antti disappears. act opens with jussi and liisa planning their wedding. the sheriff returns to the harri farm to investigate antti’s escape. jussi is wrongly accused, handcuffed, and whipped, but he manages to break his shackles and brandish his knife. jussi is shot twice by the sheriff, but he still manages to stab the latter to death, describing with his dying breath a vision of freedom for the ostrobothnian people. sola originally approached kuula, but the latter demurred, considering the subject matter overly realistic. salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians,” . the folk music material järviluoma attached to the play offered a natural starting point for madetoja’s opera. madetoja integrated the material into his own musical vocabulary in two ways: by setting it in a rich polyphonic texture and innovative harmonic framework, and by using it as a source of inspiration for the opera’s motivic content. although, as salmenhaara points out, the use of folk songs in this manner resembles a leitmotiv technique, madetoja integrated these melodies in a carefully nuanced fashion that was largely distinct from wagnerian constructivism. several of the tunes madetoja featured in the final work would have been familiar to early twentieth-century finnish audiences, including “se ilta oli pimiä” (the evening was dark), “luullahan, jotta on lysti olla” (people think i am happy), and “tuuli se taivutti koivunlarvan” (the wind bent down the tops of the birches). the latter melody, “tuuli se taivutti koivun larvan,” is a famous ostrobothnian folk song that kuula had collected during his travels. in the overture to pohjalaisia, it is restated almost verbatim; the only changes from the version kuula collected are those of key (from e minor to c minor) and salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians,” . pekka hako, finnish opera, trans. jaakko mäntyjärvi (helsinki: finnish music information centre, ), . example . : madetoja, pohjalaisia, opening motive. notated meter (common time in contrast to the original duple meter). it is a central feature of the overture, in which it is played three times, the last time tutti and fortissimo. even more crucial to the opera is the four-note motive that precedes the first statement of “tuuli se taivutti koivun larvan” (ex. . ). it is of singular importance to pohjalaisia and is revisited throughout the opera; karjalainen calls it the work’s signature motive. the opening of the overture serves as an example of the way in which it is integrated into the opera’s fabric. in measures - , the motive is played four times in succession; later, in measure , it is extended through the addition of a rising and falling contour, serving as a prime example of the way madetoja develops new thematic material from existing substance (ex. . ). example . shows some of the possible sources of inspiration for this important motive. although the most salient is naturally “tuuli se taivutti koivun larvan,” madetoja has himself suggested an alternate origin. in a interview, he recalled that his grandfather, the playwright peter hyttinen, was a keen singer who was especially fond of karjalainen, madetojan ooperaat, . ibid., . examples . through . are indebted to karjalainen, madetojan ooperaat, - . example . : madetoja, pohjalaisia, act , measures - . traditional osthnobothnian hymns. madetoja speculated that his childhood exposure to these tunes had a profound impact on his music, and he singled out one melody with a rising melodic contour as especially significant. when this melody is transposed into the same key as “tuuli se taivutti koivun larvan” and the opening of pohjalaisia, clear similarities emerge, especially in the alignment of dominant, tonic, and supertonic. although kai maasalo notes that these scale degrees are typical of madetoja’s melodic cells, he also proposes an international model for the motive by linking it with act , scene of debussy’s pelléas et mélisande, which madetoja first encountered during his studies in salmenhaara, leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana, - . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . example . : a) peter hyttinen’s spiritual melody; b) “tuuli se taivutti koivun larvan”; c) madetoja, pohjalaisia, opening motive. vienna. indeed, the opening measures of the golaud/yniold scene do present a possible melodic resemblance, in spite of differences in scoring and voice leading (ex. . ). madetoja seemed to have delved into folklore only in so far as it satisfied his immediate, individual artistic requirements; he was not, by and large, particularly interested in the coordinated pursuit of folksong. however, madetoja was a proponent of the idea that a professional composer should know how to compose a “folk melody.” in , he wrote an article for the northern ostrobothnian students’ association explaining the qualities of northern styles of folk tunes. such qualities include the avoidance of the leading tone or of overly straightforward dominant-to-tonic progressions; complex kai maasalo, suomalaisia sävellyksiä (porvoo: söderström, ), : - , : ; see also karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . salmenhaara, leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana, . leevi madetoja, “muuan sana pohjoispohjalaisista kansansävelmistä,” jouko ( ); cited in salmenhaara, leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana, . example . : debussy, pelléas et mélisande, act , scene , opening motive. rhythmic combinations; ambiguous key structures; and the “neutral” third, which madetoja encountered in the historical finnish region of ingria. these features are also present in madetoja’s own melodies. in his oeuvre, there are a number of beautiful and touching melodies that could pass as folk tunes. these include folk song for violin and piano, op. , no. ; works for mixed choir, including “ei mitään multa puutu”; many spiritual choral works, including “tuolla ylhääll’ asunnoissa” (also known as “tuolla taivaan asunnoissa”) and “jo lännen mailla ruskot leimuaa”; and the well- known christmas carol, “arkihuolesi kaikki heitä.” interestingly, some sections of pohjalaisia were commonly mistaken for folk tunes, including liisa and jussi’s duet in the third act and the choral rendering of the ballad-like “talapakan nikolai.” the latter, sung following the pastoral introduction to the second act, was in fact composed by madetoja, who confirmed this fact in an interview: “i had previously composed nikolai’s folk song, and it was [subsequently] published as a melody in the folk ensembles of the folk education society, but in my opera i feature the tune with a neutral third is wider than a minor third but narrow than a major third. salmenhaara, leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana, . salmenhaara, leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana, - . example . : original “talapakan nikolai.” an orchestral accompaniment.” madetoja’s melody differs in both extent and melodic structure from a similarly titled melody featured in järviluoma’s play. the original song is a simple e-minor melody with a dominant-to-tonic-style couplet (ex. . ). by contrast, madetoja’s version consists of distinct phrases which feature ascending and descending melodic curves and modal cadences (ex. . ). at the end of the second act, the melody undergoes extensive development and is integrated into the orchestra’s polyphonic fabric. anna-liisa primus-nyman, leevi madetojan radiohaastattelun käsikirjoitukset ja (helsinki: suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, n.d.); quoted in karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . examples . and . are indebted to karjalainen, madetojan ooperaat, . example . : madetoja’s “talapakan nikolai.” nature and landscape people maintain that music is an international language but i am not sure that the evidence bears this out. take, for example, the misunderstanding of wagner prevalent in the latin countries, in spite of the fact that his operas are now fashionable in both france and italy. but as far as inspiration is concerned, i think that nature and landscape play a greater part than national origins. let us take the case of grieg, whose music it is impossible to conceive in any other than a norwegian landscape. —jean sibelius arthur lovejoy, in his essay “nature as aesthetic norm,” attempts to list all the ways nature appears in the aesthetics of western art music. his compilation includes, but is by no means limited to, the following aspects: “human nature, the cosmic order, imitation of nature, truthfulness, objective beauty, simplicity, symmetry, balance, the primacy of emotion, spontaneity, naïvety, primitivism, irregularity, avoidance of symmetry, expression of the artist’s voice, the fullness of human life, savagery, fecundity, evolution, and so on.” lovejoy’s intention is to illustrate that, in the words of friedrich nicolai, “der begriff und das wort ‘natur’ ist ein wahrer scherwenzel.” not only are there a multitude of interpretations of nature in music, but many of them are directly contradictory. this is to sibelius’s answer to a september interview in which he was asked whether he considered ethnic origin relevant to the understanding of music. erik tawaststjerna, sibelius: volume , - , trans. and ed. robert layton (london: faber, ), . tarasti, signs of music, . “the idea and the word ‘nature’ is a real scoundrel.” arthur o. lovejoy, “‘nature’ as aesthetic norm,” modern language notes , no. (november ): . be expected, since music’s power to tell stories or create images in our minds without the assistance of words is limited at best. even berlioz, one of the founding fathers of romantic program music, seriously questioned music’s inherent capacity to transmit images. berlioz allows for the imitation of songbirds in music because it amounts to a transcription. however, he states that for music to effectively communicate extra-musical images, extra- musical signifiers need to be present to carry the references. as an example, he cites the second act of die freischütz, noting that weber did not actually describe moonlight, nor, in william tell, did rossini depict the movement of oars; rather, both composers created sounds that the listener, notified of the context, accepted as credible aural reproductions of moonlight and the movement of oars. it is also, rigorously speaking, necessary, in order for the model of these images to be recognized, for the listener to be made aware, by some indirect means, of the composer’s intention, and for the point of comparison to be plain. thus people think that rossini, in william tell, paints the movement of oars, whereas in fact all he does is to place in his orchestra a regularly accented and equally spaced rinforzando, representing the rhythmic effort of the rowers whose arrival is announced by other characters. eduard hanslick supports this perspective in his influential book, vom musikalisch- schönen, where he argues for the view that while we readily associate images with music, hector berlioz, cauchemars et passions, ed. gérard condé (paris: lattès, ), ; quoted in peter dayan, music writing literature: from sand via debussy to derrida (aldershot: ashgate, ), . “encore faut-il, de toute rigueur, pour que le modèle de ces images soit reconnu, que l’auditeur soit averti par quelque voie indirecte de l’intention du compositeur, et que le point de comparaison soit en évidence. ainsi, rossini passe pour avoir peint, dans guillaume tell, les mouvements des rames, tandis qu’il n’a fait réellement que placer, dans son orchestre, un rinforzando régulièrement accentué à des intervalles égaux, image de l’effort cadencé des rameurs, dont l’arrivée est annoncée par les autres personnages.” the link between the two is only fixed when united by external circumstances. music can imitate movements and physical sounds, but not images, and that when we think it does so, we can usually point to something extra-musical that has suggested the image to us. certainly, at the rudimentary onomatopoeic level it is sometimes possible to discern extramusical meanings. examples in grieg’s music—which sibelius describes above as “impossible to conceive in any other than a norwegian landscape”—include the use of pictorial devices such as wedding marches and distant folk melodies to suggest landscape and provide local colour; the exploration of environmental elements such as bell sounds, mountain echoes, horn calls, birdsong, and herding calls to create a sense of musical depth and distance; and musical folk symbols such as pedal drones and open fifths. these are “topics” or semiotic codes, defined by raymond monelle as essentially symbols, “[their] iconic or indexical features governed by convention and thus by rule.” even so, as dahlhaus argues above, they are open to misrepresentation; however, while they may be valuable in engaging the composer or listener, they are not essential to a musical work. in circumstances where a composer may have one clear image in mind and the audience another, the quality of the music is not impacted. in the words of george sand, “le musicien eduard hanslick, vom musikalisch-schönen: ein beitrag zur revision der asthetik der tonkunst (leipzig: johann ambrosins barth, ); quoted in dayan, music writing literature, . grimley, grieg, - . raymond monelle, the musical topic: hunt, military, and pastoral (bloomington: indiana university press, ), ; quoted in michael leslie klein, intertextuality in western art music (bloomington: indiana university press, ), . crée pour les autres des effets opposés à ceux qu’il a créés pour lui.” debussy weighed in on this matter too, for he frequently held specific images in his mind when he composed. while he continued to associate these images with given passages in his works, he noted that such passages may evoke different images for his listeners, a fact that for debussy was quite natural. in iberia, there is a man selling water-melons and a group of boys whistling; i see them quite clearly . . . and yet, you see how easy it is to deceive oneself, since some people think that passage is a serenade. anyway, the matter is of no importance at all. we may disagree on debussy’s final point, since for fin-de-siècle finnish composers, the matter was of great importance. pristine images of the finnish landscape— glorified in the writings of johan ludvig runeberg and zacharias topelius as the “land of a thousand lakes” —acted as a tangible vehicle for artists, writers, and musicians, aiding the communication of finland’s national character and serving as a key component of its cultural nationalist efforts. the portrayal of landscape is, however, a complex process. as edward s. casey argues, the perception of landscape is possible only through a skilled representation, by musical means or otherwise: “the musician creates for others effects which are opposed to the effects he created for himself.” george sand, lettres d’un voyageur (paris: michel lévy frères, ), ; quoted in dayan, music writing literature, . “il y a un marchand de pastèques et des gamins qui sifflent, que je vois très nettement . . . et pourtant regardez comme on peut se tromper, puisqu’il y a des gens qui ont pris cela pour une sérénade. Ça n’a d’ailleurs aucune importance.” claude debussy, correspondence - , ed. françois lesure (paris: hermann, ), ; quoted in dayan, music writing literature, . this phrase has its origins in runeberg’s “vårt land”; see chapter one, footnote . paasi, “geographical perspectives,” . places, like the landscapes they collectively compose, are bound up with representation, just as representation in turn calls for places as the bounded particulars of any given landscape domain. the truth is that representation is not a contingent matter, something merely secondary; it is integral to the perception of landscape itself—indeed, part of its being and essential to its manifestation. daniel grimley argues that the idea of landscape in the western art tradition is tied to the artificial construction and perception of environments, characters, and perspectives. it is not a natural phenomenon, created by nature without human intervention; rather, it is a form of invention. the representation of landscape presumes not only the active participation of a viewer, whose presence provides a sense of perspective, but also fixed boundaries or reference points, within which the viewer can perceive the landscape. however, while these reference points define the landscape’s spatial organization, they ultimately cannot contain it. therefore, there is within the perception of landscape an inherent tension between the infinite and the enclosed. this tension is of particular importance to nineteenth-century romanticism, and its irresolvable nature accounts for the era’s melancholic depictions of landscape, which are particularly prominent in finnish music. edward s. casey. representing place: landscape, painting and maps (minneapolis: university of minnesota press, ), xv; in grimley, grieg, . grimley, grieg, . on the deceptive “naturalness” of landscape, see stephen daniels, “marxism, culture, and the duplicity of landscape,” in new models of geography: the political-economy perspective, ed. richard peet and nigel thrift (london: unwin hyman, ), - . grimley, grieg, . see charles rosen, the romantic generation (london: harper collins, ), - . however, as casey suggests, the musical representation of landscape has not only a spatial dimension, but also a temporal one. sibelius, and other contemporary northern composers such as grieg and carl nielsen, express landscapes as static and contemplative objects that are distinct from their musical context. this is, according to julian johnson, common within late romantic music: nature music, in its apparent self-containment and avoidance of linear motion, seems to suspend time. in this it seems to offer an analogy for our experience of spaciousness in which there is little or no movement. space without perceived directed movement appears timeless. the perception of time, correspondingly, requires boundaries and limits against which things move, which is why mountain landscapes were so often associated with images of the eternal. therefore, there is a contradiction in landscape music between its perception in real time and the way it appears to suspend linear notions of time into an infinite sense of space. this view is supported by dahlhaus, who states that many such musical depictions of nature, particularly in nineteenth-century music, are conventionally defined in opposition to mainstream musical discourse, often through the suspension of regular musical time and the evocation of stillness: a musical depiction of nature is almost always defined negatively, by being excluded from the imperative of organic development which, at least in the mainstream of compositional history, dominated the thematic and motivic structure of nineteenth- century music as well as its harmonic schemes. the klangfläche (sound sheet) conveys a landscape because it is exempted both from the principle of teleological progression and from the rule of musical texture which nineteenth-century musical grimley, grieg, . julian johnson, webern and the transformation of nature (cambridge, cambridge university press, ), . grimley, grieg, . theorists referred to, by no means simply metaphorically, as “thematic-motivic manipulation,” taking beethoven’s development sections as their locus classicus. as hegel would have it, musical landscapes arise less from direct tone-painting than from “definite negation” of the character of musical form as a process. in this way, the musical representation of landscape can play a significant—albeit abstract—role as a means of organizing musical space and time. it is possible, for example, to organize musical events in time to suggest a structural parallel with landscape objects in visual space, so that the listener’s temporal perception becomes analogous to the viewer’s visual perception. landscape then becomes as much a structural process as a representative one. an example of this occurs in the pastoral scene that opens the second act of pohjalaisia (ex. . ). at measures in length, the introduction is brief and its outer limits are clearly defined by the opening of the second act and the ensuing cries of the shepherd girls (“paimentyttöjen huhuilut”) in measure . over a sustained d pedal in the violins (doubled in harmonics), flutes (later bassoons) alternate with horns in imitation of conventional herding calls. the introductory flute/bassoon material sounds a total of three times in open fifths; the second and third statements (beginning in mm. and respectively) feature movement to the neapolitan while also suggesting phrygian modal dahlhaus, nineteenth century music, . grimley, “landscape,” - . origins for the melodic material. horns alternate con sordino; in measure , the three-note opening motive features an intriguing chromatic shift—suggestive, perhaps, of a more distant echo—that is also reminiscent of the flutes’ movement to the neapolitan. madetoja promotes the pastoral quality by largely avoiding development and discouraging a sense of regular meter; while flutes sound a steady pulse, rhythmic spacing between flutes and horns deliberately interrupts any suggestion of metric regularity. thus, in the opening to example . : madetoja, pohjalaisia, opening of act . the second act, madetoja—commonly typecast as “the composer of the flatlands” —has composed a representation of landscape. overall the affect is one of stillness and a deliberate simplicity that sets the introduction apart from the surrounding music. within its clearly defined borders, conventional musical signifiers such as herding calls and echo effects suggest space and distance. “europeanization”: an international awareness of national space in the s, finland saw the first serious efforts toward europeanization. “windows open to europe” was a frequently used catchphrase. the country not only suffered from an inferiority complex caused by centuries of swedish rule and cultural domination, but it also lacked a developed institutional framework that could properly support a national artistic output. thus, international approval was needed to substantiate claims of finnish art as a signifier of collective nationalism. this prompted finns to look to europe for validation. einojuhani rautavaara, pohjalaisia, program notes (helsinki: finnish national opera, ); quoted in karjalainen, “nationalism,” . vainio, “modernism,” . anttonen, “kalevala,” . gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” . while there had long been a tradition of finnish intellectuals studying abroad, this renewed intellectual migration of ideas set the groundwork for many composers’ travels to mainland europe. initially, paris—the european capital of cultural life—was the main destination. finnish music was celebrated there for its representation of mythology, folksong, and nature, partly in response to finnish artists’ concerted efforts to brand it as such. for example, whereas in finland the painter akseli gallen-kallela exhibited both finnish and parisian scenes to market himself as a cosmopolitan painter, in paris he exhibited paintings of finnish peasants and hoped to earn recognition for himself as a finnish painter. over time, parisian audiences came to demand depictions of folklore, nature, and landscape as de rigueur for finnish music, as helena tyrväinen has shown in a case study of the helsingin kaupungin orkesteri at the paris world fair of . in turn, even reluctant members of the finnish public responded to international expectations by embracing their national culture and identity. french audiences had inadvertently following its completion in the late thirteenth century, the bishop’s court in turku functioned as an important academic center and inspired many of its students to continue their studies at foreign universities. strode, finland forever, . madetoja’s powerful french influences were inspired by this new cross-pollination of ideas, and he travelled throughout europe—most frequently to paris—throughout his life. vainio, “modernism,” . see tyrväinen, “sibelius,” - . gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - . tyrväinen, “sibelius,” - . see also goss, sibelius, - and tyrväinen, “les musiciens finlandais à paris au tournant des xixe et xxe siècles: dans les remous du cosmopolitisme et du nationalism,” relations internationales, no. ( ): - . nurtured nationalism in finnish music, warming finnish audiences to this new mode of cultural production after critical success abroad. during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, germany replaced paris as a centre for scandinavianism. the primary instigator was richard wagner, who promoted the concept of the north within germany through der ring des nibelungen. by virtue of wagner’s music dramas, strindberg’s books, ibsen’s plays, and munch’s paintings, german audiences developed a wide-ranging admiration for nordic art and culture. many considered similarities between the nibelungenlied and scandinavian sagas a sign of common cultural heritage. at a lecture at the berlin academy of science in , for example, grimm even compared the kalevala to german epic poems and fairytales. thus, it was only natural that many writers, artists, and musicians would turn to nordic mythology as a source of inspiration for german national art. the same elements that sold finnish music abroad, however, also threatened to pigeonhole it. nordic composers incorporating folk melodies were often understood as an alternative to the german symphonic tradition, and their attempts at composing in “international” german style were often dismissed. a review of a parisian concert of norwegian music, for example, asked: “why do all these composers, who have the good fortune to live in a country in which an abundance of folklore exists, insist on casting their gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” , . gallen-kallela-sirén, “axel gallén,” - ; ramnarine, ilmatar’s inspirations, . music in the mold of the great symphonic forms (which at least so far do not seem to suit them) when their musical sensibility seems so at ease in works of pure fantasy?” it appears that audiences at concerts of nordic music—accustomed to the music of grieg— preferred music with folk song, nordic mythology, and landscape references; anything else was met with disappointment. in february , for example, in front of an audience of , at the concerts colonne, finnish soprano ida ekman performed the melancholic folk song “oi äiti parka ja raukka” (“oh, poor mother”) to enthusiastic applause, while sibelius’s “flickan kom ifrån sin älsklings möte” (“the girl returned from meeting her lover”, op. . no. —a lied with a principle tune reminiscent of tchaikovsky) received only polite acknowledgement. the most logical course of action was, correspondingly, to promote finnish composers as musical emissaries of the finnish landscape and even “fundamental expression[s] of the nordic spirit.” tomi mäkelä has documented how german publisher robert lienau aided sibelius in fashioning one of the most quintessentially nordic titles in his oeuvre, pohjolan tytär, op. , which could be translated as “pohjola’s daughter” or more literally “the daughter of the north.” initially, sibelius wanted to entitle his tone poem either “väinämöinen,” reflecting the work’s programmatic basis in the story of quoted in helena tyrväinen, “‘la nature de primitif affiné qui le caractérise’: sibelius’s music in paris and the construction of the nordic ‘other’,” in jackson et al., sibelius in the old and new world, . djupsjöbacka, “a brief outline.” paddison, “art and the ideology of nature,” . väinämöinen and pohjola’s daughter, or “l’aventure d’un héros,” a possible reference to richard strauss’ ein heldenleben (“a hero’s life,” ). lienau, however, rejected both ideas, insisting on the finnish term “pohjola” (“north”), which he felt would be more attractive to german audiences. in a postcard written on july , he wrote, “the word wainamoinen [sic] is [. . .] too marked as a title for us germans. could we perhaps say “pohjola’s daughter” or quite literally “a finnish fairy tale” or something similar?” on august , lienau insisted: “your proposed title, ‘l’aventure d’un héros,’ does not please me either. in german, the word ‘héros’ implies the idea of something magnificent, violent, and in this sense your symphony is not really heroic. but why not ‘pohjola’s daughter’?” surprisingly, the october première of pohjalaisia was not met with an outpouring of national sentiment. critics made scarce mention of the opera’s patriotic elements, even though the opera’s plot concerned the liberation from oppressive regimes; the independence, integrity, and honour of the ostrobothnian peasant; faith in victory and justice; and the right of the people of finland to determine their own affairs. rather, pohjalaisia was greeted as a long-awaited work of national significance and a sure contribution to the finnish musical canon. its favourable reception was virtually guaranteed: its première was coincident with the finnish opera’s one thousandth performance, and finland’s president, ministers, members of parliament, and other erik tawaststjerna, jean sibelius: Åren - (helsinki: söderström, ), . quoted in mäkelä, “nordic landscape,” . salmenhaara, madetoja, . influential members of finnish society were in attendance. as a clear indication of madetoja’s public standing, critics sulho ranta (representing the newspaper ylioppilaslehti), ilmari krohn (uusi suomi) and toivo haapanen (iltalehti) had prewritten their concert reviews prior to opening night, glorifying the premiere as an unmitigated success. reviews such as those by pseudonym “p.” were typical: “madetoja has created the best national opera, and it is very possible that he will usher in a new period in finnish operatic production.” by comparison, järviluoma’s play had received only a lukewarm critical reception. critics were, nonetheless, quick to point out pohjalaisia’s geographical bearings. in contrast to later—primarily international—readings of the opera, however, they considered the setting not to be generically finnish, but rather specifically ostrobothnian. for example, lauri ikonen commended the “excellent atmosphere […] of the ‘ostrobothnian rhapsody’ parts,” while kosti könni noted the “historically idealized ostrobothnianism.” evert katila described the opera’s “colourful, rich depiction of folk life,” noting its wide open character and stating that “ostrobothnian folk melodies have “madetoja har skapat den bästa inhemskaoperan, och det är mycket möjligt att hän inleder med denna skapelse en ny period in finlands operaproduktion.” quoted in karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . “erinomaisen välittömällä tunnelmatasolla seisovat myös enimmät ‘pohjalaisen rapsodian’ osat.” ibid., . “aikojen ihannoidun pohjalaisuuden.” karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . “se on suuri, väririkas kansanelämän kuvaus.” ibid., . hitherto lived only in [madetoja’s] creative imagination, trying to be heard. and in his first stage work, the composer has released them so as to communicate a truly ostrobothnian flavour.” madetoja, who was born in northern ostrobothnia, was widely considered the ideal composer to realize järviluoma’s play. väinö pesola remarked that, “as a child of the plains, [madetoja] is able to imbue the opera with a very strong local spirit.” katila, meanwhile, argued that: leevi madetoja is among the best of our [finnish] composers for this assignment. growing up in the north, he received in his childhood a permanent influence from these conditions, and in his soul, in particular, live the words of the folk tune whose reflections—the music of old chords, melodic twists, and heavy rhythms—have appeared in his output. such observations were not, however, germane exclusively to pohjalaisia; in fact, critics noted the ostrobothnian flavour even of madetoja’s earliest mature works. in his review of madetoja’s piano trio, op. ( ), bis (the penname of karl fredrik wasenius, the respected critic for the swedish daily newspaper hufvudstadsbladet) stated significantly “mutta pohjalaisen luonnon ja laulun soinnit ovat eläneet ainakin hänen luovan mielikuvituksensa rajamailla, pyrkien kuuluville. ja ensimmäisessä näyttämöteoksessaan on säveltäjä antanut niille laajan tilan, niin että siitä on tullut oikea pohjalaisuuden.” karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . “itse lakeuksien maan poikana pystyy hän parhaiten syventymään näytelmän erittäin voimakkaaseen paikallishenkeen.” ibid., . “leevi madetojalla on ollut tähän tehtävään parhaat edellytykset säveltäjiemme joukossa. pohjanmaalla - tosin näytelmän tapahtumapaikkaa pohjoisemmassa kasvaneena on hän lapsuudestaan saanut pysyviä vaikutteita sen oloista ja erityisen syvälle ovat hänen sieluunsa syöpyneet sen kansan sävel- elämän ilmaukset, joihin hän on eläytynyt ja joiden heijastuksia - vanhojen sävellajien sointuja, meloodisia käänteitä ja painokkaita rytmejä - hänen tuotannossaankin on näkynyt.” ibid., . that: “the situation is that mr. madetoja […] is ostrobothnian,” noting “the ostrobothnian character of his melodies and moods.” critics tempered pohjalaisia’s ostrobothnian leanings through favourable comparisons with international models. ranta, for example, considered pohjalaisia ”in the best sense, a finnish opera,” and stylistically he thought it was “in the best sense, a verismo opera.” in his opinion, the closest reference was eugen d’albert’s tiefland ( ). katila, on the other hand, focused on wagner, whose works were widely known and admired in finland. he noted that, although pohjalaisia skillfully employed folk topics, often layering multiple motives simultaneously, “the compositional approach is not a wagnerian leitmotif technique, because those topics are not a form of indication, as is the case in wagner’s music dramas.” könni cites madetoja’s statement that “the knowledge of leitmotives is in no way necessary for an understanding of the work; the topics never appear again in different contexts, but always emerge in a fresh light with each new environment.” “saken är den att hr madetoja i likhet med hr kuula är österbottning. det var den österbottniska karaktären i hans melodier och stämningar, som föranledde mig att tro på inflytelse af kuula.” karl fredrik wasenius, hufvudstadsbladet, october ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . “sävellystekniikka ei kuitenkaan ole wagnerilainen johtoaihetekniikka, koska mainitut aiheet eivät sille ole muotoa antavina, kuten wagnerin musiikkidraamoissa on asian laita.” karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . “ne eivät koskaan esiinny semmoisenaan eri yhteyksissä, vaan ikäänkuin kasvavat uudelleen aina uudesta ympäristöstä uudessa valaistuksessa.” karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . pohjalaisia quickly achieved international success through performances in kiel, stockholm, gothenburg, berlin, and copenhagen. abroad, heinrich chevalley likened pohjalaisia in content to such revolutionary freedom operas as cherubini’s les deux journées ( ), beethoven’s fidelio ( ), giordano’s andrea chénier ( ), puccini’s tosca, and d’albert’s tiefland ( ) and die revolutionshochzeit ( ), stating that madetoja’s originality was most evident in the vernacular scenes depicting finland’s public life and national struggle. similarly, the critic “g. j-n.” suggested that pohjalaisia took as its starting point political and patriotic material similar to that of rossini’s guillaume tell ( ) and natanael berg’s engelbrekt ( ); however he added that pohjalaisia stands out for its lyrical nature. heinrich herner concluded that madetoja, while not an innovator, is a composer for whom a modern means of expression is dominant. he considered madetoja a creative and independent artistic personality who managed to integrate folk music elements while preserving his own unique voice. one observable trend pertaining to pohjalaisia’s international reception is that critics observed a strong sense of place, not the provincial ostrobothnian locale noted by finnish audiences but rather a broader setting suggestive of finnish folk music and nature. some karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, - . in terms of international models, karjalainen has pointed out that the transparent orchestral colours and the use of open tones that begin the second act are reflective of mahler’s first symphony and the orchestral interlude to the “des sommerwindes wilde jagd” section of arnold schönberg’s gurrelieder. karjalainen, “nationalism,” ; also see karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, , . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . were of the opinion that finland was a kind of idyll whose music originated directly from the scenery. hans sonderburg, for example, considered finland a country of moods and noted that, as in a landscape, finnish song runs through each feature of pohjalaisia in a contemplative and melancholy manner. sonderburg seems not to have been entirely sold on this argument, however, for he suggests a counterproposal suggesting that different locations can impact a work’s reception: “when a work of art, an opera, goes beyond the borders of the land, it finds a new environment. national matter, by nature, becomes less dominant, and more universal human material becomes apparent.” critical reception of the first international performances of pohjalaisia also showed a consistently strong bias toward its patriotic literary content, especially in germany, where a lively interest prevailed in finland’s political situation. a seventeen-page german- language presentation of pohjalaisia, likely prepared in advance of the kiel première, was one of the first articles to connect pohjalaisia to finnish politics. it interprets järviluoma’s play and madetoja’s opera as a finnish declaration of independence, depicting the karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . “kun taideteos, ooppera, joutuu kotimaan rajojen yli ulos vieraille maille, se löytää uuden ympäristön. kansallinen aines, luonteenomainenkin, tulee sitä vähemmän määrääväksi, mitä enemmän yleisinhimillinen aines voi päästä tajuttavaksi.” ibid., . ibid., . the author is named as evert katila, music critic for the finnish newspaper helsingin sanomat; it is indeed an almost verbatim translation of katila’s article, albeit containing a new introduction. ibid., . inhabitants of ostrobothnia as a people who defend their freedom, if necessary by force. following the kiel première, the subtitle of “national opera” was commonly appended to pohjalaisia. hans schramm coined the term in prediction of the opera’s future success: “in this début, the forty-year-old leevi madetoja has made a gift to his people, which will become a national opera for the liberation of finland from the russian yoke and will make its way through european and not least german theatres.” at the same time, schramm emphasized the opera’s international character by pointing out that national operas did not necessarily relate to nationalistic aspirations. in finland, a patriotic interpretation of pohjalaisia only surfaced after it was expressed abroad. during the summer of , a performance at the famed savonlinna opera festival saw a clear change in reception associated with a strengthening of the opera’s patriotic context. evert katila’s review did not make any attempt to interpret the opera at a universal level; rather, it focused on the drama’s historical background: these days, when such an irresistible longing for freedom has emerged at opera events, spreading over the whole country, it was a happy thought to lead through this purely national melody to those decades ago, when the same regions dreamed of freedom and believed it would soon arrive. karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . “der vierzigjährige leevi madetoja hat in diesem erstlings werke seinem volkein geschenkgemacht, das nach befreiung finnlands vom russischen joch zur nationaloper werden und seinen weg über die europäischen und nicht zuletzt deutschen bühnen machen wird.” ibid., . hans schramm, “opern-auffiihrung in kiel: ‘oesterbottner’; finnische volksoper von leevi madetoja,” tagliche rundschau, nov ; quoted in karjalainen, “nationalism,” . “näinä päivinä, jolloin oopperatapahtumien toimipaikoilla on ilmennyt niin vastustamattoman valtava vapauden kaipuu, leviten yli koko maan, oli onnellinen ajatus johdattaa tämän niin puhtaasti katila considered the opera’s staging—in the courtyard of savonlinna’s castle—theatrically ideal, because it gave many of the opera’s scenes—such as the thugs’ arrival, shepherds’ cries, and folk dances—“a much more realistic and credible stamp than on the stage.” what is most significant about katila’s assessment is the use of the concepts “true” and “credible” to describe aspects of the drama, since they were used by critics both at home and abroad in support of the opera’s national context. conclusions to this chapter madetoja is often described as just the right person to compose an operatic realization of järviluoma’s play, since he was born in the same district and was intimately familiar with its people, traditions, and music. this, though, is not entirely accurate; madetoja was born in northern ostrobothnia, which is a separate province from ostrobothnia with a distinct circle of traditions and spoken dialects. moreover, while he collected folk songs, his collection trips were far from ostrobothnia: in ingria in and in his home district in . “the situation,” as karjalainen so wryly states, “might somehow be compared to one in which someone would say that a welsh composer would be just the kansallisen sävelteoksen kautta mieliin ne vuosikymmenien takaiset ajat, jolloin samoilla seuduilla myös unelmoitiin vapaudesta ja uskottiin sen myös pian koittavan.” karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . “[…] saivat nyt paljon todellisemman ja uskottavamman leiman kuin varsinaisella näyttämöllä.” ibid., . ibid., - . right person to compose an opera based on scottish folk music tradition, while at the same time asserting that this is why the composer is a typical national romantic.” similar misconceptions abound. pohjalaisia could not have had a direct connection to the advancement of finland’s independence per se, since by the time of its première ( ) finland had already achieved independence ( ). the fact that pohjalaisia adopted connotations of patriotism through certain aspects of its presentation and reception can be explained by the broader public’s propensity to maintain its values and ideals even in the face of changing sociopolitical conditions. thanks to its designation as finland’s national opera, pohjalaisia developed a symbolic value that could be easily associated with finland’s pre-independence circumstances. even though madetoja on many occasions wrote positively about finland’s national struggle, he was notoriously taciturn about his own compositional processes and inspirations. he is not recorded as having ever indicated a connection between either of his operas and his country’s struggle for independence. on the other hand, he is also not recorded as having ever protested the patriotic programs described by katila and other critics, which could be regarded as a “tacit approval” of such declarations. the little karjalainen, “nationalism,” . ibid., - . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . insight we have into his mindset while composing pohjalaisia comes from his correspondence with his mother: . . . i have been planning an opera too. it remains to be seen whether anything comes of it. if i did manage to produce one that in anyway appealed to the public, i might make a good bit of money. . . . i ought to get the opera finished within the year. […] if it’s successful, i might be on to a good thing. . . . just at the moment i am, in addition to some smaller works, composing an opera, which i will try to finish before the year is out. it could even be a good source of income, if only it appeals to public taste or attracts a lot of attention and makes a name for itself abroad. naturally i am concerned only with the dictates of my own art, but sometimes a composition may have worldly advantages too. . . . the opera - i’m trying to get it finished. a laborious task in that i do not know when i’ll get it performed or whether i’ll get paid much for it. i must finish it — i’ve got so far and put so much effort into it. maybe one day it will be a financial and an artistic success. . . . my opera was a complete success […] i got three crowns of laurels. […] let’s hope it will be put on abroad. these statements are, salmenhaara observes, “something of a cold shower for the aestheticians anticipating artistic theorising on the idealistic strivings of opera to find expression and the act of creation.” they reveal a pragmatic attitude toward the composition of opera and, more broadly, an approach motivated on the whole by artistic and financial considerations. national concerns, on the other hand, are not mentioned. salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians,” - . salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians,” . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . naturally, madetoja was constrained by the sociocultural framework of his upbringing; it was, as we have seen, all-encompassing. moreover, some of his output can be regarded as examples of early twentieth-century folklorism, for madetoja occasionally pursued the practice of collecting folk material and interweaving it within his compositions; this was, after all, an expected component of his professional skills. yet it was as natural for madetoja to utilize national tunes as it was for him to borrow suitable stylistic elements from european repertoire. there is no reason to pigeonhole madetoja’s music within the framework of irredentism or to perceive madetoja as essentially a national romantic composer. madetoja considered beauty as one of his key artistic values, stressing music’s non- conceptual, independent nature. as he wrote to his soon-to-be wife, hilja onerva lehtinen, in , “my happiness is beauty, and the most intense beauty i can find in my soul encompasses the vastness of space, the imagination of infinite deserts.” music, for madetoja, was a way of expressing the boundless, infinite sublime. in a karelian newspaper article written in the spring of , he expressed this philosophy in more detail: the art of music is by nature nonconceptual. it appeals to the listener through its beauty, not its conceptual basis. its beauty is something mysterious, boundless, shared, that we all, in happy moments, feel at seeing this world’s chaos and the boundless spaces, so to speak unsocially, the visceral spirit that the banality of karjalainen, “nationalism,” . “minun onneni on kauneus ja voimakkaimman kauneuden löydän sieluni liikkeissä rajattomassa avaruudessa, mielikuvituksen äärettömillä aavikoilla.” leevi madetoja, letter to l. onerva, february ; quoted in l. onerva and leevi madetoja, yölauluja: l. onervan ja leevi madetojan kirjeitä - , ed. anna makkonen and marja-leena tuurna (helsinki: suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, ), . everyday life has not yet fully had time to suppress. understand that it is a starting point for, and a necessary precondition of, all musical creation and understanding. nature also played an important role in madetoja’s philosophy. in fact, in his writing he names it a source of profound inspiration. his glowing review of melartin’s fourth symphony ( ) provides an example: above all, this author admires the symphony’s andante section, which can doubtless be considered among melartin’s most beautiful and masterly achievements. rarely have the clear, bright, and sensitive landscapes of summer’s silent piety been described with such sweet and sure brushstrokes. the heartland’s peaceful, mysterious sounds can be heard amidst the dawning of a new day; nature awakes to the flowering of bird-cherry trees and the stinking narcotic effect of mountain ashes; in the wilderness a dreaming maiden; from the woods comes a single cry of secret melancholy, of the heart’s sorrows and desires. about the role of nationalism in music, on the other hand, madetoja was more ambivalent. writing in , he stated that “citizenship is a great significance both in art as in all other endeavors of life. but it does not necessarily have to be limited. beauty knows no racial boundaries, other than in forming its various nuances.” later, in a article on sibelius, “säveltaide on luonteeltaan epäkäsitteellistä. se vetoaa kuulijan kauneudentajuun sellaisenaan, ilman käsitteellisiä tukikohtia. sen kauneudessa on jotain salaperäistä, rajatonta, samaa, jota me jokainen onnellisina hetkinämme tunnemme ajatellessamme tätä maailman kaaosta ja sen äärettömiä avaruuksia niin sanoakseni epäyhteiskunnallisesti, sillä vaistomaisella hengenosallamme, jota käytännöllinen elämänkulku ei vielä kokonaan ole ehtinyt tukahduttaa. siinä on käsittääkseni lähtökohta ja välttämätön edellytys kaiken musiikin luomiselle ja ymmärtämiselle.” leevi madetoja, “musikaalisia mietelmiä i: säveltaiteilijat ja yleisö,” karjala, march , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, . “suurimman ihastuksen on tämän kirjoittajassa herättänyt sinfonian andante-osa, joka epäilemättä kuuluu melartinin tuotannon kauneimpiin ja mestarillisimpiin saavutuksiin. harvoin on suvista luontoa, sen kuulakkaita, herkkiä maisemia, kesäisen hämyn hiljaista hartautta niin suloisin ja varmoin siveltimen vedoin kuvattu. sydänmaan rauhan salaperäiset äänet kuuluvat sarastavan aamun keskeltä, luonto herää, kukkivat tuomet ja pihlajat lemuavat huumaavasti, salolla unelmoi neito, yksin huhuillen metsän puille salaista kaihomieltään, sydänsurujaan ja toiveitaan.” leevi madetoja, helsinki sanomat, october ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “kansallisuudella on suuri merkityksensä niin taiteessa kuin kaikissa muissakin ihmishengen pyrkimyksissä. mutta sen ei välttämättä tarvitse rajoittaa. kauneus ei tunne roturajoja, muuten kuin sen eri he lamented that the absolute value of beauty is frequently overshadowed by the foreign critics who focus too strongly on national material—echoing, perhaps, his experiences with pohjalaisia’s international reception. after all, he argued, wagner was a national composer, and yet his art is understood in every corner of the world. his final statement on the matter serves as perhaps his clearest expression of his own aesthetics: “for if an artist’s national work has enough vitality to withstand the passage of time, the main attraction is not its special national features, but its purely artistic beauty.” vivahduksien muodostajana.” leevi madetoja, “jean sibeliuksen taiteilijauran yleiset piirteet,” helsingin sanomat, december , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, . “jos jonkun kansan säveltaide osoittaa omaavansa kylliksi elinvoimaa kestämään ajan kulutusta, ei pääansio tässä ole suinkaan kansallisten erikoisominaisuuksien, vaan sen puhtaan musikaalisen kauneuden, joka tämän kansan sävelteoksista pulppuaa.” leevi madetoja, “kansallinen aines sibeliuksen musiikissa,” musiikkitieto, december , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, . “the stamp of genius”: leevi madetoja’s life and times ostrobothnia the historical finnish province of ostrobothnia—not to be confused with the much smaller modern region of ostrobothnia—comprises some forty percent of finland’s total area. its stereotypical attribute is one of bleakness, not only in its geography, but also in the conservative religious faith that took hold of the region during the nineteenth century. the landscape is extremely flat; the most noteworthy features are numerous rivers and exposed, deeply furrowed bedrock that was carved by the advancing ice mass at the end of the glaciation. northern ostrobothnia, madetoja’s home region, covers approximately twenty-eight percent of this historical province. where northern ostrobothnia’s west coast meets the gulf of bothnia, in the province of oulu, at the mouth of the river oulujoki, lies madetoja’s place of birth, the city of oulu. once an ancient trading site, oulu has—outside russia—long been the largest northern city in the world. in , the year madetoja was born, its population was approximately , . “oulu - ,” city of oulu, accessed july , www.ouka.fi/oulu/oulu-tietoa/oulu- - . juvenilia: madetoja’s formative years leevi madetoja, né lars levi madetoja, was born on february to anders antinpoika “antti” madetoja and anna elisabeth hyttinen. he had one brother, yrjö, who was born in . the family observed a strict sect of lutheranism called laestadianism, which madetoja chose not to adopt, although he retained through his life a genuine concern for religious matters. madetoja’s father emigrated to the united states to earn money for the family and was informed of leevi’s birth only in april . unfortunately, he died of tuberculosis by the mississippi river, never having seen his son. madetoja is surely the only significant composer whose primary instrument was the kantele, a traditional plucked string instrument of the dulcimer and zither family. while the composer’s first instrument was apparently the harmonica, it was pushed aside with the gift, at nine years old, of a ten-string kantele. a few years later, while in the hospital anders and anna’s first child, hjalmar andreas, died in at the age of nine months. salmenhaara, madetoja, . by far the most comprehensive data on madetoja can be found in salmenhaara, madetoja. much of the primary source material mentioned elsewhere—including letters and newspaper articles—can also be found in this extensive publication. however, the following publications provide additional information on madetoja’s life and music: kaipainen, “french colouring”; korhonen, inventing, - , ; korhonen, “leevi madetoja”; korhonen, “orchestral works”; maasalo, suomalaisia; rossi et al., leevi madetoja; salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians”; salmenhaara, “composer from ostrobothnia”; and tuukkanen, leevi madetoja. the kantele has important ties to finland’s nationalist movement. according to the kalevala, finland’s national epic, the first kantele was fashioned by the god väinämöinen from the jawbone of a giant pike. the oldest kanteles commonly had five or six horsehair strings and were tuned in a major or minor pentachord. beginning in the nineteenth century, kanteles were built in larger versions with up to forty strings. modern kanteles have switch mechanisms to raise or lower pitches chromatically, making the instrument more suited for western art music. with scarlet fever, he received a thirty-string kantele that he practiced earnestly. around the age of fourteen, madetoja supplemented his kantele studies by singing bass in the school choir. he could read fluently at sight, a talent that was certainly useful for his later role as a choral composer. in his teenage years, madetoja became captivated by early twentieth-century finland’s revolutionary spirit. a diary entry from describes madetoja’s optimism in the aftermath of saint petersburg’s bloody sunday: “marvellous events are ahead of us. the revolution’s mighty waves roll in over the whole of russia all the way to finland. [. . .] the mighty strike movement in russia and finland is everywhere. we, the schoolboys, are also on strike.” his letters adopted closing salutations with political references, such as “long live the finnish constitution! long live finland,” or “long live finland and national freedom!” even madetoja’s earliest musical concert experiences became strongly characterized by patriotic ideals. madetoja recounted that his first experience with national music was through patriotic songs, such as “karjala” (karelia) and “herää suomi” (finland, lauri merikallio, “nuori madetoja: lyseolaisvuodet oulussa vv. - ; kolmas jakso,” kaltio ( ); quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . in addition to inciting widespread revolutionary fervour, these events benefited finland in concrete ways. in , the onset of the revolution offered finland a short respite from russian oppression; in , the creation of a new legislative body to replace the old estates brought finland from a four-estate diet to a unicameral parliament elected through universal suffrage. “eläkööt suomen perustuslait! eläköön suomi!,” journal of leevi madetoja, october , quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, ; “eläköön suomi ja sen kansallinen vapaus!,” letter to yrjö madetoja, december , quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . awake!) by the finnish composer emil genetz ( - ). such sentiments made their way into madetoja’s early output: one of the composer’s first works, a piece for kantele written on december at the age of , bears the title “hymni suomelle” (hymn to finland). university life, folksong collection, and studies under sibelius in , madetoja moved to helsinki to pursue his studies in music, enrolling in two institutions concurrently: the helsinki music institute (now the sibelius academy) and the university of helsinki. at the helsinki music institute, he augmented his musicianship skills through a weekly course load that included two hours of music theory, one hour of ear training, and one hour of piano. in his second year, he was accepted as a composition student under the young composer and music critic erik furuhjelm, who was only four years madetoja’s senior; although he eagerly anticipated these lessons, his hectic workload left him little time to hone his craft. by the spring of , madetoja had completed his requirements at the music institute and could have graduated; however, as he was interested in continuing his composition and piano lessons, he maintained his enrolment at the institute until the spring of . at the university of helsinki, madetoja studied music history and theory. his objective was a major in music degree, which included admittance only through a special leevi madetoja, “suomen laulun toiminnan merkitys,” teoksessa suomen laulu - , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, . application and held as a prerequisite the careful perusal of some three hundred pages of music theory, six hundred pages of music history, and four german-language textbooks. although madetoja considered the requirements excessive, he was able to complete them within the first year; in his second year he successfully fulfilled the cum laude requirements by appending to his workload approximately five thousand pages of german language books, mainly composer biographies. these studies came at a price. while madetoja would later be granted a lifetime state composer’s pension in , as an impecunious student he was eager to supplement his meager budget. his first opportunity for earnings came via the finnish literature society, which invited him to apply for a modest markkaa scholarship for the collection of indigenous folk song. endeavours like these had acquired a central role in finland’s nationalist efforts, thanks to the ongoing issue of language politics, the need to consolidate the young finnish culture, and the efforts of such intellectuals as dr. ilmari krohn, an ardent collector of folk music who was madetoja’s history and theory professor at the university of helsinki. unfortunately, madetoja’s first folk music collection trip, to ingria with classmate lauri ikonen during the summer of , was a disappointment; he met with suspicion from villagers and was able to transcribe only approximately thirty folk salmenhaara, madetoja, . ibid., . a detailed account of madetoja’s engagement with folk music can be found in salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja kansanmusiikin tutkijana,” – . tunes—many of which were crudely sung—only by offering a higher than usual premium. however, madetoja’s second trip, to his home province of north ostrobothnia in , was highly successful. during this time, the prevailing impression of ostrobothnian folk music was of bleak religious songs. madetoja, however, made a concrete contribution to the finnish national identity not only by collecting approximately one hundred and fifty melodies but also by proving that the region’s culture was more complex than generally thought. nonetheless, madetoja was not particularly interested in the nationalist pursuit of folksong arrangement. while he continued to include folk music in his output throughout his career, he limited outright arrangements of folk tunes to a handful of works. these are pohjois-pohjalaisia kansanlauluja viululle tai laululle ja pianolle, op. (ostrobothnian folk songs for violin or voice and piano, comp. ); kolme kansanlaulua sooloäänelle ja sekakuorolle, op. (three folk songs for voice and mixed choir, comp. - ); and vanhoja kansantansseja, op. b (old folk dances, comp. ) for clarinet and string quintet. on a broader level, however, madetoja’s compositional output was decisively impacted by his engagement with folk music research and collection. for example, the “balladi” from madetoja’s kaksi kappaletta viululle ja pianolle, op. , no. (two pieces for violin and piano, ) contains characteristics that the composer himself associated with ostrobothnian music. his article for the northern ostrobothnian students’ madetoja’s collection of notes is retained in the helsinki university library collections. association highlights certain key features of the region’s folk music, including recurrent emphasis on the leading tone and occasional tonal ambiguity, both of which are in evidence in the balladi. significantly, the finnish public could readily identify the ostrobothnian character in madetoja’s output. bis (the penname of karl fredrik wasenius, the respected critic for the swedish daily newspaper hufvudstadsbladet) wrote a review of madetoja’s piano trio, op. ( ) that is illuminating not only for its assertion of ostrobothnian character within madetoja’s music but also for its affirmation of madetoja’s distinctive sound: i seek here to repair an injustice done to the composer this spring. i said then that some of [madetoja’s] subjects are reminiscent of toivo kuula’s motives. the situation is that mr. madetoja, like mr. kuula, is ostrobothnian. it is the ostrobothnian character of his melodies and moods that led me to believe the kuula effect. with joy i relinquish this earlier assumption after becoming convinced of madetoja’s independence. […] the composer goes his own way. […] as a large and beautiful opus , mr. madetoja’s trio is hereby a rarity, the beginning of which bodes well. i congratulate the composer on this piece of chamber music. a major turning point in madetoja’s studies occurred in the fall of , when jean sibelius accepted madetoja as a student of composition. sibelius was not a born teacher: leevi madetoja, “toimitukselle tulleita sävellyksiä,” säveletär ( ); quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “jag ber att här få korrigera en af mig mot komponisten i våras begången orättvisa. jag sade då att några af hans motiv erinrade om toivo kuulas. saken är den att hr madetoja i likhet med hr kuula är österbottning. det var den österbottniska karaktären i hans melodier och stämningar, som föranledde mig att tro på inflytelse af kuula. med glädje annullerar jag denna tidigare supposition för vunnen öfvertygelse om madetojas själfständighet. […] komponisten går sin egen väg. […] ett så stort och vackert opus i, som hr madetojas trio, är sålunda en sällsynthet, en början som lofvar godt. jag lyckönskar komponisten till detta kammarmusikverk, hvaraf jag hade nöjet få del på repetitionen senaste sondag.” karl fredrik wasenius, hufvudstadsbladet, october ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . he lacked the urge to pass on his learning to others and thought of teaching merely as a hindrance to composition. by the turn of the century, he had largely given up teaching, accepting only a few select pupils, including toivo kuula and bengt von törne. madetoja reported that when he approached sibelius for lessons, he was greeted with the words, “i’m a poor teacher,” and he described his lessons with sibelius—held at sibelius’s home in järvenpää, a town some thirty-seven kilometers north of helsinki—as unorthodox: “it wasn’t teaching in the normal sense of the word. rather short, searching comments. he didn’t waste much time on the fugue that i had taken along with me to show him but talked about more general aesthetic problems. ‘no dead, unnecessary notes. every note must live.’” over time, madetoja’s abilities earned sibelius’s respect; perhaps more importantly, madetoja’s melancholic, inward-looking temperament and keen feeling for nature struck a chord with sibelius that cemented a lifetime friendship. first-period compositions, travel abroad, and gainful employment madetoja’s works can be approached from several directions. on one hand, madetoja won international recognition as an orchestral composer and symphonist. this output includes madetoja’s three symphonies, the symphonic poem kullervo ( ), and the erik tawaststjerna, sibelius: volume , - , trans. and ed. robert layton (london: faber, ), . ibid., . ibid., - . orchestral suites tanssinäky ( ), pieni sarja orkesterille ( - ), and okon fuoko ( ). on the other, madetoja achieved tremendous success as an opera composer. his first opera pohjalaisia ( ) held a position as finland’s national opera for close to sixty years; his second, juha ( ), while considerably less successful, is widely considered one of his greatest achievements. a lyricist at heart, some of madetoja’s finest work is in the realm of vocal music. this extends to small-scale works as well: madetoja is equally well known in finland as a composer of choral music, a genre that not only aided the country’s nationalist efforts but also helped pay the bills during difficult financial times. several of the compositions madetoja wrote while still a student attracted significant attention. the “elegy” from madetoja’s sinfonian sarja, op. (symphonic suite) was one of the most popular miniatures he ever wrote. it was premièred on january and played at least four times that spring; the complete suite was premièred several months later on september. critics praised the work unanimously; interestingly, heikki klemetti described the work using nature metaphors: “the meditator encounters cool wetland spruce — however, his trail does not end without a trace, but continues toward higher leafy ground.” madetoja also wrote music for two plays by the celebrated finnish poet eino leino: shakkipeli, op. (chess) and alkibiades, op. (alcibiades). it was during the première of alkibiades, on april , that madetoja was introduced to leino’s erstwhile lover, the poet hilja onerva lehtinen who wrote under the penname l. onerva. after a “koleaa vesiperäistä kuusikkoa kulkee mietiskelijä - vaeltajan polku ei kuitenkaan pääty jalan jäljettömäksi, - - vaan nousee korkeammille lehtevämmille maille.” quoted in maasalo, suomalaisia, : . lengthy courtship, madetoja and onerva married in , and remained together until madetoja’s death, although their marriage was marred by disputes and severe alcoholism. madetoja, however, did not have the opportunity to spend much time with onerva before leaving for further travels. under kuula’s urging, he undertook a period of study in paris in , arriving at the french capital on october. his travels were made easier through a generous scholarship of , markkaa. while his plans to study with vincent d’indy never came to fruition, paris’s musical scene was stimulating in other ways. during the first few months of his stay, he is known to have heard berlioz’s damnation of faust; charpentier’s louise, dukas’s polyeucte overture, and saint-saëns’s songs and chamber music, with the composer himself at the piano. madetoja’s increasing familiarity with french music had an immediate impact on his compositional output. his konserttialkusoitto, op. a (concert overture), which madetoja composed during this first trip to paris, is written in a light, carefree style that suggests a french influence. although madetoja returned to finland in april , he was later to spend several periods in france and felt very much at home there. on october , madetoja left helsinki again, this time for vienna, where he spent the autumn studying with robert fuchs, one of sibelius’s former teachers. he seems to although madetoja and onerva thrice announced their marriage in , hannu mäkelä confirms their year of marriage as . see hannu mäkelä, nalle ja moppe: eino leinon ja l. onervan elämä (helsinki: otava, ), , . leevi madetoja, “pariisi ja ranskan uusi musiikki: kirje pariisista,” säveletär, no. - ( ), reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - . have made these plans independently of sibelius. despite attending a performance of debussy’s pelléas et mélisande, a work that greatly impressed him, madetoja never developed the fondness for vienna that he had for paris. nevertheless, he made good use of his time there, composing Öinen karkelokuva, op. (night revels; revised in as tanssinäky, dance vision). it is one of madetoja’s most impressionistic compositions; it remains in finland’s permanent repertoire and the score was later printed by the danish publisher wilhelm hansen. following his return to helsinki on august , madetoja accepted a position as assistant director of the helsinki orchestral society, scandinavia’s first permanent orchestra, which came with a monthly salary of finnish markkaa, a significant source of income. unfortunately, the autumn concert season was a turbulent one, and madetoja began his tenure with the helsinki orchestral society in the middle of an orchestra war. as the orchestra’s usual source of financial support had been discontinued, director robert kajanus had applied for financial assistance from saint petersburg. this tawaststjerna, sibelius, : ; see also phillip ross bullock, “sibelius and the russian traditions,” in grimley, jean sibelius, - . robert kajanus ( - ) was a finnish conductor and composer of swedish descent who championed finnish national music. winner of the french légion d’honneur, he served as director of music at the university of helsinki for almost thirty years and founded the celebrated nordic music festival. as a conductor, kajanus established the helsinki orchestral society (later the helsinki philharmonic orchestra, finland’s national orchestra), the first complete symphony orchestra in finland, which he would lead for fifty years. he was considered an authority on sibelius’s music and had a decisive impact on the development of sibelius’s career, commissioning one of sibelius’ most popular and enduring works, en saga, and conducting the first performances of sibelius’s music outside finland (including an appearance at the exposition universelle at the invitation of the french government). kajanus was also one of the most celebrated finnish composers prior to sibelius, and his music drew heavily from finnish folklore. move was seen as politically dubious, particularly within the conservative swedish- speaking elite, and the city of helsinki had petitioned the talented musician georg schnéevoigt ( - ) to establish a new helsinki symphony orchestra. with a population of , , helsinki could hardly maintain two orchestras, and concertgoers inevitably took sides: schnéevoigt, whose new orchestra was comprised primarily of foreign musicians, was defended within swedish-speaking circles, while kajanus, whose domestic orchestra was comprised of about equal parts finnish and foreign musicians, was defended by the finnish-speaking population. schnéevoigt was supported by the swedish newspaper hufvudstadsbladet, while kajanus was supported by uusi suometar, whose critic evert katila reviewed schnéevoigt’s debut performance by gleefully recounting the symphony’s “platitudes,” “inaccuracies,” incorrect rhythms, and an “absolutely berserk” rendition of a haydn symphony. katila’s remarks remind us that in spite of kajanus’s political gaffe, the conductor and his orchestra garnered fierce loyalty. although ten members of the helsinki orchestral society defected to the opposition, the majority—especially the finnish-born musicians—announced their intention to stay, without pay if necessary. even sibelius, despite his movement within swedish-speaking circles, grudgingly volunteered his services for the first of the domestic orchestra’s celebrity concerts at the finnish national theatre. the finnish public’s unparalleled support for domestic artists and their products benefitted madetoja in tangible ways. on october , madetoja led the helsinki evert katila, uusi suometar, september ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . orchestral society in a feature concert of his own compositions that included the cantata merikoski, op. ; Öinen karkelokuva; the “valssi,” “laulelma,” and “scherzino” from the pieni sarja orkesterille, op. (little suite for orchestra); an orchestral arrangement of his pianosävellyksiä, op. (piano pieces); and his symphonic poem kullervo, op. . kullervo— based on the ill-fated character of finland’s national epic, the kalevala—was the biggest success. hufvudstadsbladet’s bis wrote quite positively about the première, highlighting the work’s national story: in kullervo madetoja explores a medium of great power, creating a grandiose rendering that is nothing short of commendable. the work exhibits the key musical ingredients of the saga: kullervo’s complaint, his bucolic song, the brave revenge of his horse riding trip, his warlike trumpet-blare, his blazing passion, and then his demise, where the rhythm of the work’s fragmentary musical motifs leads to the silence of death. it can hardly be coincidental that the public, informed of madetoja’s loyalty to traditional finnish culture, rallied to his support. madetoja’s next public concert on october was sold out, and hundreds of people were turned away at the door. in , madetoja travelled to viipuri (vyborg) in finnish karelia where he had been hired to conduct the viipurin musiikinystäväin orkesteri (orchestra of the vyborg friends of music). again, circumstances illustrate the appeal of national music. during the autumn, madetoja conducted two symphony concerts. the first featured schumann’s symphony no. “kullervorunoelmassa madetoja on saavuttanut laajemman muodon, suuremman voiman, suorastaan kiitettävän suurisuuntaisuuden hahmotuksessa. - - teoksen taitteet ilmentävät hyvänä musiikkina tarun tärkeimmät ainekset, kullervon valituksen, paimenlaulun, koston. urhean ratsastusmatkan, sotaisat torventoitotukset, liekehtivän intohimon ja sitten hänen loppunsa, jossa musiikki katkelmallisin rytmiaihein johtaa kuoleman hiljaisuuteen.” karl fredrik wasenius, hufvudstadsbladet, october ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . in b-flat major (spring), bach’s violin concerto in e major, and tchaikovsky’s romeo and juliet; however, the concert hall was less than half full despite positive reviews. the second concert presented madetoja’s kullervo and sibelius’s first symphony; it was sold out. the prevailing attitude was that the public had a duty to support domestic composers; failure to do so was “inconceivable public aloofness.” during a period of low concert attendance in viipuri in , a columnist for the newspaper karjala called out the public for their insensitivity to finnish composers; the hall was full during the next concert, a program on april dedicated entirely to national composers. madetoja conducted a concert two days later that included his Öinen karkelokuva, the “kehtolaulu” (cradle song) and “menuetto” from his pieni sarja orkesterille, and his symphonic poem sammon ryöstö, op. (the abduction of the sampo). listeners were turned away at the door. salmenhaara suggests that the viipuri public may have wished to make amends for their recent failure to act by showing that they were capable of valuing finnish artists and their products. during his stay in viipuri, madetoja completed his symphony no. in f major, op. , the sparsest and most restrained of the composer’s three extant symphonies. madetoja conducted the helsinki philharmonic orchestra for its première on february . the third movement, a finale that replaced the third and fourth movements in the manner of sibelius, was completed only just in time for this event; bis mentioned that this movement “yleisön käsittämätöntä kylmäkiskoisuutta.” karjala, april ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . salmenhaara, madetoja, . left the impression of haste and had not been sufficiently developed. nevertheless, reviews were positive. several critics singled out the slow second movement, subtitled lento misterioso; katila notes that it “reflects the composer’s deep idea of the world,” calling it “an outright expression of pure creative spirit—it bears the stamp of genius.” like other slow movements by madetoja, it is characterized by a tranquil, lyrical atmosphere; katila suggests that this is representative of a finnish tone, and, moreover, that it brings to mind the slow movement of sibelius’s third symphony, which likewise contains melodies ending on a descending minor third. upon his return to helsinki in the autumn of , madetoja undertook a search for gainful employment. within a short period of time, he was teaching music theory and history at the helsinki music institute ( – ), freelancing for a variety of newspapers and journals, and writing music reviews for the newspaper helsingin sanomat ( – ), which was at that time the mouthpiece for nuomi suomi. he also affiliated himself with a number of organizations that would occupy him for the remainder of his career. most significantly, he helped launch the finnish musician’s union (suomen muusikkojen liitto), a forerunner of the society of finnish composers (suomen säveltäjät); he also worked as secretary, and later chair, of the music research council (musiikkitoimikunta). evert katila, uusi suometar, february ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “a costly sacrifice”: the war period madetoja started to compose his second symphony with the ink still drying on the manuscript of his first. while there is little detailed information on the birth of the second symphony, comments appearing in madetoja’s first article for helsingin sanomat ( september ) indicate his hopes that the symphony would be completed in the spring of the following year. in the article, madetoja documents an apparently chance meeting with the composer and conductor robert kajanus (see note ) and an inquiry into the latter’s plans for the - concert season. kajanus had decided to design a concert program in two halves, the first consisting of older music—tchaikovsky, mozart, and schubert—and the second of mahler’s first symphony alongside finnish composers: sibelius, lauri ikonen ( - ), ernst mielck ( - ), and madetoja. the piece by madetoja would be a “new e-flat major symphony” ostensibly prepared for a spring première. however, the première was not to happen at the expected date. many problems seem to have demanded madetoja’s attention during this period, including financial instability, civil war, and illness. financial instability was rampant in wartime finland: the plummeting finnish economy was impacted by wartime economic disruptions and the country’s forced accommodation of some , russian troops. the country endured “uuden es-duurisinfoniansa.” leevi madetoja, helsingin sanomat, september ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, ; see especially chapter , “opettajana ja arvostelijana helsingissä. toinen sinfonia: - ,” pages - , which contains a detailed review of madetoja’s undertakings during the finnish civil war. rising unemployment levels, food shortages, and severe inflation that lasted well into the s. madetoja’s own financial situation was grim. correspondence between madetoja’s brother yrjö and his mother anna shows that in , madetoja’s income as philharmonic orchestra vice-president was a modest monthly salary of finnish markkaa. three years later, madetoja’s combined monthly income from his work for the newspaper helsingin sanomat and his teaching position at the helsinki music institute was also markkaa; however, due to inflation the relative value of his salary was less than half its amount, and the value of finnish currency continued to decline in the coming years. because he relied heavily on commissions to supplement his income, madetoja was often forced to choose financially viable projects over artistically significant ones. small salon pieces and choral literature often yielded significant revenue, but symphonies—which took time to compose, and could not be easily sold to publishers—were unlikely to turn a profit. madetoja’s work on the second symphony was a labour of love; as he wrote to his mother, “the financial profit of this great work will be naught.” thus it is easy to understand madetoja’s decision to favour other, more pressing demands over the second symphony. his duties for the helsingin sanomat were time consuming. he also juggled work on the symphonic poem aslak smaukka, the piano suite pastoraalisarja, and pieces for male choir. “i have been planning an opera too,” he wrote his mother in december , adding: “if i salmenhaara, madetoja, . “rahallinen tulos tästä suuresta työsta supistuu nollan.” leevi madetoja, letter to anna madetoja, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . did manage to produce one that in any way appealed to the public, i might make a good bit of money.” matters even more serious than financial difficulties hindered madetoja’s compositional progress in the coming months. on january , the working-class red guards took control of helsinki, initiating a finnish civil war between the reds and the whites. as democratic socialists, red finland allied with bolshevist russia, signing a short-lived peace agreement on march . white finland meanwhile allied itself with the german empire, with the latter offering its assistance as a pretext for further aggression against russia. with the cooperation of the white civil guards, german troops entered finland in february, undertaking a major offensive against russia on february (“operation faustschlag,” also known as the eleven-day war) and attacking the reds on april in the battle of helsinki. in all, some , finns—more than one percent of the country’s population—lost their lives during this period. while madetoja was not among the war’s casualties, he was nevertheless impacted by its atrocities. on april , madetoja’s brother yrjö was executed leevi madetoja, letter to anna madetoja, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians,” . like many finns, madetoja held a complicated position with regard to civil politics. madetoja stayed in helsinki throughout much of the occupation by red guards; his brother was killed by the reds and his friend toivo kuula by the whites. his primary allegiance seems to have been to nuori suomi, a liberal- minded centre-right group that split into opposing factions prior to finnish independence. while madetoja had always been tight-lipped about his political leanings, onerva—like fellow liberal writers leino and juhani aho—felt compelled after the civil war to renounce her liberal political position in favour of the more conservative values of the victorious whites. tuomas tepora and aapo roselius, the finnish civil war : history, memory, legacy (leiden: brill, ), . by red guards alongside several other officials; his body was never found. madetoja’s letter to his mother in early may speaks for itself: dear mother, in writing this letter i do not know if you are still among the living. since january i have not received any information from there. however, i hope that you have been spared the worst out there. from viipuri i received a telegram yesterday that stills the blood in my veins: yrjö fell on apr. . the information that his young wife sent was heartbreakingly brief. this unsuspected, shocking message fills us with unspeakable sorrow. death, companion to that cruel war and persecution, did not spare any of us; it was our guest, and plucked one of us as its victim. oh, when will be the time when the wrath of the world’s powers will disappear and the peace of the good spirit will return to alleviate suffering and the misery of ischemic wounds! the composer toivo kuula, madetoja’s close friend, suffered a similar fate, dying in a viipuri hospital after suffering a gunshot wound. madetoja provided a heart-wrenching obituary for the helsingin sanomat: yesterday late evening, a shocking message of grief arrived here from viipuri: toivo kuula is dead! this message fills us with the emotion of sorrow. this composer, in his prime, had behind him the lush production of a long, rich and remarkable life’s work, but an even more beautiful future reflected ahead of him; this artist by the grace of god—a passionate, spiritual poet—is gone. the past time of terror therefore required sacrifice, a costly sacrifice, the value of which is too great to be judged. “rakas Äiti, tätä kirjettä kirjoittaessani en tiedä, oletko enää elävien kirjoissa. sitten tammikuun en ole saanut sieltä mitään tietoa. toivon kuitenkin, että olet siellä pahimmasta säästynyt. viipurista (antreasta) sain eilen sähkösanoman, joka seisahdutti veren suonissani: yrjö kaatui huhtik. p., niin kuului kaameassa lyhyydessään tuo tieto, jonka hänen nuori vaimonsa sieltä lähetti. tämä aavistamaton, järkyttävä sanoma täyttää meidät sanomattomalla murheella. kuolema, tuo sodan ja vainon julma seuralainen, ei siis meitäkään säästänyt, se tuli vieraaksemme, tempasi uhrikseen yhden meistä. oi, milloin tulee se aika, jolloin maailmasta vihan vallat katoavat ja rauhan hyvät hengettäret saavat palata lääkitsemaän kärsimyksien ja kurjuuden iskemiä haavoja!” leevi madetoja, letter to anna madetoja, may ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, - . “eilen illalla myöhään saapui tänne viipurista järkyttävä surunviesti: toivo kuula on kuollut! tämä sanoma täyttää meidät masen tavalla murheentunteella. säveltäjä, parhaimmissa nuoruusvuosissaan, rehevimmässä tuotantokaudessaan, rikas ja merkittävä elämäntyö takanaan, mutta vielä kauniimpana kangasteleva tulevaisuus edessään, taiteilija jumalan armosta, tulisielu, väkevähenkinen runoilija, on poissa. the personal cost of the civil war was immense, and the post-war mood was bleak. in an autumn letter to his mother, madetoja voiced what was doubtless a common sentiment: “the four-year war has achieved nothing other than to run the whole of humanity into distress and misery,” nevertheless, madetoja continued his creative efforts, mindful of the therapeutic value of continued artistic output in the current climate: “it feels comedic in the midst of the current mess to write symphonies and generally make art, but after all, it is the other side of a beautiful coat, that there are those who manage to break away from that terrible substance: misery, money, and the pressure of poverty.” accordingly, madetoja devoted considerable time and effort during the summer and autumn of to the completion of the second symphony and to sketches for his opera, pohjalaisia. on june, he wrote that he could “at least get the symphony completed, in all probability” ; on july he added that “the second part of the symphony is in good shape.” however, this proved overly optimistic, for later that month he wrote that “the kulunut kauhun aika on siis taiteeltammekin vaatinut uhrin, kalliin uhrin, jonka arvoa emme liian suureksi voi arvioida.” leevi madetoja, helsingin sanomat, may ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, - . “nelivuotisella sodalla ei mitään voitettu muuta kuin ajettu koko ihmiskunta hätään ja kurjuuteen.” leevi madetoja, letter to anna madetoja, october ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “tuntuu koomilliselta kaiken tämän nykyisen sopan keskellä kirjoitella sinfonioja ja yleensä tehdä taidetta, mutta onhan se toiselta puolen kaunistakin, että on niitäkin, jotka jaksavat irtautua tuosta hirvittävästä aineen, kurjuuden, rahan ja köyhyyden painostuksesta.” leevi madetoja, letter to l. onerva, july ; quoted in onerva, yölauluja, ; also quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “sinfoniani saan kaiken todennäköisyyden mukaan ainakin valmiiksi.” leevi madetoja, letter to l. onerva, june ; quoted in onerva, yölauluja, ; also quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “sinfonian toinen osa on hyvällä tolalla.” leevi madetoja, letter to l. onerva, july ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . symphony is making slow progress,” and in the autumn, madetoja’s efforts were further hampered by his contraction of the spanish influenza. the only allusions to his efforts are a couple of brief letters to his mother. in late october, madetoja remarked that his symphony “will only just be ready” ; he later wrote that he was in a hurry as “the symphony’s première is approaching.” in any case, having surmounted economic collapse, civil war, and life-threatening illness, madetoja completed the second symphony just in time for its unveiling on december . in conversation with the finnish composer kallervo tuukkanen, he attributed a large part of his success to “the power of alcohol.” in honour of finland’s independence, madetoja busied himself with the composition of a number of festive, patriotic works. on december , madetoja’s tuhanten rantain partahilla, op. , no. (morning song, for strings and mixed choir) was premièred during a festival of finnish song; it was repeated to great fanfare four days later at the university of turku’s finnish national theatre. in february , his mies mieheltä, op. , no. (man by man, for male choir and brass ensemble), was premièred in oulu to “sinfonia edistyy hitaasti.” leevi madetoja, letter to l. onerva, july ; quoted in onerva, yölauluja, ; also quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “jos vain ehtiä valmiiksi.” leevi madetoja, letter to anna madetoja, october ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “sinfonian esitys lähenee.” leevi madetoja, letter to anna madetoja, november ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “alkoholin voimalla”; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, ; also quoted in tuukkanen, leevi madetoja, . a superb reception. more than a thousand people—well over capacity—were present at the community hall, and critical reception was uniformly positive. on february , madetoja returned to the university of turku to lead the première of an extensive cantata, elämän päivät, op. (the days of life, for soprano, mixed choir, and orchestra); helsingin sanomat described it as “a very significant composition.” finally, on february (kalevala day), madetoja conducted the première of his väinämöisen kylvö, op. (väinämöinen sows the wilderness), a symphonic poem for soprano or tenor and orchestra with text from the kalevala. kalevala day was celebrated with greater than usual fervour that year owing to the eighty-five-year anniversary of the epic’s publication. the daily newspaper helsingin sanomat devoted an issue to the kalevala, covering the epic’s roots, the relationship between the kalevala and the iliad, a representation of the kalevala through vivid pictures, and a column by eino leino on the national epic. madetoja’s väinämöisen kylvö formed part of an anniversary celebration held at the national theatre; in attendance were the prime minister, general mannerheim, and president ståhlberg. the performance was rewarded with sustained applause, but due to the nature of the event madetoja did not receive any critical reviews. helsingin sanomat, may ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . salmenhaara, madetoja, . madetoja’s rise and fall: late-period compositions the s ushered in madetoja’s most fertile period. in addition to his work at the helsinki music institute, madetoja gained a teaching position—and, in , full professorship—at the university of helsinki. although the salary was negligible, the position was prestigious, having been previously been held by fredrik pacius, richard faltin, and robert kajanus. he also helped establish the finnish composers’ copyright society (säveltäjäin tekijänoikeustoimisto or teosto), serving as board member from - and chair from - . he furthermore continued his work with the associations muusikkojen liitto and musiikkitoimikunta, serving as chair of the former from - and of the latter from - . his involvement with musiikkitoimikunta (later suomen säveltäjät) would become an important part of his legacy; madetoja’s will and testament dictated the formation of a madetoja foundation within the parent company, allowing his copyright revenue to be used for the commissioning of new music from finnish composers and the recording and performing of new finnish music. in , madetoja witnessed the première of his first opera, pohjalaisia (the ostrobothnians), the significance of which is sometimes overlooked. while there was an established national opera tradition in europe at the turn of the century, finland had no such tradition. as a symphonist, madetoja could draw on the conventions introduced by sibelius, but as an opera composer, he was practically self-taught. pohjalaisia was a salmenhaara, “musiikkipoliitikko,” . pioneering work. it was quickly elevated to the status of finland’s national opera, and it gained international success through performances in kiel, stockholm, gothenburg, berlin, and copenhagen. madetoja’s third symphony is his orchestra masterpiece. it was conceived in france in , and its translucent orchestration and flowing counterpoint show the influence of french music. however, the symphony also emphasizes the immediate repetition of musical material, a feature sometimes ascribed to the influence of the finnish kalevala that is nevertheless more common in the music of madetoja than that of other finnish composers. the opening is in two parts: the first, andantino, presents a pastoral melody that recurs throughout the movement; the second, allegretto, develops a lilting theme that appears in various guises, including in canon with itself. the second movement contrasts the symphony’s french elegance with a melancholy finnish adagio. it introduces a theme reminiscent of folk song, and later features a broad, singing melody in cellos, then violins. the symphony is both tonally and rhythmically ambiguous, with the most intricate rhythms appearing in the final two movements. the third movement, allegro (non troppo) scherzo, is—in contrast to the first two movements—notable for its length. its accompaniment is composed of a continuous ostinato figure, one of madetoja’s more common techniques. the final movement features a melody that embeds swinging waltz rhythms within the prevailing common time. although it feints at a majestic conclusion by kaipainen, “french colouring,” . way of a tutti, fortissimo climax, an unexpected diminuendo brings the work rapidly to a close. madetoja composed what is perhaps the most unusual of his orchestral works, incidental music for poul knudsen’s pantomime ballet okon fuoko, op. ( - ), at roughly the same time his third symphony. in the first movement, “okon fuoko: unitaikuri” (okon fuoko: dream sorcerer), he sets the tone for the work through the use of bitonal harmony and rich orchestral colours, the latter including the understated use of castanets and celesta. these nuances paint the main character as a secretive, distant figure without resorting to the superficial exoticism broached by the pantomime’s storyline. neoclassical touches are evident in two movements with strong rhythmic emphasis: the “miehen tanssi” (man’s dance), which is evocative of prokofiev, and the exotic closing “danse grotesque.” unfortunately, the original pantomime drama, constructed half upon dialogue and half upon mimed expression, was dramatically unsatisfactory and largely underwhelmed finnish audiences at its première on february . undeterred, madetoja made plans to compile the music from okon fuoko into three orchestral suites. only one of these was completed. it was published on december and enjoyed considerable success abroad. madetoja’s final great work is juha ( ), an opera in six tableaux. the plot comes from one of the finest achievements of fìn-de-siècle finnish literature, the novel by the famed finnish author juhani aho. the finnish star soprano, aino ackté, adapted the libretto herself, no doubt envisioning the role of female protagonist marja as a brilliant vehicle for her talents. madetoja was not ackté’s first choice for the realization of her libretto; the young finnish modernist composer aarre merikanto ( - ) completed his opera on ackté’s libretto in , but the board of the finnish opera deemed it too demanding and too modernist for performance. madetoja received the libretto after . despite juha’s domestic setting, the opera avoids the use of finnish folk tunes; however, it does quote a ukrainian folk tune that madetoja had heard on the radio, which in turn sounds quite similar to an old finnish tune called the “kalevala tune.” more symphonic, refined, and coherent than pohjalaisia, juha achieved great critical success following its première on february ; sibelius, who could not be present due to illness, wrote to madetoja, “i heard ‘juha’ on the radio. it made a huge impression on me. crescendo until the end! and not a dead place!” unfortunately, it never achieved the same popularity as pohjalaisia. although decreases in performances of juha during the s have been blamed on dramaturgical weaknesses, a more likely rationale lies in the changing audience demands of finland’s heavy post-war period. nevertheless, its poor reception ushered in a period of adversity for madetoja that would result in his eventual collapse. on march , madetoja was dealt the heavy blow of his mother’s passing. he was devastated by the news, contracting an illness of such severity that he was unable even karjalainen, “nationalism,” . tuukkanen, leevi madetoja, . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . korhonen, inventing, - , . to attend the funeral in oulu. from this point on, his creativity began to wane. throughout the s, he spent a long time working on a fourth symphony, but his only copy was stolen from a paris railway station in , and he did not have the strength to rewrite it. his alcoholism steadily increased, and he developed serious health issues. he became unable to manage his huge range of tasks, both professional and as a member of societies and organizations, and he resigned from the university of helsinki in . madetoja’s morale was further dampened by the winter and continuation wars, which began on november with the soviet invasion of finland. in the spring of , he was forced to enter huvitus, a clinic for alcoholics. while madetoja composed a number of works following his return home, he never fully recovered. madetoja passed away on october . his funeral was held on october at the helsinki old church, with a venerable who’s who of helsinki society in attendance. the northern ostrobothnian students’ association formed a guard of honor at the gangway; the organist venni kuosma played an adagio by bach; the finnish opera singer oiva soini performed madetoja’s ilta, op. , no. (evening); martti similä conducted the helsinki symphony orchestra in a performance of madetoja’s hautalaulu, op. , no. (song of the grave); and the celebrated choir suomen laulu sung madetoja’s anthems ei mitään multa puutu, op. a, no. (o nothing do i want for) and tuolla ylhääll’ asunnoissa, op. b, no. (up there in the mansions). meanwhile, wreaths were laid by president of the republic’s adjutant colonel grönvall, the ministry of education, the university of helsinki, the city of oulu, the northern ostrobothnia students ‘association, the sibelius academy, the helsinki philharmonic orchestra, vocal music artists’ association, teosto, and numerous other organizations, associations and individuals. an honor guard led madetoja’s coffin to the beautiful hietaniemi cemetery, where, to the strains of the finnish men’s choir laulumiehet, madetoja was buried on artists’ hill. “both rare and precious”: leevi madetoja’s second symphony introduction i have chosen to investigate madetoja’s second symphony, and not his more universally lauded third symphony, in part because the composer wrote the work during a pivotal phase of finland’s cultural and political history: while composing the piece, madetoja witnessed both the finnish declaration of independence, on december , and the civil war the following year. with respect to the date when the symphony was written, it could be considered madetoja’s nationalistic reaction to the surrounding historical events. contemporary finnish musicologists recognize this link. kimmo korhonen asserts that “the focal point of the symphony is the third movement driven at times to violent outbursts and featuring aggressive military march elements that speak of the tragic finnish civil war of .” juoni kaipainen agrees, stating that the finnish civil war and the death of madetoja’s brother—who was among those killed in the fighting— have a direct impact on the second symphony’s sorrowful quality. erkki salmenhaara adds that the second symphony “seems to reflect madetoja’s tragic personal experiences and contains some of the same melodic motifs as the piano suite the garden of death korhonen, “orchestral works,” par. . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . (kuoleman puutarha) composed in memory of his brother killed in the finnish civil war of .” after the success of madetoja’s first symphony, the finnish public eagerly anticipated the second, and its premiere—on december , with robert kajanus conducting the helsinki philharmonic orchestra—was a major triumph for madetoja and a landmark event. equally dramatic, weighty, and romantic, it was extremely well received, and its success firmly established madetoja’s status in finnish music. kimmo korhonen writes that the second symphony “is the most grandiose and extensive of the three, and a considerable advance over the first symphony in terms of content and orchestral conception” ; he observes elsewhere that the second symphony’s expressive content is likewise broader than the first, ranging “from delicate lyricism to militant drama.” jean sibelius, who attended the première, was also impressed. he made special mention of the work’s “elegant, pastoral tone,” noting that “it gives one much to think about.” not all critics, however, agree on the merits of madetoja’s second symphony. for example, in his article juoni kaipainen does not hold back in his criticism of the work. about the first movement, he observes that “an extraordinarily long exposition of the main salmenhaara, “composer from ostrobothnia,” par. . korhonen, inventing, . korhonen, “leevi madetoja,” par. . erik tawaststjerna, sibelius: volume ; - , trans. and ed. robert layton (london: faber, ), . subject provides advance notice that we should not expect too much by way of drama.” he concedes that “the second symphony is quite original in one or two respects,” but for kaipainen, the word “original” apparently has negative connotations: the proportioning of the separate movements within the work does not conform to the standard practice: the first and second movements are played without a break, and given the relative lack of action in the music the whole so formed puts a strain on all but the most long-suffering of listeners. the third movement is a disjointed combination of scherzo and finale, and the fourth a completely insubstantial slow- tempoed epilogue, rather more a coda linked to the previous movement than a separate unit of its own. kaipainen’s main critique of the symphony can be distilled to one overarching point, which i will assess—and dispute—throughout the course of this chapter: that the work lacks variation, due to the fact that its thematic materials are overly similar. in terms of its thematic material madetoja’s second symphony falls far short of offering anything very interesting. the stage is held by an accented main subject, energetically circling around the tonal centre, and the majority of the work’s other themes are mere variations on this. madetoja has, however, left his variation-work incomplete: the different variants bear too great a resemblance to the original starting-point, and as a result the symphony takes on an annoyingly mono-thematic character. in support of his case, kaipainen calls upon comments made by kai maasalo, who writes in that this “pastoral-elegiac-pathetic” symphony is stamped “with a certain monotonous kaipainen, “french colouring,” . ibid., . ibid. ibid. quality.” while maasalo is referring to the first two movements, kaipainen states that the same could just as easily have been said of the remaining movements; however, he adds, rather magnanimously, that “this does not, of course, actually prevent the symphony from containing some impressive moments.” whether positive or negative, these prior assessments of madetoja’s second symphony provide only a general overview of the piece, and no analyses of his symphonies have been published, either in finnish or in any other language. what is needed at this stage is a more detailed consideration of madetoja’s compositional technique, including the role of innovative procedures characteristic of central and northern european symphonic composition at the beginning of the twentieth century. to this end, the following reading of the first movement will focus on three main topics. the first is the use of organic connections among the second symphony’s themes by virtue of a strong communal relationship between themes as variants of one another, both within and among movements. the second is the manipulation of form, and particularly of sonata form, which follows an early twentieth-century adaptation of older models. the third is the approach to tonal relationships, which reveals an original harmonic conception rooted in an additive maasalo, “suomalaisia,” n.p.; quoted in kaipainen, “french colouring,” . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . sibelius, like mahler and strauss, is often referred to as a “modern classicist.” in this chapter, i argue for a similar stylistic approach within madetoja’s symphonic output owing to his use of analagous “sonata- deformation” procedures described in detail below. see james hepokoski, sibelius: symphony no. (new york, cambridge university press, ), - ; and arnold whittall, “the later symphonies,” in the cambridge companion to sibelius, ed. daniel m. grimley (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), ‒ . approach. a discussion of these topics reveals that the work’s advanced tonal ambiguities and its strong classification of motives into close variants contribute to the blurring of traditional formal boundaries; therefore, a reading through the lens of fin-de-siècle techniques such as layering and additive processes suits madetoja’s second symphony better than one through traditional forms and harmonic patterns. the first movement the first topic to be addressed is the first movement’s themes and motives, which bear such a close resemblance to each other as to make their classification difficult. the task in this section is to trace the unfolding of the various melodic components while illustrating their strong similarities and classifying their component parts. in an attempt to highlight the unusual degree of integration between motivic material, this opening analysis will, as far as possible, initially avoid references to harmonic function or large-scale musical syntax. before proceeding with the analysis, however, a few basic features of the first movement should be noted. measure features a “double return” of the main theme and the original key, suggestive of a sonata-form recapitulation, and it is prefaced by a return of the introductory accompaniment figure in measure . while this moment is followed by a restatement of the movement’s thematic material, albeit with some omissions, it is not preceded by a separate development section. further, although the material after measure mostly remains in the tonic key, the material prior to this point moves through several non-tonic keys, ultimately reaching the mediant (m. , spelled as f-sharp major) before modulating back to the tonic. together, these features suggest the “type ” sonata (i.e., exposition and recapitulation) as the overall form of the movement, although, as we shall see, the movement diverges from the familiar, classical-period conventions of this form in several conspicuous ways. although james hepokoski is dismissive of interpretations that “[process] the movement primarily on the basis of what we have come to expect from textbook sonata patterns,” such an approach is justified here for reasons voiced by tim howell with respect to sibelius. first, sibelius was aware of, and deliberately superseded, these textbook sonata patterns; thus, even in their repudiation they function as an important design element. second, many listeners’ expectations are based on the same patterns—in fact, sibelius’s denial of sonata-form expectations arguably plays an important role in his work’s i offer my thanks to professor alan dodson for his reading of this movement in light of hepokoski and darcy’s theory of sonata form, one of several possible approaches that i have not included here but which i will continue to explore in future analyses of this movement. professor dodson suggests that the structure of the exposition is informed by the mixolydian cadences in measures (in iv) and (in biii), and, furthermore, that the textural break at measure functions as a medial caesura in preparation for the contrasting thematic material that follows. accordingly, he sees the structure of the exposition as consisting of a primary theme in measures - , a transition in measures - (with elision at ), a secondary-theme zone in measures - , and a retransition in measures - (with elision at ). noting the tension between g-flat major (mm. and ) and its enharmonic equivalent f# major (m. ), it is possible to interpret a long-range tonal plan through the movement from i to biii through a series of ascending fourths. p moves from e-flat major (m. ) to a-flat major (m. ); then s moves from d-flat major (m. ) to f-sharp major (m. ). see also james a. hepokoski and warren darcy, elements of sonata theory: norms, types, and deformations in the late eighteenth-century sonata (oxford: oxford university press, ). hepokoski, sibelius, . reception. as the following analysis will show, the same arguments can reasonably be made of madetoja. containing a time signature of six-four and a key signature of three flats, the first movement opens with an accompaniment pattern (henceforth referred to as accomp. ; see ex. . ) that reappears throughout the movement (for a detailed table of the movement’s formal structure, please see the appendix). accomp. contains three distinct layers: an extended pedal in tuba and horns on the pitches e-flat and g, respectively; a pizzicato tim howell, “review: sibelius studies and notions of expertise,” in music analysis , nos. - ( ): . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . contrabass line that alternates e-flat with g in half notes on each measure’s first and fourth beats; and a flute ostinato in eighth notes on each measure’s second and fifth beats, suggesting a syncopated lilting motion. the principal theme is introduced in the second measure (ex. . ). this sixteen- measure asymmetrical theme consists of two phrases of unequal length: the first phrase (mm. . - . ) is roughly seven measures long; the second phrase (mm. . - . ) is two measures longer. each phrase can be further subdivided into the following subphrases as shown in example : “subphrase a” (mm. . - . and again in mm. . - . ), “subphrase b” (mm. . - . ), and “subphrase c” (mm. . - . ). example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, principal theme, measures - . subphrase a presents some of the symphony’s most important building blocks. it moves downward from g to g by way of two descending perfect fourths a major second apart, and the fourths are bisected by a double-neighbor motive with an interpolated passing note (henceforth referred to as the changing-note figure) that begins in measure . . the changing-note figure is developed in an intervallic capacity through the work. for example, the first four notes of subphrase b can be viewed as a modification of the changing-note figure, lacking its interpolated passing note, in which the two final notes are augmented registrally to encompass the interval of a perfect fourth. the changing-note figure is also frequently developed in an additive manner. in subphrase c (mm. - ), it adds a further note to its ascending trajectory, foreshadowing the birth of motive a, which will be discussed shortly. the changing-note figure can be further subdivided into prime and retrograde inversion statements of “motive x.” a subset of the changing-note figure, motive x evolves in three clearly defined ways independent of the changing-note figure. first, it frequently recurs as a four-note rhythmic motive, as the two iterations beginning in mm. . and . illustrate. second, it sometimes appears as a simple contour composed of two ascending pitches, the registral span of which subsequently contains a single descending pitch. this can be seen in measures . - . , where the additive expansion of the changing-note figure nevertheless maintains the integrity of the component statements of motive x. third, it occasionally omits the passing note to highlight its intervallic components, an ascending minor third followed by a descending minor second. this modality presents an alternate interpretation of subphrase b, whereby its opening notes are composed of this kernel motive in retrograde inversion, a descending minor second followed by an ascending minor third (mm. . - . ). such examples illustrate the way in which the symphony develops multiple possibilities for its constituent motives simultaneously. the interval of a perfect th is yet another fundamental building block for the symphony’s motivic material. this interval occurs twice in subphrase a and three times in example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, variations on subphrase a. subphrase b; in addition, subphrases a and a ’ (mm. - and - ) transpose subphrase a a perfect fourth higher with minor tonal adjustments. in this way the entire first theme grows from a few key ideas presented in the symphony’s opening phrase: a changing-note figure, its constituent motives, and the interval of a perfect fourth. the influence of subphrase a extends further than the first theme; in fact, it recurs in a variety of guises throughout the movement (ex. . ). for example, subphrases a and a (mm. and ), which present the changing-note motive in augmentation, appear in canon immediately following the principal theme and again following the return of this theme in measures and . subphrase a is a more extensive variation, and its cadential harmonies have a coda-like function: both of its iterations (mm. and ) close their respective thematic areas and prepare for a period of transition and release before the ensuing sections. however, subphrase a is important in yet other ways as well; as we shall see, its intervals and motives contain the seeds of ideas that are employed throughout the symphony and are crucial to the understanding of the work as a whole. the section following the principal theme introduces several new motives, the most important of which is motive a (mm. . - . , ex. . ). born of the changing-note figure first introduced in measure , and in turn mediated by the additive developments of subphrase c, motive a adds an échappée as shown in example . , extending the ascending portion of the figure so that its total span reaches a diminished fourth. this idea of motivic expansion, as the ensuing discussion will attest, becomes increasingly important as the movement progresses. when kaipainen states that “the stage is held by an accented main subject, energetically circling around the tonal centre,” he is surely referring to motive a. however, his assertion that this motive is the movement’s “main subject” is disputable, since, as we have seen, it is a derivative of the principal theme and not its source. nevertheless, motive a is of no small significance. it is first announced in the woodwinds over a dark, minor harmony and a c-flat pedal; its tutti repetition an octave higher (mm. . - . ) foreshadows the motive’s importance. in the twenty measures following its introduction, it is featured eight times, four of which occur in sequential passages that contribute to the kaipainen, “french colouring,” . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, comparison of subphrase a with motive a. raising of tension and lead to a decisive fortissimo statement of the main theme on a subdominant (a-flat) pedal (mm. . - . ). motive a appears throughout the symphony, with many recognizable variants, of which the most noteworthy are shown in example . . motive a also undergoes more drastic permutations, serving—as we shall see—not only as building block for new themes, but also as an intermediary for previous motives. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, variations on motive a. motive c—also referred to as the oscillating theme, for reasons that will shortly be addressed—is introduced in measure : here, first violins outline a repetitive motive that begins with a b-flat held for an entire measure; in the following measure, this pitch is surrounded by an undulating minor third, a to c (ex. . ). this is heard in counterpoint with motive b, a repetitive ostinato figure sounding in the clarinets. introduced in measures through in preparation for this section, motive b is loosely related to motive x by virtue of its contour, two ascending intervals followed by a descending minor second. measures and are an identical repeat of measures and ; measures through repeat the melodic content of measures through a major third higher, suggesting a sequential pattern but for a ubiquitous b-flat pedal that continues through to measure . . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, second thematic idea, oscillating theme, measures - . in measure . these patterns are replaced by a new motive in the bassoon and bass strings (motive d; ex. . ) that incorporates melodic fifths into a descending chromatic line that moves from b-flat (m. . ) to g (m. . ). this motive is not presented alone, however: measure . initiates a leisurely statement of motive a in cornets that continues above motive d as a second layer. an ostinato accompaniment pattern, rhythmically related to accomp. , forms a third layer; this leads smoothly in measures . through . and . through . with a variant of motive a (ex. . ) that is linked through elision with ensuing iterations, each a minor third higher, to form a sweeping melodic figuration that rises an octave primarily via the notes of an octatonic scale (henceforth referred to as motive a’s ascending octatonic variant). together these superimposed materials contribute to an increasing tension, which is also supported by crescendo dynamics and textural thickening. measures . through . introduce accompaniment pattern , an undulating ostinato figure in parallel thirds voiced by divisi clarinets. accomp. is intricately linked with previous motives; example . illustrates its genesis in subphrase a and its adoption example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, motive d, measures - . of the principle of motivic expansion. in measure , this pattern transitions seamlessly to accomp. . accomp. , first seen in measure , likewise stems from subphrase a. example . shows the accompaniment pattern’s derivation from a retrograde statement of the changing-note figure and the expansion of its final interval. it should be noted here that example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, ascending octatonic variant of motive a, measures - . this particular variant of the changing-note figure is crucial to the development of upcoming thematic material. in fact, as will soon become apparent, accomp. and accomp. , in conjunction with subphrase a, effectively foreshadow the second important thematic idea (henceforth referred to as the conjunct melody) in advance of its arrival, while simultaneously introducing and supporting the unfolding theme. these patterns accomplish this by acting as accompaniments to the third important thematic arrival (mm. . - . ; ex. . ), a sixteen-measure theme consisting of two symmetrical eight-measure phrases (mm. . - . and mm. . - . ), each of which contains two contrasting example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, accompaniment patterns and , measures - . subphrases. the first subphrase (mm. . - . ; repeated in mm. . - . ) features a conjunct, lyrical melody that opens and closes on the same pitch, c . like other previous themes, the conjunct melody is also strongly related to other materials: it borrows its contour directly from accomp. , elongating the first and last notes (both c ) to lend the melody a more languid, expressive quality. accomp. continues underneath this subphrase, articulating a kind of heterophony between melody and accompaniment. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, continuous development of accomp. . the second subphrase (mm. . - . and mm. . - . ) is highly suggestive of subphrase a. it opens and closes with twin retrograde iterations of motive x, which share example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, third thematic idea, “conjunct melody,” measures - . not only the original motive’s melodic contour, but also its triplet rhythm. these statements of motive x function as elaborations of subphrase a’s original perfect fourth motive; nested between them is the changing-note figure, a further reminder of the movement’s opening subphrase. while the first subphrase is melodically identical in both iterations, the second iteration of the second subphrase contains a noteworthy variation. here, each statement of motive x (mm. . - . and mm. . - . ) expands, exploiting a wider intervallic range and bringing the idea of motivic dilation into play once more. the meandering contour and subtle rhythmic modifications of this melody are organic. as with the first subphrase, discussed above, accomp. supports this melody, and its relationship with motive x again suggests a loose heterophonic texture. measure . initiates a new section. this section, which lasts until measure . , expands upon the possibilities inherent in the ascending minor third pattern featured in example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, continuous development of motive e. the final three notes of the conjunct melody (ex. . ). the section begins with four reiterations of the conjunct melody (mm. . - . ) followed by a statement of motive a ( . - . ). the similarity between the conjunct melody and motive a is so readily apparent here that one wonders if it is strictly necessary to differentiate between them. of course, one important difference between the two subphrases is found in the range of their final notes: in its closing contour, the conjunct melody describes a minor third, while motive a describes perfect fourth. it is interesting to observe how, after lingering here on its characteristic perfect fourth (m. . ), motive a expands one note higher in its scalar ascent to describe a diminished fifth (m. . ). this idea of expansion—from minor third to perfect fourth and eventually diminished fifth—plays out in a more obvious way a few measures later when, in measure , motive e outlines a scale passage on which the following twenty-two measures are based (as well as its recapitulation in mm. - ). the similarities of rhythm and intervallic contour of the final five notes of each motive underscore an obvious link between them. the next important thematic arrival (henceforth referred to as the dance theme, mm. . - . ; ex. . ) differs from previous material in that it has a more symmetrical rhythmic and metric structure, and its dotted rhythm in six-eight time suggests a dance topic connection. it is composed of two consecutive but distinct phrases. the first phrase (mm. . - . ) introduces a rustic peasant gigue in six-eight; presented in clarinets, it begins and ends on the mediant f /f , after which cornets offer an imitative countermelody. the second phrase (mm. . - . ) relinquishes the gigue rhythm in favour of an espressivo string melody that ascends in a conjunct diatonic fashion from f /f to leading note c /c before returning to the original pitch. both phrases have elements in common with phrase a; as example illustrates, the “dance theme” incorporates such elements as prominent perfect fourth intervals, frequent statements of motive x, and sophisticated expansion of the changing-note figure. it is worth noting that much of the material returns in various guises in the movement’s remaining measures, but as this will be discussed in more detail below, it need not be addressed here. the important point is that the principle of thematic variation, a characteristic of many “progressive” compositions from the late nineteenth and early example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, fourth thematic idea, “dance theme,” measures - . twentieth centuries, plays quite a prominent role within the exposition of the first movement of madetoja’s second symphony. this similarity of material makes it very difficult to ascertain a formal structure: a detailed discussion of main versus subordinate themes requires a discussion of contrast, for a subordinate theme must contrast the main theme in the same way that the subordinate key contrasts the home key. however, as the movement’s material is so motivically connected, its various sections fail to provide the necessary conflict required of sonata form. at the same time, these organic connections have significant unifying value; they also hint at a possible resemblance to debussy’s techniques, as we shall see in the next chapter. replacing thematic contrast in this movement is a cyclical process of tight-knit versus loose thematic material that defines the work’s formal structure. an idiosyncratic formal pattern emerges: each new key area begins with a short introductory section followed by a tight-knit theme that eventually gives way to a looser structure and further development, often through sequential processes. with this process in mind, it becomes possible to tease a formal design from the myriad thematic elements presented above. the first movement’s structure is based around four main themes, each of which has been noted above: the principal theme (theme , mm. . - . ); the oscillating theme (theme , mm. . - . ); the conjunct theme (theme , see tim howell, “‘sibelius the progressive,’” in sibelius studies, ed. timothy jackson and veijo murtomäki (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), - . the thematic transformations in this movement are admittedly less extreme than in many romantic-era orchestral works, such as liszt’s symphonic poems, and this may be why kaipainen complained that madetoja “left his variation-work incomplete.” kaipainen, “french colouring,” . caplin, classical form, . mm. . - . ); and the dance theme (theme , mm. . - . ). these themes are supported by a key structure that cycles unconventionally through the circle of fifths as shown in figure . . the first theme moves quickly from the home key of e-flat major to g- flat major; mediant relationships, as we will see, play an important role throughout the movement. a short detour leads to b-flat major, but the second theme returns to g-flat major. from there the tonality ascends a major second to a-flat major for the third theme. the fourth theme is in d-flat major; the music ascends again by a major second to the home key for the recapitulation. thus, the movement cycles through five adjacent keys in the circle of fifths, but it does so in a non-standard order, combining modulations by second, third, and fifth. this first pass through madetoja’s second symphony has concerned itself primarily with an overview of the first movement’s thematic material. in so doing, it has illustrated figure . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, large scale tonal movement. the extensive thematic unity offered through the development of a small number of motives, all of which are introduced in the work’s first measures. however, so far little has been said about musical syntax per se. the next section will feature a second pass through the movement with a closer look at the thematic materials’ syntactic roles while highlighting some of the movement’s more salient structural principles. one such principle is the staggered arrival of new material concurrent with the liquidation of old material: in this movement, thematic material is rarely demarcated through a single, clear division; rather, it engages in a process of liquidation and arrival at common boundaries (marked “trans. area” in the appendix). this process manifests itself most clearly, as we will see, in that each new theme is preceded by an introductory area and followed by a developmental space, in a clear departure from traditional sonata-form principles. the principal theme is a sixteen-measure asymmetrical period. the antecedent phrase contains a basic idea (subphrase a) and a contrasting idea (subphrase b); it ends with a half cadence on the tonic. the longer consequent phrase—what caplin terms a “modulating consequent, cadential strength” —likewise contains a basic and contrasting idea. while the basic idea is similar to its first iteration, the contrasting idea is quite different: it begins with two iterations of subphrase a in the submediant minor; it ends with subphrase c and concludes the first theme in a new harmony—g-flat major, the william earl caplin, classical form: a theory of formal functions for the instrumental music of haydn, mozart, and beethoven (new york: oxford university press, ), . flatted mediant—on the downbeat of measure , bringing a clear dissent from the traditional tonic stability of the first theme area. several signposts herald the arrival of the second, “oscillating” theme. first, measures through feature a rapid diminuendo, from fortissimo model to piano copy, suggestive of the energy loss that accompanies a medial caesura in anticipation of a lower- intensity secondary theme. second, measure presents an imperfect authentic cadence on the dominant, b-flat major. third, measures through are characterized by heightened tonal stability in the new key: measure introduces a gentle ostinato pattern played by solo clarinet (motive b) and harmonic motion grinds to a halt with seven measures of pure dominant harmony; measure presents a reflective cornet rendition of motive , a plaintive reminder of the transition’s earlier intensity (see appendix). although the second theme itself turns back to g-flat major, a lengthy b-flat pedal maintains the integrity of the subsidiary tonal area. the repetitive construction of the second theme suggests a repeated basic idea, the rudimentary presentation phrase of a sixteen-measure sentence. however, after eight measures, the music features a sudden change in texture (m. ) and renewed harmonic modulation. as it is therefore too short and too repetitive to have syntactical classification, it receives the designation motive c in the appendix. nevertheless, by virtue of its tight-knit construction and the contrast it presents from the surrounding texture, it can be considered a theme. hepokoski and darcy, elements, . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . elements of the third thematic area begin as early as measure (ex. . ). a thirty- one measure a-flat pedal starts at measure . ; motive a (a holdover from the previous thematic area) begins at measure . ; the transitional area’s insistent eighth-note pulse terminates at measure . ; and accomp. resumes at measure . . following this, the accompaniment undertakes a gradual process of liquidation: on the downbeat of measure , motive a ends and the accompaniment begins a process of stepwise ascent covering the interval of a perfect fifth; on the downbeat of measure , a new accompaniment pattern (accomp. ; see ex. . above) begins, and the next five measures see a process of alternation between the two patterns before the second takes over (itself morphing several times within the third thematic area). the arrival of the third theme in measure (ex. . ) designates the decisive start of the third thematic area; its arrival is likewise staggered. the bassoon’s sustained a-flat pedal (in six-four time) arrives at measure . , the double bass’s pizzicato on the downbeat of the following measure, and the theme itself (in two- two time, marking the end of the sixteen-measure transitional area) at measure . . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . the lyrical third theme is a tight-knit, sixteen-measure symmetrical period. its time signature is in / while the rest of the orchestra continues in / ; thus the eighth notes in measures and are slower than the surrounding texture, lending the melody a relaxed, languid quality. unconventional harmonic decisions lend the theme a distinctive character. although the third theme is firmly in the subdominant, this key avoids receiving authentic cadential confirmation. rather, the tonality is established and the theme introduced through an unorthodox mixolydian cadence (bvii ‒iadd ) on the downbeat of measure , lending the harmony a modal quality that ranks among the more modern-sounding aspects of the movement. correspondingly, the theme closes with a common-tone half-diminished seventh to tonic progression (m. . ) over a tonic pedal. the fourth, “dance” theme is a very tight-knit theme in period form. its entrance in measure features timpani and double basses beginning a lengthy d-flat pedal on measure . ; a syncopated cornet ostinato adds an element of rhythmic ambiguity. as with the third theme, it is introduced through an area of liquidation and staggered arrival. while the theme itself begins in measure , the introduction/transition begins as early as measure with a robust move to the dominant, a-flat major, and a four-measure a-flat pedal. measures , , and bring strongly accented e-flat major ninth chords, suggesting a dominant preparation and the imminent approach of an a-flat major cadence. however, a lengthy diminuendo follows the fortissimo tutti of measure , and measure caplin considers this cadential requirement a necessary requisite of sonata form, noting that “exceptions to this principle are rare.” caplin, classical form, . introduces a new texture and melody in a-flat major. here, pianissimo half-diminished- seventh chords—neighbour to a series of a-flat dominant seventh/major ninth chords— slide in parallel motion over an alternating e-flat/a-flat/d-flat bassline; these lead to a perfect cadence in d-flat major in measure . the key of the fourth theme—d-flat major, the subdominant of the subdominant of the home key—is secured through the movement’s first perfect authentic cadence (m. ). following the exposition of the fourth theme and the looser formal region that follows, measure initiates a lengthy recapitulation. this section—which we will examine in more detail shortly—recapitulates the first, second, and fourth themes, as well as much of the looser thematic material; curiously, however, there is no recapitulation of the third theme. this exploration of the second symphony’s first movement exposes madetoja’s efforts to engage in dialogue with classical formal structures. while the movement contains a number of elements compatible with sonata form, it contains many others that are not, rendering this formal descriptor inadequate. rather, it could be classified as a quadripartite extension of sonata form, still recognizing the relevance of sonata form structure to the movement: it contains four thematic areas, each of which contains a relatively new theme preceded by an introduction and ensuing developmental space; these thematic areas— which take the place of the traditional exposition and development—are followed by a recapitulation of the first, second, and fourth areas. however, the structure is difficult to ascertain with absolute certainly as the movement contains a high level of syntactic ambiguity; in fact, this could be considered a modus operandi for the work as a whole. whereas contemporary large-scale germanic music typically contains a strong harmonic teleology with climactic emphasis—the dynamic sound of which is created through linear movement, tonal harmonic functionality, and progression toward new tonal areas—the second symphony subscribes to a different formal methodology, an additive one. as we have seen, madetoja subtly varies repeated musical phrases, ameliorating thematic contrast through the reiteration of motivic patterns. at the same time, he combines seemingly autonomous phrases—such as subphrase a—into larger units, assimilating individual discontinuity within a larger thematic framework. these working processes are suggestive of an additive approach to content creation, in which music’s constituent parts follow one another according to a non-developmental linear narrative. they maintain, as robert morgan writes about debussy’s additive procedures, “a sort of floating balance among subtly interconnected musical entities, giving rise to wavelike motions characterized by extremely fine gradations of color, pacing, and intensity.” additive processes manifest themselves in the first movement in two important ways: first, through the liberal use of sequential passagework—so that the music simply moves from one section to the next in a non-teleological and non-developmental fashion—and second, through the layering and juxtaposition of simultaneous but independent strata. this additive approach has a profound effect not only on the work’s structure, but also its robert morgan, twentieth-century music: a history of musical style in modern europe and america (new york: norton, ), . harmony. madetoja’s additive approach, as we will see in the next, final pass through the first movement, encourages a high degree of localized harmonic ambiguity, for the superimposition of multiple layers frequently results in the superimposition of multiple tonal possibilities as well. the latter idea is in evidence in the opening measures of the work, where layering engenders an ambiguous tonal underpinning. as discussed above, the opening accompanimental pattern (accomp. , mm. - ; ex. . ), contains a multilayered allusion to two different tonal centres, e-flat major and g minor. the flute ostinato—which alternately suggests these two centres—capitalizes on this ambiguity through the simultaneous use of example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . pitches that are concordant to one centre and discordant to the other: for example, while both e-flat major (mm. . - . ) and g minor (mm. . - . ) share the pitches g and b-flat, the d in measures . through . is a consonance in g minor and a dissonance in e-flat major; conversely, the e-flat in measures . and . is a consonance in e-flat major and a dissonance (an added sixth) in g minor. over this stratified accompanimental pattern, the principal theme emerges as a separate, independent layer (ex. . ). its distinct rhythmic composition helps differentiate it from the accompaniment: whereas the accompaniment is set in six-four, suggesting a waltz-like pattern (a quarter-note rest followed by four eighth notes), subphrase a’s metre suggests twelve-eight; the introduction of the melody in measure . and the changing- note figure in measure . highlight the rhythmic incongruity of the theme through metric placement that is incompatible with the movement’s underlying rhythmic pulse. its example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, principal theme. melodic contour likewise distinguishes it, even while adding an additional tonal ambiguity. although subphrase a is situated in triadic g-minor, the third scale degree (b-flat) is noticeably absent; this lends the subphrase a distinctly modal, rustic character. in measure . , subphrase b moves to a-natural instead of a-flat, and in measure . , it emphasizes f-natural while completely avoiding the leading note, f-sharp. this suggests the mode of g aeolian, sounding less like g minor than like the submediant (vi) of b-flat major. the blurring of a clear tonality continues throughout the entire phrase, leading to a varied repeat of the opening e-flat major/g minor sonority (m. . ) that is amplified by instrumental thickening of the texture. in combination with bass descent to b-flat in measure . , subphrase b suggests v/ e-flat (melodic f against bass b-flat); however, other processes—notably the flute ostinato—suggest v /v (f, a, c, and e-flat). thus, while madetoja’s second symphony commonly bears the appendage “in e-flat major,” there is little—apart from the opening chord—that firmly grounds the opening of the piece in this key. the harmonies that open the first movement of madetoja’s second symphony may suggest a variation of robert bailey’s concept of the double-tonic complex, except that madetoja’s e-flat major/g minor tonality employs an implied tonic e-flat major with its minor mediant (iii), g minor, as opposed to wagner’s implied tonic a minor with its major mediant (iii), c major. from the accompaniment’s clearly delineated oscillation and the robert bailey, “an analytical study of the sketches and drafts,” in richard wagner: prelude and transfiguration from tristan und isolde, ed. robert bailey (new york: norton, ), . work’s careful layering, it is apparent that these two keys function not as a decorated triad, but rather as the twin polarities of the double-tonic complex. this is not the only instance: other noteworthy double-tonic moments occur at measure (b major/e-flat minor), measure (a-flat major/c minor), measure (e-flat major/g minor), measure (b-flat major/d minor), measure (d-flat major/f minor), measure (a-flat major/c minor), measure (d-flat major/f minor), measure (d major/f-sharp minor), and many other places, including corresponding recapitulatory sections. note that all of the above keys pair a major key with its minor mediant. however, this pairing does not seem to have consistent, large-scale organizational consequences of the kind that bailey observes in the tristan prelude. table . : authentic cadences in madetoja’s symphony no. , first movement. one consequence of the movement’s pervasive tonal ambiguity is that harmony does not, in and of itself, serve as a reliable indicator of structure. authentic cadences, for example, are rare in this movement. as table shows, the first movement contains only four authentic cadences, and they sometimes obscure the work’s harmonic goals. the first authentic cadence in tonic e-flat major does not arrive until measure , on the reprise of measure cadence type key syntactic event imperfect authentic b-flat major theme perfect authentic d-flat major theme imperfect authentic e-flat major recapitulation of theme perfect authentic e-flat major recapitulation of theme the second thematic area. moreover, there is not a single authentic cadence in one of the work’s most important secondary tonal areas, a-flat major, even though the harmony stays firmly rooted here for forty-seven measures beginning in measure . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . instead, texture is one of the main parameters of structural definition (and in this respect, madetoja again resembles debussy, as we shall see in the next chapter). the boundary between the end of the first theme and the beginning of the transitional section is one example of this phenomenon. the consequent phrase employs a chromatic mediant modulation from e-flat major/g minor to g-flat major in measure ; however, this is secured through relatively weak (v / to i ) cadential harmonies (ex. . ); even this progression is weakened through a passing chord that refers back to the original key of e- flat major. moreover, the new tonic is undermined by an immediate common-tone modulation to b-flat minor. the entire process is extremely linear: the individual voices slide in a conjunct fashion from one harmony to the next, and cadential bass motion is kept to a minimum; overall, harmonic movement does little to differentiate the section boundaries. a textural analysis, per contra, tells a different story. measure features increased tension through chromaticism, contrary motion between upper and lower voices, and hemiola rhythms; the following measure features a pulsating eighth-note crescendo, with oscillation between the pitches d-flat and e-double-flat in flutes, oboes, and horns (as this pattern returns later in the work, it will be referred to it as the “oscillating cadential pattern” for ease of reference). while the transition beginning at measure employs the first theme’s motivic material, it evokes a very different atmosphere. the attack density is a third of the previous measure’s; strings appropriate the opening accompanimental pattern; and subphrase a sounds in canon, swapping the gallant eighth-notes of its changing-note pattern for rigid dotted-quarter notes. textural change not only brings closure to the first theme, but also helps define section boundaries throughout the movement: each of the movement’s four themes is marked by noticeable accompanimental changes, and noteworthy textural changes also occur throughout developmental sections, helping to clarify thematic processes and modulatory passages. the transitional section (mm. - ) that follows the first theme is characterized by a looser form and by the liquidation of the principal theme’s characteristic motivic material in preparation for the arrival of the subordinate theme. as discussed above, it features less tuneful melodic material than the first theme; it also features greater harmonic modulation, rhythmic continuity, and dynamic intensity. it also expands upon a process that is common in this movement: transition between various thematic and sequential processes that employs a non-developmental sliding toward, and arrival at, the new process, rather than marked textural or tonal distinction. the transitional section opens with twin restatements of the basic idea (subphrase a, mm. . - . ) followed by a restatement of the contrasting idea, subphrase b (mm. . - . ). the introduction of motive a in measure sees modulation to c-flat major/e- flat minor, which is an adjacent key on the circle of fifths, like many of the movement’s modulations. however, despite motive a’s significance, its arrival is elegant and understated, with the music’s various processes transitioning in a sophisticated, stepwise manner (ex. . ). here, the harmony eschews cadential patterns in favour of conjunct bass motion, proceeding from b-flat minor (m. ) through a passing dominant seventh (v /d- flat, m. ) to an expansive c-flat major seventh (m. ). the melody, like the bassline, example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . slides easily from one thematic process to the next: the final notes of the antecedent phrase feature two ascending tetrachords, the second reaching higher than the first; this establishes a melodic trajectory that smoothly ascends a major second to the work’s first statement of motive a (the fact that the melody has already ascended in a similar manner in measure makes the process sound even more natural). the layering is similar to that encountered in the first theme: accomp. plays in six-four while the melody soars above in twelve-eight; there is, once again, a noticeable lack of vertical coincidence between the two layers. the layers highlight the rich harmonies, with the first iconic notes of motive a sounding a major seventh above the c-flat bassline. note that the layers’ various arrivals are staggered: the melodic arrival is in measure . , whereas the harmonic arrival is in measure . ; as we have seen, this is a frequent occurrence in the work’s section boundaries, with various layers completing old processes and beginning new ones at slightly different times. another important aspect of madetoja’s additive technique is sequential passagework, which enables movement between sections in a non-developmental linear manner. most of the time, however, the sequences are only hinted at in one voice, whereas the other voices constantly evolve outside the set pattern. for instance, a sequential pattern is set up in measures . through with the second part of the principal theme’s modified repeat. the main melodic aspect takes place via a statement of motive a in flutes and oboes, which is contrapuntally supported by an accompanimental layer in the strings— related to the movement’s opening rhythmic pattern—and a c-flat pedal; all of this suggests a c-flat major/e-flat minor tonality. however, a horn passage in measures . through affects the identity of the potential sequential pattern, crossing between the end of the model and the beginning of the sequential copy, which starts four measures later, at measure , with motive a transposed a major seventh higher to begin on d . the bass line of the sequential pattern also changes, unfolding a new stepwise motive in measure and developing its own irregular quasi-sequences through to measure . this movement’s motive a is discussed on pages through , and illustrated in examples and , above. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . meanwhile, new sequences of the melodic a motive start at measures , , and in the violins—on f, a and c-sharp/f-sharp respectively—and again at measure (ex. . ). we may note that the bass accompaniment again suggests a continuous texture by extending past this series of sequences and into the following section; yet the apparent continuity of this pattern changes once again in the midst of this continuity through the intervention of yet another pattern (accomp. ) superimposed upon the ongoing sequences of motive a and taking over gradually, first in the strings and bassoon in measures through , and then in the woodwinds at measures through . while measures to offer a period of harmonic stability in f-sharp minor (the enharmonic tonic minor of g-flat major, to which the first theme modulated in measure , and to which the music will return in measure ), its constant quasi-sequential transformations undermine this stability, providing a sense of development aided in particular by increasing dynamics and textural thickening. sequential activity is at the forefront again beginning in measure with two more iterations of motive a; the model begins with c-sharp (the dominant of f-sharp minor), then drops a semitone to describe fifth motion (c to f ) in the bass. the copy is a minor third higher, leading to a-flat major in measure . the teleological goal appears to arrive in measure with a statement of motive a—a thematic return to the symphony’s opening motive—and harmonic arrival in a-flat major/c minor. however, this arrival is deceptive; a-flat major is not yet a point of harmonic arrival, but rather one of many events within a catena of sequential movement. this statement of motive a turns out to be a sequential model (mm. - ) for a piano, dolce copy (mm. - ) in the home keys of e-flat major/g minor. a brief glimpse of the secondary dominant (f, m. ) is followed in measure by the symphony’s first important cadence: an authentic cadence on the dominant, b-flat major, and a reprise of the previous accompanimental pedal, this time on b-flat instead of the tonic e-flat. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . the cadence to b-flat major marks the introduction to the second theme area, which presents an interesting mix of tonalities. first, as we would expect, b-flat major seems paired with its minor mediant, d minor; this is made evident by a horn solo (subphrase a, mm. . - . ) that is firmly centered in d minor, just as the movement’s inaugural iteration of subphrase a (mm. . - . ) was firmly centered in g minor. however, the clarinet accompaniment that is introduced in measure (ex. . ) presents a shifting pattern and ambiguous pitch selection that make it more difficult to determine the tonality. horizontally the motive outlines an isorhythm with a color based on the first three notes of this subphrase (d , a , and g ) and a three-quarter-note talea. in measures . and . , the emphasis is on the pitches a and d , suggesting the d-minor tonality; however, in measures . and . , the emphasis is on the pitches d and g respectively; this, paired with the g /g of the flutes and the b-flat pedal, strongly implies g minor as the subsidiary tonality. measures - function formally as an introduction to the next section, strikingly arriving at the second theme in measure through a semitone voice-leading slip from the implied g minor to g-flat major. the clarinet ostinato moves from d in measure . to d-flat in measure . ; similarly, the horn solo (subphrase a) moves from f in measure . to g-flat in measure . (ex. . ). these instruments are featured over a b-flat pedal in timpani, cellos, and contrabass that sounds without pause from measure , through . , enhancing the impression of continuity through the modulation. with the arrival of the second theme in m. , b-flat becomes the third of g-flat major, which is mixed with b-flat minor, the minor mediant. thus the second thematic area presents an interesting modal mix of b-flat major and its subsidiary harmonies g and d minor (mm. - ) paired with a modal shift to g-flat major and its subsidiary harmony b-flat minor (mm. - ). over top of this layered texture, first violins and violas sound the oscillating minor-thirds melody, while second violins sound a sinuous, conjunct countermelody. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . in measure , texture is once again the primary designator of formal boundaries. here, the sustained harmonies of the previous section recede, bringing tangible contrast. at the same time, the attack density of the accompaniment pattern (accomp. ) doubles, highlighting both the new section’s sparse texture and the tension that develops between opposing layers. one of these layers introduces motive d (see ex. above) in bassoon and bass strings; its descending chromatic line almost immediately breaks from the dominant, moving from b-flat major in measure to g major-minor seventh harmony in measure . the other layer in the horns sounds motive a in duple ( / ) time, which highlights the layering effect through its non-coincidental vertical entrance with motive d. the final note of motive a is sustained for three full measures, over which an intense, ascending string passage sounds (the “ascending octatonic variant” of motive a; see ex. above). the entire section, from measure to measure , is a sequential model; a six-measure copy sounds a minor third higher in the following measure. the sequential copy concludes with an iteration of the oscillating cadential pattern (mm. . - . , shown above in example ) that brings the music to a close in a-flat major/c minor at measure . it is interesting that this cadential pattern is used with two different functions: first, to open the development section that follows the first theme, and second, to close the development section of the second theme. measure brings clear movement to subdominant a-flat major, appearing to signal a new section. yet new thematic materials do not support the tonal arrival; rather, the processes starting here are limited to passive sustained pedals and lingering motivic fragments. as it turns out, once the ground is prepared this way, a new musical idea centered on subdominant a-flat major does arrive, but only at the beginning of measure (ex. . ). this is the third theme, which outlines two larger phrases (mm. - and mm. - ). like the first theme, it contains elements of harmonic and melodic ambiguity; for example, the antecedent phrase’s contrasting idea (mm. - ) hints at other keys, bringing a modal quality: both the melodic contour and the harmony of measures through . suggest f minor, and in measures . through . the melody employs the dominant and tonic of c minor, to which the harmony will turn in measure . however, this phrase does not end with a traditional cadence, but rather returns to tonic a-flat major by way of a subdominant major seventh chord (iv , m. . ), a minor supertonic triad (ii, m. . ), and a french sixth (x , m. . ), all of which are presented over an a-flat pedal. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, third thematic idea, measures - . the third thematic area is illustrative not only of harmonic and melodic ambiguity, but also of madetoja’s occasional penchant for elusive section boundaries. in the first movement, each thematic area begins with a symmetrical, tonally stable statement of the new theme; periods of greater tonal instability, motivic expansion, and more diverse thematic material follow. previous discussion illustrated how the first theme—a tight-knit, periodic theme—claims a different formal space from the ensuing transitional section. the third theme follows a similar agenda, voicing a tight-knit theme before giving way to a transitional passage in measure . , where the materials develop, explore new materials, reach new tonal areas, and gradually increase in tension before eventually concluding in measure . however, there is an important difference between the first and third transitional areas. whereas there is a clear boundary between the first theme (measures . through ) and its transitional section (measures through ), the distinction between the third theme and its transitional section remains vague. restating an antecedent phrase is a common strategy for launching a transitional section (hepokoski classifies this process as “the dissolving restatement” ): it implies the start of a hybrid consequent phrase; however, when the music no longer corresponds to the principal theme, the listener understands in retrospect that the return of the antecedent phrase marks the beginning of the transition. because the third theme’s antecedent and consequent phrase are so similar, it is easy to interpret them as the twin hepokoski and darcy, elements, . basic ideas of a sentence-form presentation phrase (albeit large basic ideas, at eight measures each). this interpretation is reinforced with the onset of the third transitional section, which opens with two identical subphrases, both based on the first four measures of the third theme (mm. - ): the first runs from measures . through . and the second from measures . through . ; their shorter four-measure length and repetitive construction suggests the fragmentation typically associated with the continuation phrase of sentence-form structure. however, this large-scale sentence lacks a cadential idea; rather, measures . through . offer two further repetitions of this subphrase, this time with the melodic material transposed a perfect fourth higher. by measure . , with the introduction of motive a over major-minor seventh harmony, it becomes abundantly clear that the motivic material of the previous sixteen measures was merely prolongation and not a continuation of the second theme. thus the initial period form of measures . through . is retroactively reinterpreted as the third theme in its entirety, and the material following measure as the third developmental section. perhaps the most salient marker of the beginning of this new developmental section is a pronounced shift toward c minor beginning in measure . with motive a’s arrival in measure . , the key shifts to encompass the keys on either side of the circle of fifths from a-flat: e-flat major (three flats) over a d-flat pedal (five flats). here the harmony becomes increasingly vague and transitional; the most recognizable features are a continuation of the d-flat pedal until measure . , and, beginning in measure , the dominant ninth of a-flat (e-flat ), the bassline of which alternates e-flat with a-natural, a tritone apart. it is interesting to note that this section does not use sequences at all. instead, its developmental material is based almost entirely on the expansion and variation of motive e. this suggests that madetoja may have conceived of the developmental sections as functioning in different ways, with different working processes. measure brings tonal arrival in d-flat and new textures, but it turns out to have, as in the previous cases of the second and third themes, just an introductory function to example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, - . the real fourth theme which arrives at measure . as mentioned before, this theme brings in a different topic—a simple, dance-like character—yet presents a curious tonal blend. the cadence in measure is to d-flat major, and the fourth theme is unified by a d-flat bass pedal that lasts from measures . through . . flutes, however, imply the relative minor, b-flat: in measures . through . , they emphasize the tonic and dominant of this key (ex. . ), and this continues throughout the fourth theme’s antecedent phrase in measures . through . . on the other hand, there is a strong f-centered tonality, conforming to the key relationship (major key with minor mediant) that madetoja has established for this movement. note the f-minor cadential pattern in the cornets in measures - , the f-minor-based melodies in the clarinets beginning in measure and in strings in measure , and the strong f-minor tonality in measure . the fourth post-thematic developmental section (m. ) opens in b-flat minor; this section features several sequential and quasi-sequential passages as it leads to the movement’s recapitulation. first, measures through introduce a quasi-sequential passage with a model (mm. - ) that is based on the dotted-quarter-note motive that begins the fourth theme. the copy (mm. - ) is an abbreviated version of the model; it ascends a minor second to f-sharp minor, from which the music modulates in a smooth and unexpected modulation to d major by placing the third of f-sharp minor—a, also the dominant of d—in the bass. second, measures through present an extended d pedal. here, trumpets voice subphrase a (mm. . - . ); strings follow with two sinuous repetitions of motive a. although the melody in the second repetition (mm. . - . ) sounds a major second higher, the d pedal preludes a sequential passage; madetoja sometimes employs this particular technique to increase tension (viz. theme two, where mm. - are a reiteration of mm. - a major third higher). third, measures through feature motive a; the model begins on a (m. .) and the copy a diminished fourth higher on d-flat (m. ). finally, measures through showcase motives d and a; the model begins on a-flat (mm. . ) and the copy a minor second higher on b (mm. . ). this sequence offers a clear parallel to measures through ; it includes the ascending octatonic variant of motive a (discussed above) that leads to the oscillating cadential pattern also found in measures and . however, it is a major second lower higher than its original statement; the cadential pattern that follows suggests d major (m. ), and this changes quickly to f-sharp minor on the downbeat of the following measure. thus what is in evidence in this fourth developmental section is an expedited version of the first and second thematic areas: subphrase a; intense, sometimes sequential, repetition of motive a; sequential repetition of motive d; and the oscillating cadential pattern. the only thing conspicuously absent here is, of course, the second theme. unlike the first developmental section, however, motive d sounds in sequence again beginning in measure . , here against accompaniment pattern ; the sequential harmony brings the music to a b-flat pedal, the dominant of e-flat major, to which the music will resume in the recapitulation. it is interesting to note that the processes used most frequently in the first and second theme areas—the use of sequential models and copies—are also used here, perhaps as representative of the absent second theme. as expected, the recapitulation has much in common with the exposition; thus only a few important differences will be noted here. it begins on the downbeat of measure with the reintroduction of accomp. ; the first theme is reintroduced in measure . unlike the exposition, the final two bars of the first theme are repeated (mm. - ); this allows the key to move a minor third higher, from g-flat major to a major/c-sharp minor, bringing greater intensity. a transitional passage begins in measure . although it is similar to the one beginning in measure , it contains two significant modifications. first, whereas measures . through . feature a statement of subphrase a in canon followed by subphrase b, measures . through . omit the statement of subphrase b. second, the iterations of motive a that follow are significantly shorter: measure —now in b minor—runs roughly parallel with measure , omitting more than eleven measures and one sequential passage from the recapitulation. the remainder of the recapitulation of the first thematic area is very similar to its expository equivalent: the sequential passage in measure through . is parallel to the one in measure through . , bringing the music to d-flat major/f minor; the sequential passage that immediately follows in measure . —parallel to the one in measure . —presents a model in d-flat major/f minor and a copy (m. - ) in a-flat major/c minor; finally, measure features an imperfect authentic cadence to e-flat major, beginning the introductory portion of the recapitulation of the second theme. the recapitulation of the second theme itself (mm. - ) progresses in a manner similar to the exposition, except that—naturally—the keys have changed; its introduction is now in the home keys of e-flat major/g minor, and the second theme is in c-flat major and its minor mediant. however, the developmental section that follows incorporates several significant changes. first, motive d—which was introduced in measures - following the exposition of the second theme—is absent here; further recapitulation of this motive is not strictly necessary here, as motive d was featured immediately prior to the recapitulation proper in measures through . and again in measures . through . . in place of motive d, subphrase a returns (the first note of which is sounded in measure . ); this is a possible parallel to the iteration of subphrase a that begins immediately following motive d in the exposition (mm. . - . ). however, whereas subphrase a leads into the third theme (mm. through ), the parallel recapitulatory section omits the third theme altogether. rather, measures through feature a sequence based on motive a ; measures through see a full recapitulation of the extensive motive e. omitting the third theme, measures through present the introduction to the fourth theme. the fourth theme is recapitulated in the home key in measure ; however, the consequent phrase is different, showing a marked digression from the exposition. whereas strings take the melody measure , winds take the melody in measure while strings introduce a new oscillating accompaniment pattern (a variation, perhaps, of accomp. ) that begins in measure and continues with some variation to the end of the movement. this leads to the coda and a series of iterations of subphrase a. the movement concludes with a brief coda beginning in measure . its melodic material is based on the gradual liquidation of subphrase a—so much so that the coda at times seems like another recapitulation of the first theme. by measure . , only the changing-note figure remains; two last iterations of motive a (mm. . and . ) share the final measures. the harmony here is constructed through layering of no less than three different tonal processes. violins and violas maintain a tremolo on e-flat and f; the same pattern plays more-or-less continuously from measure . this is a variation, perhaps, of the accompaniment pattern introduced in measure . meanwhile, the bass line descends by fifths (d-flat, g-flat, and c-flat), reflecting the movement through the circle of fifths that characterizes the exposition; harmony joins with parallel major-minor seventh chords in a layer formed by clarinets, bassoons, violoncellos, and double basses: d-flat major-minor seventh beginning in measure , g-flat major-minor seventh in measure , and c-flat major-minor seventh in measure . finally, the last iterations of motive a and the changing-note figure—measures . to . and . through . respectively—focus primarily on the pitches f, g-flat, and a-flat, suggesting f phrygian. this detailed look at the second symphony’s first movement may bring evidence against statements by scholars such as hannu ilari lampila’s about madetoja’s treatment of harmony and rhythm: “his orchestration was particularly skillful, approaching the clarity and balance of chamber music. in harmony and rhythm his means were more limited.” hannu ilari lampila, “leevi madetoja,” grove music online, accessed july , www.oxfordmusiconline.com. on the contrary, the movement’s harmonic machinations manipulate and undermine traditional formal structures; the movement’s rhythmic ambiguity not only subtly differentiates melody from accompaniment, but also suggests a kind of post-debussy shimmering quality—an analogy we shall explore in the following chapter—characteristic of some modernist trends during this period. from this investigation, it is instead possible to substantiate korhonen’s observation about the sophistication of madetoja’s output: madetoja’s “works contain a fascinating ambiguity of harmony and rhythm under a smooth surface.” harmony and rhythm are not the only ambiguous aspects of this movement. as we have seen, it also contains significant formal ambiguity: on one hand, it contains strong but ultimately specious intimations of sonata form; on the other, it develops in an additive manner, aided by the liberal use of sequential patterns and extraordinarily smooth transitions between its various processes. moreover, it contains remarkable organic connections between thematic materials, so that every new theme is extrapolated from previous events while prefiguring ensuing material. korhonen, inventing, . subsequent movements the second movement, andante, demonstrates a contemplative and lyrical manner that is highly characteristic of madetoja’s music ; as we shall see, it incorporates tangible pastoral elements, such as the use of landscape depictions and the prominent use of folksong. it is composed of three contrasting thematic areas: the folksong-inspired section a runs from measures through . ; the lyrical, romantic section b from measures . through , and the more ominous section c from measures through . a recapitulatory section runs from measures through , and a coda-like statement of the first theme from measures to the end of the movement. thus, the overall form can be summarized as consisting of an expository section (abc), a recapitulatory section (a’b’c’) and a coda (a’’). the andante proceeds without a pause from the first movement, beginning in f minor with an off-stage oboe “in distanza” sounding the tonic “brevis,” “meno brevis,” and finally “lunga,” all to the accompaniment of a unison string drone; this eventually gives way to a pastoral shepherd’s call of cascading fourths (ex. . ). throughout this opening section, the oboe presents no less than four small themes, which are interrupted with responses from cornet (measures . and . , also offstage “in distanza”), bassoon (measures . and . ), clarinet (measures . and . ), and strings (measures . and “pysähtyneessä lyyrisessä mietiskelyssään osa on madetojalle luonteenomainen.” salmenhaara, madetoja, . . ). the pitch collections are primarily modal, avoiding the dominant; the first oboe call employs minor pentatonic, and the second oboe call (measures . through . ) expands the collection to f aeolian. the string interruption—particularly the section from measures . to . —is noteworthy for three reasons. first, it marks a key signature change from a-flat major to d-flat major. second, it marks a time signature change from duple to triple meter, with the half note of simple time equivalent to the dotted half note of compound duple time; this suggests a faster tempo even though the underlying pulse has not changed. third, it introduces conjunct, sinuous part-writing that is highly reminiscent of sibelius; compare this passage with, for example, the opening of sibelius’s tuonelan joutsen (the swan of tuonela): both passages employ conjunct, stepwise melodic movement; both passages feature the upper strings and omit cello and bass; and both passages accompany a double-reed instrument (sibelius uses an english horn instead of madetoja’s oboe). the link with folk music is clear. in a hufvudstadsbladet review of the second symphony published shortly after its premiere, bis (karl fredrik wasenius) noted that the “fine, poetic, noble” shepherd song was reminiscent of the pastoral movement of berlioz’s example . : madetoja, symphony no. , second movement, oboe solo, measures - . symphonie fantastique ; other scholars have since made similar observations. madetoja is recorded as having verified the pastoral sentiment while pointing to a different origin, the indigenous shepherd music of finland’s west coast. as he stated, “the pastoral quality of the second part of the symphony originated from the regions of oulunsalo [in northern ostrobothnia]. i remember hearing a shepherd girl sing there, which inspired a pastorale’s far-flung scenes.” despite madetoja’s ability to pinpoint the origins of this movement with some precision, some scholars have pointed to the more universal role of ostrobothnian music in madetoja’s work. as maasalo states, “madetoja’s melody originates from the mainly melancholic, unsentimental background of ostrobothnian folk song. this follows madetoja through his work and gives it its distinctive flavor.” other clear references to ostrobothnian music are found throughout madetoja’s output, notably in the in the closing movement of the second symphony, which will be discussed in the following pages. significantly, by including ostrobothnian folksong in his output, madetoja made a concrete contribution to its public perception, disproving the common sentiment that it “denna [herdelåten] framstår så fint poetisk, orkesterbehandlingen är så ädel, att man ovillkorligen kommer att tänka på berlion som en jälsfrände.” karl fredrik wasenius, hufvudstadsbladet, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . see, for example, erik tawaststjerna, helsingin sanomat, march ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . “sinfonian toisen osan pastoraalitunnelmat ovat peräisin juuri oulunsalon seuduilta. muistanpa siellä kuulleeni erään paimentytön huhuilun, josta kirvoittuivat pastoraalin kaukaa kuuluvat paimensoittelot.” martti turunen, “tuokio leevi madetojan parissa,” musiikkitieto, no. - ( ): n.p.; quoted in karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, - . maasalo, “suomalaisia,” : ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . was bleak and uninteresting, born of strict sectarian religion and a simple way of life, and showing it to be more complex and nuanced than was widely believed. tempo i returns in measure , and with it, in measure . , solo oboe offers a short melodic theme based on the bassoon interruption of measures and . this heralds the beginning of section b; what sets this section apart from the first is the introduction in measure of solo clarinets, which initiate a lengthy, constantly shifting “ritmo deciso” ostinato pattern. over top of this pattern strings play a soaring, lyrical melody (ex. . ) that begins with a restatement of the oboe theme. as it unfolds, its similarities with the first movement’s first theme (shown above in example . ) become increasingly obvious: compare the contour of measures . through . with the first movement’s subphrase a, measures . through . with its b, and measures . through . with its subphrase a —the last example an exact transposition a major second lower. the melody salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians,” . for examples of inter-movement connections in the music of sibelius, see hepokoski, sibelius, . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , second movement, measures - , theme in first violins. becomes increasingly intense, leading to a dynamic (forte) and registral (a ) climax in measure . this is followed by a dramatic accompaniment change in measure to a delicate flute triplet pattern. although this section is texturally driven, a new espressivo melody does appear in strings in measure . . the music grows more insistent in measure with a turn to accented quarter notes and short, periodic phrasing. a new melodic fragment signals the beginning of section c. this follows with a rising cornet figure—perhaps what kaipainen was referring to when he wrote: “the pastoral atmosphere conjured up by the distant shepherd’s horn changes periodically for something romantic and forest-like in the shape of a french horn.” the mood grows more ominous still in measure with a shift to b minor and marcato brass— these “distant threatening omens” interrupt the movement’s idyllic pastorale. measure presents one of the movement’s two dynamic climaxes; the other is in measure at the corresponding recapitulatory moment. trumpets, now in g major, clearly voice motive a in measure . in measure , pizzicato strings—first heard in measure —and a return to tempo i herald the beginning of the recapitulatory section; aside from the abridged format ( measures versus ), the most notable difference from the expository section is a role reversal beginning in measure , where the earlier woodwind ostinato has been relegated kaipainen, “french colouring,” . “etäisiä, uhkaavia enteitä.” salmenhaara, madetoja, . to the strings while the winds take the melody. the accompaniment grows more furious in measure . with the introduction of triplet sixteenths. measure sees the return of the oboe solo, which this time signals the coda; the close is once again in a different key, g minor. the third movement received an overwhelmingly positive reaction following the second symphony’s premiere. evert katila called it “a skeptical, ironic, fantastic musical vortex” and erik furuhjelm described the “fantastic scherzo” as the symphony’s orchestral climax, a finnish counterpart to wagner’s mythological themes. there is, however, nothing playful and jovial about this scherzo. it is among the most dramatic works in madetoja’s oeuvre; makinen and nummi state that “[madetoja] himself said that the chaos of the first world war and his concern for the fate of his own country left their mark on this work,” and this movement attests to the plausibility of such a statement. the third movement opens in d-flat major—and an unusual time signature hybrid of three-four and nine-eight—to the sounds of dispute: a dissonant, fortissimo chord and piercing, high-pitched woodwind trills played by full orchestra are followed by an energetic brass statement of the first movement’s motive a. strings introduce a rising pattern in sixteenths that leads to a repeat of the opening measures. this is followed in measures “epäilyjen ja ironian täyttämän fantastisen sävelpyörteen.” evert katila, uusi suometar, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . erik furuhjelm, dagens press, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . timo mäkinen and seppo nummi, musica fennica, trans. kingsley hart (helsinki: otava, ), ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . through by a dissonant, disjunct motive that cascades from high piccolos to low clarinets and strings (ex. . ). measure features a variation on another overused melodic fragment, subphrase a , and this is answered in measure . by a close approximation to subphrase a . measures . and . present motive a in diminution. example . : madetoja, symphony no. , third movement, measures - . although kaipainen states that the opening of the third movement is “predictable,” and that “this concoction [the third movement] does not really gel into a single whole,” the movement has its strong points. measure presents a new tempo—più mosso—and a kaipainen, “french colouring,” . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , third movement, measures - , “waltz- like jingle.” new theme that figures prominently throughout the movement (ex. . ). kaipainen calls it a “strange banal waltz-like jingle,” but while it might be strange, and it certainly is waltz- like, the assessment of banal is unfair, for the layering of its accompaniment and the overall treatment of its thematic development is in fact quite complex. measure introduces a “laboured, rather static march.” the work builds to a close with molto largamente tremolo strings which play a triple-forte c minor chord against a subject derived from the second movement’s cornet calls. like the first two movements, the third movement proceeds to the fourth without a pause. the final movement, marked andantino, is a short epilogue—a mere measures in length. in discussing the meaning of this movement, madetoja remarked “i have fought the battle, and retire to one side” ; according to mäkinen and nummi, the movement is indebted to north ostrobothnian religious music, something that should not be surprising considering that madetoja often heard the religious music of north ostrobothnia even as a child in oulu and readily admitted its influence on his own melodies. kaipainen, “french colouring,” . “olen taisteluni taistellut ja vetäydyn syrjään.” leevi madetoja, letter to anna madetoja, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, ; also quoted in tuukkanen, leevi madetoja, . mäkinen and nummi, musica fennica, ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . salmenhaara, “leevi madetoja’s ostrobothnians,” . the fourth movement proceeds without pause from the third. the main theme (strings, m. ), marked by an ascending contour and opening syncopation, unfolds in a stately fashion in e aeolian, showing strong avoidance of the second scale degree. as the movement progresses, its efforts to summarize the work’s material become increasingly apparent. measure brings a melodic figure that seems to grow naturally from the preceding material. however, in its falling contour, flatted seventh, avoidance of the supertonic, and, most significantly, rise of a minor sixth, it shows strong resemblance to the oboe theme first voiced in measure of the second movement. similarly, measure presents a melodic fragment in solo bassoon that references other movements’ closing fragments. its rising and falling contour and flatted fourth scale degree, featured prominantly in soli bassoons, recalls measures - of the first movement (in con sordino horns), measures - of the second movement (in soli clarinets), and measures - of the third movement (in solo oboe). in its liquidation of material, the movement shows an affinity with other sonata- deformation processes described earlier in this chapter. in contrast to more traditional teleologically-oriented romantic works, which often reserve the only complete statement of a theme for the climax at the end of a section, movement, or multi- movement work, the final movement of madetoja’s second symphony is extremely anticlimactic, and its restatement of the work’s material seems more an echo than an apotheosis. following a see hepokoski and darcy, elements, ; hepokoski, sibelius, . final fortissimo in measure , the symphony gradually fades to pianissimo as the dotted- eighth accompaniment (introduced in measure ) and the movement’s themes undergo a liquidation process and the tonic is destabilized. the key hovers between e minor, a minor and c major practically without chromatic alteration, giving the movement a strong modal feel; and, after a long period, the symphony closes on a pianissimo unison e. critical response after the second symphony’s premiere on december , with robert kajanus conducting the helsinki philharmonic orchestra, madetoja wrote to his mother to inform her of the work’s great success: “it’s satisfying to receive some recognition for your labours when you have put in the time and effort that the work necessitates.” indeed, newspaper reviews that were published following the symphony’s premiere bear witness to an excellent reception. the work made an especially good impression on the composer and critic evert katila, who was at that time writing for the fennomen newspaper uusi suometar. katila wrote that that the symphony: completely met all expectations; the music was expressed in its highest form and was perfect after the first energetic performance. he [madetoja] has now issued a maturity test to composers of symphonic music—he has done more than that, creating a musical composition whose integrity, in readiness for coherent “onhan se hauska että saa tunnustusta kun on tehnyt suuren ja paljon aikaa ja voimia kysyvän teoksen.” leevi madetoja, letter anna madetoja, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . development, leaves no room for one’s wishes, where the wonderful addition of beauty unites the deeply contemplative spirit. in a review eighteen days later, in the newspaper helsingin sanomat, katila states that madetoja’s broad aesthetic unity and “nonetheless wonderful vitality” embodied the symphonic tradition, but that, on the other hand, “a dark tragic symphony based on an intense emotional journey corresponds very well with the modern spirit.” he asserts that madetoja’s second symphony is “the most significant of our artistic achievements after sibelius’s monumental series.” in madetoja’s new work we see a full-fledged symphony composer who plans a large structure with single-minded clarity. [. . .] this intelligent, wise aspect of his work brings a serious balance. [. . .] this lends the symphony a special aesthetic value. yet it is not the most striking feature. as such, i would consider it a strong symphonic approach, which dominates the entire work, giving the listener a sense of security and allowing him to indulge in the beauty of a safe world power. katila singles out the second and third movements of the symphony, stating that: the expansive pastorale [. . .] is a finnish composition of huge numbers and it is very interesting in the artistically successful way in which the composer contrasts “täydellisesti täyttänyt ne odotukset, joita häneen soitin-musiikin korkeimman muodon käyttäjänä ensimmäisen reippaan otteensa jälkeen on kiinnitetty. sinfonikkona on hän nyt antanut kypsyysnäytteensä—tehnyt enemmänkin kuin sen, luomalla sävelteoksen, joka eheydessä, valmiudessa johdonmukaisessa kehityksessä ei jätä toivomuksille sijaa, jossa ihaniin lisiin kauneuksiin yhtyy syvästi mietiskelevä henki.” evert katila, uusi suometar, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “kaikesta huolimatta ihmeellistä elinvoimaa.” [. . .] “sinfonian tummalla traagilliselta pohjalta kohoava tunne-piiri vastaa erinomaisesti nykyajan henkeä.” [. . .] “huomattavin saavutus, mihin säveltaiteemme sibeliuksen monumentaalisen sarjan jälkeen [on päässyt].” evert katila, helsingin sanomat, january ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “madetoja esiintyy uudessa teoksessaan täysiverisenä sinfoniasäveltäjänä, joka päämäärästään tietoisena selvänäköisesti suunnittelee suuren rakenteensa ääriviivat. [. . .] tämä älyllinen, viisas piirre tuo hänen teoksiinsa vakavan tasapainon. [. . .] tästä johtuu sinfonian erikoinen esteettinen arvo. kuitenkaan ei se ole sen huomiota herättävin ominaisuus. tällaisena pitäisin sitä lujaa sinfonista otetta, joka hallitsee koko teoksen, antaen kuulijalle varmuuden tunteen, mikä sallii hänen turvallisena antautua sen kauneusmaailman valtaan.” evert katila, helsingin sanomat, january ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . the muse’s touching song with the strike of a glaring earthly mephistopheles; with a skeptical, ironic, fantastic musical vortex (part three) which is increasingly defiant; and finally with elegiac, brighter verse. this symphony, the whole idea of running [. . .] is original, musical, hitherto unknown, and it illustrates a steady hand and tireless inspiration. leevi madetoja’s second symphony is a great work, a magnum opus of finnish composition. other writers contributed equally positive reviews. martin wegelius writes that “it is the very first complete composition that has not been composed, but rather self-created, so harmonious is the atmosphere from beginning to end.” bis pays obeisance to “the full quality of the artist,” stating that “the composer’s greatness is that he steps into the background and lets the work and its contents, its basic ideas, speak for themselves about the high art of language; there is no defiance, no dead moments to drag us down to earth.” he singles out different parts of the work, noting the use of the orchestra and the eye- catching polyrhythmic material, and he links the fine, poetic, noble shepherd song with “laaja pastorale [. . .] on suomalaisen säveltaiteen valtavimpia lukuja ja erittäin mielenkiintoinen on se taiteellisesti onnistunut tapa, millä säveltäjä tämän runottarensa liikuttavan laulun vastakohdaksi lyö räikeän mefistofelesmaisen, epäilyjen ja ironian täyttämän fantastisen sävelpyörteen (kolmannen osan) joka uhmaavan nousun jälkeen tyyntyy loppuosan eleegisiin, kirkastuneihin säkeihin. tämä sinfonian koko ajatuskulku on omintakeinen, musiikissa ennen tuntematon ja se on varmalla kädellä ja väsymättömällä innoituksella pantu täytäntöön. leevi madetojan toinen sinfonia on suuri työ, suomalaisen säveltäjäkoulun mainetta kohottavia pääteoksia.” evert katila, uusi suometar, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “aivan ensimmäisiin sävelteoksiin, mitä meillä on tehty, se ei suorastaan ole enää tehty, vaan ikäänkuin itsestään syntynyt, niin eheän tunnelman leimaama se alusta loppuun saakka on.” martin wegelius, helsingin sanomat, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “det är det stora med komponisten att han själv träder tillbaka och låter verke, med sitt innehåll, sin grundide tala konstens höga språk; ingen bravad ingen död punkt rycker oss ned.” karl fredrik wasenius (bis), hufvudstadsbladet, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, - . berlioz, noting that this section could be a little shorter still. for a description of the third, “furioso” movement, bis prefers “nature’s unrestrained rampage” ; however, he kindly accepts that the composer’s interpretation was possible. bis also observes that the orchestra paid respect to madetoja by standing for him when he went to receive applause. finally, erik furuhjelm, writing for helsinki’s dagens press, notes that the second movement and its elegiac natural painting is based directly on a beautiful landscape. he writes that madetoja is a “minor poet,” for few major chords appear in this movement, which portrays a melancholic mood. furuhjelm also notes that madetoja takes care of the necessary variation, and that the music is lively and proactive. the first half of the symphony holds a feeling of loneliness and growing tragedy. the third movement, a fantastic scherzo, contains the symphony’s orchestral climax, and the author considers it a finnish counterpart to wagner’s music dramas on mythological themes. the question is not musical, but rather of connections, because stylistically madetoja shows kinship with post-romantic composers like puccini. furuhjelm concludes with the hypothesis that in this work madetoja has shown but one facet of his technique, and will soon turn to a new course that explores the shimmering and optimism of major keys—which, in fact, madetoja does in his third symphony. “denna sats framstår så fint poetisk, orkesterbehandlingen är sa ädel, all man ovillkorligen kommer att tänka pä berlioz som en själsfrände.” ibid. “lössläppta naturmakternas framfart.” ibid. “mollin runiolija.” erik furuhjelm, dagens press, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . conclusions to this chapter the first movement, as this chapter illustrates, demonstrates a highly unusual form and displays a dialogue—melodic, harmonic, and structural—with standard first- movement sonata form. most of the time new thematic material is dismissed in favor of the organic development of existing material; moreover, both harmonic and melodic material is highly ambiguous, making it extremely difficult to determine the movement’s tonal and thematic structure. the movement’s unusual construction suggests a possible, albeit distant, parallel: the first movement of tchaikovsky’s fourth symphony ( ) explores octatonic harmonies by moving the primary theme from tonic f minor to g-sharp minor, presenting the secondary theme in b major, and opening the recapitulation in d minor. such sonata form deviations correspond with hepokoski’s observations on turn-of- the-century composers who sought to create a personalized but marketable musical style by evoking—but not wholly subscribing to—traditional musical gestures: the - modernists sought to shape the earlier stages of their careers as individualistic seekers after the musically “new,” the bold, the controversial, and the idiosyncratic in structure and colour. but simultaneously, as sharp competitors in a limited marketplace, they were also eager to attract and then perpetuate the constituent parts of the delivery system. with few exceptions (the earlier debussy may be one) their goal was to effect a relatively comfortable marriage between art and high-technology business. within the de facto institution one strove to flourish as provocatively or enticingly as possible—to create an identifiable, personalized style that, while unmistakably emanating the aura, traditions, and high seriousness of “art,” also produced readily marketable commodities marked with an appropriately challenging, up-to-the-minute spice, boldness, or “philosophical tone.” in short, one was encouraged to push the system to its socio-aesthetic limits, but not beyond them, as would be the case with the younger radicals. one convention these composers sought to reinvent was that of standard formal structures. while engaging in dialogue with the sonata’s formal expectations, their (re-) creations cannot be considered as sonatas in any strict sense. by the turn of the century, a number of “deformation-procedure families” were in common use, including various strophic/sonata hybrids, of which the first movement of madetoja’s second symphony is an important example. as discussed earlier in this chapter, this movement contains formal processes that, to a limited extent, correspond with sonata form. however, the essence of these processes is not the contrast of tonal or thematic units but rather the development of motivic material that occurs as the movement progresses. in fact, the transformation of the movement’s thematic material, the majority of which is derived from a handful of core motives, is so rhetorically rich that it eclipses the movement’s harmonic and structural events. such compositional unity has long been associated with the concept of musical organicism. the poet a. w. schlegel writes that “even in the fine arts—as in the province of nature, the supreme artist—all genuine forms are organic, that is, determined by the content of the artwork.” implicit in this association is the idea that a work’s entire material hepokoski, sibelius, . ibid., . “auch in der schönen kunst wie im gebiete der natur, der höchsten künstlerin, sind all ächten formen organisch, d.h. durch den gehalt des kunstwerkes bestimmt.” a. w. schlegel, Über dramatische can be derived from a single motive. veijo murtomäki argues that static forms like the sonata can be considered organic when they use cyclic techniques—such as thematic metamorphosis—to connect constituent parts. if it is possible to accept such processes as organic, then—according to max paddison—music that draws on them can function as an analogy for nature. this is, perhaps, false logic. the organic musical processes that inform the first movement cannot be considered program music; they do not arise from any external signifiers. rather, the movement is built around musical principles that follow their own inner logic. on the other hand, madetoja does include several musical signifiers suggestive of landscape and folk idioms. for example, the first movement’s fourth theme is a rustic gigue; its liberal use of pedal drones is a widely recognized folk topic. moreover, the theme is set apart from the surrounding material in several ways: the introduction suspends musical time through a nondevelopmental clarinet ostinato; and the theme itself, in contrast with the surrounding material, is repetitive and minimally varied. the second and fourth movements even contain quotations of folk and/or traditional finnish material confirmed by madetoja himself. kunst und literatur (bonn, k. schroeder, ): : - ; quoted in veijo murtomäki, symphonic unity: the development of formal thinking in the symphonies of sibelius (helsinki: university of helsinki, ), . murtomäki, symphonic unity, ff. paddison, “art and the ideology of nature,” . such signifiers as relative calm, slow processes, and open changing perspectives operating at small levels, in combination with the organicism of the symphony’s thematic material, encourage a reading of the second symphony as highly evocative of the nordic natural world; in so doing, they help promote a sense of national identity. as discussed in chapters one and two, claims for the legitimacy of political systems have long been justified by a group’s rootedness in nature, and through associated ideas of folk, tradition, and community. these ideas can be traced back to the beginnings of german nationalism in the early years of the nineteenth century, especially herder. late nineteenth-century finnish artists took the idea of a homogenous finnish culture for granted and themselves reinforced the myth of finland as a homogenous national entity, often by making reference to its citizens’ link with nature. it is possible that similar concepts guided madetoja’s compositional choices within the second symphony. this chapter opened with a review of the nationalistic overtones projected on madetoja’s second symphony by later critics. korhonen describes the third movement as “featuring aggressive military march elements that speak of the tragic finnish civil war of ” ; kaipainen states that impact of the civil war and yrjö madetoja’s death on the symphony is “quite clear” ; salmenhaara adds that the second symphony “seems to reflect paddison, “art and the ideology of nature,” . korhonen, “orchestral works,” par. . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . madetoja’s tragic personal experiences.” in support of these statements is an assertion— ostensibly made by madetoja himself—that the destruction of the civil war and a concern for finland’s fate are reflected in the symphony. while madetoja’s contemporaries, in reviews of the second symphony’s premiere, do not by and large address nationalist overtones, they do highlight the music’s cultural significance. for example, in the newspaper hufvudstadsbladet, bis receives madetoja’s symphony as an emissary of finland’s natural world: the sound of the mixolydian scale, which gives the work its prevalent mood, seems quite natural; it in no way labels the music as finnish in spirit. the finnish mood here has a deeper source, and a nobler connectedness with nature. madetoja’s tonal depiction produces a sound so vivid and so beautiful that we are entranced by the music, and with redoubled love feel drawn to our great finnish nature through the power of music. this quote is noteworthy for the manner in which bis dismisses madetoja’s use of modal harmony—which, as we saw previously, dahlhaus had identified with nature—as being in any way representative of finland’s natural world. however, bis—and many of madetoja’s other colleagues—more prominently emphasize the importance of madetoja’s achievement in a universal sense, suggesting that the greatest boon to the finnish salmenhaara, “composer from ostrobothnia,” par. . mäkinen and nummi, musica fennica, . “den mixolydiska tonart, som på sitt klangsätt ger verket den förhärskande stämningen, ter sig alldeles naturlig, på ïntet sätt etiketterande musiken som finsk. den finska stämningen har här djupare källor, ädlare samhörighet med naturen. madetojas skildring i toner framstär så levande och så skön, att vi hänförda av musiken med fördubblad kärlek känna oss dragna til denna finska natur genom hands music.” karl fredrik wasenius, hufvudstadsbladet, december . nationalist cause can be found in making works of finnish art accessible in a universal manner. the critic furuhjelm draws attention to the symphony’s link with finnish folklore, likening the second symphony to the work of mainstream european composers and stating that “we could call it a kind of finnish counterpart to wagner’s mythological themes.” the critic katila hails the work as a “significant [. . .] artistic achievement” with a “strong symphonic approach,” calling it “a magnum opus of finnish composition.” katila doubtless understood that the development of finnish culture was directly related to the legitimization and advancement of finland’s international status. madetoja ostensibly held the same view. in his writings on sibelius, he observes that sibelius has internalized elements of finnish folksong and folklore, combining them with his own successful symphonic approach to make them accessible in a more universal manner. the most important thing to remember is what was referred to in passing above: namely, that sibelius integrally links national material with his own unique, innermost artistic essence, producing a musical whole that is greater than the sum of its parts. a promoter from yale university, when presenting sibelius with an honorary doctorate in , expressed this idea beautifully: “what wagner did for the ancient german legends, doctor sibelius has in his own magnificent way done for the finnish myths. [. . .] he has translated the kalevala into the universal language of music.” “vi kunde kalla den ett slags finskt motstycke till wagners mytologiska fantastik.” erik furuhjelm, dagens press, december ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “huomattavin saavutus [. . .] lujaa sinfonista otetta [. . .] suomalaisen säveltäjäkoulun mainetta kohottavia pääteoksia.” evert katila, helsingin sanomat, january ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . “mutta näistä asioista puhuttaessa on tärkeintä muistaa se, mihin jo yllä ohimennen viitattiinkin, nimittäin, että sibeliuksen musiikin kansallinen aines liittyy elimellisesti yhteen hänen oman yksilöllisen, madetoja suggests that sibelius’s contribution to finnish nationalism is twofold: sibelius not only promoted the finnish culture abroad, but also influenced the outcome of political events on home soil. at the turn of the century, europe’s interest was focused upon the small country of finland and its culture. the question was asked: what do you have to offer in the music industry? finland stepped up to the plate: we have sibelius! in this way the master rose as if the whole nation was on his shoulders to represent finnish music in the universal consciousness. but on the other hand, finnish nationality and our nation’s natural and historical events were dependent, to a great extent, on this composer’s individuality. madetoja evidently recognized music’s power to rouse national sentiment. he frequently contributed his artistic efforts to the nationalist cause, and wrote eloquently about the way in which music shaped finland’s political scene. however, in the second symphony, madetoja seems to have aimed for a more international style, recognizing that finland’s cultural success lay in this direction. nationalist sentiments exist, to be sure: invocations of nature, landscape, and the folk idiom in the second movement, for example, or the portrayal of the civil war in the third. however, in the symphony’s immediate sisimmän taiteellisen olemuksensa kanssa. nämä kaksi tekijää ovat kasvaneet aivan eroittamattomasti yhteen. kauniilla tavalla tulkitsi tämän ajatuksen amerikkalaisen yalen yliopiston promoottori, vihkiessään v. mestarimme korkeakoulunsa kunniatohtoriksi: “mitä wagner on tehnyt muinais-saksalaisista taruista, sen on tohtori sibelius omalla suurisuun-taisella tavallaan tehnyt suomalaisista myyteistä. [. . .] hän on kääntänyt kalevalan musiikin kansainväliselle kielelle.” madetoja, “kansallinen,” . “europan mielenkiinto kohdistui vuosisadan vaihteessa vilkkaana pieneen suomen maahan ja sen kulttuuriin. kysyttiin: mitä teillä on musiikin alalla tarjottavana? suomi löi valtin pöytään: meillä on sibelius! näin pääsee mestari kohoamaan ikäänkuin koko kansan hartioilta, hän tulee edustamaan suomalaista säveltaidetta yleismaailmallisessa tietoisuudessa. mutta toisaalta taas verrattain yleisesti tänä kyseessäolevana aikana säveltäjän yksilöllinen erikoislaatuisuus asetettiin liian suuressa määrin suomalaisesta kansallisuudesta, maamme luonnosta ja historiallisista vaiheistakin riippuvaksi.” madetoja, “kansallinen,” . reception, critics seem to have focused—quite rightly—on the work’s larger cultural significance as an important new work from a small country fighting for both independence and international recognition. major influences: sibelius and the french nothing at all,” said christophe. “no music. no development. no sequence. no cohesion. very nice harmony. quite good orchestral effects, quite good. but it’s nothing—nothing at all. . .” introduction the previous chapter identified several important musical elements used by madetoja within the second symphony. some of these elements—including the use of enigmatic formal structures, static harmonies or processes, and a concern for nature and landscape—can also be found in the music of sibelius, suggesting that the two composers shared a common concern for certain musical processes or materials. other elements— such as the use of modal harmonies, the superimposition of manifold strata, shimmering accompanimental patterns, and thematic variation—suggest an indebtedness to the music of debussy. accordingly, this chapter opens by positioning madetoja’s second symphony in relation to sibelius’s fifth symphony in e-flat major, op. ( - ) and debussy’s prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune ( ). additionally, it points out other french influences on madetoja, especially the french neoclassicism of such composers as vincent d’indy, paul dukas, maurice ravel, and igor stravinsky as illustrated in madetoja’s orchestral works kullervo ( ), third symphony ( - ), and okon fuoko ( - ). it is hoped that this romain roland, jean-christophe in paris: the market-place, antoinette, the house, trans. gilbert cannan ( ; project gutenberg, ), www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/ . final chapter will contribute to broadening the understanding of madetoja’s place with regard to other composers of his time while indicating avenues of future research on his work. sibelius sibelius’s impact upon finland’s small culture was both an inspiration and a deterrent. on one hand, he proved that it was possible for the work of finnish composers to attract international attention. on the other hand, he encouraged an artistic climate in which no less than two generations of composers were fated to direct comparisons with him. as a result, many finnish composers chose to focus on genres outside sibelius’s oeuvre. for example, armas launis, leevi madetoja, and aarre merikanto were drawn to opera, while selim palmgren composed five piano concertos. similarly, composers following sibelius placed an unusually strong emphasis on small-scale compositions at the expense of more substantial works. sibelius’s greatest achievements lay in the symphony, a genre that remained conspicuously untouched for many years following the composer’s seventh symphony ( ). it was not until einar englund ( - ) debuted the first of his seven symphonies in the s (the war symphony, ) that finland saw a symphonic tradition truly independent from sibelius. between sibelius and englund, only two finnish composers delved into the symphony: madetoja and erkki melartin ( - ). despite the centrality of the symphony to the latter’s output, madetoja was the one to bear the appellation of “the most important finnish symphonist since sibelius.” as the previous chapters demonstrate, madetoja is one of the few finnish composers who was able to step out of sibelius’s shadow to compose a truly unique cycle of symphonies. nevertheless, as sibelius’s close friend and student, he occasionally employed sibelian melodic and rhythmic devices. critics and musicologists have noted this inclination. for example, in a hufvudstadsbladet review of the premiere of madetoja’s first symphony, karl fredrik wasenius observed that that sibelius’s music serves as a model for madetoja’s, “not as a slavish imitation on the part of mr. madetoja, but rather in pointing out the general direction.” both composers share a willingness to engage with the new sounds and structures of early modernism by experimenting with ambiguous harmonies and formal structures. moreover, owing to a mutual cultural, artistic, and political background, they share a concern for the portrayal of the finnish landscape by invoking genres and musical materials for more information on the life and music of erkki melartin, see the extensive body of work by tuire ranta-meyer, especially nähdä hyvää kaikissa: erkki melartin opettajana ja musiikkielämän kehittäjänä (helsinki: suomen musiikkikirjastoyhdistys, ) and “nulla dies sine linea: avauksia erkki melartinin vaikutteisiin, verkostoihin ja vastaanottoon henkilö- ja reseptiohistoriallisena tutkimuksena” (phd diss., jyväskylän yliopisto, ). kaipainen, “french colouring,” . karl fredrik wasenius, hufvudstadsbladet, february ; quoted in andrew barnett, sibelius (new haven: yale university press, ), ; also quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja), . suggestive of the natural world. in order to more fully explore the musical intersections between the two, i propose a comparison of two roughly contemporaneous works: madetoja’s second symphony ( ) and sibelius’s symphony no. in e flat major, which example . : sibelius, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . was premiered in its original version on december and in its final version on november . the first movement of sibelius’s fifth symphony suggests a somewhat enigmatic reading by way of the divergent tonal implications of its opening gesture. it begins with a pastoral horn call on the dominant, b flat; the first horn ascends an octave via two perfect fourths, outlines an e-flat major triad in its descent, and ends on the supertonic (ex. . , mm. - ). this contour clearly describes second inversion ( / ) e-flat major (tonic) harmony. meanwhile, timpani sounds a b-flat (dominant) pedal in measures through . and an e-flat (tonic) pedal beginning in measure . , and this perfect fourth ascent—a move which might, under other circumstances, suggest harmonic resolution—coincides neatly with the melody’s arrival on the supertonic. thus, the introductory phrase first superimposes tonic function over a dominant pedal, then superimposes subdominant function over a tonic pedal. this unusual inaugural gesture introduces an important working principle—tension between coloristic upper-neighbor and tonic harmony—that will manifest throughout the symphony. in measure . , these harmonies—represented by supertonic and tonic scale throughout this paper i refer to the version of sibelius’s fifth symphony. the first version was premiered in ; while the score itself does not survive, a reproduction was made from a complete set of parts discovered among the composer’s effects. a second version was completed in and premiered on december . a definitive, published version was completed in ; it uses the same thematic building blocks but differs from the original in many important respects. for more information on the early genesis of this symphony, see tawaststjerna, sibelius, : . hepokoski, sibelius, . degrees respectively—appear in succession, framed between dominant bookends; in measure . , they sound simultaneously, the former in horns, the latter in timpani. here, the bassoons begin a scalar descent from the supertonic (f ) to the lower mediant (g ) harmonized by upper thirds: emphasis on the pitches f, a-flat, c, and e-flat implies predominant harmony (ii ). the flutes and oboes, meanwhile, state the work’s core motive, a rising second followed by a rising fifth. in measure , the bassoons arrive on the mediant, and flutes and clarinets echo the three-note cry over a root-position tonic (i ) chord. this use of ambiguous harmonies and tonal oscillation finds a parallel in madetoja. as discussed in the preceding chapter, the accompaniment that opens the first movement of madetoja’s second symphony contains a complex, multilayered allusion to two different tonalities, e-flat major and g minor, over top of which the first theme soars ambiguously example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . in g aeolian (ex. . ). the pedals—tonic and mediant to sibelius’s tonic and dominant— are present here, as is the superimposition of tonal centres. however, in contrast to sibelius, the harmonic oscillation of madetoja’s reiterative accompaniment—a repeated ostinato pattern with a steady eighth-note rhythm—is clearly subordinate to the first theme. moreover, whereas sibelius’s opening harmonies incorporate tonal movement, suggesting teleological drive, madetoja’s layers become static through repetition, suggesting their fluctuating harmonic possibilities simultaneously. returning to sibelius’s fifth symphony, the ensuing measures echo the core motive in various ways, enforcing traditional pastoral representations of space (ex. . ). in measure , the oboes revisit the core motive, albeit transposed a major ninth higher to the supertonic; the clarinets follow with a resolution of the same motive in the tonic, a tone lower. in measure , the oboes append an ornamented, sixteenth-note turn figure; in measure , the clarinets augment this turn figure by one note. in measure , divisi oboes see chapter four for a discussion of robert bailey’s double-tonic complex and its relevance to the first movement of madetoja’s second symphony. example . : sibelius, symphony no. , first movement, measures - . and flutes join together to announce a more prominent version of the turn figure; as the register climbs, flutes sound the turn figure independently of the core motive. this process illustrates sibelius’s tendency toward additive motivic development. like madetoja, sibelius develops thematic material through the gradual expansion of small melodic fragments; however, whereas madetoja exploits contour and interval as building blocks in the construction of interrelated themes, sibelius encourages a cyclical reading through short, repetitive phrases and gentle oscillation. the larger structure of sibelius’s fifth is notoriously ambiguous, presenting as much of a challenge to formal analysis as madetoja’s second. to cite just one example, robert layton, cecil gray, and robert simpson agree that the opening movement evokes sonata form and that the section described above (mm. - ) suggests an exposition. however, they disagree in the strongest terms about the ensuing section (mm. - ). layton—analyzing the work in sectional terms—refers to measures - as the counter-exposition, citing in support “most writers” ; gray—analyzing the work in thematic terms—refers to it as the one of the first scholars to propose this idea was david cherniavsky. see “the use of germ motives by sibelius,” music & letters , no. ( ): - . this example courtesy of bethany lowe, “the blind men and the elephant? formal analogy as metaphor in british sibelius studies, – ,” in huutunen, kilpeläinen, and murtomäki, sibelius forum ii, - . robert layton, sibelius (london: dent, ), . development, which proceeds “in [an] orthodox manner” ; and simpson—analyzing the work in tonal terms—refers to it as “a complete recapitulation.” the symphony’s main point of formal contention comes at or just after the modulation to b major (m. ), where a soaring trumpet motive introduces an accelerando that leads to / time and the indication allegro moderato (ma poco a poco stretto) (m. ). this meter change leads some scholars to consider this a division between two separate but related movements. simpson suggests a compressed sonata followed by a scherzo movement, and simon parmet describes a slow introduction followed by an allegro. on the other hand, the continuity between sections encourages other scholars to identify recapitulatory processes in the second half, binding the single movement into an extended sonata-like structure: gerald abraham, like hepokoski and layton, considers the entire passage as a unified entity, while acknowledging the scherzo as a secondary feature. although both sibelius’s fifth symphony and madetoja’s second symphony emphasize highly enigmatic formal structures, it is possible to form some preliminary cecil gray, sibelius: the symphonies (london: oxford university press, ), . robert simpson, sibelius and nielsen: a centenary essay (london: british broadcasting corporation, ), - . simpson, sibelius, - . simon parmet, the symphonies of sibelius: a study in musical appreciation, trans. kingsley a. hart (london: cassell, ), - . gerald abraham, “the symphonies,” in sibelius: a symposium, ed. gerald abraham (london: lindsay drummond, ), – ; hepokoski, sibelius, - ; and layton, sibelius, – . conclusions about the composers’ working methodologies, and in so doing, draw tentative parallels between the two works. the first conclusion is that both symphonies reference older formal structures in a retrospective manner, and then override listeners’ expectations for these structures. hepokoski refers to the resulting structures as “sonata deformations,” offering a sub-category entitled “strophic-sonata hybrid” that aptly describes the first movement of each work. the strophic-sonata hybrid refers to music that is articulated into various strophes but nevertheless references what veijo murtomäki terms the “referential genre” of sonata form. as noted above, music scholars generally classify the opening of sibelius’s fifth symphony in sonata form, even if they cannot agree on specifics. similarly, the first movement of madetoja’s second symphony evokes sonata form by referring to many of the standard elements of that form—including a principal theme in the tonic and a modulation to a new theme in the dominant—but then features elements that complicate a traditional sonata-form structure. the second conclusion is that the various movements of each symphony are interrelated in a variety of ways. sibelius expresses this interrelationship of material by fusing movements, as in his third and fifth symphonies, and by suggesting a multimovement form within a single movement, as in his fifth and seventh symphonies. he also explores organic connections across multiple movements by reiterating motives or hepokoski, sibelius, . veijo murtomäki, symphonic unity, . blocks of material. madetoja explores this interrelationship of material in similar ways. for example, he links the first two movements and the last two movements of his second symphony, proceeding without pause from one movement to the next. although he doesn’t reach the extreme of sibelius’s one-movement symphony, his motives are more rigorously interrelated than sibelius’s. this suggests a powerfully organic approach to thematic material that traverses the symphony’s movements, showing their derivation from a small number of core motives. it is possible, as hepokoski suggests, that this exploration of alternative structures was a manifestation of, or response to, early modernism. sibelius, madetoja, and other f ìn- de-siècle composers had a genuine urge to push boundaries and explore new musical materials. on the other hand, they were often loath to push beyond these boundaries, lest they alienate their audience. confronted with modernist developments of the early twentieth century, they heightened their focus on formal exploration in exchange for their preservation of largely triadic harmonies. sibelius’s period of self-reassessment during the years - , and his subsequent withdrawal from modernism, is well documented; moreover, his struggle over the structure of his fifth symphony, which happened immediately following this period of ref lection, was greater than with any other hepokoski, sibelius, . ibid., - . symphony. while madetoja does not appear to have undertaken a comparable period of deliberation, the formal structures of his movements are—as we have seen—complex, showing a twentieth-century adaptation of older structural models. debussy early twentieth-century finnish music had two basic affinities: sibelius and german culture. french music, on the other hand, was viewed with suspicion on the assumption that its rich orchestral colours indicated superficiality and a lack of content. this viewpoint was reinforced not only by heikki klemetti—who as editor for the journal säveletär waged a fierce battle against french elements—but also by sibelius; it is still encountered occasionally in finnish musical discussions. accordingly, in his youth, madetoja both encountered and upheld these views of french music. in , for example, he wrote a letter to his friend toivo kuula expressing doubts about his upcoming sojourn to paris: you seem to have a great admiration for new french music. i wonder how i will fare. i still have a preconceived idea that the french are nothing more than dabblers in colour, they don’t speak, they speechify. in other words the ideas contained in their music are overshadowed by the splendid and pictorial use of colour. hepokoski, sibelius, . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . letter from leevi madetoja to toivo kuula, april ; trans. erkki salmenhaara, “toivo kuula: finland’s tragic romantic,” music finland: composer profiles, accessed march , www.musicfinland.fi; also quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . evidently madetoja’s first visit to paris, which included a semester at the schola cantorum, shattered these stereotypes, for madetoja returned from paris in an ardent supporter of new french music. as we shall see, he incorporated a number of tonal and harmonic inf luences into his compositions. he also wrote several complimentary articles on the subject; in fact, his articles for the finnish publications säveletär and uusi suometar, written following his return to finland, present the first comprehensive finnish-language overview of french music. the case for debussy’s inf luence on madetoja is strong. madetoja was greatly impressed by pelléas et mélisande, which he saw for the first time in vienna in . he wrote eloquently on debussy’s importance and evinced a keen familiarity with many of his compositions, including la mer, nocturnes, the string quartet, and a number of piano madetoja’s first article on french music, “kirje pariisista” [letter from paris], was written in . in , he wrote an important five-part article investigating césar franck and his school, french opera, camille saint-saëns, gabriel fauré, and claude debussy entitled “nykyajan ranskalainen säveltaide” [contemporary french music]. see “kirje pariisista,” säveletär, no. - ( ), reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; “kirje pariisista,” säveletär, no. ( ), reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; and “nykyajan ranskalainen säveltaide,” uusi suometar, july, july, august, august, and august , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - . kaipainen, “french colouring,” ; salmenhaara, madetoja, . pieces. he even referenced debussy’s plans to compose a one-act, two-scene opera based on a short story by edgar allen poe (this is, of course, debussy’s unfinished opera, la chute de la maison usher). moreover, there exists some speculation that madetoja’s music is indebted to debussy’s early output. for example, erik tawaststjerna compares madetoja’s second symphony with debussy’s string quartet in g minor, arguing that “[madetoja’s] tonal origins happen to be found in debussy’s early works,” and that “madetoja adopted his own sensitivity and ostrobothnian introverted disposition to romantic early impressionism.” tawaststjerna even suggests that the basic idea from the first movement of madetoja’s second symphony bears a certain resemblance to the quartet’s principal theme through similarities in rhythm, key, and modal colour (ex. . ; the opening of debussy’s quartet is presented in augmentation for the sake of comparison). salmenhaara, madetoja, - . erik tawaststjerna, review of madetoja’s second symphony, helsingin sanomat, march ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, principal theme fragment (above); debussy, string quartet no. , op. , first movement, principal theme fragment in rhythmic augmentation (below). musicologists frequently describe madetoja’s works—especially konserttialkusoitto, op. (concert overture, ), huvinäytelmäalkusoitto, op. (comedy overture, ), and the third symphony ( - )— in terms of their “elegance” or “finesse” in an attempt to qualify their indebtedness to french music. for example, kimmo korhonen argues that madetoja’s music is “very french in its elegance and polish,” while kai maasalo states that “the gallic finesse of tone and sound is one of the most essential characteristics of madetoja’s music, and in this respect hardly any other finn can surpass him.” ultimately, however, these descriptors provide only minimal insight into madetoja’s oeuvre. as correspondences between madetoja and debussy have not been supported analytically, this chapter attempts a more detailed account of the impact of contemporary french idioms, including debussy’s, on madetoja’s output. as we shall see, the opening measures of debussy’s prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune encapsulate several working principles that reveal strong parallels with the music of madetoja: additive construction, rich accompanimental figures, and ambiguous harmonies, melodies, and section boundaries. madetoja, who may have heard the work as early as march in a helsinki concert conducted by robert kajanus, would later single out this korhonen, inventing, . maasalo, suomalaisia, : ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . salmenhaara, madetoja, - . work as being amongst “the most beautiful things that have been composed in recent years.” the prélude is situated within a key signature of four sharps, suggesting e major or c-sharp minor. its principal f lute theme opens the work by sounding a sustained c-sharp , descending an augmented fourth chromatically, lingering on g , and returning to the opening pitch (ex. . a). this gesture is repeated note-for-note in the following measure before changing character: in measure , the melody offers a more disjunct eighth-note motive that ascends to g-sharp , suggesting c-sharp minor; falling by way of an arpeggiated e major triad; and, after lingering on b, descending a semitone to a-sharp , the raised fourth (lydian) scale degree (or the vii/v harmony) of e major. despite the modal implications and lush chromaticism, however, it is the elusive, freely f loating rhythm—which austin submits “[. . .] kauneinta, mitä viime vuosien säveltaide on luonut.” madetoja, “nykyajan ranskalainen säveltaide,” . example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, measures - , flute solo (ex. a, above); madetoja, symphony no. , second movement, measures - (ex. b, below). as perhaps “debussy’s greatest, most forward-looking achievement”— that sets the opening apart. in the first measure, a sustained dotted-eighth gives way to sixteenths, then triplet sixteenths; the notation is precise, but in performance the steady pulse of the work’s / meter is completely obscured. madetoja employs a similar rhythmic approach in the second movement of his second symphony, which opens with an a piacere oboe solo (ex. . b). although finnish folk melodies are the likely source of the minor pentatonic and aeolian modalities, kaipainen states that “one could also look to the french inf luence to explain madetoja’s fondness for freely f loating rhythms.” debussy conceives of his orchestra in stratified layers. as peter delone suggests, debussy, in spite of a professed disdain for traditional contrapuntal devices, incorporates into his works “subtle forms of melodic or motivic combinations, counterlines, and counter textures that involve the play of lines in what may be described as a kind of unobtrusive, idiomatic counterpoint.” this is apparent from the first notes of the prélude in the form of simultaneously stated, contrasting motivic gestures. oboes and clarinets enter in measure william w. austin, “toward an analytical appreciation,” in claude debussy: prelude to “the afternoon of a faun,” ed. william w. austin (new york: norton, ), . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . peter delone, “claude debussy, contrapuntiste malgré lui,” college music symposium , no. ( ), . . , while french horns commence a short dialogue in measure . ; a muted, pianissimo accompaniment of strings and harp glissandi begins shortly thereafter (ex. . ). even denser textures occur later. as matthew brown observes, debussy tends to reserve his greatest displays of polyphonic writing for significant formal junctures, and in the prélude, the densest textures occur during the climax beginning in measure . matthew brown, “tonality and form in debussy’s prélude à l’apres-midi d’un faune,” music theory spectrum , no. ( ): . example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, measures - . madetoja was well acquainted with this technique of stratified orchestral writing. in , he received a letter from his friend and colleague toivo kuula who observed that “the [french] orchestra isn’t a single instrument, but rather many, each with a different colour and personality.” the concomitant layers result in “a new strange counterpoint” featuring “twists and motives that are not found in the literature we are accustomed to hearing.” madetoja would later note that “the structure of debussy’s music is characterized by small sections, most often two or four measures, and he overlaps one with another; upon abandoning the first image, he takes up the next and proceeds with it in the same manner.” like debussy, madetoja maintains distinct divisions between layers. as discussed in the previous chapter, in the opening of the first movement of the second symphony, he sets the principal theme apart from the accompaniment both rhythmically and tonally. just as the compound / meter in the principal theme suggests an underlying incompatibility with the accompaniment’s / meter (ex. . , above), the absent mediant (b f lat) in the theme’s triadic g minor contour lends it an incongruously modal, rustic character. “orkesteri ei ole yksi instrumentti vaan, että niitä on monta ja kullakin eri värinsä ja individualiteettinsa. […] uusia kummallisia kontrapunkti-käänteitä ja -motiiveja, joita ei siinä kirjallisuudessa löydy, jota me olemme tottuneet kuulemaan.” toivo kuula, letter to leevi madetoja, march ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, - . leevi madetoja, “sotavuosina kuolleita kuuluisia säveltäjiä ii: claude debussy,” helsingin sanomat, august , reprinted in madetoja: kirjoituksia musiikista, . supporting a reprise of the opening f lute solo, measure of debussy’s prélude presents a pianissimo string tremolo performed “sur la touche” (sul tasto) (ex. . ). it is possible to draw a parallel between the section’s shimmering background texture and analogous passages in madetoja’s second symphony, notably the iridescent f lute accompaniment that opens the first movement (ex. . , above) or the constantly shifting “ritmo deciso” ostinato pattern of the second movement. madetoja, according to kaipainen: rather often constructs a kaleidoscopic accompanying figure, in a constant state of slight movement, with hazy harmony, wavering between two keys, and on the top of this shifting platform he allows individual members of the woodwinds to deliver in leisurely fashion their songs, compiled from several short motifs. kaipainen, “french colouring,” . example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, measures - . in this regard, other works by debussy present even stronger parallels. for example, kaipainen suggests that the central movements of la mer and nocturnes are clear precursors to madetoja’s “typical ticking background motifs” (ex. . ). such accompaniments function as a textural device, providing a backdrop of tonal and rhythmic stability against which motivic or melodic material can be further developed. this essentially contrapuntal technique was frequently used not only by debussy and madetoja but also by stravinsky. kaipainen, “french colouring,” . delone, “claude debussy,” . example . : debussy, nocturnes, “fêtes,” measures - . example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, measures - . one of the most cogent examples of debussy’s penchant for superimposed layers and complex, ambiguous harmonies occurs in the transitional area that precedes the reprise of the section a in measure (ex. . ). here, the turn motives featured in measures through gradually fade in volume, moving from fortissimo (m. ) to triple piano (m. ). meanwhile, the cadential bass motion to d-f lat in measure is almost entirely obscured by a second-inversion b-f lat minor chord in the horns that suggests b-f lat aeolian. the clarinets assume the melody in the following measure. the inclusion of c f lats in the melodic line and the syncopation of f suggests f locrian; this is played in counterpoint with a melody in the strings in d-f lat major but an accompaniment in the horns sounding an f half-diminished seventh chord. measure sees a gradual alignment of modes, with d-f lat ionian in the horns but d-f lat mixolydian in the oboe. clarinets attempt to bridge the differences, acting as an intermediary through a minor third oscillation that touches not only on the c-f lat of the oboe’s mixolydian—foreshadowing the move to e major—but also the a-f lat of the horns, showing dominant emphasis and a hint of ab mixolydian. the solo violin, meanwhile, adds additional tension by way of its emphasis on bb; in measure , it rises a semitone to the dominant of the new key, suggesting more traditional tonal resolution. the other instruments are less definitive: lower horns fall a semitone to the tonic, while the oboe, unusually, ascends an augmented second. thus, while the new section beginning in measure arrives through changes in key (e major) and timbre (harp and divisi strings), the lack of tonal concordance precludes convincing harmonic demarcation and suggests deliberate obfuscation of the harmonic structure. the above examples find correspondence in the first movement of madetoja’s second symphony, which features stepwise contrary motion in the transition from e-f lat major to g-f lat major at the close of the first theme (mm. - ; ex. . ). madetoja employs a strong command of voice leading to ensure a smooth transition to the new tonal area of g-f lat major in measure . his melodic gestures are distinct but concurrently stated: counterpoint occurs by way of ascending horns set in contrary motion to descending bassoons and contrabass; the voices are differentiated through registral and timbral contrast. this novel tonal and textural approach is new to finnish music, and kaipainen suggests french origins, adding that madetoja occasionally “runs chords superimposed on each other in the style of debussy.” most analyses of the prélude agree on the main formal boundaries. section a ends in measure , and measures - feature whole-tone variation of the f lute theme; ensuing passagework functions both as transition and further development. section b begins in kaipainen, “french colouring,” . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, measures - , reduction. measure ; and a reprise of a in measure is followed by a brief coda in measures - . the prélude nonetheless contains a high degree of structural ambiguity, not least since its example . : debussy, prélude à l’après-midi d’un faune, melodic variation of principal theme. thematic material is characterized by a sophisticated network of motivic relationships. for example, the principal theme undergoes an extensive process of variation after its second iteration in measures - . in measure , an oboe elides with the f lute, eventually taking on the character of the f lute solo so that by measure it is possible to discern similarities in intervallic contour between the two melodies. the return of the f lute solo in measure doubles the length of the opening pitch before giving way to f lorid variation, a model that repeats in measures and . likewise, the oboe theme, introduced in measure , corresponds—like the motives introduced in measures and —not only to the f lute solo’s descending/ascending pattern but also to a pentatonic gesture introduced in measure ; it is featured prominently in augmentation beginning in measure (ex. . ). accordingly, motives that initially appear inconsequential may end up playing an important role elsewhere. one of the most significant ways it acquires this formal ambiguity is through the continuation of a motive from a previous section within a new section, thereby superimposing it upon new material. by way of example, consider two of the prélude’s supporting motives, the “syncopated motive” and the “f lowing motive.” the former, which can be traced back to the horn parts in measures and , is introduced in measure and combined with the opening f lute theme in measure . the latter is brown, “tonality and form,” . example . is indebted to austin, “toward an analytical appreciation,” - , which features a detailed analysis of the melodic variations inherent in the prélude. see also brown, “tonality and form,” - . these motives are identified in austin, “toward an analytical appreciation,” ff. introduced in measure and incorporated into the oboe theme in measure . in section b, both motives are subsumed by the second theme, and a short codetta in measures - (ex. . , above) combines the syncopated motive (horns, m. ) with the second theme (strings, m. ) and the f lowing motive (clarinets, m. and oboes, m. ). similarly, the climax of the prélude (m. - ) integrates the syncopated motive, the f lowing motive, and example . : madetoja, symphony no. , first movement, continuous development of subphrase a. the f lute theme. this development of similar thematic material traverses formal boundaries, eroding the autonomy of the work’s sections. madetoja’s thematic material undergoes a similar process of thematic variation, as examples from the first movement of the second symphony illustrate. in measure , the “oscillating” theme presents material against two older patterns: clarinets voice a descending fourth/ascending fifth motive (“motive b”); meanwhile, strings and timpani play a variation on the opening accompaniment pattern (“acc. ”). in measure , both the “conjunct” theme and its accompaniment (“acc. ”), echo one of the symphony’s core motives, “subphrase a”; in measure , the “dance” theme ref lects the perfect fourth intervals, changing-note figure, and motivic character of the opening theme (ex. . illustrates this motivic development). such monothematicism, in conjunction with constant variation, is a key facet of madetoja’s working procedure, although the use of this technique, salmenhaara notes, is subtler in the third symphony. brown, “tonality and form,” . salmenhaara, madetoja, . other french influences madetoja had a close affiliation with the schola cantorum and the music of d’indy. this affiliation is an important one, since d’indy championed a distinct trajectory within french music. like his teacher césar franck, d’indy was a contrapuntalist at heart. in addition to a solid grounding in counterpoint, his composition courses at the schola included substantial instruction in sonata form and symphonic structures, both of which “were held to embody eternal humanistic and ethical values, a bulwark against the formal f lux and harmonic sensationalism of debussy’s pelléas et mélisande.” d’indy’s historical bias was derided by Émile vuillermoz, who, in a mercure de france article, rejected the outdated formal and contrapuntal procedures of “horizontalists” like d’indy in favor of the innovative harmonies and orchestration of “verticalists” like debussy and ravel. these sentiments—voiced not only by vuillermoz but also by louis laloy, jean marnold, and camille mauclair—set the music of d’indy and the schola cantorum in stark opposition to that of debussy and the paris conservatoire. musicologists tend to group madetoja with d’indy, thanks largely to his studies at the schola cantorum in . kimmo korhonen, for example, writes: “it is the polished finish of robert orledge and andrew thompson. “indy, (paul marie théodore) vincent d’,” grove music online, accessed july , www.oxfordmusiconline.com. Émile vuillermoz, “la schola et le conservatoire,” mercure de france ( ): – . for more on this topic, see jann passler, “deconstructing d’indy, or the problem of a composer’s reputation,” th-century music , no. (spring ), - . madetoja’s music that shows the french inf luence, since he was more interested in the classical approach of vincent d’indy and the schola cantorum than in the impressionism of debussy et al. madetoja even aspired to study with d’indy, but this never happened.” yet, this characterization is hardly categorical. madetoja does not seem to have been particularly enthusiastic about d’indy’s music, nor about the prospect of studying with him, despite a recommendation from sibelius that all but guaranteed a place in d’indy’s classroom. in a letter to heikki klemetti, madetoja suggests that his studies at the schola were, rather, a means to an end: “by the way, an instructor would do nothing for me; i know how to work on my own, and work willingly, but a stipend may not be available without some form of certification.” madetoja evidently hoped that his studies would expedite his request for one of finland’s generous artist pensions. what can be clearly substantiated is that madetoja’s sojourn to paris inspired a f lurry of works in french idioms, including konserttialkusoitto, op. a (concert overture, ), tanssinäky (dance vision; , rev. ), sävellyksiä viululle ja pianolle, op. (works for violin and piano, ), and kullervo ( ). each of these pieces pursues a different stylistic korhonen, inventing, . “muuten en minä ohjaajalla mitään tee, osaan kyllä tehdä työtä yksinäni ja kernaiten niin tekisin, mutta stipendiä ei saa ulos jos ei ole jonkinlaisia todistuksia.” letter from madetoja to heikki klemetti, november , quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . since the beginning of the nineteenth century, finland has offered generous stipends for artists and musicians. today the arts council of finland oversees this funding under the supervision of the ministry of education and culture. funding for artists in was . million euros, or upwards of million canadian dollars. see “finland: support to artists and other creative workers,” compendium: cultural policies and trends in europe, accessed july , www.culturalpolicies.net/web/finland.php?aid= . approach. in kullervo, madetoja describes the spirit of german romanticism through technical means that are close to those wagnerian inf luences embraced by césar franck. in sävellyksiä viululle ja pianolle, on the other hand, madetoja explores the pure classicism of gabriel fauré’s music. in the following pages, i will examine those pieces most strongly inf luenced by french styles, propose two contemporaneous lines of style in madetoja’s french-inspired output, and suggest probable compositional inf luences and musical debts, while pointing the way toward future avenues of study. dated march , madetoja’s konserttialkusoitto (“concert overture”), op. , is the first major work madetoja completed during his stay in paris. although its fugal opening theme might first come across as overly academic, its “light, easy-going idiom” nonetheless lends the work an endearingly personal touch (ex. . ). as a stylistic parallel, madetoja is sometimes compared with d’indy’s student alberic magnard ( - ). madetoja first heard of magnard—who was completely unknown in early-twentieth-century finland—via an effusive letter from kuula, who had spent the autumn of in paris: tyrväinen, “kansallisten piirteiden,” - . korhonen, “orchestral works,” par. . salmenhaara, madetoja, . grasp now in your hands debussy’s first quartet and look at its contents; please, someone else, take a small vocal work by chausson and discover what kind of pattern this man makes, or browse the sparkling orchestral technique and strange beautiful melodies of magnard’s b minor symphony. take a look! nowhere else can you find anything so polished and mature. but why is this not already known? — it is not known, as in finland we pursue germanness. only here [in paris] will you realize that the orchestra is not a single instrument, but rather many, each with a different colour and character; only here can you learn how to employ and follow this colour. while madetoja may or may not have complied with kuula’s suggestion to browse magnard’s works, the konserttialkusoitto does have certain stylistic parallels with magnard’s fourth “otappa nyt käsiisi debussy’n i kvartetti ja katso sen sisältöä, ota joku muu, ota pieni laulu chausson’ilta ja katsele minkälaisia kuviota se mies tekee, tahi selaile magnard’in b moll sinfonian helmeilevää orkesteritekniikkaa ja hänen omituisen kauniita melodiojansa. ota ja katso! minkään maailman kirjallisuudesta et niin valmista ja kypsää löydä. mutta miksei sitä ole ennen tietty? — ei ole tietty, meillä on suomessa ollut saksalaisuus tiellä. wasta [sic] täällä tulee käsittämään, että orkesteri ei ole yksi instrumentti vaan, että niitä on monta ja kullakin eri värinsä ja individualiteettinsa, vasta täällä niitten väriä oppii käyttämään ja seuraamaan.” letter from toivo kuula to madetoja, january ; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, - . example . : madetoja, konserttialkusoitto, op. , opening. symphony ( ). both works share a classical clarity and symmetry, an unconventional, somewhat modal, approach to modulation, and clear, unmixed orchestral colours—all of which, incidentally, are typical of d’indy’s impact on the schola. although it was written in vienna, Öinen karkelokuva (night revels, ), op. is perhaps madetoja’s most french-inspired composition. the introduction relies on orchestral colour, presenting short, fragmentary motives in solo woodwinds to the accompaniment of string tremolos. the castanets in the first theme are a clear expression of exoticism; a fragmented transitional section launches a short, waltzlike theme. solos in the french horn and clarinet bring a momentary pause prior to the work’s recapitulation. despite its sophisticated, delicate ambience, salmenhaara finds the work “structurally and stylistically fragmentary, and the thematic material is rather impersonal.” on the other hand, toivo saarenpää considers it unparalleled, “not only in finnish musical production, but in modern orchestral literature.” madetoja revised it in , renaming it tanssinäky (dance vision). it was subsequently printed by the danish publisher wilhelm hansen, and it remains in the finnish orchestral canon. salmenhaara, madetoja, . salmenhaara, madetoja, - . “ei ainoastaan suomalaisessa sävellystuotannossa, vaan yleensä nykyaikaisessa orkesterikirjallisuudessa.” quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . salmenhaara, madetoja, - . example . : madetoja, kullervo, op. , measures - . example . : sibelius, pohjolan tytär, op. , measures - . after the light, airy french sound of konserttialkusoitto, madetoja’s first symphonic poem kullervo, op. ( ) presents something of an enigma. in some respects, it suggests a return to finnish inf luences. there is, of course, the decidedly finnish subject matter; in the kalevala, the tragic character of kullervo is commonly seen as a parallel for finland’s struggle for independence. there are also strong parallels with sibelius, as salmenhaara has shown. for example, the tragic stabbing of an e minor dominant-ninth chord over a bass g recalls the culmination of the main theme of the first movement of sibelius’s first symphony; both pieces also end with a quiet pizzicato e minor chord. similarly, a repetitive percussive motif in high woodwinds, which alternates with parallel chromatic thirds in trombones and tuba, is redolent of pohjolan tytär, op. (pohjola’s daughter, ) (exx. . and . ). the kalevala relates that, following the vicious slaughter of his family, kullervo is enslaved and branded; he escapes by committing murder. he unknowingly seduces his sister, who kills herself in shame. kullervo violently avenges the death of his family members and returns to the site of incest to commit suicide. his tragic tale inspired aleksis kivi to write a five-act drama based on the kullervo legends in and a second play in ; later in the century, julius krohn ( - ) and zachris topelius ( - ) imparted kullervo with more overtly patriotic connotations. for more, see glenda dawn goss, “a backdrop for young sibelius: the intellectual genesis of the ‘kullervo’ symphony, th-century music , no. (summer ), - . salmenhaara, madetoja, . ibid., . however, whereas sibelius’s kullervo, op. ( ) was hailed as a finnish paradigm, madetoja’s kullervo shows the integration of diverse international elements. while salmenhaara notes the influence of tchaikovsky and rimsky-korsakov, helena tyrväinen draws an even more convincing parallel with césar franck’s symphonic poem le chasseur maudit (the accursed huntsman, ). both compositions, for example, open with a horn motif that represents the protagonist. in kullervo, the instrument can be interpreted as a shepherd’s horn or a war horn, although it does not bring to mind either; following the première, oskar merikanto wrote that “we recognize [the melodies] as our own, even though we had never heard them before.” päivälehti, april ; quoted in goss, sibelius, . it is important to note that madetoja would not have known sibelius’s kullervo, as sibelius had withdrawn it following its fourth performance in ; nor would he have known the first and third parts of sibelius’s lemminkäinen series, op. ( , r. , ) which were crafted in the tradition of the kalevala. salmenhaara, madetoja, . ibid., . césar franck ( - ) was a teacher of composition at the paris conservatoire; vincent d’indy was one of his students. example . : madetoja, kullervo, opening. example . : franck, le chasseur maudit, opening. the programmatic content of le chasseur maudit, on the other hand, makes it clear that the instrument refers to hunting. to render the character of kullervo in a dramatic light, madetoja opens his work with timpani and string tremolos; the first horn solo sounds above in measure (ex. . ). franck, on the other hand, delays his muted kettledrum-tremolo until measure , and his initial horn motif (ex. . ) opens the work, sounding alone. tyrväinen identifies several other musical parallels between the two works: the expansion of dotted rhythmic figures contained in their subjects, the articulation of triplet rhythms through pedal points, the derivation of similar legato, chromatic motives from previous material, the splicing of these motives into a prevailing staccato texture, and the use of piercing f lutes and piccolos during dramatic forte sections. however, one of kullervo’s most significant links with contemporary french music is—ironically—its use of finnish subject matter. interest in national thought and folk music was particularly strong within the schola cantorum, thanks largely to richard wagner, who personally encouraged d’indy to write music drawing on french legendary sources. as wagner stated in an interview for the magazine le gaulois: “so tap into your legends, which are innumerable, and of infinite richness. so read your poems of the middle ages, your songs of heroic deeds, even your novels of chivalry; they form the purest treasure of your intellectual archives.” these examples are indebted to tyrväinen, “kansallisten piirteiden,” . tyrväinen, “kansallisten piirteiden,” - . “lisez donc vos poèmes du moyen âge, vos chansons de geste, voire vos romans de chevalerie; ils forment le plus pur trésor de vos archives intellectuelles.” le gaulois, january ; reprinted in louis de fourcaud, “richard wagner et l’opéra français,” in bayreuther festblätter in wort und bild: gesammelte beiträge deutscher, französischer, belgischer, schweizerischer, spanischer, englischer, amerikanischer und accordingly, after , d’indy incorporated french melodies into many of his works, including symphonie sur un chant montagnard français ( ), the opera l’etranger ( ), and the symphonic poem jour d’été à la montagne ( ). he also undertook the compilation of a series of collections of french folk music from his home region of vivarais, an ongoing effort that would extend for four decades. thus madetoja’s decision to exploit the kalevala as a source of inspiration is unsurprising; in kullervo, he evidently took as his starting point not only finnish national interests but also wagner’s ideal that a composer’s task is to re- establish the relationship between folk and art music. kullervo garnered considerable critical acclaim. at its première on october , it was hailed as a masterpiece. evert katila suggested that “madetoja is a first-class artist, and in his latest creation, his orchestral skills reach new heights. […] the composer treats, develops, and illuminates the subject with iron consistency, and the many rhythmically interesting motives are of particular significance. […] a reference to sibelius’s pohjola’s daughter does not lead the listener astray.” this positive reception was doubtless a factor in madetoja’s later decision to compose a symphonic poem with chorus entitled sammon italienischer schriftsteller und künstler mit facsimiles aus den original-partituren richard wagners, ed. central-leitung des allgemeinen richard wagner-vereins (munich, ), ; quoted in marie-hélène benoit-otis, “richard wagner, louis de fourcaud, and a path for french opera in the s,” act: zeitschrift für musik & performance ( ), . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, ; tyrväinen, “kansallisten piirteiden,” - . “madetoja on ensiluokan väritaiteilija ja tässä uusimmassa luomassaan kohoaa hänen soitinnustaitonsa huippuunsa. […] rautaisella johdonmukaisuudella käsittelee, kehittää ja valaisee säveltäjä aiheitaan, joista useat rytmillisesti mielenkiintoiset motiivit varsinkin kiinnittävät mieltä. […] muuan viittaus sibeliuksen ‘pohjolan tyttäreen’ ei vie kuulijaa harhateille.” salmenhaara, madetoja, . ryöstö, op. (“the abduction of the sampo,” ), which was likewise inspired by the kalevala. although it incorporates some french elements—including soft, cushioned seventh and ninth chords that show the inf luence of contemporary french music—in sammon ryöstö madetoja comes closer to what salmenhaara terms “a ‘finnish’ tone.” unlike kullervo, in sammon ryöstö madetoja succeeded in treating the kalevala’s material in a fresh and musically striking way. by the time madetoja started work on his second symphony in , his first sojourn in paris was a distant memory. in the intervening years, he had undertaken studies in vienna with robert fuchs ( - ), weathered an orchestral war in helsinki ( - ), travelled to karelia, the cultural heart of historical finland, to conduct the viipurin musiikinystäväin orkesteri ( - ), and returned to helsinki to accept positions with the university of helsinki and the newspaper helsingin sanomat. throughout this period, madetoja’s published writing in finnish journals leans strongly toward finnish music at the expense of french music. it is conceivable that, during these years of personal growth and intense salmenhaara, madetoja, . ibid., . from to , madetoja’s focus was on national music. during this period, he wrote a number of important articles on finnish music, including four important articles on sibelius; however, his only article on french music was a homage to camille saint saëns. see leevi madetoja, “jean sibeliuksen uusimmat pianosävellykset,” uusi suometar, may , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; leevi madetoja, “jean sibeliuksen uusin orkesterirunoelma ‘aallottaret’,” uusi suometar, july , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; leevi madetoja, “jean sibeliuksen taiteilijauran yleiset piirteet,” helsingin sanomat, december , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; leevi madetoja, “jean sibelius: pari persoonallista muistelmaa,” karjala, december , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; and leevi madetoja, “camille saint-saens -vuotias,” otava ( ): . sociopolitical turmoil, he considered national efforts more pressing than french inf luences. it is also possible that he was discouraged from strong expressions of french style by the finnish government’s close political ties with germany, which only waned following the latter’s defeat in the first world war. the second symphony’s similarities with debussy’s prélude are therefore of great significance, since madetoja retained these gallic aspects in the form of deeply ingrained musical procedures even during a time of relative abandonment of french styles. following the civil war, madetoja turned even more strongly to french music as a source of inspiration. one of his first tasks was the revision of tanssinäky; this was followed by some of his finest works, including huvinäytelmäalkusoitto, the third symphony, and the ballet-pantomime okon fuoko. the first of these, huvinäytelmäalkusoitto, op. (comedy overture, ) clearly represents madetoja’s refined french style. avoiding an overly weighty demeanour even in fortissimo passagework, it embodies, as salmenhaara suggests, the core of madetoja’s art: subtlety, balanced madetoja’s return to the subject of french music was marked by an article on debussy inspired by the latter’s recent passing: “sotavuosina kuolleita kuuluisia säveltäjiä ii: claude debussy,” helsingin sanomat, august , reprinted in madetoja: kirjoituksia musiikista, - . several articles on french music followed: “parisin soitannollisesta elämästä,” helsingin sanomat, october and november , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; “polytonia: eräs uusi suunta nykyajan säveltaiteessa,” helsingin sanomat, january , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; “parisissa käymässä,” suomen musiikkilehti, no. ( ): n.p., reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; “parisin musiikkielämästä,” helsingin sanomat, march, april, april, and may ; “maurice ravel: luonnekuva kuuluisasta ranskalaisesta sävelmestarista,” helsingin sanomat, may , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; “ylimääräinen, kesäinen soitantokausi parisissa,” helsingin sanomat, june , reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; “parisin katuhuudot,” suomen musiikkilehti, no. ( ): n.p., reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - ; and “houilles’in kottarainen ja kukot,” suomen musiikkilehti, no. ( ): n.p., reprinted in madetoja, kirjoituksia musiikista, - . classicism, a modicum of counterpoint, and the ability to say a lot with limited means. further, it reveals a “fourth dimension” in madetoja’s orchestral production: “in addition to pastoralism, resignation and tragedy, it shows a gentle, playful sense of humor.” all three themes of the work’s free-rondo form are distinctive, maintaining interest through unusually long lines and whimsical rhythmic gestures. a special characteristic of the third theme is its parallel triads, which sound in divisi f lutes (ex. . ). korhonen states that “despite its seeming innocuousness, [huvinäytelmäalkusoitto] is one of the most coherent and most delightful works madetoja ever wrote.” remarkably, it was neglected by critics after the première. evert katila and väinö pesola each spared it one sentence, and karl ekman less than that. leo funtek found “a certain conventionalism”; heikki klemetti could not “get a clear grasp” of its contents and wished for “something a little more resonant, perhaps with a slightly more pronounced melodic line.” madetoja was madetoja, salmenhaara, . korhonen, “orchestral works,” par. . “jotakin kaikuvampaa kokoa olisi ehkä kaivannut, ehkä myös hieman selvempää melodista piirrosta jossakin.” madetoja, salmenhaara, . example . : madetoja, huvinäytelmäalkusoitto, op. , third theme. well known on one hand as a contemplative finnish lyricist, and on the other as a symphonist whose serious and monumental works included kullervo and the second symphony. he appears to have been pigeonholed by these successes, for his deviation from them confused finnish audiences. this is, perhaps, most evident in ikonen’s concert review for the suomen musiikkilehteen, which states that huvinäytelmäalkusoitto “contained some sort of artistic feature that, coming from madetoja, appeared to some extent contrasting and foreign. it could anyway be that it was the finding of a first hearing and that this strange tune is later recognized as a positive development within madetoja’s f lowing and delicate production.” contra wagner, who declared in that “the last symphony has already been written,” s paris supported a circle of symphonic composers representing “a little known but important branch of french music of the day which evolved in the shadow of triumphant impressionism and was represented by the likes of an albert roussel, an alberic magnard or a paul le flem,” composers who most certainly warrant comparison with madetoja in future studies. madetoja’s third symphony in a major, op. was conceived in “tuntui jonkinlainen artisti-nen piirre, joka madetojasta lähteneenä vaikutti jossain määrin omaksutulta ja vieraalta. saattaa kumminkin olla, että se toteamus oli kuulijassa vain ensikertalaisuutta, ja että hän myöhemmin huomaa tämän toistaiseksi oudon sävyn myönteiseksi kehitykseksi madetojan vuolaassa ja herkässä tuotannossa.” madetoja, salmenhaara, . “die letzte symphonie bereits geschrieben sei.” richard wagner, das kunstwerk der zukunft ( ; repr., berlin: contumax hofenberg, ), . riita pulliainen, liner notes for leevi madetoja, madetoja orchestral works : laurel wreaths, oulu symphony orchestra, conducted by arvo volmer, alba abcd , , cd, . this heady environment in , during a stay in the parisian suburb of huilles ; it is the composer’s final symphony and widely considered his “orchestral masterpiece.” unlike such orchestral works as konserttialkusoitto and huvinäytelmäalkusoitto, it lacks the resignation and melancholy most commonly associated with madetoja’s oeuvre. instead, it serves as a showcase for french elegance. it is refined and well-proportioned, employing colourful, translucent orchestration and f lowing counterpoint. even by madetoja’s standards, the work has an exceptionally airy sound. henri-claude fantapié describes it as “gallic in its classicism, in its elegiac character, in its refusal to seek an easy effect, in its effort to be musique pure.” the opening is cheerful, illustrating kaipainen’s assessment as “a gentle counterpoint of unclouded thoughts” infused with a “glowing optimism.” the movement is in two parts: it opens with an introductory andantino with an inviting melody that is treated in a number of different ways over the course of the movement. an allegretto follows, featuring a lilting, this stay is documented in an entertaining article for the finnish journal suomen musiikkilehti entitled “houilles’in kottarainen ja kukot” [houilles’s starlings and roosters], in which madetoja transcribes various sounds that interrupted the composition of his third symphony. korhonen, “orchestral works,” par. . salmenhaara, madetoja, . korhonen, “orchestral works,” par. . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . pulliainen, madetoja orchestral works, . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . rhythmically engaging theme that appears in canon with itself. development is limited, and the movement fades to a close following a simple recapitulation. it perfectly characterizes madetoja’s french inf luence: the opening theme is lyrical, displays concise melodic material, is developed throughout the symphony, is elegant and serene, and outlines seventh and ninth harmonies that suggest a possible french origin. the adagio second movement, in d minor, opens with a peaceful, folk-inspired canon that gradually builds in power. this is followed by a broad, lyrical melody in the cellos that is imitated in violins, and a powerful restatement of the main theme in the brass that calms down as quickly as it appears. the overall atmosphere is contemplative and melancholy, but madetoja’s well-crafted melodic lines maintain a sense of forward motion. the third movement, “allegro non troppo,” is as long and eventful as the two opening movements are short. the brass open with a staccato chord motif. a theme reminiscent of koponen, “symphony,” . salmenhaara, madetoja, . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . salmenhaara, madetoja, . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , third movement, measures - . the scherzo from beethoven’s seventh symphony follows, launching a triplet ostinato texture, which continues throughout the movement; even as one of madetoja’s more common mannerisms, it is “fresh and stimulating” here. altogether, the movement contains three themes, the second of which is rhythmically and melodically (in inversion) reminiscent of dukas’s l’apprenti sorcier (ex. . ). perhaps the most interesting aspect of the movement is the strange chromaticism that emerges midway through the movement in tandem with the third theme; salmenhaara considers it “madetoja’s most brilliant thematic invention.” a rhythmic dimension adds to the interest. the theme lags behind the accompanimental texture by a dotted quarter and, furthermore, is shaped into short triangular phrases, each three dotted-quarters long. consequently, it shows a lack of congruity within the established quadruple compound ( / ) meter (ex. . ). kaipainen, “french colouring,” . “se on madetojan nerokkaimpia temaattisia keksintöjä.” salmenhaara, madetoja, . ibid, . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , third movement, measures - . the finale, “pesante tempo moderato - allegretto,” brings back the solemn introductory motifs by way of a pesante unison hymn reminiscent of schubert’s c major symphony. this is, however, a diversionary ploy. the allegretto brings a galloping rhythm that superimposes triple meter over common-time material; it is reminiscent of strauss’s der rosenkavalier (ex. . ). although kaipainen notes an endearing “capriciousness and personal quality,” the waltz also contains a darker element in its broad, developmental modulations. the recapitulation presents an expedited repeat of the introductory material. the ending is surprising; just when the symphony seems to be readying for an energetic close, it fades to silence. the third symphony was premiered alongside aslak smaukka, op. , a symphonic poem for male choir, baritone and orchestra, in madetoja’s fifth composer concert in salmenhaara, madetoja, . ibid., . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . salmenhaara, madetoja, . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . example . : madetoja, symphony no. , fourth movement, measures - . helsinki on april . leo funtek, in a svenska pressen review, described the audience as “very mediocre”; it “did not know its responsibilities and besides it had little knowledge of music-cultural, patriotic aspects either in or out.” although reviewers praised the symphony, none of them were able to discern its true meaning. many expressed their expectations of a sequel to the tragic and monumental second symphony, in contrast to which the lightness and consistency of the third felt somehow less significant. henri- claude fantapié explained the premiere in this way: “the listeners expected the opera [pohjalaisia] to be followed by a nationalistic anthem and were disappointed to hear something that seemed to them to be hermetic and that, to crown it all, was lacking in pomposity and solemnity … the properties the majority of finnish music-lovers always expect in a new work.” unfortunately, this reception left a lasting impression, preventing the symphony from earning an important position in finland’s canon of symphonic music and prompting madetoja to focus his efforts on printing the score for the second symphony in lieu of the third. nevertheless, the third symphony is now widely considered madetoja’s finest, and one of the few finnish works that can be placed in the orchestral canon alongside the latter was composed in , but due to wartime restrictions it could not be performed at the time. salmenhaara, madetoja, . ibid., . pulliainen, madetoja orchestral works, . sibelius. salmenhaara’s tongue-in-cheek remark is apt: “madetoja showed in his third that sibelius had another full-length symphony.” the suite from the pantomime ballet okon fuoko, op. ( - ) is one of madetoja’s most striking and original works. in fact, according to salmenhaara, it is “one of the finest scores in finnish music,” possessing “an unusual clarity, translucence and richness of nuance.” the original pantomime drama—written by danish writer poul knudsen, who collaborated with sibelius on scaramouche—was constructed around a heterogenous mixture of dialogue and mimed expression that was deemed dramatically unsatisfactory at the february première. however, madetoja’s concise orchestral suite, consisting of four movements performed without a break, was highly successful, vividly expressing the symbolic, fairy-tale character of knudsen’s play and once again illustrating madetoja’s mastery of orchestral colour. the opening number, “okon fuoko, unitaikari” (okon fuoko, the dream wizard), introduces the story’s titular protagonist, a dollmaker (ex. . ). tam tam and castanets evoke a distant, mysterious atmosphere without resorting to the superficial exoticism of the japanese theme; sparing use of the celesta, although evocative of tchaikovsky’s nutcracker, is nonetheless used to novel effect here. okon fuoko largely avoids traditional thematic salmenhaara, leevi madetoja, . salmenhaara, “composer from ostrobothnia,” par. . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . development, and its subjects are short, often consisting of only two or three notes; salmenhaara goes so far as to suggest that the work’s core motive is a descending semitone, example . : madetoja, okon fuoko, suite , “okon fuoko, unitaikuri,” measures - . an interval that appears for the first time in the horns in measure . harmonies are occasionally bitonal; even the opening measures show different tonal implications of the stratified layers. the e-g# dyad in con sordino strings (m. ), while reminiscent of dukas’s l’apprenti sorcier, also finds fitting antecedents in “laideronnette: impératrice des pagodes” from ravel’s mother goose suite ( - ) and dukas’s la péri ( ); the latter, like okon fuoko, contains an opening pianissimo string gesture (m. - ) and discreet celesta garnishes (m. ). the fourth and final movement combines three different scenes: “miehen tanssi” (man’s dance), “naisen tanssi” (woman’s dance), and “dance grotesque.” the grotesque character of the finale appears to be based largely on the obstinate repetition of a woodwind phrase and the alternation of / and / meter (the latter marked “three and a half over four time” in the score); thus kaipainen suggests that the model could well be the “danse générale” finale of ravel’s daphnis et chloe. other scholars link okon fuoko with french neoclassicism; kimmo korhonen, for example, finds neoclassical overtones reminiscent of prokofiev in “miehen tanssi” (man’s dance) and the closing “danse grotesque.” yet another source of inspiration for the tenacious rhythms and dissonant harmonic language could be the music of diaghilev and the ballet russes—particularly stravinsky’s firebird salmenhaara, madetoja, . kaipainen, “french colouring,” . korhonen, “orchestral works,” par. . ( ); stravinsky’s petrushka ( ), especially the second tableau; and sibelius’s scaramouche ( ; premièred ). conclusions to this chapter this chapter illustrates similarities between certain compositional principles inherent in the music of debussy and madetoja, including the use of freely f loating rhythms, layering, shifting accompanimental figures, ambiguous harmonies and section boundaries, and near-constant thematic variation. it also explores french elements in other works by madetoja, suggesting points of comparison with a number of early twentieth- century french composers. madetoja’s approach was striking in early-twentieth-century finland, a country that based its compositional attitudes soundly in the german tradition while viewing french music with suspicion. thus, while madetoja ushered elements of french music into his compositions rather furtively, he did cultivate an airy, refined style that is emphasized by the almost complete lack of pathos associated with the germanic style: in particular in the later works madetoja’s actual thematic and structural work seems often to be taking a back seat at the expense of lyrical elements. to take an example, many of the individual symphony movements are ‘beautiful’ rather than ‘tensioned’, which says little for the impact on madetoja of the german symphonic tradition. in a conversation with me on march , daniel grimley suggested that petrushka was a major influence for la péri, just as firebird was for scaramouche. kaipainen, “french colouring,” . the later works are now seen as madetoja’s finest. referring to the third symphony and the comedy overture, heineken concludes that: “today they are often seen as madetoja’s crowning achievement. their humane, unpretentious classicism and their cultured outlook on the roots of finnish art make them unique in finnish music.” heininen, sinfonia iii; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . conclusion leevi madetoja represents the consciousness of a composer whose music has immortal value, even though his great works have been infrequently performed. madetoja’s music, from which harsh self-criticism has eliminated anything of low value, is the music of the future, and it will surely once again be given a place of honour within the world’s musical literature. the finnish people must be happy to have jean sibelius and to have leevi madetoja. future research is absolutely necessary if we are to uncover the progressive nature of madetoja’s music. an investigation of additional works in his oeuvre and of relationships with colleagues and place in musical currents both in finland and in france would throw more light into his career and music. each of these endeavors would be aided by further examination of source materials housed in collections across finland. madetoja’s correspondence is held in archives in helsinki at the national library of finland and the finnish literature society; his autograph manuscripts at the national library; and his personal library (approximately , titles) at the oulu university library. other printed matter is available in public and private archives across finland. madetoja’s newspaper and journal articles are available via the national library; at the time of this writing, many “leevi madetoja on ollut kaikkien tietoisuudessa säveltäjänä, jonka musiikilla on kuolemattomuuden arvo, mutta varsinkin hänen suuret teoksensa ovat jääneet suhteellisen vähäisen esityksen varaan. madetojan musiikki, josta ankara itsekritiik ki on karsinut pois kaiken halpahintaisen, on tulevaisuuden musiikkia, jolle varmasti vielä kerran tunnustetaan kaikkialla kunniasija maailman musiikkikirjal lisuudessa. suomen kansa saa olla onnellinen siitä, että sillä on jean sibelius ja että sillä on leevi madetoja.” tauno pylkkänen; quoted in salmenhaara, madetoja, . articles up to are freely accessible online, providing a significant amount of readily available sources. a primary avenue of ongoing study should involve madetoja’s repertoire, notably his symphonies. the first symphony, despite its echoes of sibelius and tchaikovsky, is a mature and restrained work. it features highly original orchestration, full technical control, and intriguing harmonic touches showing the influence of french composers. the third, one of madetoja’s finest works, continues in the direction set by the second with increasingly sophisticated structural and thematic manipulation. a study of the evolution of harmonic and structural elements over the course of madetoja’s three symphonies would advance the current understanding of madetoja’s style. the symphonies notwithstanding, madetoja’s output, consisting of works with opus numbers and numerous unclassified works, contains a wealth of material for further research. one intriguing inquiry would be an analysis of a line in madetoja’s orchestral output epitomized by konserttialkusoitto, huvinäytelmäalkusoitto, and the third symphony, a trajectory that salmenhaara suggests is connected by its lightness, optimism, and french style and that runs almost unnoticed within madetoja’s oeuvre. there is also significant room for exploration of other important symphonic works, including tanssinäky, the ballet-pantomime okon fuoko, the symphonic poem kullervo, and the symphonic poems with choir sammon ryöstö, aslak smaukka, and väinämöisen kylvö. salmenhaara, madetoja, . madetoja’s extensive output of works for choir, which lappalainen and salmenhaara deem “one of the most impressive achievements in the finnish choral canon,” is also deserving of further review. this body of works includes numerous cantatas, pieces for men’s and mixed choir, and solo works. finally, there are madetoja’s operas. salmenhaara states that madetoja is, in addition to aarre merikanto, the only past finnish opera composer representative of an international standard. although the emphasis in this dissertation has been on pohjalaisia and its national associations, helsingin sanomat critic tauno karila wrote that juha is “to be considered the author’s masterpiece and one of finland’s greatest operas, even though it has not yet reached the status in operatic literature to which it belongs.” another important area of research involves further analysis of the aesthetic environment supporting madetoja and his music. while madetoja naturally felt the influence of sibelius and of the cultural period in which he developed his craft, scholars have long considered madetoja’s output as suggestive of a broader finnish style that encompasses not only madetoja and sibelius but also other early twentieth-century finnish composers. for example, timo mäkinen, writing in , suggests that “characteristics, earlier thought of as being exclusively those of sibelius, have later been accepted as finnish lappalainen and salmenhaara, “leevi madetojan teokset,” . salmenhaara, madetoja, . juhaa “on pidettävä tekijänsä pääteoksena ja suomalaisen oopperasävellyksen suursaavutuksena, vaikka se ei vielä ole päässyt siihen asemaan oopperakirjallisuudessa mikä sille kuuluu.” salmenhaara, madetoja, . in a wider sense.” the idea of a typically finnish sound, which madetoja, sibelius, and others have attempted to describe, is problematic, owing in no small part to the diversity of approaches in early twentieth-century finland. as madetoja wrote in , “let us remember the musical output of our own folk. both sibelius and melartin have composed patriotic works. who would believe that they are men of the same nationality?” nevertheless, such an exploration would provide a solid foundation for a broad comparative study of madetoja and his contemporaries. a final productive avenue for future research involves madetoja’s complicated relationship with paris. it would be worthwhile to catalogue madetoja’s interactions with french composers through correspondence and personal accounts of the era. it would also prove insightful to build on the work of jane ellen harrison concerning debussysme in early twentieth-century france. harrison not only lists a number of musical processes seen in debussyste compositions but also identifies a wide number of composers whose work would fall under this category, including raymond bonheur, andré caplet, charles koechlin, paul le flem, maurice ravel, albert roussel, and florent schmitt. as harrison suggests, mäkinen and nummi, musica fennica, ; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . see, for example, jean sibelius, “some viewpoints concerning folk music and its influence on the musical arts,” trans. margareta martin, in daniel grimley, jean sibelius, - . leevi madetoja, “ajankysymyksiä: mita on kansallinen musiikki?,” aika ( ): n.p.; trans. karjalainen, “nationalism,” n. jane ellen harrison, “fashionable innovation: debussysme in early twentieth-century france” (phd diss., ohio state university, ). debussysme cannot be easily labeled a style or even an idiom, for it encompasses a wide variety of practices; rather, it should be seen a “set of possibilities that [manifest] differently in each composer’s idiom and even in each composition.” pinpointing such possibilities in madetoja’s music with a greater degree of specificity could be used to support or refine fantapié’s position, described in chapter five, that madetoja was less concerned with the music of debussy than that of a small circle of early twentieth-century french symphonists, including magnard, roussel, and le flem. madetoja’s efforts support a diverse oeuvre. his output, karjalainen suggests, comprises “a synthesis of the european styles from the beginning of the th century.” this eclecticism is not, however, contrary to a unified compositional voice, but rather a natural consequence of a strong musical personality. antero karttunen supports this perspective by stating that “leevi madetoja was the creator and the discoverer of new modes of expression. for his was an original, national, visionary musical outlook, by virtue of which he was able to make familiar procedures serve the purpose of expressing in music previously uncaptured moods.” harrison, “fashionable innovation,” . karjalainen, madetojan oopperat, . koponen, “symphony,” . karttunen, pohjalaisia; quoted in koponen, “symphony,” . despite a lifetime of critical acclaim, madetoja’s music is today rarely performed outside finland. while this may, in part, be due to sibelius’s overwhelming legacy, it is possible that madetoja’s deviation in the s from contemplative lyricism and momumental seriousness—the two attributes for which his music was most celebrated— confused and alienated finnish audiences. as ralf parland, writing in , states: because madetoja never makes any concessions to the listener, his music has not gained the position it deserves in the public’s awareness. people are now beginning to open their ears to it. but that he deserves far greater attention, and that his music is both rare and precious and not simply a poor edition of the music of sibelius - that is something they have not yet learnt. it is hoped that the work presented here will spark greater interest outside finland in this relatively neglected composer. with more widely available knowledge, discussions about madetoja’s life and works have the potential to feed broader dialogues about nordic composers, nationalism, and more generally, intra- and extra-european influences, styles, aesthetics, and ideas. trans. salmenhaara, “composer from ostrobothnia,” par. . bibliography abraham, gerald. “the symphonies.” in sibelius: a symposium, edited by gerald abraham, - . london: lindsay drummond, . abrahams, roger. “the past in the presence: an overview of folkloristics in the late twentieth century.” in folklore processed: in honour of lauri honko, edited by reimund kvideland, - . helsinki: suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, . aho, kalevi. “music, nationality and society.” in mäkelä, music and nationalism, - . alapuro, risto. “nineteenth century nationalism in finland: a comparative perspective.” 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( ): - . wuorinen, john h. nationalism in modern finland. new york: columbia university press, . appendix formal analysis of madetoja’s symphony no. in e-flat major, first movement table . key to abbreviations used in the analysis. abbreviation meaning b. i. basic idea c. i. contrasting idea trans. transitional acc. accompaniment pres. presentation cont. continuation cad. cadential phr. phrase ant. antecedent cons. consequent v. p. varied phrase n. p. new phrase mod. modulatory → modulatory dev. developmental ↑ more tension ↓ less tension bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear a a a a ’ a a b a a a ’ a ’ a • accompanimental formal structure b. i. b. i. pres. phr. pres. phr. b. i. cont. cad. b. i. measure grouping tonal structure gb+ cadences model copy comments resembles sonata-allegro "transition" procedures seq. eb+/g- → bb- cb+/eb- → f#- cont. cad. cont. phr. cont. phr. dev. dev. mod. dev. sentence level sentence form sentence form v. p. n. p. v. p. v. p. c. i. antecedent consequent c. i. period level period form thematic area acc. acc. ’ acc. b c a theme bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear • accompanimental formal structure measure grouping tonal structure cadences comments procedures sentence level period level a a a a b a c d a d a acc. + acc. ’ v.p. stable ab+/c- eb+/c- iac model copy model copy copy resembles sonata-allegro "transition" model seq.seq. seq. → bb+/d-/g- gb+/bb- bb+ db+/f- ab+f#- dev. v. p. n.p. n.p. n.p. ↓ n.p. mod., ↑ mod., ↓ ↑ mod., ↑ v. p. thematic area trans. area acc. ’ acc. → a a bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear • accompanimental formal structure measure grouping tonal structure cadences comments procedures sentence level period level b b' a’ a’ a’’ a’’ a’’’ a a b acc. c. i. c. i. v.p. v.p. v.p. n.p. b. i. c.i. ↑ ↑ ↑ ↓ pac hc ab+/c- db ped → db+/f-ab+ b. i. cont. sentence form (incomplete) v.p. n.p. pres. phr. cont. phr. (↑) dev., ↑ stable b. i. b. i. ant. antecedent consequent period form period form small binary thematic area trans. areathematic area acc. acc. → acc. ’ acc. ’ e → a a theme theme bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear • accompanimental formal structure measure grouping tonal structure cadences comments procedures sentence level period level a b’ c d c’ d’ a a a a a+ a a a a+a a a a a a b.i. c.i. b.i. c.i. b.i. c.i. model inc. copy seq. hc →db+/f- f- → d ped dev., ↑mod. dev. ↑ ant. cons. n.p. v.p. v.p. cons. period formperiod form small binary thematic area acc. ? theme bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear • accompanimental formal structure measure grouping tonal structure cadences comments procedures sentence level period level a a ’ d a+a d a+a d d v.p. ↓ d+/f#- ab+→bb ped model copymodel seq.seq. copy hc → ab+ → b+ → f#+→ n.p. dev., ↑ mod., ↑ ↓ mod., ↓ v.p. n.p. n.p. thematic area trans. area acc. ’ a bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear • accompanimental formal structure measure grouping tonal structure cadences comments procedures sentence level period level a a a a ’ c c’ a a a a a acc. b. i. b. i. pres. phr. pres. phr. b. i. cont. cad. b. i. cad. model seq. copy c#- b- → db+/f-eb+ → gb+ → a+ cont. dev. dev. mod., ↑cont. phr. cont. phr. (↑) sentence form v.p. n.p. v.p.sentence form c. i. c. i. antecedent consequent period form thematic area ’ acc. ’acc. b a theme bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear • accompanimental formal structure measure grouping tonal structure cadences comments procedures sentence level period level a a a c a a a acc. ’ acc. n.p. n.p. v.p. v.p. v.p. v.p. v.p. ↑ ↑ ↑ ↓ ab+/c- iac model copy modelcopy seq.seq. db+/f- eb+ → ↑ stablemod., ↓ stable ↑ n.p. v.p. n.p.n.p. v.p. trans. areathematic area ’ acc. ’ acc. e → bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear • accompanimental formal structure measure grouping tonal structure cadences comments procedures sentence level period level a b a b’ c d c’ d’ a a e a a e a a a ’ a ’ b. i. c.i. b.i. c.i. b.i. c.i. b.i. c.i. pac eb ped db ped stable ↓ fragmentary n.p. n.p. v.p. cons. period form ant. cons.ant. period form small binary trans. area thematic area ’ thematic area ’’ acc. theme bar numbers thematic analysis themes motives • linear • accompanimental formal structure measure grouping tonal structure cadences comments procedures sentence level period level a a a a gb peddb ped cb ped ↓ n.p. thematic area ’’ resenas afranio coutinho, a literatura no brasil. editorial sul americana, s. a., rio de janeiro, vol. i, t. i, . pp. vol. ii, i - pp. sob a direcgo do professor e critico literario afranio coutinho, com a assistincia dos criticos literirios eugenio gomes e barieto filho, esta em elaboracgo uma revisao da literatura brasileira. cerca de cincoenta colaboradores e especialistas foram encarregados dos diversos temas. a obra esti dividida em tres partes, a saber: i parte: introdu§co compreen- dendo o estudo dos temas de ordem geral; ii parte: a literatura no brasil segundo os v rios estilos em que foi produzida: renascenga e barroco, classicismo e arcadismo, romantismo, realismo, naturalismo, parnasia- nismo, simbolismo, modernismo; iii parte: capitulos s bre temas isola- dos: a critica, o ensaismo, a orat ria, as relag es da literatura com a filo- sofia, com as id is politicas e juridicas, com o jornalismo, com as artes, etc. entre os colaboradores mais importantes salientam-se: luis da ca- mara cascudo, hern.ni cidade, clovis monteiro, otivio de faria, pere- grino jinior, andrade muricy, luis delgado, gilberto freyre, augusto meier, afonso arinos de melo franco, olivio montenegro e outros. a literatura no brasil representa, segundo o diretor, "mais uma tenta- tiva de reacgo contra o sociologismo, o naturalismo e o positivismo, e contra o historicismo, em nome dos valores est ticos, em nome da critica intrin- seca ou est tico-literaria, ou po tica". no estagio atual tem crescido tanto o acervo de trabalhos publicados que a um s homem a tarefa de escrever uma hist ria literaria se afigura insuperivel. por isso decidiram numa obra coletiva. apesar de que esta obra foi escrita por virios colaboradores hi, mesmo assim, uma unidade de planejamento. mas esta submissao ne- cessiria ao conjunto nao diminui o valor de cada critico. o resultado revista iberoamericana uma colefio de excelentes artigos escritos por especialistas -uma colecgo que, ao mesmo tempo, nos fornece una admirivel hist ria da literatura no brasil. a literatura no brasil , sem divida alguma, una obra impres- cindivel a t da pessoa interessada na vida liternria brasileira. valicsas sao as ilustrag es que documentam os temas e os autores. tamb m de grande valor s.o as bibliografias incluidas. dos volumes de que constar, a obra faltam o t. do primeiro que tratar, do romantismo, e o terceiro volume que abrangeri o simbolismo, o modernismo e as tendencias contemporineas. albert r. lopes universidade de novo mixico angel maria garibay, historia de la literatura nahuatl, primera parte (etapa aut noma: de c. i a , editorial porruia, s. a., av. de la repiblica argentina , m xico, d. f., ). obra fundamental es sta del padre garibay que viene a proyectar luz meridiana sobre la literatura elaborada por los nahuas en los mo- mentos en que alcanzaron su apogeo en el valle de m xico. el libro inicia la "biblioteca porruia". creemos que con este volumen -dicen los editores- se realiza una feliz conjunci n; en el tema, de prioridad obvia y en las calidades del autor. le conocen y aprecian muchos por su personalidad y por su talento; pero, no obstante, es grata y necesaria exigencia presentar su perfil biogrifico a mis numeroso piblico antes de hablar de su obra. angel ma. garibay k., sacerdote cat lico, ha de- dicado su actividad principalmente a sus ministerios. despues del profe- sorado en el seminario y de una vida de contacto con los indios durante su servicio parroquial, es hoy dia can nigo te logo del cabildo de gua- dalupe. especialmente dado a las letras cl.sicas, ofreci a la luz piblica una versi n de la trilogia de orestes, directamente hecha del griego y en versos castellanos. por lo que toca a la directa exploraci n de los monu- mentos literarios de la antigiiedad mexicana, ademis de este libro, que da suficiente idea de su trabajo, tiene mucho escrito sobre estos temas y principalmente versiones de todos los documentos de mayor importan- cia. todo lo cual fue como la preparaci n para esta obra, primer volu- men de la biblioteca porria. en la introducci n de la obra el p. garibay trata de la manera como re senas fue trasmitido por los nahuas su pensamiento a trav s de las genera- ciones. hubo ya una forma escrita, el c dice, la alfabetizaci n del idioma al pasar a los escritos castellanos. la lengua nihuatl era clara, concisa, capaz de miltiples sugestiones, ficilmente apta para la expre- si n de las imigenes, afecta al "paralelismo" que da belleza al concepto, grave por su acento. el autor divide su estudio en dos etapas: i a vida aut noma de la mente nahuatl y . el trauma de la conquista espafiola en la mente ni.huatl. inicia la primera con el sefiorio de izcoatl, momento en que se des- truy la documentaci n antigua para iniciar una nueva historiografia. el periodo se cierra en . la segunda epoca de la literatura n.huatl se inicia en el mismo afio de la conquista y lo cierra el p. garibay en o, afio en el que hace crisis la ensefianza del nihuatl. sigue la introducci n hablando de las fronteras de la expresi n nahuatl y de las fronteras de la producci n literaria y sus centros prin- cipales de realizaci n: tenoxtitlin, texcoco, cuauhtitln y lugares ve- cinos, azcapotzalco, tlacopan; despues chalco y otros lugares mis ale- jados, huexotzingo y cholula. se ocupa despues de los origenes lite- rarios, obscuros por insuficientemente explorados. fueron los huastecos los iniciadores? jinfluyeron los otomies en la producci n nahuatl? pasa despues a estudiar las fuentes de su investigaci n: anales, sagas heroicas, cantos picos, relatos y anecdotas. ocupan lugar importante en este campo las cr nicas de los misioneros y posteriormente los trabajos de los antrop logos nacionales y extranjeros: chavero, orozco y berra, gar- cia icazbalceta por un lado, prescott, brinton, seler, cornyn. particu- larmente interesante es la n mina de estas fuentes, con que cierra su introducci n el autor, que ademis de dar valor documental a la obra, servirin para que futuros investigadores se adentren en el estudio de varios de los temas que admiten futura valoraci n. entrando ya al examen de la obra, que tiene que ser naturalmente somero, expresaremos que en diez densos y exhaustivos capitulos realiza el examen de los diversos aspectos de la literatura nahuatl. en el pri- mero se ocupa de generalidades de la poesia: el verso, la m sica y la danza, y por tanto el ritmo, el paralelismo, las "palabras broches", las metiforas, el uso de ciertas particulas, que servian tal vez, para medir y modular el verso. por iltimo nos da el p. garibay los nombres que se daban a los poemas. "poesia religiosa", "poesia lirica", "poemas otomies", "poesia revista iberoamericana pica", "poesia dramtica", "la prosa en general", los "discursos di- dicticos", la "prosa hist rica", la "prosa imaginativa", constituyen los nueve capitulos restantes de esta monumental obra, cuya publicaci n ha constituido uno de los acontecimientos literarios de mayor envergadura de los iltimos tiempos. la conclusi n a que llega el autor al final de lo que l llama modestamente "una serie de capitulos monograficos sobre diversos temas" de la historia de la literatura nahuatl es muy sugestiva, a saber: "a pesar de la deficiente y precaria base de nuestros conocimien- tos, tenemos suficientes testimonios para juzgar del valor literario de la antigua producci n en nahuatl. no es una cultura que se pueda poner sobre la griega, la romana o la indostinica; es un aspecto del pensa- miento humano suficientemente conservado y que, para nosotros, tiene valioso interns de dar lo que pensaron nuestros predecesores en este suelo mexicano. tengamos o no sangre india, tenemos una herencia que nos toca a todos y de la que todos podemos gloriarnos". julio jimenez rueda, universidad nacional autdnoma de mexico. carlos garcia prada, poetas modernistas hispanoamericanos. antolo- gia. introduccidn, selecciones y notas criticas y bibliograficas, edi- ciones cultura hispinica, madrid, i . pp- el profesor de la universidad de washington, dr. carlos garcia prada, que fue meritisimo primer director de esta revista iberoamericana, acaba de publicar la antologia cuya referencia encabeza estas lineas. comienza el libro con un breve ensayo en el que el sr. garcia prada delinea primero el prop sito de su publicaci n: presentar con fines docentes quince poetas con los cuales puede comenzarse el estudio del modernismo hispanoamericano. tritase pues de un libro de intenci n pedag gica, des- tinado a estudiantes y a otros lectores que se inicien en el conocimiento del modernismo. con tal fin continuia garcia prada su pr ogo dando su propia definici n, ambientaci n, caracterizaci n e historia del modernismo. estampa luego el compilador las selecciones de poesias de quince poetas, precedida cada una de su breve nota critica sobre el poeta antologizado y de la lista de sus principales obras. son dichos poetas los siguientes: gon- zalez prada, marti, diaz mir n, gutierrez n.jera, casal, silva, dario, resenas nervo, jaimes freyre, gonzalez martinez, valencia, lugones, herrera y reissig, chocano y porfirio barba jacob. termina el libro con una bi- bliografia seleccionada de obras que pueden permitir al estudiante conti- nuar el iniciado conocimiento de los escritores modernistas y el moder- nismo. el ensayo introductorio a que antes me referia es breve y sustancioso. si este libro se usa, como seguramente ha de usarse, en clases de literatura hispanoamericana, dicho ensayo resulta aptisimo para que el maestro lo explique, lo comente y lo discuta parrafo por parrafo. su misma nece- saria brevedad ha forzado indudablemente al dr. garcia prada a ex- presarse en forma concisa, en frases epigramiticas, que tanto si se esti de acuerdo con su contenido como si no se esti de acuerdo, pueden ser excelente motivo de exegesis. las tesis basicas de garcia prada son: , que el modernismo es una de las manifestaciones de una constante de la cultura occidental que desde el alejandrinismo va hasta el superrealismo pasando por la edad de plata latina, por el barroquismo, el romanticis- mo y el mismo modernismo, constante cultural que se opone a otra cons- tante, la del clasicismo; , que el modernismo es la expresi n hispanoame- ricana de esa constante cultural resurgida simultineamente en varias litera- turas occidentales en el ltimo tercio del siglo xix, literaturas que debido a esa simultaneidad del fen meno pudieron inter-fertilizarse; y, , que precisamente por ser la expresi n de una constante cultural, el modernis- mo-en lo que tiene de esencial- no esta liquidado. estas tres tesis pueden dar ocasi n al profesor para exposiciones y discusiones en pro y en contra en su clase, afiadiendo asi al goce est tico de la lectura de las poesias contenidas en la antologia el interns intelectual de los temas de historia de la cultura y de la literatura que esas afirmaciones de gar- cia prada suscitan. las notas del compilador que preceden a cada una de las selecciones de poesias son claras, adecuadas a su prop sito docente, y est.n escritas tambien con la caracteristica elegancia de la pluma de su autor. las una sola observaci n respecto a dos de esas notas. en las pigs. y se afirma que ricardo jaimes freyre en sus leyes de la versificacidn castellacna ( ; ), present como suya, aduefiindose de ella, la teoria del verso.:que manuel gonzilez prada habia explicado en las notas a exdticas ( ). la pu- blicaci n en libro de las leyes data, en efecto, de con segunda edici n en ; pero la primera publicaci n de su teoria la habia hecho ya jaimes freyre en (afios antes, por lo tanto, de la aparici n del citado libro de de gonzalez prada), en dos articulos: "la ley del ritmo", revista de letras y ciencias sociales, la habana, nim. , septiembre , pigs. - , y "leyes de la revista iberoamericana selecciones muestran el mismo buen sentido pedag gico -y alto nivel de valor estetico-- en la presentaci n de las diversas facetas de la obra de ca- da autor y del conjunto de esa obra dentro del complejo modernista. en resumen, el profesor garcia prada proporciona con esta antologia un til instrumento de enseiianza a los maestros de literatura hispanoame- ricana, un eficaz y c modo texto a los estudiantes de la materia, y, final- mente, una prueba mis de su experta docencia y de su fino gusto literario. luis mongui mills college carlos mazzanti, el sustituto, ediciones botella al mar, buenos aires, . pp. con el sustituto, el joven escritor argentino carlos mazzanti . ( - ) ha logrado retratar al hombre angustioso de la poca actual. como "jesus agobiado por la incomprensi n del pueblo que lo cruci- ficaba", el hombre pasa por la vida sin que nadie le comprenda: ni aun sus padres ni su esposa. el siente personalmente los dolores del mundo. "creia experimentar cada uno de los dolores humanos, y cualquier perro desamparado en una esquina solitaria que encontraba cuando regresaba por las noches a su cuarto haciale revivir esos confusos tropeles de conoci- mientos donde se mezclaba la sangre, el polvo y las ligrimas de todos los siglos". el sustituto es un libro intenso, escrito en un solo pirrafo, que surge totalmente del interior del protagonista. el contenido de la obra puede dividirse en cuatro planos: los movimientos del protagonista, que trans- curren, a excepci n de las uiltimas piginas, en un solo dia; la preocupa- ci n por su vecino que va a morir ahorcado a las nueve y media de la noche por haber asesinado a un viejo; los recuerdos de toda la vida del protagonista; la semi-conciencia del protagonista de ser represen- tante de toda la humanidad. versificaci n castellana", ibid., num. , octubre , pigs. - . ver. dorothy clotelle clarke, una bibliografia de versificacion :espaola (berkeley [university of california publications in modern philology, vol. , ncm. , ), pag. . no parece, pues, justificada aquella afirmaci n. carlos mazzanti, el sustituto (buenos aires: ediciones botella al mar, ), p. .- ibid., pp. - . r e s e a s los movimientos del protagonista constituyen al principio el:plano menos significante del libro mas van acelerindose hasta culminar en un final heroico y glorioso, en el cual se reinen los cuatro pianos del libro. una mafiana el protagonista se rasura, toma una taza de cafe, se viste y sale de su departamento. baja la escalera, sale a la calle y se sienta en un banco en la plaza. a las once pasa por un jardin y luego entra en un caf donde pide una cerveza y toma una aspirina. a las cinco va a la bi- blioteca y lee todos los peri dicos que l evan datos sobre el crimen. en la calle otra vez, se encuentra con la esposa del reo. alocado, le grita que ~ mismo fue el asesino. huye por las calles. recoge todo su di- nero y se lo da a la lavandera. entonces se dirige a la c.rcel y se en- trega a la autoridad. algin tiempo despus lo llevan al cadalso y lo ahorcan. desde el principio del libro, el protagonista piensa en la suerte de su vecino sentenciado a morir a las nueve y media de esa misma noche. el vecino no ha confesado el asesinato y por eso el protagonista lo cree ino- cente y quiere ayudarlo. al bajar la escalera el protagonista recuerda que hace seis meses, la mafiana despues del crimen, habia encontrado alli una moneda de cincuenta centavos agujereada. durante el dia sigue pen- sando en el crimen cuyas circunstancias recuerdan crimen y cartigo de dostoyevsky. el viejo asesinado fue hallado con el crineo hundido y un martillo a su lado. al leer el reportaje sobre el proceso, el protago- nista se convence de la inocencia del acusado. este, en su defensa, dijo que habia bajado al departamento del viejo para recoger una moneda de cin- cuenta centavos agujereada. su niiio la habia dejado colarse por una de las rajaduras del piso. al entrar en el departamento del viejo, se aturdi al ver a este asesinado. en ese momento entr otro vecino y llam a los policias. el protagonista, convencido de la inocencia del acusado, ve la oportunidad de quitarse la mayor preocupaci n de su vida: el nunca ha- ber hecho nada por nadie, y sustituye al vecino en el cadalso. al realizar este acto heroico y glorioso -insisto en la palabra glorioso por su insinuaci n religiosa- el protagonista da sentido a su vida. durante el dia, poco a poco, van surgiendo los recuerdos de su existencia. de nifio vivia con sus padres en una casa entre el mar y un bosque de pinos. no tenia hermanos y andaba solo y desnudo por la playa, hablando con el viento y devolviendo los mariscos y las conchas al mar. cuando tenia doce afios, muri su padre. su madre alquil una habitaci n en la ciudad y re- gresaban a la playa los fines de semana. laura, una amiga que lo seguia por la playa, deja de aparecer un dia. la madre de la muchacha le informa revista iberoamericana que muri asfixiada en la ciudad. sin embargo, cuando piensa en los horrores que sufri su amigo en una ciudad ocupada por los nazis, le parece poco importante la muerte de laura. la madre del protagonista muri antes de que e cumpliera los diez y seis afios. hace unos seis afios e se estableci en la ciudad. recuerda a su amante elena quien le visita en la circel despues de su confesi n. despues de unas alusiones muy va- gas en distintas partes del libro, acabamos por saber la historia de su es- posa m nica en las timas quince piginas. despues de casarse, fueron a vivir en la casa de la playa. m nica, lo mismo que la madre del protago- nista, tiene que acostumbrarse a vivir sola mientras que este no puede dejar de comunicarse con la naturaleza. ni el nacimiento de su hijo puede cambiarlo. un dia mientras l vaga por la playa en medio de un huracin, m nica se asusta, trata de huir con el niflo y los dos mueren en la tem- pestad. la vida y la muerte del protagonista tienen una trascendencia filos - fica. representan la vida y la muerte de la humanidad. el protagonista aspira a la libertad de todo, inclusive su alma. le atormenta el recuerdo del barquito metido en la botella, el cual el queria devolver al mar tanto como habia devuelto los mariscos y las conchas. por todo el libro se oyen variaciones del motivo "cuando las estrellas comiencen a llorar... verbs, pequefio mio, que sus ligrimas son gotas de rocio que regresan desde el tiempo hacia el mar". de igual manera los hombres regresan a su padre despues de haber obrado bien. asi cristo, asi el sustituto. los dos murie- ron por una humanidad que no los comprendia y los dos fueron consolados en sus ltimos momentos por una prostituta. al lado de este concepto cristiano, se siente la coexistencia del materialismo que sefiala el mar como la cuna de la humanidad. al captar con gran sensibilidad la angustia del hombre del siglo veinte, carlos mazzanti, con su primer libro, se ha colocado al lado de novelistas argentinos tan distinguidos como manuel gilvez (el mal metafisico) y eduardo mallea (bahia de silencio, etc.). datos autobiogrificos de carlos mazzanti: "como datos biogrificos le dir que naci en buenos aires, pero que la mayor parte de mi vida transcurri en la patagonia, pues mi padre es ibid., pp. - . carta dirigida al autor de esta resefia, fechada en buenos aires, de sep- tiembre de . rese e as agrimensor. hemos recorrido gran parte de la zona cordillerana, sobre el limite con chile efectuando la medici n de tierras para entregarla a los po- bladores. me parece dificil que yo pueda liberar jamis mi obra de ese paisaje grandioso y de la deplorable miseria en que viven la inmensa mayo- ria de sus pobladores aut ctonos o descendientes en forma directa o indi- recta de los indigenas que antafio poseian todas esas magnificas tierras. puedo decirle que he recorrido una buena parte de los bosques templados de la cordillera a lomo de caballo ayudando a mi padre. naci en el afio de mil novecientos veintiseis y mis estudios no han pasado de los secundarios. actualmente poseo un pequefio taller de marcos para cuadros aqui, en bue- nos aires. eso es todo lo que puedo decirle respecto a mi vida. en cuanto a mi obra, ya le he manifestado mas arriba que el sustituto es mi primera novela. tengo escritas, ademis, tres obras de teatro: la comisidn de men- suras, la piel oscura y paralaje , ninguna de las cuales ha sido publicada o representada. poseo algunos cuentos, una novela terminada, el emisa- rio, y otras tres en preparaci n; al final de la calle, la casa en el bosque, y sobre la misma tierra. de estas tres, sobre la misma tierra transcurre en la patagonia y la casa en el bosque, en un pueblo cercano a buenos aires. al final de la calle, al igual que el sustituto, no tiene ubicaci n ni en el tiempo ni en el espacio, aunque puede presumirse que transcurre en eu- ropa, entre las tres filtimas guerras. ha acertado ud. en lo que se refiere a kafka y dostoyevski, pero no he leido a joyce. son tambien mis autores predilectos faulkner y jocelyn brooke, el autor de el chivo emisario'". seymour menton universidad de kansas cuentos de tomls carrasquilla "n~ufrago asombroso del siglo de oro' (colecci n popular de clasicos maiceros, iv), editado por b. a. gu- ti&rrez. medellin: editorial bedout, . pp. desde hace mis de cuarenta afios benigno a. gutierrez consagra sus energias (infinitas parecen ser juzgando por el alcance de sus labores lite- rarias) a los valores culturales de su patria chica, antioquia, "este terruiio, embotellado en los andes y harto diverso en un todo al resto del pais". la substanciosa lista de sus publicaciones comprende vol menes dedica- dso a los escritos de juan de dios uribe ("el indio") y de antonio jose restrepo, asi como varias compilaciones folkl ricas y populares que reu- nen las ma's insignes firmas de la literatura antioquefia. tales titulos como revista iberoamericana notas regionales, antioquia tipica, pro patria, de todo el maiz, arrume folkidrico -de todo el maiz (nueva edici n notablemente aumentada), gente maicera, serie tipica colombiana, abarcando el periodo entre y , proclaman elocuentemente el rumbo de su entusiasmo y de su pa- triotismo. en , guti&rrez inici su colecci n popular de clisicos maiceros con la edici n de cuentos y novelas de francisco de p. renddn, publica- da con motivo del primer centenario del natalicio del escritor antioquefio. los tomos ii y iii de la misma serie salieron en , consagrados a la obra del "ito" de concordia, el escritor, orador y diplomatico antonio jos restrepo. ahora el cuarto volumen de los clasicos maiceros acaba de salir de los talleres de la editorial bedout, medellin. revela el mismo esmero y el mismo carifio que los anteriores. hermosamente empastado en piel roja, bien impreso, ilustrado y escrupulosamente corregido, el tomo con- tiene una selecci n tipica de la prosa de tomas carrasquilla, ofrecida en orden cronol gico. est. por demis decir que tales compilaciones como sta, las que condensan la producci n literaria de un autor, no pueden me- nos de ser subjetivas, incorporando ciertas obras y omitiendo otras. me parece que, dejando aparte preferencias puramente personales, la selec- ci n esti muy acertada. benigno a. gutierrez se propone presentar a tomis carrasquilla "cuentista", y los ejemplos que escoge para ilustrar su tesis confirman el entusiasmo de los juicios criticos que adornan el vo- lumen. veinte y una obras tomadas de la entera carrera artistica del autor, cecsde hasta , componen el libro. "entrafias de nifio", "el padre casaffis" (incorporado bajo el titulo original de "luterito"), "dimitas arias" y "salve, regina", escritos todos durante la primera poca, tienen .ivs alcance que los demas y, por esto, son clasificados a veces de "nove- las cortas". al lado de stas figuran diecisiete cuentos no menos caracte- r~sticos por los dones de estilo que exponen. he alli "sim n el mago" (fir- rmado con el seud nimo de carlos malaquita), el inmortal cuento de peral- ta, el monmovedor relato de blanca, el cuento "poco antioquefio" que se titula "a la plata", "el rifle" (que tard tanto en aparecer), "la mata" y otros. el sefior guti&rrez basa su edici n sobre las principes, apuntando en el indice el afio de la primera publicaci n de cada uno de los cuentos y enumerando, al final del volumen, las obras publicadas por el autor. incorpora los dibujos de gabriel montoya y de horacio m.. rodriguez r e s enr a s que acompaiaron la primera publicaci n de los cuentos respectivos, y afia- de algunos hechos por i. g mez jaramillo, humberto chaves y horacio longas. de entre las demis ilustraciones que realzan el tomo se destacan la partida eclesiastica (p. xxiii) que descubre la verdadera fecha del na- talicio del autor, la reproducci n de una p gina del manuscrito de la mar- quesa de yolombd (p. ) que revela su modo de escribir "borrando, componiendo y enmendando", asi como el inolvidable perfil de carras- quilla visto por el doctor filix mexia a. con ojo de artista y con amor de familiar. aparecieron los primeros productos de la pluma de carrasquilla en el casino literario, la amiscelinea, el montanes y alpha, revistas lite- rarias que florecian en medellin durante las iltimas d cadas del siglo pasado y la primera del actual. las notas del compilador que utilizan, en parte, esas fuentes contemporneas, y, en parte, la correspondencia intima del autor, no s o alumbran los principios literarios de carras- quilla, aludiendo a la genesis de "sim n el mago", "en la diestra de dios padre", "a la plata" y "entraiias de nifio", asi como al "doloroso alumbramiento" de "blanca", sino que tambien le permiten al lector una ojeada de la fase formativa de la literatura antioquefia. se han deslizado en la edici n muy pocos errores y menos lagunas. en el indice (p. vi) figuran "mineros" bajo el afio de y "el .prefacio de francisco vera"- bajo . segin mis apuntes bibliogri- ficos salieron los dos, por primera vez, en el espectador de medellin en . el. indice (p. vi) apunta correctamente el afio que corresponde a la primera publicaci n del cuento "el rifle", o sea , pero la nota de la pagina (nota tan generosa como inmerecida) sefiala el afio equivocado de . una importante nota del compilador se encuentra en las p.ginas - sin dato correspondiente en el indice, y los deli- ciosos apuntes "el viejo carrasca" por cano, rend n y mexia no estin ubicados en la p.gina , sino al frente de la pagina . al indice de las obras publicadas por el autor (p. ) se debieran afiadir la edici n ligia cruz, rogelio (dos novelas cortas), bogota, edi- ciones colombia (i ), . , la titulada novelas (que contiene la auto- biografia, "salve, regina" y "dimitas arias"), bogota, editorial minerva, -s. a., , y, tal vez para aclarar la cronologia a los nimeros v y vi (p. ) el afio de . en la secci n post mortem (p. o) pudie- ran mencionarse al lado de las obras compleas de , las dos ediciones de la marquesa de yolombd, publicadas en buenos aires por w. m. jack- sn, inc. en y respectivamente, con el pr logo de rafael maya, revista ib eroamericana asi como la edici n de entrafas de nifio; salve, regina, bogota, biblio- teca popular de cultura colombiana, . el hermoso libro de gutirrez no s o es un homenaje "al viejo ca- rrasca" que anuncia dignamente el primer centenario de su natalicio en el mes de enero de , sino tambien uno a antioquia y a "la gran alma de nuestra america". la cordial invitaci n: "compre, lea y regale li- bros nacionales" que se encuentra en la cubierta, no tardara en aceptarse, quedando todos los "libros nacionales" tan atractivos de forma y tan subs- tanciosos de fondo como la edici n ilustrada de los cuentos de tomds carrasquilla. kurt l. levy, university of toronto toronto, ont., canada david vnias, los anos despiadados, edici n prensas universitarias, bue- nos aires, . el autor, que hace poco tiempo nos diera a conocer cayd sobre su rostro, fuerte y vigorosa expresi n de nuestra novelistica, hace entrega ahora de una nueva obra, los anos despiadados. el mismo titulo va a in- dicarnos el desusado descubrimiento de un adolescente -protagonista sobre la ciudad, la cual presta marco al relato. aqui vive un buenos aires aut ntico, con sus barrios y lugares caracteristicos, con un vocabulario sim- ple y cotidiano, al cual hemos ya acostumbrado el oido, con la cita de nombres que significan o simbolizan solamente al portefio una trayectoria o un desarrollo ciudadano. los personajes tienen por ello un decir fresco y que va cobrando autenticidad, a pesar de que el estilo a veces suele volverse confuso y pierde agilidad. este enumerativo planteo, nos recuerda a faulkner, por una parte, y siempre, lo cual podria reconfortar al autor, a otro novelista ejemplar y productor del medio ambiente, roberto arlt, quien dedic su obra a la descripci n de nuestras barriadas, costumbres y personajes, con una verdadera pasi n y esfuerzo. david vifias vuelve a ese camino. los anos despiadados muestra el proceso de un sector, una calle, una familia. alli, los pintados gestos, el grotesco tratamiento, la sabiduria popular, el "despiadado" aprendizaje, vienen lentamente en busca de una soluci n, el rechazo diriamos de esa existencia angustiada o bien la tolerancia, llamada a profetizarle una formaci n cruel e insatis- fecha. algunos dibujos de ambiente, "el guapo del barrio", fuente de resenas anecdotas, la amistad con el hijo del portero, su madre y la hermana, tocan humanamente al adolescente que sufre una realidad social cruel, que el autor sabe presentar y que ha de producirle una permanencia entre los j venes valores argentinos. horacio jorge becco buenos aires dora isella russell, oleaje. pr logo de ventura garcia calder n, im- presora uruguaya, s. a., montevideo, . pp. este libro de dora isella russell, autora ya de sonetos ( ), el canto irremediable ( ) y un ensayo sobre "peer gynt" (i ), es el testimonio po tico de la desorientaci n de la juventud actual en una epoca que le niega el cultivo del coraz n y la obliga a vivir una ma- durez prematura. dora isella russell ha nacido con la angustia moderna por patrimonio, y la nostalgia rom.ntica para castigo de su joven sensibilidad. su adolescen- cia sentimental casi parece no haber existido, pues hoy mas que nunca es "breve" la "rosa" gongorina. la vida acelera tanto su ritmo que ya no se es- pera la muerte para morir. se muere con cada hora ("tantos pasados van hacia su rio"), y uno a uno van cayendo los suefios, improvisados casi entre cataclismo y cataclismo; o mejor dicho, llegan casi en "cenizas", sin la esperanza de prolongar por unos instantes la ilusi n humana. en el mundo de hoy, que s o puede ofrecer "la triste seguridad de lo inmediato", re- gido por estas desconcertantes leyes de relatividad, hasta en el terreno psiquico, mas que nunca tambi n y con mayor urgencia que antes "reclama" el ser humano sus "eternidades". ya nada le pertenece al hombre. todos van por la finica senda "de soledad y desencanto" que les queda, sin fe en el absoluto. como poeta, dora isella russell necesita "el suefio" y "la canci n". como mujer, le sigue fiel a peer gynt que supo crear un mundo de encanto y de fantasia. si ruben dario se lamentaba en i de que ya no hubiera una "princesa que cantar", dora isella se lamenta hoy de la perdida, no ya s o de la belleza estetica ("ya no hay cisnes, ni g ndolas, ni liras") sino hasta de los sentimientos mas profundos del hombre, como lo es el de la naturaleza ("no existen ya... ni las montafias / ni las selvas ni el bosque..."). los "sonetos del encuentro" de la segunda parte del libro ponen de relieve la tendencia de su espiritu al equilibrio, a la belleza, a la gracia ele- gante, casi renacentista, de la expresi n selectiva. representan lo que es revista iberoamericana dora isella, lo que aspira a ser en su alma, y explican el sentido de los poe- mas de la primera parte, "voz de solveig", que, sin nombrarlo, hablan del destierro en que vive el poeta de hoy dentro de su propio ambiente y del todavia mayor destierro de la mujer en un mundo sin amor. el acento aut ntico de dora isella russell, la originalidad del pensa- miento, la transparencia y simplicidad de la expresi n, la emoci n conte- nida que encierran muchos versos, revelan a un gran poeta. helena percas grinnell college el paisaje en nuestra literatura (a prop sito del libro de enrique williams alzaga, la pampa en la novela argentina, buenos aires, estrada, ). son numerosos los articulos y ensayos breves sobre el paisaje ar- gentino en general, asi como los analisis e interpretaciones restringidas, ya en raz n de la zona geogrifica, ya del aspecto paisajistico consi- derado. faltan libros organicos que afronten el fecundo tema desde el punto de vista estetico y en su relaci n con la literatura. no me refiero por cierto a descripciones literarias, recuerdos de turistas o memorias de viajeros, cuya abundancia torrencial todos conocemos. aludo al analisis del paisaje desde el punto de vista est&ico, a la clarificaci n de su con- cepto y a la determinaci n de los elementos que lo integran. vinculando ese estudio con la literatura, esperamos el ensayo que explique estos ilti- mos en funci n de los rasgos estilisticos que el analisis critico puede re- velar en las obras mis representativas de los diversos imbitos regionales argentinos. este apasionante programa de investigaci n puede aprovechar valio- sas contribuciones existentes. algunas obras cumbres de nuestras letras, como la cautiva, facundo, martin fierro, don segundo sombra, zogoibi, han suscitado paginas interesantisimas desde este punto de vista. por otra parte, ningn paisaje como la pampa ha inspirado a tantos escritores ar- gentinos y extranjeros, ansiosos de captar y expresar su fisonomia esencial y su poderosa sugesti n. la abundancia de material, tanto descriptivo como exegetico, justi- fica su exposici n ordenada, su selecci n antol gica y su examen critico. es la dificil empresa que ha cumplido enrique williams alzaga en su r e s e r as reciente libro la pampa en la novela argentina. se trata de una tesis universitaria que el autor present en para optar al titulo doctoral en nuestra facultad de filosofia y letras de la universidad de buenos aires. en pirrafo intercalado en el actual prefacio cuenta el autor que don ricardo rojas le habia sefialado como tema "el paisaje nativo en la literatura argentina" y esa sigue siendo sugerencia que mantiene su validez. debemos agradecer a williams alzaga el serio avance que ha hecho en ese rumbo con su importante libro. e mismo ha considerado conveniente reducir aquel vasto programa en dos sentidos: circunscribirlo a la pampa y estudiarlo solamente en la novela. este volumen, de paginas, con- firma la amplitud del tema, que se despliega notablemente si lo conce- bimos proyectado a los demis paisajes caracteristicos del pais (por ejem- plo selva, puna, montafias y valles, lagos, mar) y los rastreamos en obras literarias de todos los g neros. aun demarcando el sector de "la pampa en la novela" resulta vas- tisimo. "no ha sido mi intenci n -dice el autor- realizar una obra ex- haustiva. (estimo, asi, innecesario disculparme de las omisiones)". esta franca declaraci n hace redundante, pues, el recuerdo de novelas no tra- tadas, aunque son ricas en material descriptivo de la pampa. el autor ha preferido elegir "obras y autores que signifiquen puntos de vista distintos, enfoques diversos del tema" (p. i ). para lograr este objetivo, williams alzaga ha estructurado su trabajo dedicando las ioo primeras piginas a temas introductorios, como la presentaci n de la pampa geogrifica y su rastreo a trav s de los viajeros extranjeros. aborda el campo literario con un capitulo sobre la cautiva y facundo, p rticos por los cuales la pampa irrumpe en nuestras letras. el tema principal se desarrolla desde ei capitulo iv hasta el x, con inclusi n de uno sobre narraciones de "fron- tera" (con las contribuciones tan valiosas de mansilla y zeballos) y otro muy justificado sobre hudson. por fin, el iltimo capitulo, de caricter complementario y tambien muy til como esquema panormrnico, se refiere a la pampa en el cuento. el criterio general adoptado es el hist rico. va presentando las obras a lo largo de pocas literariamente significativas, desde el romanticismo al modernismo, pasando por el aporte realista y naturalista. en cada caso, agrupa las novelas rurales separandolas de aquellas en que s o acciden- talmente aparece la pampa. es muy loable la seriedad con que el autor se ha documentado y la probidad con que ha cumplido su tarea, bien ardua por cierto. analiza revista iberoamericana los pasajes atinentes de cada novela tratada, destacando los rasgos que se explican por el enfoque est tico o las particulares condiciones del escritor. sus observaciones suelen apoyarse en la transcripci n adecuada, con lo cual el lector dispone de una verdadera antologia. cualquier estudio futuro tendr, en este libro s lido punto de par- tida. el autor cumple el objetivo que se propuso. no es mengua de este esfuerzo bien logrado el considerar que mantiene su vigencia la sugesti n recordada de ricardo rojas. el tema del paisaje en la literatura justifica el aporte de nuevas investigaciones. la que comento lo encara a trav s de periodos est tico-literarios y nos ofrece un verdadero inventario del contenido de cada novela en relaci n con el paisaje pampeano. por mi parte creo que se podria abordar el asunto desde otros flancos. dejo de lado la posibilidad de extender el campo de estudio a otros paisajes, tambien caracteristicos del pals. aun con respecto a la pampa, se ve la posibilidad de profundizar en el analisis con penetraci n esti- listica. tomando un caso cualquiera, zogoibi por ejemplo, he compro- bado de que manera prodigiosa se enriquece el paisaje, aparentemente esquemitico y mon tono de la pampa, si a trav s del estilo de larreta vamos poniendo de relieve los integrantes sensoriales. no s o las sensa- ciones visuales, con sus variedades luminidas y crom.ticas, sino los ma- tices de la luz, cambiante seguin se ofrezca al alba, en los crepusculos estremecidos de presagios o en las noches hondas; la luz como reveladora visual de las cosas y las cosas mismas dotadas de una interna vislumbre. caben tambien las sensaciones kinestsicas, olfativas, termicas y desde luego las auditivas como refuerzo de la percepci n del paisaje a travs de los ruidos del campo, de las voces y cantos de pijaros y animales y aun del silencio mismo, que por asociaci n sinestesica puede sugerir el transcurso del tiempo o la idea de distancia. el entrecruzamiento de sen- saciones de diverso orden es otro magnifico recurso para captar y ex- presar los aspectos mis sutiles del paisaje, hasta llegar a la concepci n de la realidad geogrifica con sentido trascendente y noci n metafisica. las posibilidades de buceo son innumerables y no pretendo ni si- quiera indicarlas. aunque algunas veces williams alzaga recurre a este procedimiento de anlisis, queda en este sentido, tanto en extensi n como en profundidad, mucho por hacer. la presentaci n cronol gica de las obras se explica por exigencias del enfoque hist rico ya dicho; pero no cabe duda que el lector agrade- ceria, ademis, el agrupamiento temitico comparativo de los aspectos m .s r e se n as caracteristicos del paisaje pampeano. asi por ejemplo, la luz, el color, el cielo, el horizonte como perspectiva dominante, la vida vegetal y animal, la obra del hombre incorporada plisticamente a la realidad geo- gr.fica. el paisaje ofrece tambien momentos y aspectos inusitados, me- te ricos o accidentales, como las tormentas, las inundaciones, las sequias, el incendio del campo, que por si solos enriquecen una antologia descrip- tiva. estos y otros aspectos estin sefialados en el libro de williams alzaga, pero es menester recorrerlo integro para localizar los pasajes o referencias correspondientes. las citas bibliogrificas de esta obra provocan a reparos t&cnicos en cuyos detalles no puedo entrar aqui. la ndmina de ediciones utilizadas muestra deficiencias en los encabezamientos, en las notas tipogr.ficas y de paginaci n; desconcierta al lector pues no guarda ningfin orden visible: ni alfab tico, ni cronol gico, ni temitico; las ediciones tenidas como base no son siempre las mis autorizadas ni definitivas. las referencias a obras y articulos criticos incluidas en el texto o en notas se pierden por la falta de una n mina general de autores citados. por lo mismo que las novelas estudiadas representan una selecci n, hubiera sido conveniente incluir en la n mina obras no examinadas, pero que de pleno derecho pueden ampararse bajo los terminos del titulo, pues son novelas y se refieren a la pampa. el lector siente tambien la ausencia de una sintesis final que apro- veche el fruto de los anilisis. si se tiene en cuenta que el libro fue ori- ginariamente una tesis, pareciera que falta precisamente una breve con- clusi n que la exponga. formulo estos reparos secundarios precisamente porque siento sincero respeto por la importante obra realizada y considero que por su docu- mentaci n y probidad seri este libro indispensable fuente de consulta sobre el tema que trata. el lector no sale defraudado y por el contrario, al provecho de la lectura afiade el agrado de manejar un volumen de extraordinaria dignidad tipogrifica, enriquecido con fotografias e ilus- traciones documentales y sugeridoras. el autor y la casa editora pueden tener la satisfacci n de haber realizado un importante aporte a la critica literaria en particular y a la cultura argentina en general. augusto rail cortazar universidad de buenos aires revista ibe:roamericana eugenio gomes. prata de casa (ensaios de literatura brasileira), a noite, rio de janeiro, [ ], pp. e particularmente feliz o titulo que o eminente ensaista deu a este novo livro. a maior parte dos seus estudos tinha versado sobre literaturas estrangeiras; este volume examina virios assuntos de literatura brasileira. eis o que explica a "casa". e a "prata"? esta foi escolhida pelo pr prio autor; nao foi imposicio do acaso. por isso que s encontramos aqui prata de lei: alvares de azevedo, castro alves, olavo bilac, machado de assis, raul pomp ia, joaquim nabuco entre outros. com a modestia de todo intelectual s ido, o sr. eugenio gomes teme que esta prata perca porventura o brilho e o valor entre as suas maos (p. ). quem lhe con- hece os livros anteriores passa adiante sem receio algum; e quem tomar contacto com o autor atrav s deste, nao querert perder os seguintes. pois a prata que ele trata com tanto carinho sai-lhe das maos com um novo lustre e novas qualidades ainda nao percebidas. o sr. eugenio gomes examina um aspecto s da obra de dado es- critor (o humorismo de alvares de azevedo, as imagens do movimento em castro alves, por exemplo), mas tao profundo conhecedor da obra estudada que sente a faz sentior as repercussoes desse aspecto na producao total do autor; assim alguns dos estudos chegam a ser visoes integrais de um poeta atrav s de certo elemento de sua feigao literaria. nio se trata de aspectos ja estudados por outros e repisados nos manuais de hist ria literaria; sao lados que, apesar de despercebidos pelos criticos, nao deixam por isso de ser caracteristicos. nem todos os estudos sao desta natureza. um traco notavel do livro mesmo a variedade; a curiosidade do autor se manifesta em varios ra- mos e com admiravel virtuosidade. pesquisador paciente, tira de versos atribuidos a castro alves, de um soneto esquecido de bilac, de um inddito de raul pompeia, considera~ es gerais sobre a criacio dos respectivos es- critores. sensibilidade aberta tanto ao prosaico como ao et reo, leva-nos a passear pela pasirgada dos poetas ("o mundo das sereias...") e pouco depois nos oferece um ensaio espirituoso sobre o trocadilho e as suas peripicias. baiano que preza as tradic es da sua terra, escreve notas sim- piticas sobre xavier marques e artur de sales. conhecedor entusiasta da literatura inglesa, analisa de perto traducses de shakespeare para o por- tugues( de machado de assis para o inglis; aos olhos de um estrangeiro, pelo menos, esses comentarios constituem proveitosa li§;o de portugues. de prop sito deixei para o fim dois autores de minha particular res e nas afeicao, machado de assis e joaquim nabuco. este forneee o assunto de breve mas substancioso ensaio sobre a papel da inglaterra e dos ingleses na formacao de um espirito essencialmente frances. aquele, ja dsde hi muitos anos longamente meditado, toma conta de sete ensaios. saa todos sugestivos, especialmente o sobre a metafora em machado de assis, um dos raros estudos de valor sobre o estilo do grande artista. o que diz o sr. eugrnio gomes -ao lado de tantos outros, alias- das reag es de machado perante a natureza ("machado de assis em friburgo") sofre, penso, ligeiras restrio es em vista de um trecho de carta de machado a magalhaes de azeredo citado a pagina da quinta edicao (rio de janeiro: jose olympio, ) do machado de assis da sra. lucia miguel pereira. em um dos estudos machadianos o autor volta a um tema pre- dileto: as influencias estrangeiras que machado assimilou. em escritos anteriores ja tinha assinalado rastros de leituras inglesas e francesas (ver influencias inglesas em machado de assis [bahia: imp. regina, e espelho contra espeiho [sao paulo: instituto progresso editorial, i ). aqui e a vez de voltaire, que teria influido, atraves de candide, na con- cepcao da filosofia do humanitismo e em outros aspectos das memorias postumas de bras cubas. alusoes especificas provam que machado con- heceu essa deliciosa satira; mas nao foi, penso, a unica fonte do humani- tismo-como alias o reconhece o pr prio sr. eugenio gomes (p. )- nem mesmo a principal. com outros eu ja inclinava a ver nessa filosofia uma satira as desumanas teorias cientificas do fim do seculo xix, e especialmente ao positivismo, quando um velho amigo encontrou entre seus papeis e me mandou um artigo de joaquim mattoso camara jr., "quincas borba e o humanitismo", publicado no boletim de filologia (rio de janeiro), ano ii, fasciculo (setembro de ), paginas - . autor aponta nao s o positivismo mas tambem conceitos de schopenhauer e nietzsche como possiveis componentes de uma filosofia que provocou a indignaca do humanista radical que foi machado de assis. quanto aos estudos do sr. eugenio gomes sobre as influencias estrangeiras, permito-me, salvo o respeito devido a um dos poucos verdadeiros conhece- dores da obra de machado, achar que o distinto ensaista exagera. alias, ver, por exemplo, raymundo magalhaes jinior, maachado de assis descon- hecido (rio de janeiro: civilizaao brasileira, ), pp. - ; ant nio noronha santos, "quincas borba: o personagem", correio da manha (rio de janeiro), de janeiro de , .a secao, pp. , . o artigo foi reproduzido quase textualmente no diario de noticias (rio de janeiro), de marco de , suplemento literario, pp. , . revista iberoamericana alguns criticos brasileiros ja disseram a mesma coisa quando do apareci- mento das influencias inglesas em machado de assis. ao lado de acertos incontrovertiveis o sr. eugenio gomes revelou o que nao passa, a meu ver, de interessantissimos paralelos; dai a influencia, ha um grande salto. parece-me que proclamar influencia onde nao ha prova irrecusavel e en- fraquecer um argumento ji de si valido. mas tudo e matiz em se tratando de machado; ninguem pode ter a certeza de estar corn a razao, e eu nao exprimo senao uma opiniao pessoal. sobre a questao muito delicada das influencias, ver um estudo do sr. augusto meyer, " delirio de bris cubas", publicado no diario carioca (rio de janeiro), em de julho de , . secao, paginas e , e reimpresso na segunda edigao (rio de janeiro: organiza oes simoes, ) do machado de assis do autor. e, alias, num estudo que aponta paralelos e nega influencias que o sr. eugenio gomes nos da toda a medida da sua capacidade de critico: "adelino magalhaes e a moderna literatura experimental". confesso que antes de ler esta interpretacao nao conhecia nem o nome de adelino ma- galhaes; pois bem, o ensaio e prova cabal de que nenhum estudioso da literatura mundial contemporanea tem o direito de ignorar esse escritor que por certos aspectos antecipa a gigantes como james joyce e virginia woolf. espero ter mostrado que prata de casa e um livro sugestivo; leva a pensar. nao me desculpo de discordar aqui e acola; tenho a certeza de que, para um escritor da estatura intelectual do sr. eugenio gomes, a ver- dadeira recompensa de seus esforcos reside nao na aceitacao cega de tudo quanto diz, e sim no estimulo que fornece aos seus leitores para pensarem por si. benjamin m. woodbridge, jr. universidade da california, berkeley francisco manrique cabrera, historia de la literatura puertorriquena, new york, las americas pub. co., , pags. (i: biblioteca puertorriquefia). la publicaci n de esta obra marca un jal n importante en la cultura iberoamericana por tratarse de, la primera historia de la literatura puerto- rriquefia escrita hasta la fecha. con ella se inicia la colecci n de la bi- blioteca puertorriquena, bajo la direcci n de gaeteano massa. el profesor manrique cabrera del departamento de estudios hispa- rese as nicos de la universidad de puerto rico ha hecho un estudio met dico de la evoluci n de las letras de la isla borincana desde la poca colonial hasta el presente. los movimientos mas significativos y las corrientes est ticas predominantes aparecen descritos en relaci n a la historia literaria del mundo hispinico, aportando cabrera la interpretaci n ajustada a la rea- lidad puertorriquefia. el par ntesis folkl rico y el capitulo sobre el modernismo superan otros aspectos de la obra, aunque en toda ella se aprecia el esfuerzo del escritor por interpretar y definir los hechos literarios en el devenir cul- tural de su patria ajustindose a un criterio objetivo. la lectura de la historia de la literatura puertorriqueia confirma lo que siempre hemos creido: la injusticia cometida por los antologistas y los historiadores de la literatura iberoamericana, quienes s o esporadica- mente recuerdan la existencia de puerto rico. un poeta de la calidad de jose gautier benitez, un ensayista de la talla de brau o de hostos, y li- ricos contempordneos de la talla de llorens torres, virgilio divila o ribera chevremont bien merecen figurar junto a sus pares en las letras del nuevo mundo. en el cuento, el teatro, la novela y el ensayo del si- glo xx, puerto rico tiene igualmente escritores de primer orden. al recoger el fruto de sus investigaciones en esta obra y al dar a co- nocer el desarrollo del quehacer literario en la vida de puerto rico, el profesor manrique cabrera facilita el estudio futuro de autores y temas puertorriquefios, ademas de dar fe de la existencia de una fructifera y valiosa actividad creadora en puerto rico que data del pasado y se inten- sifica con el correr de los afios, llegando a su plena madurez estdtica en la poca contemporanea. maria teresa babin new york university francisco romero: alejandro korn. fildsofo de la libertad. colecci n radar, editorial reconstruir, buenos aires, . korn muri el de octubre de . recuerdo el dia de fria pri- mavera en la plata, la suspensi n de las clases en la facultad de huma- nidades y la grave figura de coriolano alberini, a contraluz, en la puerta de la sala de profesores, esperando, con el sombrero puesto, el momento de ir a la casa del gran hombre, "el hombre del cual podemos decir con raz n re vista iberoamericana que, entre todos los de su tiempo que nos fue dado conocer, era el mejor, el mas sabio y el mas justo", como dijo plat n acerca de s crates, y ro- mero repite como acapite de su libro mas reciente sobre korn. romero se ha ocupado de korn muchas veces. aun en vida del fil - sofo habia publicado un articulo en nosotros, que debi aparecer trunco, pues korn le pidi que lo suspendiera cuando se enter de que romero lo, estaba escribiendo. despus de la muerte de korn, romero ha escrito en diversas ocasiones sobre el maestro y ha hablado de quiza mas ain. en el otofio de , probablemente en abril, muy poco despues que eu- genio pucciarelli me lo presentara en la facultad de humanidades, a la salida de una de sus clases, romero me invit a acompafiarlo hasta la casa de korn, donde se reunian los amigos que habian fundado la "sociedad de amigos de alejandro korn", a la cual me incorporaba. esa noche estaban presentes los duefios de casa: guillermo korn y emmy neddermann; ami- gos platenses, como los universales pedro henriquez urefia y arnaldo or- fila reynal; los abogados enrique galli, julio ratti, ernesto malmierca sanchez y juan manuel villarreal; los profesores de filosofia segundo tri, eugenio pucciarelli y anibal sanchez reulet; el profesor de historia luiz aznar y el profesor angel vasallo, que, si no me equivoco, venia de buenos aires para hacer oposiciones a la catedra de etica. quiza habia otras personas a quienes ahora no tengo presentes. a casi todos ellos, y a muchos otros, los encontre en afios siguientes en la universidad popular alejandro korn o en la facultad de humanidades, al cumplirse aniver- sarios de su muerte. hablaban henriquez urefia, alfonso reyes y, nue- vamente, romero. dos meses despues de la muerte de korn, la universidad de la plata resolvia publicar las obras completa de su ex-profesor, y encargaba la tarea a tres de sus amigos inmediatos: romero, pucciarelli y sanchez reulet. a principios de apareci el primer tomo con un extenso pr ogo de francisco romero, en el que, aparte de unos pocos datos biograficos, bos- queja la personalidad moral de korn. este trabajo fue reimpreso en el libro alejandro korn, por francisco romero, angel vasallo y luis aznar (losada, buenos aires, ), y ahora aparece impreso por tercera vez, como la contribuci n mas extensa al volumen titulado alejandro korn, fildsofo de la libertad, que, ademas, contiene tres opfisculos: "el testa- mento de un fil sofo" (los apuntes filoscficos), que se habia publicado como apendice del volumen alejandro korn; "tiempo y destiempo de alejandro korn", articulo de reimpreso anteriormente en filosofia de ayer y de hoy (argos, buenos aires, x ) y "alejandro korn en la resewas vida y en la muerte", que, probablemente, reproduce un texto ya publi- cado, pero que no recordamos haber visto con anterioridad. en todos los ensayos de romero acerca de alejandro korn encon- tramosel mismo tono de calida admiraci n por su maestro y amigo. en ellos se destaca mucho mas la personalidad moral de korn que su obra como pensador y como docente, aunque se nos dice m.s de una vez que en ambas su importancia ha sido muy grande. la exaltaci n que romero hace de los valores morales de korn corresponde muy bien a su con- cepto de persona, tal como lo ha expresado en otros libros, siguiendo las ensefianzas de max scheler y nicolai hartmann. pero no se encuentra todavia en estas piginas sobre korn una biografia completa o siquiera un bosquejo equilibrado de los diversos aspectos de su rica personalidad. es una pena que korn, tan capaz de dialogo brillante, no haya tenido cerca un boswell.* romero lo sabe y no deja de advertirnos al final de esta nueva recopilaci n que s o debe tomarse como "anotaci n de algunos rasgos suyos, pues su figura presenta muchas vertientes que aqui han sido omitidas". sin embargo, en el mismo libro de romero se encuentran sefialadas dos lineas que me parecen fundamentales para una comprensi n adecuada de la vida espiritual de korn. por una parte, sus condicionamientos so- ciales, desde sus origenes familiares, su vida profesional y su status eco- n mico en una poca relativamente respetuosa de los valores intelectua- les, si se la compara con la que le sigue y nos envuelve. "la familiaridad sefiorial de don alejandro, su continente amable y majestuoso, sus diva- gaciones ante el grupo cordial circundado por los libros de su biblioteca, la marcha lenta con los amigos... estaban muy en su punto en su casa de la calle o y a lo largo de la calle , y no lo hubieran estado tanto en un departamento portefio ni entre el apresurado anonimato callejero de buenos aires. en la plata se constituyeron los grupos que animaba y consolidaba korn, aunque participaban tambien de ellos gente de buenos aires (pigs. - ". la historia de estos grupos intelectuales de la plata esta por hacerse, pero ella seri necesaria para comprender la vida y la obra de alejandro korn. por otra parte, su vocaci n metafisico-religiosa, que tambien ha- .sido sefialada por romero cuando, dice, despubs de indicar su gusto por las * lo mas parecido que nos queda son los testimonios de angel poncio fe- rrando en el pequefio volumen alejandro korn (en colaboraci n con ana maria r. de aznar y maria de villarino, upak, la plata, ). revis ta iberoamerica na ciencias positivas: "pero no era s lo un hombre de hechos. no podia serlo el lector asiduo de plotino y del maestro eckart, el consumado co- nocedor de la mistica de todos los paises y de todos los tiempos... y acaso su humorismo no era sino la versi n profana y cotidiana de una inconfe- sada metafisica, de una visi n de lo trascendente que mantenia relegada a los estratos mas hondos de su conciencia" (pig. ). eugenio puccia- relli, en un articulo sobre korn, expresa que "afirmando de un modo absoluto -extrafia paradoja- la relatividad del conocimiento, s o queda una salida para la exigencia metafisica que el hombre no puede reprimir: la inmersi n mistica en lo absoluto". y afiade: "korn, a quien eran fa- miliares los textos de plotino, eckart, silesio, santa teresa y san juan de la cruz, poseia la disposici n feliz para comprender la experiencia mistica, a la que asignaba valor como fuente de revelaci n de lo absoluto. en sus iltimos afios prepar lecturas y orden experiencias y meditaciones con la esperanza de ahondar ese problema. la vida no le dio tiempo, y en su obra es facil advertir una ausencia, que, de haber sido realizada, nos habria dado el fruto mejor sazonado de su huerto". (congreso; interna- cional de filosofia. annais. instituto brasileiro de filosofia, so paulo, , tomo iii, pags. , -i,x .) pero, en realidad, hay en las obras de korn mas de una referencia al saber absoluto, y entre sus poemas en alemin hay uno que dice: "was ich getriumt, ward mir beschieden, / was ich ersehnt, ich habs erreicht / und fessellos, in reinem frieden, / hebt sich die seele frei und leicht." (lo que sofii me fue otorgado, / obtuve al fin lo que anhelaba; / y sin cadenas, en clara paz. / libre y ligera se alza mi alma.) la cuarta y filtima cuarteta reza asi: "num m gen dumpf die jahre schleichen. / vom alten joche neu beschwert, / ich trag des gliickes heilig zeichen, / ich bleib im kapfe unversehrt." (ya pueden seguir, bajo el viejo / yugo los afios su caravana. / yo, con el signo de la dicha, / me yergo, ileso, en la batalla.) estos versos, de , se encuentran en la pagina del vo- lumen de poemas, de alejandro korn, publicados con traducci n espafiola de ernesto palacio por el instituto de estudios germinicos de la uni- versidad de buenos aires en . seria muy deseable que el mismo romero nos diera mas recuerdos de korn, aunque no se ocupara sino de aquellos aspectos que se revelaron en el dialogo. pero el lector tiene el derecho de ser informado por el autor si el nuevo titulo que se publica contiene material nuevo o reimpre- siones. esta vez romero no nos dice nada acerca de los lugares y fechas donde los trabajos recopilados vieron la luz por primera vez. y ya que rese n as al trabajo mis extenso siguen los opisculos mencionados, el impresor hu- biera hecho bien en poner un indice a este simpatico volumen. juan adolfo vazquez universidad de cdrdoba, argentina fred p. ellison, brazil's new novel, university of california press, berkeley and los angeles, , i i pp., $ . . no pref.cio, o autor declara que ste trabalho lhe foi sugerido por uma votacao literaria de i, na qual i escritores brasileiros esclo- lheram os dez maiores romancistas do seu pais. os quatro romancistas contemporneos que conseguiram a decisao foram, nesta ordem, graci- liano ramos, jose lins do rego, jorge amado e rachel de queiroz, todos da regiao do brasil chamada "o nordeste" -- que abrange os estados da bahia, sergipe, alagoas, pernambuco, parahyba, rio grande do norte, ceari e as ireas costeiras de piauhy e maranhao. o nordeste terra de contrastes golpeantes -o litoral tr pico e ameno, com a sua cultura agricola, antigamente o centro da produc.o da cana de acucar- e o sertao do interior, exposto a secas trigicas, quando morre o gado e corre em fuga o faminto povo para outras partes do pais, s voltando talvez anos depois, quando chegam as chuvas torrenciais que fazem renascer o sertao esbraseado. alem dos fatores geogrificos e econ micos que a distinguem, esta regiao nordestina, desde os seus pri- meiros dias, encontra-se tamb n num remoinho de correntes sociol gicas particulares, cujos efeitos sao necessariamente refletidos nas obras dos quatro romancistas que estuda o professor ellison no seu livro. para compreender e avaliar os temas e os personagens duma regiao peculiar, preciso conhecer o ambiente hist rico, politico, econ mico e social que se respira nestas obras. no seu primeiro capitulo, realiza isto o professor ellison com grande sucesso. o leitor, ao termini-lo, esti esplandidamente preparado para a analise pormenorizada da materia literiria. clara e s lidamente explica o autor o que o nordeste, usando como base os trabalhos dos eminentes escritores brasileiros que se tmrn preocupado com esta regiao. destila para n s as conclus es principais das obras de gilberto freyre sobre a civilizacao e tradicges dos senhores de engenho -a convivencia dos brancos e pretos na casa-grande e senzala, os resultados da mesticagem. sublinha o professor ellison a importicia revista iberoamericana de os sertees de euclydes da cunha, essa obra de objetividade cientifica que agitou o brasil inteiro com as suas descri§ es da miseria e ignorancia dos sertanejos e f-lo consciente dum problema que havia de trazer re- formas sociais e fomentar um espirito de auto-critica que sem duvida inspirou a criasco dos romances nordestinos. outra influencia mais recente, do ano , foi o romance a bagaceira de jose americo de almeida, hist ria de retirantes que sofrem sob a autoridade tirinica do engenho onde trabalham -uma sintese da vida do sertao e do litoral. sao discutidas as varias rebelioes militares da segunda d cada deste seculo contra o gov&rno e a famosa marcha de luis carlos prestes e os seus i homens, que por dois anos tratavam de levar a revolucao poli- tica e social ao povo atrasado do interior. com a revolucao de , apodera-se getilio vargas do pais e faz-se ditador. estabelece o depar- tamento de imprensa e propaganda que censura revistas, jornais e livros e , especialmente feroz contra o que se chama "literatura proletiria". entre outros escritores, graciliano ramos, jorge amado e rachel de queiroz deixam de publicar. os liberais que continuam a escrever aban- donam temas sociais com inteno es politicas e substituem tramas psico- gicas. a semana de arte moderna, celebrada em sao paulp no ano de , que tinha como prop sito original a renovacao da misica, pintura e es- cultura na vida artistica brasileira, chegou tamb m a transformar a lite- ratura e encaminh-l a pelas sendas j a assinaladas pelos vanguardistas eu- ropeus. os poetas comecaram a luta, despedacando os velhos moldes simbolistas para empreender temas brasileiros e canti-los no vernaculo do seu pais. os romancistas, sem demorar demais, ligaram-se as filas dos poetas para ocupar-se com os povos, as regi es, a psicologia e os pro- blemas sociais do brasil, e, estre tsda a producao modernista, acha o professor ellison que a forca predominante liter.ria era o romance do nordeste porque os escritores dessa terra, por convicc es sociais prvias e experiencia pessoal no seu meio cultural, eram os mais capacitados. nos capitulos seguintes, o proffesor ellison se entrega ao estudo minucioso de cada um dos quatro escritores nordestinos. desenha os temas principais dos romances,.. d relvo aos acontecimentos na vida dos autores que constituem a base essencial da suas invenc es ficticias, exp e com sagaz criterio as faltas e as primazias das suas obras e examina corn cuidado e objetividade as opini es dos criticos brasileiros e norteameri- canos que tam julgado a literatura e a cultura do nordeste. desenrolou o vasto panorama sociol gico desde regi.o jos lins do resew as rego com seus -inco romances do ciclo da cana de acucar. apareceram um por ano, entre e i , atraindo a atencao de todo o pais para a velha civilizacio dos senhores de engenho que ia desaparecendo sob a agencia de novos impulsos econ micos e sociais. nestes romances deu vida lins do rego a tres figuras inolvidiveis -o coronel jos paulino, prototipo do altivo latifundiario patriarcal, seu neto carlos de mello, melanc lico, achacoso, inapto para administrar o engenho decadente, e o moleque ricardo, membro da classe baixa desgracada. e nao menos perito o autor na caracterizaiao das numerosas pessoas secundirias, tao importantes como as principais para integrar o quadro dos romances. o professor ellison aponta como defeito na obra de lins do rego sua pritica de narrar con excessiva repetigao o estado mental dos perso- nagens, em vez de usar mais diilogo que teria a vantagem de introduzir variedades e deixar que os individuos mesmos se revelem. mas os cri- ticos brasileiros preferem disculpar isto como toque artistico do romancista, herdado dos profissionais recitadores orais que tinha ouvido na sua meni- nice em parahyba. outra imperfeiao a pressa com que escreve lins do rego e a ausencia de revisao se faz sentir. tamb m, em virios roman- ces posteriores aos do ciclo da cana de acucar, onde o autor se afasta da terra oriunda e das lembrancas autobiograficas, ha claras evidencias de debilidades e incerteza na construcao e desenvolvimento das obras. e possivel, afirma o professor ellison, que outros escritores nordes- tinos contemporaneos superem lins do rego em ticnica estilistica e arte literria, mas le fica sem rival como interprete da sua regiao -na sua esplendida evocacao fisica do mundo do engenho, dentro do qual fervil- ham as paixoes daquela sociedades singular de brancos e pretos, de sonho- res e descendentes de escravos, na sua compreensao do ambiente e na sua simpatia humana por todos os seres que se agitam nas intensas comple- xidades daquela organizacao social. dos quatro escritores nordestinos, o melhor conhecido no estrangeiro jorge amado. os seus romances se acham traduzidos em vinte e quatro idiomas. esta fama, segundo o professor ellison, devida talvez mais a natureza esquerdista e revolucionaria dos seus livros que a qualidades lite- rarias. havendo sido escritos os mais violentos nos anos de crise econ - mica mundial e de grandes agita§ es politicas, quando pareceu a muitos que a peleja entre o comunismo e o fascismo ia acabar forcosamente no triunfo do partido dos obreiros, foi natural que este autor propagandista chamasse a atencao e entusiasmo de leitores radicais do brasil e das outras nacoes. revis ta beroamericana quase todos os romances de jorge amado baseam-se numa critica enraivecida das instituic es sociais e politicas que prevaleciam na regiao baiana--sejam nas fazendas de cacau com o seu proletariado rural ou na cidade da bahia, comrn o proletariado das fibricas e do mar. para amado s.o inteiramente bons os grevistas, os pobres -especialmente os negros-, os operarios militantes duma revolug marxista, tamb m os seus simpatizadores de classes mais altas e abastecidas. nao omite os crimi- nosos da categoria dos benignos, porque les resultam dum injusto sistema social. completamente maus para amado sao os explotadores dos pobres -os fazendeiros, os feitores, os capitalistas, a igreja e finalmente a po- licia e o :exercito, obedientes aos ricos. estas prevenc es ideol gicas perjudicam perceptivelmente a maioria dos romances de jorge amado. nao dao lugar para caracterizac es sutis, nao permitem um estudo equinime de situaq es e pessoas. ele tem que pregar a revolu§ao a brados -insinu.-la nao basta. todavia, nasceu ama- do com talento de romancista. os seus personagens, ainda que sejam estere tipos, tem forca, tem vida. interresam-nos, porque sao homens e mulheres de aqio e energia. a sua linguagem verdadeira, robusta, exatamente como fala o povo. a criticada frecii ncia de palavras obscenas provem deste realismo, nao indica nada' de prop sitos pornogrificos. o lirismo e a imaginacao de jorge amado ficam a suas qualidades salientes. a sua prosa canta, simples e poderosa, como os velhos bardos, sobretudo nas suas descri§ es de elementos folcl ricos -as macumbas, as supersti es, as po ticas tradic es do mar. eu concordo absolutamente com o professor ellison quando assevera que ao considerar a producao total de jorge amado, pensamos numa sucessio de epis dios, dos quais alguns sao pequenas obras-primas. graciliano ramos, que morreu em , entre os quatro roman- cistas do nordeste o escritor mais consciente e polido, possivelmente por- que dispunha duma cultura literaria muito mais ampla que les. nos seus livros percebem-se particularmente influencias de dostoevski, balzac e eca de queiroz. nascido nos soalheiros do imenso sertio e passados la os seus anos formativos, foi esta terra, que tao bem conhecia ramos, que the proporcionou o ambiente, os temas e os personagens para seus escritos mais notaveis, ainda que flagelasse tamb m em outros os homens e as instituicoes do litoral. preocupam-no as press es da sociedade nordestino s bre a alma e o carater das pessoas que estio condenados a viver neste meio de miseria econ mica e de desmoralizac.o espiritual. ramos nao se presta a solu- rese as cionar stes problemas. e misantropo demais, pessimista. o homen, para le, nunca pode gozar da felicidade. nos seus romances a justica iksoria. sempre se extravia, sempre falha. t da a sua critica dos males da sociedades e implicita; nao se descobre nada de propaganda politica direta. segredo n.o que ramos foi partidirio ardente do movimento revolucionario e ha quem encontre dificil reconciliar a filosofia inuma- nitaria des seus livros com as suas crengas radicais, mas aclara o professor ellison que, alum dos seus enraizadas dividas intimas pelo diz respeito a melhoramentos, foi graciliano ramos artista literaria demais para inserir serm es doutrinarias nas suas obras. graciliano ramos o mestre do romance psicol gico. revela e ex- plora o agitadissimo mundo mental dentro do qual sofrem os seus ator- mentados protagonistas. o brilhante emprego do mon logo interior em dois niveis de acao para entretecer as recordac es, pensamentos e terrores do passado e do presente, dando a tudo a qualidade de sonho ou delirio, a sua contribuic;o especial ao romance brasileiro. e o seu estilo s brio, esmerado e refinado, em perfeita harmonia com o assunto, os personagens e o lugar, alcanca uma forma artistica de beleza parnasiana. com rachel de queiroz, filha do sertio, alarga-se o horizonte do romance nordestino. entra nele o estudo penetrante da psicologia feminina e da posik;o da mulher naquela sociedade t.o restringida, dominada pelos homens que guardam para si todos os privil gios, e na qual a mulher tem representado o papel tradicional de ente submisso e inferior. nas obras de rachel, a mulher, seja noiva casta numa procissao faminta de retiran- tes da seca, seja prostituta numa aldeia, seja esp sa dum caixeiro numa cidade, seja colegiala num convento, protesta e rebela contra as convenc es que lhe tiram o direito de desempenhar livremente a sua personalidade e que a sujeitam a escravidao sexual. a autora nio suaviza as desgradaveis realidades da vida total do nordeste, nem o sofrimento humano que conseqiincia fatal desse am- biente. mas ela nao acusa chiadamente; a sua protesta social se patentea nas hist rias convincentes dos seus personagens. sabe pintar as profundas emo bes de amor, de aflilgo, e de desesperanca com sinceridade e com- paixio. nunca se serve das falsas cores de sentimentalidade. a mao de artista de raquel de queiroz certa, segura; para realizar o efeito dese- jado escolhe matizes, omite detalhes. possuida ela dum senso dramatico, os seus romances escapam a monotonia e a sua mestria dos muitos ritmos da fala popular veste a sua prosa flexivel de variedade. entre as obras dos quatro romancistas do nordeste examinadas revista i eroa mericana e analisadas pelo professor ellison, estas sao as que considera de mais merito literario e significacao social: de jose lins do rego, menino de en- genho ( ), doidinho (x ), bangue ( ), o moleque ricardo ( ), usina ( ), pedra bonita ( ) e fogo morto ( ); de jorge amado, jubiab ( ), mar morto ( ), terras do sem fim ( ), e sao jorge dos ilhdus ( ); de graciliano ramos, sao bernar- do (i ), ang istia ( ), e vidas secas ( ); de rachel de queiroz, quinze ( ), joau miguel ( ) e as tres marias ( i ). no seu capitulo final, o professor ellison sintetiza as caracteristicas principais desta ficcao nordestina -a importancia sociol gica da luta en- tre o homem e o ambiente, a critica aguda da sociedade, a nova atitude humanitiria e a grande simpatia pelos parias e oprimidos. todos n s que apreciamos a literatura brasileira contemporanea havemos de ficar agradeci- dos ao professor ellison pelo seu estudo substancioso -bem pensado, bem escrito e excelentemente documentado. leo kirschenbaum universidade da california los angeles hector rauil almanza brecha en la roca. colecci n ahuizote. obre- g n, s. a., mexico, . el tema es lo mas interesante de la presente novela de h&ctor raul almanza. tratase de las dificiles experiencias que han de sufrir los obreros petroleros en busca de su libertad econ mica, arrancando antes sus garantias que como seres humanos les corresponden, de manos de las empresas extranjeras. la culminaci n de tantos intentos por mejorar la situaci n, como todos sabemos, es la expropiaci n petrolera decretada por el gobierno del presidente lizaro cardenas, el de marzo de . el asunto, a mas de tener un interes nacional en si mismo, profundiza oe el problema desde sus origenes, a raiz de la revoluci n de , cuando las compafias extranjeras aprovechan las anormalidades por las que atraviesa el pais para hacerse de las tierras convenientes y emprender la explotaci n del petr leo para su unico beneficio. como centro o nucleo de esta historia aparece la de la familia de antonio g mez, cuya muerte y la de sus hijos mayores a manos de cri- rninales a sueldo de las compaiias extranjeras por arrebatarles la tierra, r e s e.i..a s deja en completo abandono a dofia teresa, que fuera mujer de g mez, y a su pequefio hijo arturo, quienes, huyendo de sus recuerdos, se refugian en ebano, san luis potosi,. a rehacer su vida destrozada apro- vechando el menguado patrimonio que logr salvarse del desastre. la to- talidad de la obra se desarrolla en el ebano, centro petrolero potosino muy adecuado para mostrar la vida de los obreros, su miseria, abandono, deso- rientaci n, atropellos a que son sometidos constantemente, y, por fin, el aprovechamiento de su sordo rencor contra las empresas, encauzado, des- pues de vencer muchos obsticulos, en especial el de los obreros "ven- didos", hacia la uni n de esfuerzos para llegar al bien colectivo, no s o de los trabajadores de este:lugar sino el de toda la industria petrolera de la repiblica, al lograr la formaci n de un sindicato inico, el stprm. aunque la novela busca la expresi n de una clase social, en este caso la obrera, y conduce al lector por todos los caminos que puedan ex- plicarle una situaci n o el por que de detalles mediatos o inmediatos, y aun cuando el vasto material empuja a la continuaci n del relato antes que a su consideraci n, destaca una figura que por su situaci n y simbolismo debe entenderse como personaje principal: dofia teresa, la madre. por su inter- x enci n directa o por su solo recuerdo o presencia, las escenas se dig- nifican y ennoblecen. astuta, audaz, inflexible, comprensiva o tierna, esta en el primer plano cuando se trata de hacer un sacrificio o de prestar luna ayuda. el puesto de comidas que regentea le sirve de tribuna y le da oportunidad para ejercer su positiva influencia en la vida del pueblo, tan afligido siempre por la miseria y la injusticia. esta mujer, recuerda por ms de una circunstancia a pelagia nilovna v asof, herencia de la novela de maximo gorki, la madre. ambas sirven con entusiasmo a una causa colectiva de caracteres semejantes, exponen sus vidas en misiones dificiles de propaganda buscando las conexiones de elementos claves; evitan actos de crueldad infitil; su edad y modestia las hace pasar inadvertidas para los contrarios, pero consiguen, en cambio, el aprecio cordial de los directores de los movimientos obreros. su intervenci n en los asuntos amorosos de sus hijos se reduce a discreta comprensi n y, sobre todo, el sentimiento material que las anima no limita sus beneficios a sus hijos, abarca a todo aqucl que est. caido, que es d bil, que necesita ayuda. los otros personajes, con ser muchos o quizi por ello, estan al servicio de una idea, de una tesis, y destacan mas o menos en alguno de los tres grupos que el autor ha querido presentar: los norteamericanos di- rigentes de las empresas petroleras, los obreros y--diriamos--, los trai- dores, espias o guardias blancas al servicio de los patrones. r e v i s t a ib e rom a m me ri c a na bien se ve que la novela lieva una finalidad y para conseguirla, el autor se vale de artificios un tanto convencionales. para demostrar, por ejemplo, cuin nociva e injusta es la explotaci n de los obreros mexicanos por parte de las empresas extranjeras y cuan dura e inhumana es la vida del trabajador, colmara de equivocaciones y vicios a unos para exaltar las virtudes de los otros. es decir, encontraremos a los buenos oponiendose a los malos en contrastes continuos. en alguna parte, hacia el final del libro, se usa el paralelismo simb lico recogiendo dos de los temas prin- cipales: el nacimiento de un niiio y el nacimiento de una industria me- xicana. procedimiento este, poco itil, cuando la fuerza de los asuntos, en lugar de sumarse, se resta. pero, no hay en brecha en la roca, general- mente, alardes tcnicos y es evidente que se ha atendido al mensaje antes que a la forma. los capitulos se encadenan con la gica natural de la cronologia y se cifien a la historia en las p.ginas de verdadero conte- vido que forman el libro. algunos fragmentos emotivos y humanos marcan una tregua en la acci n y nos ofrecen el entusiasmo sano y fresco de un hombre que cree en la generosidad de la tierra y se acerca a ella con amo- rosa esperanza. brecha en la roca pertenece al grupo de las novelas interesantes que deben leerse para conocer uno de los problemas mis intensos de nuestra economia nacional en todos sus pasos por conquistar una libertad dificil de alcanzar. almanza es un hombre que tiene fe y muestra, lo mismo aqui que en sus otras obras: huelga blanca y candelaria de los pates, c mo, a pesar de una realidad poco risuefia, se imponen, lenta pero seguramente, el sentido de responsabilidad, la aspiraci n hacia algo mejor y la conciencia de unidad. marfa del carmen millan universidad nacional autdnoma de mxico luis mario lozzia, domingo sin fzitbol, editorial sudamericana, buenos aires, . la trama simple de una barriada portefia que por circunstancias comu- nes, queda sin el partido de fitbol caracteristico, dan origen a luis mario lozzia para descubrirnos una emotiva y autentica realidad nacional. quizi la primera soluci n de esta novela se desprenda del ambiente, pues alli, en ese pequefio mundillo que sin darse cuenta se entrega a las alternativas r e s e as de un torneo deportivo, hemos de atrapar algunos personajes especificos e imborrables. luego, una tarde de liuvia, cierra para las criaturas del libro su evasi n. la cancha cerrada obliga a proyectar otros planes, y el cambio desconocido sirve para organizar la trama novelistica. buenos aires aguarda entonces con frialdad el destino que fabrica un autor. lozzia sabe predisponer de esta tarde, sin fallas documentales ni falsas pinturas, con una expresiva fidelidad narrativa. anteriormente habia publicado un libro de cuentos, estas noches que em piezan, donde se revelaba como justificado escritor y cuentista, teniendo siempre a la ciudad sembrada en sus manos. ahora, no puede decirse que la proyecci n no tuvo exito. al encontrar a los personajes vemos como todos ellos deben por prefijado azar unificarse con ese domingo sin f tbol. asi, el jugador y su padre, el cronista deportivo y su mujer, el duefio de la cantina con su familia, las hijas, la tia y su amante, s lo reflejan estados equilibrados del destino. surgen entre ellos, una muchacha y su hermana, nifia ain, hijas del canti- nero, para quienes en aquel dia total adquieren conciencia de un mundo cercano y palpable, dando dentro de una descripci n descarnada la en- trega fisica de la adolescente, y proyectando la realidad algo incierta de la relaci n humana, en la segunda. seguro como novelista, sabe apreciar la sencillez del medio ambiente y con una limpieza literaria sin recargos coloristas, ha cumplido en forma singular mostrindonos con gran autenticidad local, una empresa de crea- ci n plena y valedera. horacio jorge becco buenos aires mahfud massis, elegia bajo la tierra, ediciones pol micas, santiago, . la publicaci n mis reciente del poeta chileno mahfud massis es su volumen elegia bajo la tierra, poema en veintisiete partes, con pr logo del autor. el leitmotiv de esta poesia, como dice el mismo massis, es la muerte, pero no la muerte en su calidad de acontecimiento, de hecho final, sino una muerte que es a veces indistinguible de la vida. como a conti- nuaci n indica el poeta, en su obra encontrara el lector muertos que pa- recen vivos y vivos que tienen a veces el rostro de los espectros". en efecto, el poeta se sitia en la confluencia de la vida y la muerte, lugar de interpenetraci n de dos mundos. por esta area limitada se mue- re vista iberoa mericana ve sin salir nunca .de su circulo subterraneo de oscuridad finebre. en su trayectoria horizontal se encuentra con angeles y antepasados que legan a su nivel desde arriba o desde abajo, segin el caso. el poeta ni asciende ni desciende a la manera dantesca en el mundo de ultratumba, y su poema, mas que escatologia, es una simbiosis de vida y muerte. massis no canta a sta ni la glorifica, porque no concibe una muerte que se distin- ga netamente de la vida. tampoco hay en su poema una vida despues de la muerte. si actian en los muertos, esto no es sino una indica- ci n mas de la continuidad vida-muerte. a trav s de los veintisiete fragmentos del poema se desarrollan varios temas que establecen claramente la posici n del poeta. primero, massis se define a si mismo como un paria, un primitivo que esti fuera de lugar en la sociedad contemporinea: "yo era el hombre de java de la fa- milia". sin embargo, le es imposible cambiar sin "enviar al mercado mi alma". a continuaci n se identifica con un perro, simbolo doble aqui del proscrito y de la muerte. en su calidad de perro errante cava en la tierra y exhuma "cabezas, fragmentos de antepasados, una lengua cadavrica, morada por el tiempo, que alcanza s o a susurrar imaldito!" asi introduce en su poesia el tema de los antepasados arabes que le fascinan y que significan en su poesia la maldici n, la condena ab utero. condena doble para massis, poeta e hijo de inmigrantes y por esto doble- mente desarraigado. mis fuertes que son los antepasados, "maliciosos y dulces, agiles y contumaces, celebrando los ritos de la muerte en veloces danzas a caballo". le muerden la cabeza, "mi cabeza de pobre americano, porque en mi hundida frente de pastor s o anid la muerte y el cuervo desplumado de la belleza". en estas lineas encontramos sintetizada la posici n de massis, atacado por la fuerza ancestral, a la vez americano y pastor (arabe). tambi n se debe notar este pijaro que no es ya el cisne modernista ni el buho de la sabiduria, sino el cuervo, simbolo de la muerte. hasta en el cuervo se ve la confluencia de vida y muerte: el pa- jaro ha perdido sus plumas de color finebre y muestra la carne desnuda. entonces el poeta les pide a los antepasados que le den su poder y su "es- tructura vegetal contra el destino, a mi, sofiador extenuado, defensor de de- rechos indtiles, vendedor de sudarios y bolsas de colores". la muerte, que massis simboliza por medio del perro ya mencionado, tambi n aparece en forma de toro; pero el toro, como el cuervo, ha perdido su tradicional color negro. aparte de esto, la muerte vuelve siempre a manifestarse en el vocabulario del poeta, como se ha visto en las lineas ya citadas. . re se as en esta atm sfera de muerte y de condena ancestral el poeta se ve pequefio y perdidot consciente ademas de la contingencia de toda su acci n vital. si bien dice a veces: "soy un toro con el pecho de jade", o ilega a ser un angel para los sapos, la identificaci n en general es entre el yo y un perro, o se compara con "un pequefio dios celeste y pilido" de ojos de perro, o con un pequeio salvaje, un enano, un moscard n. hasta en el amor la muerte causa en massis un sentimiento de inferioridad, de contingencia: gladiadora en el lecho nupcial, las hienas vienen a comer de tu carne amorosa en la noche... sobre tu vientre caen aves de pico rojo, y la boca que balbuce la frase perdida y querida tiembla bajo el diente fino de los roedores. ah, c mo amarte con mi transitoriedad, con mi pobre medula de gusano, si la eternidad esti raida, y el porvenir ondula como una culebra en la resina funeral. el amor aqui no es un esfuerzo para escaparse de la muerte. representa en la poesia de massis quizis lo mis vital; pero hasta en este aspecto mis vivo de la vida, este presente la muerte, el deslizarse continuo de un estado hacia el otro, el confluir, en efecto, de los dos mundos de vida y muerte, el cual massis acepta francamente, aun cuando limite sus posibilidades de actuar en la vida. la muerte que de esta manera, junto con el poder de los antepasados, domina la poesia de massis, no es en su obra un problema. es mis bien un hecho que surge en la conciencia del poeta de varios incidentes que entre si no tienen conexi n necesaria: la contemplaci n de la propia muerte, la muerte de un ser querido, un paseo por la ciudad, el amor. el hecho de que el poeta est consciente de la presencia de la muerte en cada incidente le permite evocar el simbolismo de los acontecimientos y reinterpretarlos, recrearlos para formar un todo podtico. s o dos veces parece rebelarse massis activamente. en una ocasi n exclama: maestro en lenguas feroces, no siempre me contengo, acuso a mis antecesores, juzgo, olvido, asesino, invito a la extenuaci n, s o tengo el veneno de mis palabras ioh, lama mia! icufnta justificaci n para vivir! pero en seguida aparece la inevitable muerte y arrastra el alma del poeta. re v i s ta ib er oa m erican a otra vez en una reminiscencia del sueiio de jacob, el poeta dormido derriba a un angel y su alma herida asciende cantando. el lenguaje de elegia bajo la tierra esti cuidadosamente trabajado. no hay palabra que no lleve su carga emocional, no hay frase que no est llena de sugerencias simb licas y metaf ricas. n tese por ejemplo la fuerza emotiva de las lineas siguientes: y una pavana de costumbres estoicas caia del naranjo puedes tocar mi rostro, su lejana mariposa de hueso muertos planetas de hueso de mi contextura [dientes]. nuestros cuernos chocan contra el nix sombrio, y nos amamos. estoy muerto, pero me crece la barba. encontramos tambien lo que en otros poetas llamariamos juegos de pa- labras, aunque en massis nada tiene aspecto de juego: si entrara al cementerio en la noche, entre el oxidado aroma del oxiacanto como una flor sobre la negra caja estis en mi coraz n, y te ciernes, entre ciervos de oro, desciendes al olivar obscuro leyendo a massis, se nota sobre todo que la suya es una poesia que no admite los limites de lo tradicional y lo trillado, pero que tampoco siente la necesidad de abrirse camino por medio del exceso. las imigenes de mas- sis pueden ser osadisimas; pero al mismo tiempo se caracterizan por su gran sobriedad. es la sobriedad de un poeta que sabe encontrar la expre- si n justa para el concepto que expresa y rechazar siempre lo innecesario. massis es un poeta fuerte, duro, pero un poeta que opera ya en completa libertad. no tiene que derrumbar idolos. s o crea poesia. esta poesia, tan avanzada en cuanto a la forma, es a la vez clasica en su utilizaci n de experiencias personalisimas para el desarrollo de un tema universal. es una poesia que es imposible leer sin compartir la emoci n del poeta y sin sentir en su fuerza, su enfoque original de lo eterno, la obra de una per- sonalidad poderosa y segura de si. la misma lucidez que caracteriza la poesia de mahfud massis se ve tambi n en el pr logo que acompafia al poema. bajo el titulo sugestivo y polemico de "palabras en el muro", contiene una cantidad de auto- res e as an.lisis de gran perspicacia, evidenciando la clara conciencia que tiene el poeta de sus procedimientos. sin embargo, se encuentran tambien palabras como stas: ciertamente, si el poeta reparara en esas tristes merluzas [los criticos], estaria perdido. por tal raz n, pongo un muro de asbestos entre ellas y mi poesia, grandes piedras refractarias entre su cerebro pardo y mi conducta como individuo... en las paginas que siguen, elaboro una experiencia po tica en que el regimen de las visiones satisface mi necesidad de ex- presi n, y ello me basta... en consecuencia, no arguyo ni explico nada: s o trato de levantar mi grito en medio de la noche. en estas lineas hallamos tres ideas en demasia comunes -y muy discu- tibles- en nuestros tiempos: que el artista crea s lo para expresarse, que por lo tanto su creaci n es puramente personal, y que como consecuencia nadie tiene el derecho de criticar la obra de arte. la noci n de la crea- cion artistica por el solo motivo de la expresi n, amenaza ahora asumir todas las caracteristicas de un mito, como lo hizo en el siglo pasado "la inspiraci n". claro es que la critica puede ser estiipida y que nadie puede vedarle al artista el derecho de expresarse de la manera que mas le guste. pero abandonando la mitologia poetica que sobre la creaci n artistica se ha construido, y volviendo a los hechos, tendremos que reconocer que con contadas excepciones los artistas no crean solamente para expresarse, sino tambien para comunicarse con un piiblico, por restringido que sea. parece demasiado obvio, y sin embargo se olvida a menudo, que al artista que publica su obra no se expresa ya in vacuo, sino que trata de expresarse a alguien, es decir, de comunicarse. en el momento de creaci n, la obra podr ser una expresi n pura y nadie tendri derecho de criticarla, como tambi n nadie la conoceri. pero en el momento de comunicarse, de pu- blicar deliberadamente su obra, el artista entrega a su publico el derecho de leer o verla y tambien el derecho de criticarla en sentido favorable o adverso. no pasa, por lo tanto, de ser pueril la actitud de exhibirse y luego de negarles a los espectadores la capacidad intelectual de formar un juicio, por tonto que sea, sobre la exhibici n. es por esto que tales sen- timientos nos extraian en un autor tan poco pueril como lo es mahfud massis, sobre todo cuando tiene la ocurrencia rara de publicar al final de su libro toda una antologia de juicios criticos (favorables) sobre sus obras anteriores. sin embargo y a pesar de la poca estimaci n en que tiene r e v i sta iberoam ericana massis a los criticos, el lector tendri que agradecerle la publicaci n de un volumen de poesia fuerte, libre, y de una trascendencia sugestiva. john h. r. polt university of california, berkeley manuel de castro, el padre samuel, ediciones pauta, ed., monte- video, , pigs. entre los pocos autores en el campo de la literatura novelesca del uruguay que han alcanzado notoria fama en este pais apenas descuellan otros nombres que los de carlos reyles y javier de viana. puede extra- fiar al lector, por eso, saber que hay otros escritores y otras novelas que merecen atenci n. una de ellas, que consideraremos brevemente aqui, ha ganado fama considerable, a lo menos dentro de su propio pais; publi- cada en , al afio siguiente fue premiada por el ministerio de edu- caci n y la nueva edici n aparecida en el afio i da ain m~s prueba de la popularidad que sigue disfrutando. conviene decir que en la his- toria de la novela uruguaya, el padre samuel gozar, de una preeminencia segura. el padre samuel es ia segunda novela que ha salido de la pluma de manuel de castro, autor contemporaneo nacido en . como ha pa- sado en la carrera de otros muchos escritores de sud america, las primeras obras de manuel de castro fueron escritas en forma po tica. la primera novela, historia de un pequeio funcionario, vio la luz en y poco despubs al autor le fue otorgado el premio centenario. a pesar de su escasa producci n, esta le revela como autor de fina sensibilidad y posee- dor de un claro y penetrante entendimiento del coraz n humano. la historia politica en ambos margenes del rio de la plata ha sido tal que en tiempos pasados el uruguay ha dado asilo a los desterrados de la argentina y tambi n ha enviado a sus propios sibditos en exilio forzoso a la margen meridional del rio fronterizo. pero el termino region rioplatense ignora las fronteras nacionales, y hace dificil, por lo tanto, la exacta localizaci n de un autor en una sola de las dos repiblicas ribere- fias. tenido por uruguayo, ciudadano del pais en donde reside y trabaja, manuel de castro naci , sin embargo, en rosario, argentina.' luisa luisi barbagelata, hugo david, la novela y el cuento en hispanoamirica, mon- tevideo, , p. . resenas le designa compatriota suyo en su excelente articulo, the literature of uruguay in the year of its constitutional centenary y alberto zum felde le concede una posici n prominente en sus libros sobre la literatura del uruguay. cuando el padre samuel sali de las prensas, el autor anunci la publicaci n de otras tres obras, el garrote magico (cuentos), gabriel, buscavidas (novela picaresca) y cantos del. retorno (poesia), de las cuales s o el tomo de poesia ha llegado a mi conocimiento. el titulo completo de la obra de castro es el padre samuel (su vida sacra y profana evocada por un llamado su sobrino) novela picaresca americana, y mas adelante en la nota, -esta obra fue escrita bajo la ad- vocacidn del presbitero don manuel de castro y cobas, oriundo de noya y ordenado en santiago de compostela el de marzo de . (titulo servitii ecclesiaet indulto apostdlico) y fallecido en montevideo el de junio de . gustd el vino de la tierra y comic el pan de los angeles. llaman nuestra atenci n la coincidencia de la patria chica y de la iglesia del ordenamiento asi como de la localidad y la fecha del fallecimiento de ambos el personaje real y el ficticio, aunque no pueda saberse a ciencia cierta hasta qu punto haya podido servir el presbitero de modelo para el padre samuel. en cuanto a la calidad picaresca, designada en el sub- titulo, cabe algo de duda. el sentimiento con que queda el lector de el padre samuel es mas bien el de haber conocido en el protagonista a una buena persona, intensamente humana y dibujada con sensible linea por un autor hibil e inteligente. alberto zum felde caracteriza la novela como sigue: "su novela (el padre samuel) puede colocarse, en cierto modo y hasta cierto punto, dentro del g nero de la novela picaresca espa- fiola, por primera vez abordado en nuestros paises americanos, y con buen xito; y no porque campee en su novela nitngin picaro, sino por el sentido de ironia sabrosa con que la vida parece encarada". se podria afiadir que la ironia misma cae siempre dentro de los limites del buen gusto, no faltando por eso situaciones risibles que frisan en lo picaro. el primer intento del autor, sin embargo, parece haber sido crear un perso- naje de came y hueso, una persona fuerte y debil a la vez, noble pero impresionable. y asi lo hizo. luisi, luisa, the literature of uruguay in the year of its constitutional centenary, bulletin of the pan american union, vol. , pp. - . zum felde, alberto, la literatura del uruguay, buenos aires, , p. . -, proceso intelectual del uruguay y critica de su literatura, montevideo, , p. . zum felde, alberto, proceso intelectual del uruguay y critica de su litera- tura, montevideo, , p. . revista i b e r o a m e r ic ana la delineaci n de el padre samuel es bastante sencilla. la acci n empieza en rosario, argentina. gabriel, el narrador de la historia, tiene nueve afios cuando contempla a su madre muerta. su padre, despu s de asegurar al hijito que su madre se ha ido al cielo y alli le espera, se dis- pone para emprender un viaje largo dejando a gabriel en casa de un matrimonio, amigos oriundos de galicia. sollozando el ninio se despide de su padre que promete volver por el. pasados unos meses, le dicen a gabriel que ahora es hu rfano de padre y el nifio solitario se siente tras- pasado de tristeza y de confusi n. con el tiempo un rayo de luz penetra su noche. desde chile, un tio suyo, sacerdote, sabiendo el estado lasti- tnoso del huerfano manda una carta en que ofrece cuidar y educar a gabriel con tal que se reina con l. los preparativos se hacen y gabriel, acompafiado de villalonga, el muletero principal, que es tambien amigo del tio samuel en chile, se pone en marcha. en el camino, villalonga se muestra locuaz. pinta al padre samuel como var n guapo y alegre que en su juventud tenia entusiasmadas a cuantas muchachas le conocie- ron. antes de llegar a concepci n, gabriel ya se ha formado una idea algo concreta de c mo sera su tio, pero no esti preparado para el encuen- tro que sigue. en el and n ve acercarse a un hombre distinguido en quien reconoce a su padre por la forma de hablar. desde ese momento se establece entre ellos una relaci n como entre padre e hijo que se con- servara a lo largo de la novela; para el piblico, gabriel es sobrino; para esos raros momentos preciosos cuando los dos se hallan en conversaci n intima, es el hijo amado. la juventud pasada del padre samuel se desenvuelve o por confi- dencias hechas en conversaci n con gabriel o por conversaciones entre samuel y viejos amigos, escuchadas de paso por el nifio. de joven, no estaba samuel de talante para ser sacerdote, muy al contrario, pero ce- diendo al anhelo de una madre ciega, el hijo inimo acab por servir de cura en corufia, en la querida "tierruca" en donde naci . trasladado a ambrica sirvi en una parroquia en montevideo. de visita en galicia, samuel sinti un amor humano tan profundo que juzg justificado "colgar la sotana", casarse con soledad y volver con ella a america. pa- saron diez afios idilicos. soledad, moribunda, pidi a samuel la promesa de volver a la iglesia y despues de pasar un afio piadoso y penitente, le recibieron otra vez en el oficio sacerdotal. el amor por el padre y la admiraci n hacia el sacerdote tienen su influencia sobre el nifio. "-no tienes pasta para ello", replica samuel a la petici n de gabriel de seguir estudios teol gicos, pero un cambio re s e as de localidad geogrifica trae otros cambios. en victoria, en el sur de chile, el hijo, ayudando al padre en la misa comete errores ridiculos, y presencia la muerte trigica de su querida amiguita, blanca. el padre samuel suefia con volver a galicia. en la "tierruca" de su madre debe educarse el hijo, y samuel emprende el viaje a montevideo por barco adonde lega en plena gloria de la primavera. la casa de ami- gos gallegos es suya y alli se congregan los compatriotas, entretenidos en forma brillante por samuel que cuenta an cdotas, canta y se rie con todos. solo, con el amo de la casa y su esposa, samuel les abre el coraz n calmando sus sospechas y revelindoles la verdadera identidad de gabriel. un mal de coraz n le aflige y la condici n es agravada por noticias de espafia. la madre de soledad escribe para advertirle que fuera mejor no volver. "arrepentido al fin de esas sus andanzas por tierras de ame- rica" el buen padre samuel fallece. otra vez el nifio se halla solo. resulta obvio que el padre samuel no puede considerarse como no- vela picaresca de la misma manera que consideramos el lazarillo o el buscdn. hay en la obra de castro una ternura y tono lirico que nos hace pensar en el fondo po tico del autor. del cariiio por parte de samuel hacia su hijo hay muchos ejemplos. vueltos al uruguay desde chile, el padre disimula su enfermedad y sus dudas de llegar vivo a galicia, ani- mando a gabriel, -"non te afligas, rapacifio. llegaremos a galicia con el florecer de los almendros. ten por cierto que las mismas estrellas que guiaban a carlomagno nos conducirdn hasta la tierra de su santa madre". falta un picaro en el libro pero verdad es que hay incidentes narrados por un nifio inocente e ingenuo que colman lo c mico. la primera prueba de gabriel como monacillo trae confusi n completa y dice: -"pretendi ioh infeliz! levantar el extremo de la casulla antes del debido tiempo, pero la voz del padre samuel me hizo volver en mi, en tanto-mi rostro se puso al rojo vivo. -mejor seria que levantaras la cola a los perros- dijome por lo bajo y echindome una mirada fulminante". el conflicto en las novelas picarescas espafiolas se origina entre el picaro y una sociedad que le desdefia por su ociosidad y que a la vez mira desdefioso. conflicto hay en la vida del padre samuel pero surge del intento de suprimir un espiritu entusiasta y alegre entre los limites algo estrechos del regimien pastoral. bien sabia el padre lo que decia cuando contest la petici n de gabriel con "no tienes pasta para ello". el conflicto se declar en rebeli n abierta durante los afios de su matri- monio y cuando, despubs, volvi a ponerse la sotana ya tenia como con- suelo el fruto de esos afios. aun en victoria, el puro gozo de vivir le hizo pasar de los limites de la circunspecci n. en unos juegos inocentes, rev i s t a i beroamericana el padre samuel sorprende a gabriel besando a blanca, su compafiera, en los labios. esa noche samuel invita a gabriel a confesarse y siguen unas preguntas. "- quien te enseii a besar asi? -las palomas, tio. -las palomas? sabes que tiene crispa tu confesi n? ,de modo que las palomas te ensefiaron a besar? -si, tio, -afirm azoradisimo. -sin embargo, tengo para mi que las palomas no se cogen de la cintura para besarse. tu sabes algo mas. acaso alli en c rdoba, en casa de palacios... -no, no, tio; es la primera vez que beso a una nifia. -~nunca viste besar a una pareja de enamorados? enmudeci de nuevo. todo se con- fundia en mi mente, pareci me que aquella confesi n no terminaba nunca. ante el apremio de la pregunta, me arm de valor y dije con toda la ver- dad: -si, tio, he visto. una mafiana observ que besabas a isabel; quise hacer lo mismo y dios me castig . perd name... -exclam en tono de contrici n. el padre samuel dio un salto sobre la silla y frunci e! cefio: ... al fin me dijo: -si asi, como ti dices, hijo mio, no me queda mas remedio que absolverte y sin latines... lev~ntate y sigue jugando con blanca. eso si: ten cuidado y no des en imitar demasiado a las palomas". zum felde le llama "el buen cura espafiol, de recia contextura y noble fondo, pero no muy severo en sus disciplinas...". por medio de samuel y sus amigos esparcidos por el uruguay, chile y la argentina, sabemos lo que es la nostalgia por galicia, la "tierruca" amada. nunca cesa de llamar a sus hijos. en america el gallego busca amigos entre otros gallegos y sus entretenimientos son las canciones y reminiscencias de su tierra. manuel de castro, narrador y creador de personajes, nos permite comprender lo que es el alma de un hombre. a pesar de unos detalles t&cnicos, por ejemplo el uso por el narrador de la primera persona del singular, claramente el padre samuel rebasa los limites del genero pica- resco y queda como documento humano que merece larga vida y el interes del lector inteligente. margaret m. ramos dickinson college, pa. ralph e. warner, bibliografia de ignacio manuel altamirano, impren- ta universitaria, m xico, , pp. ralph e. warner, ampliamente conocido por su colaboraci n en la bibliografia de la poesia mexicana (harvard university press, cambridge, ibid., p. . resenas _ ) y por su valioso estudio historia de la novela mexicana en el si- glo xix (robredo, mexico, ), es, sin duda, uno de los estudiosos mns capacitados para la tarea que da sus frutos en este libro, instrumento indispensable no s o para el conocimiento de uno de los mas polifac&- ticos autores del siglo pasado en m xico, sino tambien para la total comprensi n de un periodo orientador y decisivo en el desarrollo de las letras patrias. como especialista en altamirano, warner cuenta en su haber una tesis doctoral (the life and wiorks of ignacio manuel altamirano, uni- versity of california, ) que, tal vez por permanecer inedita, no aparece en el presente libro entre los estudios sobre la vida y las obras de altamirano, cuyas fichas integran la segunda parte de esta bibliogra- fia; el pr logo y recopilaci n de paisajes y leyendas (tradiciones y cos- tumbres de mexico, segunda serie) (robredo, m xico, ) aparte de otras contribuciones al estudio de este autor, estos si incluidos en la secci n correspondiente. esta obra viene a completar la magnifica labor de rafael heliodoro valle en el homenaje a ignacio m. altamirano (imprenta universitaria, m xico, ) y en la bibliografia de manuel ignacio altamirano (d. a. p. p., m xico, ) y la del propio compilador warner, "bibliografia de las obras de ignacio manuel altamirano", en revista iberoamericana, vol. iii, niim. (mayo ), pp. - . en la "introducci n" warner apunta el metodo que sigue en la or- denaci n de su acerbo bibliografico, repartiendolo en las siguientes sec- ciones tradicionales: i. colecciones de generos varios. ii. poesia. iii. no- vela y novela corta. iv. paisajes y leyendas. v. critica literaria. biblio- grafia, biografia, cr nicas y revistas. vi. pr logos, cartas-pr ogos, in- troducciones, etc. vii. discursos. viii. cartas. ix. articulos varios. x. traducciones y adaptaciones, secciones que constituyen la primera parte de la obra, estando la segunda, como ya se dijo, dedicada a los escritos sobre altamirano. se incluye tambien un itil indice de personas. con visi n discernidora warner ha omitido numerosas entradas que figuraban en las bibliografias previas, explicando en la misma "intro- ducci n" la raz n de su procedimiento. son de especial interns algunas de las notas explicativas que el compilador afiade a ciertas fichas. a pesar de algunas erratas, son de alabarse la atractiva presentaci n tipogr- fica y la esmerada edici n de esta obra. manuel de ezcurdia university of california, berkeley revista iberoamericana robert g. mead, jr., breve historia del ensayo hispanoamericano, m - xico, ediciones de andrea, , pp. la breve historia del ensayo hispanoamericano, de robert g. mead, jr., la tercera de la serie de resimenes hist rico-criticos que viene publi- cando la libreria studium de la capital mexicana, nos merece una acogida muy calurosa a todos los que profesamos un amor entrafiable a las letras hispanoamericanas, seamos estudiosos o curiosos, profesores o estudiantes. a los estudiosos porque este pequefio libro, tan denso como lo es breve, es en realidad una especie de diario de navegaci n que documenta el rumbo seguido por el pensamiento en hispanoambrica, desde el descu- brimiento hasta nuestros dias, siendo asi tanto por su tema como por su contenido una manifestaci n mis de que la america de habla espaiiola ha llegado a la madurez intelectual; a los curiosos porque les ofrece la ocasi n de hacer una excursi n doblemente provechosa, puesto que es amena, por entre los mojones ensayisticos colocados por algunos de los pensadores ms recios que haya producido hispanoamerica; a los pro- fesores porque puede que les sefiale nuevos derroteros hacia una mejor comprensi n, mediante las bibliografias criticas generales e individuales, de nuestros ensayistas mis destacados; y a los estudiantes porque les suministra la indispensable orientaci n hist rico-critica, sugiriendoles a la vez selectas lecturas representativas y conduciendoles a las principales fuentes bibliograficas de la critica que se ha publicado respecto a cada ensayista comentado. todo esto lo ha logrado admirablemente el autor y, en realidad, es algo mis de lo que, con modestia, dice haberse pro- puesto, pues habia pretendido ocuparse particularmente de las necesida- des de los profesores y de los estudiantes a fin de ofrecerles un libro lo mis itil posible que les sirviera de guia y que les ayudara a ponerse en condiciones de ahondar en un g nero poco estudiado y cuyo signifi- cado est tico y cultural, por consiguiente, todavia sigue desconocido en gran parte. la organizaci n del libro es la siguiente: en los ocho capitulos de que consta se trata del ensayo como genero literario (i), de la prosa de la colonia y de la emancipaci n (ii), de los grandes precursores (iii), de los primeros ensayistas (iv), de la generaci n de i o (v), del ensayo durante el modernismo (vi), durante el posmodernismo (vii) y del ensayo de hoy (viii), llegando en este iltimo a los ensayistas nacidos por el afio de . ademas, se presentan una bibliografia general y el igualmente indispensable indice onomistico. los escritores a quienes rese nas el autor considera como los mis importantes van sefialados con dos as- teriscos, las lecturas sugeridas de igual importancia, con uno. las lectu- ras asi indicadas el autor proyecta reunirlas en antologia como comple- mento de la historia del ensayo. sumamente interesantes son las piginas que el autor dedica al en- sayo como genero literario. alli pasa revista a la historia antigua y mo- derna del desarrollo de la clase de escritos que hoy dia denominamos ensayos. traza su desenvolvimiento desde la antigiiedad clisica hasta nuestros dias, para lo cual sefiala a los autores que mas se han destacado a lo largo de los siglos en los paises diferentes. respecto a espafia, des- pues de indicar la importancia de feij o como precursor caracterizado del g nero, hace hincapie en la poca atenci n prestada a esta clase de prosa hasta fines del siglo pasado, epoca en que aparecieron figuras tan nobles como giner de los rios y joaquin costa; estos habian de influir de un modo profundo sobre los conocidisimos ensayistas de la generaci n del , de la misma manera que estos filtimos a su vez habian de ins- pirar y servir de modelo a los ensayistas espafioles que les siguieron. es curioso notar, como lo ha observado muy atinadamente el profesor mead, que la palabra "ensayo", en el sentido de describir un g nero literario, no logr plena aceptaci n en espafia hasta despues de x . ademis del aspecto hist rico del tema, se plantea en este capitulo el problema dificilisimo de los generos literarios y de si hay un g nero ensayistico susceptible de definirse. partiendo de la base de que la literatura, proteica por un lado y una manifestaci n de intuici n pura por otro, es incontenible dentro de marcos fijos y arbitrarios, se afirma que a los g neros literarios les falta un sentido de realidad y de valor inherente. el autor cree que las clasificaciones tienen, por lo menos, al- guna utilidad, porque en seguida empieza a analizar lo que se considera como ensayo y se propone ofrecer una definici n. principiando con la ms corriente y amplia, le poda unas ramas y presenta otra mas literaria, aunque todavia bastante difundida, para legar a la intrinsecamente lite- raria que ha formulado enrique anderson imbert, a quien cita al res- pecto para dar remate a su discusi n del ensayo como g nero literario. no todos los escritores estudiados concuerdan con la descripci n alu- dida, la cual hace hincapie en los aspectos literarios y de alto valor est- tico del ensayo. no debe extrafiar a nadie que la mitad de ellos, quizis, no alcance el alto nivel artistico que exige. mead lo sabe y lo deja explicito. hace historia y esta tarea supone, sobre todo, la organizaci n y ordenaci n de los datos interesantes al desarrollo del genero, lo mismo revista iberoamericana que del fondo sobre el cual actian los maestros del ensayo de las iltimas d&cadas. asi, ha incluido a no pocos escritores que, importantes para el desenvolvimiento del genero ensayistico en america, han permanecido en las regiones limitrofes del ensayo propiamente dicho. la actitud es sanisima y el resultado es feliz, produciendo un cuadro rico en detalles y matices de las valiosas aportaciones a la madurez del genero que han hecho en su pro infatigables trabajadores de la pluma. para cuando el autor piense en una segunda edici n -que ojala sea pronto, pues seguramente la primera se agotari en breve- aprovecha- mos para sefialarle dos defectillos que nos han llamado la atenci n: el c'lebre predicador padre vieira no era brasilefio, sino portugues, si bien es verdad que pas gran parte de su vida en el brasil colonial (pag. ), y las obras de sarmiento no suman volimenes, sino (pag. ). tambi n, y con el mismo prop sito, queremos participarle algunas ob- servaciones que se nos impusieron mientras leiamos su libro. como es de esperar en cuanto a manuales hist rico-criticos, no todos los lectores estarin contentos con los autores elegidos para integrar el libro; es inevi- table. unos se preguntarin por qu se ha dedicado todo un capitulo a los prosistas del periodo colonial, puesto que en espafia apenas habia asomo del ensayo en la forma en que lo comprendemos hoy, y mucho menos en hispanoamrica. a otros les extrafiara que se haya incluido a cierto escritor o que se haya dejado de mencionar a otro. a nosotros, por ejemplo, nos parece imprescindible la inclusi n de francisco bilbao en la n mina de los precursores hispanoamericanos del ensayo, no s o por sus escritos de caricter ensayistico, sino tambien por su vinculaci n con el desarrollo de las ideas filos ficas en america y por haberse ocupado de temas que con los afios les habrian de interesar hondamente a algunos de nuestros pensadores modernos mas caracterizados. tampoco les agradara a todos, quizis, cada detalle de los analisis hist rico-criticos que se han hecho de las corrientes literarias y de los escritores tratados. sin entrar en pormenores, sefialaremos los sitios en donde, a nuestro juicio, el autor podria haber robustecido sus interpre- tciones. en las introducciones a los capitulos iii ("los grandes precur- sores") y iv ("los primeros ensayistas") no quedarian mal cuatro pala- bras relativas a la importancia de las diversas filosofias (principalmente las humanitarias y las positivistas) que estaban en pugna a principios del siglo xix, las cuales han dejado sus huellas indeleblemente impresas en la vida de occidente desde aquellos tiempos. en las piginas que dedica al modernismo (cap. vi) habria resultado mas equilibrado el analisis resenas si se hubiera prestado mis atenci n a la gran deuda del modernismo al romanticismo, siendo aqu l en el fondo mas bien una liberaci n y una superaci n del estado de inimo romintico. tambi n, si bien nos damos cuenta de las limitaciones de espacio que se le impusieron al autor, no deja de extrafiarnos un poco que no se haya vinculado de alguna manera el desarrollo del pensamiento de fines del siglo xx y principios del actual y, por consiguiente, el del ensayo, su instrumento de expresi n por excelencia, con los prosistas de la genera- ci n espafiola de . poniendo a un lado las influencias, es inne- gable, a niuestro parecer, que nuestros autores y los espaiioles de aque- lla epoca arrostraban no pocos temas parecidos y que los m viles y la actitud frente a la vida de ambos grupos eran demasiado semejantes para que se les pasara por encima sin mentarlos. ademas, consta que a partir del modernismo, y desde ambos lados del atlintico, se empez a reparar y a estrechar los lazos, en especial los culturales, no s o entre los paises hispanoamericanos, sino tambien con espaia, lazos que habian permanecido o rotos del todo o muy mellados desde la epoca de las gue- rras de la independencia. a la casa editora, tambien, cuatro palabras. de gran provecho hu- biera sido la utilizaci n de alguna clase de tipo especial para asi distin- guir y poner aparte las paginas en las que se encuentra el comentario principal respecto a cada escritor; de esta manera el lector curioso no se veria en la necesidad de hojear tantas piginas para hallar lo medular. tambien, el indice de materias habria sido mas itil si tuviera una lista completa de los autores comentados, ordenados por capitulos, para que asi el lector se formase de un vistazo una idea global de la trayectoria que lleva el libro. no obstante los reparos que acabamos de indicar (ninguno de los cuales disminuye el alto valor intrinsico de la breve historia del ensayo hispanoamericano), la selecci n de los autores tratados, asi como las des- cripciones hist rico-criticas de los mismos y de las corrientes literarias, son excelentes y ilenan por completo los requisitos de un manual de esta indole. el profesor mead ha obrado con buen tino y con rigurosa hon- radez e imparcialidad frente a problemas de an.lisis y de sintesis no siempre f ciles de resolver. el resultado es un libro sumamente fitil y provechoso. claude l. hulet washington university, st. louis, missouri. re vis ta iberoa mericana rodrigo m. f. de andrade, as artes plasticas no brasil. emp. grif. ouvidor, rio de janeiro, . pp. esti a venda o primeiro dos tres volumes que constituir.o um estudo s bre a evolucgo das artes pl sticas no brasil. sob a dire. o de rodrigo melo franco de andrade, vinte-e-cinco especialistas trabalham na ela- boracgo desta obra gigantesca. o primeiro volume estuda a evolucgo das artes plisticas no brasil desde as primeiras manifestac es arqueol gicas (por frederico barata) e da arte indigena (por gastio cruls). seguem capitulos s bre as artes populares (por cecilia meireles), os antecedentes portugueses e ex ticos (por reynaldo dos santos), mobiliario (por j. wasth rodrigues), ourivesaria (por jose e gizella valladares), e o lti- mo capitulo, louga e porcelana (por francisco marques dos santos). cada capitulo termina corn uma bibliografia das obras mais importantes que tratam de cada assunto. este primeiro volume e de grande formato, enriquecido por nume- rosas e excelentes ilustracges. os volumes que devem aparecer incluirao capitulos s bre a pintura, a escultura e a arquitetura no brasil desde o periodo colonial ate hoje. e, realmente, uma obra monumental -um gran- de servico prestado a cultura brasileira. albert r. lopes universidade de novo maxico stanley t. williams, the spanish background of american literature. yale university press, new haven, , vols., xxvii + y viii + pp. $io.oo. segfn observa la enciclopedia universal ilustrada (barcelona, i ), los estados unidos de norteambrica han tomado la delantera en el cam- po del hispanismo literario: "en el desarrollo de este articulo ["hispanis- mo", t. xxvii, p. se sigue el orden marcado por la importancia que la tendencia misma tiene en los varios paises. se da, pues, la pre- ferencia a los estados unidos, siguiendo luego francia, alemania, ingla- terra, italia, etc." y son algunos estudiosos norteamericanos los que han logrado acabar con la leyenda de la crueldad espafiola en el nuevo mun- do: "una pujante, fecunda y reivindicadora hispanofilia hase desarrollado en la gran repiblica norteamericana. tratase no s lo de la exaltaci n de nuestras glorias literarias, sino de la reivindicaci n de nuestra historia, es- pecialmente en lo que concierne al descubrimiento, conquista, colonizaci n r e s e as y civilizaci n de america. no solamente se estudia y admira nuestro idio- ma y literatura, se traducen sus principales producciones y se realizan tra- bajos de investigaci n de las letras espafiolas, sino que tambien sacan a luz de los archivos los documentos que hablan la verdad acerca de la actuaci n de espafia en america y se destruye la famosa leyenda negra que nuestros enemigos y envidiosos habian forjado." sin embargo, salvo la obra de miguel romera-navarro, un esfuerzo inicial titulado el hispanismo en norteamrica ( ), algunas alusiones de van wyck brooks en sus famosas historias de la literatura norteame- ricana, unas tesis doctorales ineditas y varios articulos, los criticos esta- dounidenses, atraidos por el prestigio de otras culturas europeas, no han visto bien el constante interes que en nuestro pais se ha sentido por el mundo hispanico. ahora, con los dos grandes tomos de the spanish background of american literature ( ), esta laguna se ha llenado casi completamente, gracias a stanley t. williams, profesor de literatura norteamericana en la universidad de yale y celebre autoridad sobre wash- ington irving. asombrosa es la extensi n de este campo de especializaci n y ca ticas las innumerables ramificaciones. no obstante, con su libro met dicamente dividido en cuatro partes, con piginas de notas, indices y documen- taci n esmerada, williams ensaya comprender todo y nos ofrece un ver- dadero compendio de esta inmensa cantidad de materia. estudia el pe- riodo entero, es decir, desde el siglo diecisiete hasta ahora; incluye no s o las influencias peninsulares, sino tambien las de igual o mayor importan- cia, las hispanoamericanas y las del suroeste hispanizado de los estados unidos; ademis de los escritores de novelas, dramas y poesia, trata tam- bien de los otros que, en su opini n, constituyeron las fuentes principales de inspiraci n en los siglos diecinueve y veinte: los autores de literatura de viajes, los periodistas, los creadores de historias "rom nticas" de espafia, un genero muy en boga durante el siglo pasado, los modificadores de la "leyenda negra" y los maestros, traductores y criticos. sin limitarse a la literatura, pasa al campo de los pintores, miisicos, escultores y arqui- tectos que tambien han vuelto hacia lo espaiol. sin duda, lo muy significativo de este analisis es el reexamen, en estilo biogrifico, del mas conocido contingente de hispanistas: washington ir- ving y william hickling prescott, historiadores "rominticos" de espafia; george ticknor, historiador de la literatura castellana; henry wadsworth longfellow y william cullen bryant, traductores y poetas inspirados por temas hispinicos; james russell lowell, poeta y maestro del castellano; revista iberoame rican a francis bret harte, cuentista de la california hispanizada, y william dean howells, critico de la novela realista espafiola. tambien nos llama la atenci n la interpretaci n de williams de las preocupaciones de los no- velistas del siglo veinte por espafia: john dos passos, inspirado por la corriente del liberalismo de la peninsula; ernest hemingway, estimulado por el drama de la sangre y la muerte en la plaza de toros; gertrude stein y su afinidad con la mente espafiola, y willa cather, conmovida por el mundo religioso y misionero del estado de nuevo mexico. se ve que este tremendo trabajo ha resultado de un verdadero amor por el tema, y quiz, del inters del autor, desde hace muchos afios, por irving, en quien la inspiraci n hisp nica tuvo su xito mas brillante. el autor ha recogido todos los hilos de influencias para tejer un libro tan agradable y f cil de leer como esas historias "rominticas" de espafia de las cuales nos habla. indudablemente, ha introducido al mundo intelectual un nuevo campo de especializaci n sumamente extenso y rico. frederick s. stimson northwestern university la cultura y la literatura iberoamericana. memoria del septimo congreso del instituto internacional de literatura ibero- americanas. berkeley, california, . m xico, ediciones de an- drea, university of california press, berkeley and los angeles, , pigs. (coleccion studium, no. i ). el titulo de esta memoria fue el tema central del congreso reunido en berkeley los dias , y de agosto de , y su contenido es el texto de los trabajos leidos entonces; se han ordenado cronol gicamente, "segin la fecha del aspecto del problema" tratado en ellos, dice luis mongui , autor de la advertencia preliminar, pp. - , y presidente de la comisi n de trabajos. el volumen lleva como pr ogo una meditaci n general sobre el tema de la cultura, pp. -i , de arturo torres rioseco, presidente del instituto internacional de literatura iberoamericana .y del septimo congreso. las piginas de torres rioseco, aunque referidas a la cultura en la america hispinica, plantean el problema de la libertad intelectual en todo el mundo moderno: "una vez perdida la libertad, el artista o el pensador ya no tie- nen raz n de ser" y "el profesor que transige se convierte en un ser las- timoso". re s e as la seccin hispanoamericana reine dieciseis trabajos y la brasilefa, cuatro. es de notarse que seis de la primera se refieren en especial al mo- dernismo o a sus grandes figuras, y que s o tres escritores contemporineos merecieron la atenci n de los especialistas en literatura de lengua espafiola o brasilefia: mario monteforte toledo, marques rebelo y manuel bandeira. el orden cronol gico de la seccidn hispanoamericana nos presenta en primer t&rmino el .espiritu sentencioso de martin fierro, pp. - , segun maria de villarino; sea nuestro inico comentario la desaprobaci n que daria jorge luis borges a la cita mutilada de calixto oyuela, extraida de el "martin fierro" (buenos aires, editorial columba, , p. ), que la autora da sin fecha y sin paginaci n. enrique anderson imbert nos muestra la originalidad del "tabari", pp. - , reconociendo que "el tema no tiene importancia" y que "s o comprendiendo su firme concep- ci n cat lica de la vida puede apreciarse el valor de tabard". tres nom- bres en varona [renan, shakespeare y nietzsche], pp. - , por jose ferrer canales. kurt l. levy ejemplifica revuelta y tradicidn: dos valores del mosaico cultural iberoamericano, pp. - , con la figura de juan de dios uribe, el indio uribe colombiano. los seis estudios dedicados al periodo modernista vienen a conti- nuaci n: el mexico de gutierrez najera, pp. - , de julio jimenez rue- da, sugerente evocaci n que completa al de alfredo maillefert, al frente de los cuentos, crdnicas y ensayos, de gutierrez najera (m xico, ). el arte literario en la poesia de diaz mirdn, pp. - , de fran- cisco monterde, se public , bajo el titulo de la estetica de diaz mirdn, en su poesia, en su salvador diaz mirdn. documentos. estitica (m xico, ediciones filosofia y letras, , pp. - ). una posible rectificaci n, la fecha de al chorro del estanque..., ya fue hecha por el propio autor en su diaz mirdn. el hombre. la obra (mexico, ediciones de andrea, , p. ). en el signo de la cultura en la poesia hispanoamericana, pp. - , bernardo gicovate al proponer el elemento cultural como definitorio de "lo esencial de nuestra tradici n po tica", cita a heredia, bello, alfonso reyes, para concluir asi: "el significado del modernismo entonces es, m.s que nada, la vuelta a nuestra tradici n de cultura". george d. schade estudia la mitologia clcisica en la poesia modernista hispano- americana, pp. - . edmundo garcia-gir n considera el modernismo como evasidn cultural, pp. - . y donald f. fogelquist insiste sobre el caraicter hispanico del modernismo, pp. -i . (esta lista no es sim- plemente enumerativa; los tiempos verbales, a su modo, valorizan los ilti- mos trabajos). revista iber.oamerican a max henriquez urefia (urefi en la firma; urena en el indice) ofrece un panorama sint tico de las influencias francesas en la novela de la ame- rica hispanica, pp. o -i , desde las traducciones de jacobo de villa- urrutia ( ) y de fray servando (isoi) hasta la sangre hambrienta ( ), de enrique labrador ruiz. igual panorama de las letras brasile- fias nos da erico verissimo en su ensayo o novo descobrimento do brasil, pp. - . el resto de los trabajos son monografias sobre autores relacionados con el tema de la cultura o la vida: david bary, con informaciones de pri- mera mano, escribe sobre vicente huidobro, agente viajero de la poesia, pp. - ; hugo rodriguez alcala, en sentido y alcance de las compa- raciones en "don segundo sombra'", pp. - , ve a giiiraldes utilizando los elementos de la pampa para enriquecer la realidad; alfredo roggiano estudia la idea de la cultura en baldomiero. sanin cano, pp. - , par- tiendo de los propios textos del maestro desaparecido, y llega a la conclu- si n de que fue "un espiritualista con ribetes neokantianos, un tanto sedu- cido por nietzsche, sin duda, pero mas cerca de la escuela inglesa de bradley y royce; augusto tamayo vargas puntualiza las relaciones entre maritegui y la cultura peruana, pp. - ; gustavo correa hace un detenido estudio de la novela indianista de mario monteforte toledo y el problema de una cultura integral en guatemala, pp. i - ; jack h. parker en manuel antonio de almeida, balzac brasileiro, pp. i - , compara las memrias de um sargento de milicias con pasajes de eugenie grandet ( ) y pere goriot ( - ); leo kirschenbaum se ocupa detalladamente de marques rebelo e a vida carioca, pp. - ; y gerald m. moser traza la imagen de o brasil do poeta manuel bandeira, pp. - , con abundantes transcripciones y referencias bibliogrificas. imposible en breves lineas describir y valorar acertadamente los tra- bajos del apretado volumen que constituye esta memoria; estamos de acuerdo con luis mongui al afirmar que "hay en este libro trabajos, que en las mismas premisas o en las conclusiones, parecen divergir de otros aqui tambien impresos; todos ellos, sin embargo, asedian igualmente con inteligencia y con amor una cultura que por su complejidad de origen y de desarrollo admite en su estudio diversas hip tesis de trabajo y diversos caminos de entrada. mis investigaciones, mas descripciones, mas inter- pretaciones, mas evaluaciones como stas son precisamente la via que nos ha de llevar paso a paso al coraz n de la historia de la cultura literaria iberoamericana". una observaci n, que por cierto no invalida el merito de estos tra- k ese a s bajos, de investigaci n en su mayor parte, es la referente a la calidad del espafiol en que estan redactados. es visible el decoro lingiiistico de los profesores de la america hispinica que viven en ella y el esfuerzo de los norteamericanos que escriben en una lengua que no es la suya; no asi el de los latinos que viven en los estados unidos, quizi pensando en ingles: propensidad 'propensity' por propensidn (garcia-gir n), o han olvidado que los apellidos ya no se pluralizan: "los martis y los darios" (gicovate), por ejemplo. ernesto mejia sanchez el colegio de mexico luis leal, breve historia del cuento mexicano, manuales studium, ; ediciones de andrea, m xico, , i pp. el pequefio volumen de luis leal es una guia valiosa para quien se interese en el tema. utilisimo como recuento de las distintas manifesta- ciones del g nero desde los tiempos prehispinicos hasta nuestros dias, como indicador bibliogrifico y consejero de lecturas, resulta a veces poco homogeneo y original. el prurito de encasillar en rigurosos grupos a los diversos autores y de reducir a una ficha minima -aunque no siempre completa- la presentaci n de cada uno, la tendencia a echar mano de opiniones ajenas, disminuyen en ciertos momentos los meritos de la obra. por ejemplo, no vemos con demasiada claridad por que juan jose arreola (pp. -x ) figura, sin mis, entre los escritores expresionistas, cuando su producci n sobrepasa ese limite; no convence tampoco la inclusi n ro- tunda de juan rulfo (pp. - ) entre los continuadores del realismo, sin que por lo menos se advierta que el suyo es un realismo muy parti- cular. pero como el autor reconoce en la introducci n (p. ) que "la clasificaci n... es hasta cierto punto arbitraria" y no del todo "precisa", preferimos no insistir en el asunto. el af~n de sintesis lleva muchas veces a luis leal a conceder espacio equivalente a autores de muy distinta cate- goria: alfonso reyes, maestro consagrado, merece apenas unas lineas mis que emmanuel carballo, escritor principiante que nada ha publicado en materia de cuentos despubs de gran estorbo la esperanza (pp. - y ). por otra parte, nos hubiera gustado conocer mejor las opiniones del autor, pues por lo general prefiere recurrir a juicios de otros, no siempre lo suficientemente equilibrados por la edad y el rigor critico para servir de apoyo a un libro serio. r e v i s t a ib e r o a m e r i c a n a como luis leal se propone completar su obra, le recordamos que al mencionar a arreola ha omitido su primer libro (varia invencidn, tezon- tie, ), publicado hoy junto con confabulario en la serie letras mexi- canas del fondo de cultura econ mica y le indicamos que falta en la bi- bliografia de juan rulfo el estudio mis importante que se haya escrito sobre cl: el articulo de carlos blanco aguinaga aparecido en la revista mexicana de literatura, nuim. i, . todas las observaciones que hemos hecho no invalidan en modo al- guno el mcrito informativo del libro que, volvemos a repetir, es una guia de extrema utilidad. emma susana speratti pirero el colegio de mdxico, journal of art historiography number june charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston deborah hartry stein in previous scholarship on the origins of the museum of fine arts, boston (‘boston museum’) — incorporated in february, as one of the nation’s first public art museums — art historians have frequently pointed to its similarity with london’s south kensington museum (‘south kensington’), particularly as regards its mission to elevate the educational level of the public and the industrial design of everyday objects. while scholars have attributed this shared mission to the influence of the pioneering art historian and fine arts museum expert charles callahan perkins ( – ), there has been no systematic and in-depth probing of the specific south kensington museum practices adopted by perkins, nor of the precise form that they took under his all-encompassing direction. this article undertakes to fill this lacuna in the belief that such a detailed exploration sheds much light on the particular acknowledgements: i would like to express my appreciation to elizabeth heath for inviting my contribution to this edition of the journal of art historiography, for her very helpful editorial comments on my article, and for her generous sharing of archival documentation of george scharf’s relationship with charles callahan perkins from her own doctoral research. i would also like to thank keith morgan, professor emeritus, history of art & architecture and american & new england studies at boston university, for his incisive comments from which this article has considerably benefitted. sincere thanks are also due to corina meyer and susanna avery-quash for their careful reviews and most helpful commentaries. see, for example, walter muir whitehill, museum of fine arts boston: a centennial history, cambridge: harvard university press, , – and – ; michael conforti, ‘the idealist enterprise and the applied arts’, in: malcolm baker and brenda richardson, eds, a grand design: the art of the victoria and albert museum, new york: harry n. abrams, , – ; and hina hirayama, with Éclat, the boston athenaeum and the origin of the museum of fine arts, boston, boston: boston athenaeum, , – . i am indebted to hina hirayama for her unflagging support and enthusiasm for my research into charles callahan perkins. for the history of the south kensington museum see baker and richardson, eds., a grand design; anthony burton, vision & accident: the story of the victoria and albert museum, london: v&a publications, ; elizabeth bonython and anthony burton, the great exhibitor: the life and work of henry cole, london: v&a publications, ; and susanna avery-quash and julie sheldon, art for the nation: the eastlakes and the victorian art world, london: the national gallery company, . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston character of the boston museum’s foundational years. it asserts, in particular, that the privileging of early italian renaissance art at the south kensington had its distinct echo in boston under perkins’ management. in this regard, the article posits, as a second important institutional model for perkins, the manchester art treasures exhibition of (‘art treasures exhibition’), one of the earliest exhibitions to showcase fourteenth and fifteenth-century art in a public exhibition in england. moreover, the article highlights perkins’ professional and personal relationships with, not only the individuals responsible for this emphasis at manchester and south kensington, sir george scharf, jr. ( – ) and sir john the article builds on my recently completed dissertation — the first modern monograph on perkins’ life and work — in which i claim that perkins’ scholarship, illustrations, collections, and museum directorship shared the philosophical premise that the visual language of the fine arts, independent of the literary references that had so long been cherished by an elite heavily invested in classicism, could have an equal if not greater salutary impact on the citizenry. as such, he dramatically expanded the conception of exhibition-worthy art to include the early italian renaissance among other periods and genres previously undervalued, and he led the way to a museum of fine arts whose comprehensive collections were visually accessible to a much broader public. see deborah hartry stein, ‘the visual rhetoric of charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and a new fine arts paradigm for boston’, phd diss., , boston university. by ‘early italian renaissance art’, i refer to works of the fourteenth, fifteenth, and early sixteenth centuries. for the role of early italian renaissance art in the formation of the south kensington museum see helen davies, ‘john charles robinson’s work at the south kensington museum’, parts i and ii, journal of the history of collections, vol. , no. , , – and vol. , no. , , – ; and charlotte drew, ‘displaying italian sculpture: exploring hierarchies at the south kensington museum – ’, phd diss., university of york, . i am indebted to susanna avery-quash for pointing out that the manchester art treasures exhibition built upon an even earlier ground-breaking public display of fourteenth and fifteenth-century painting. this exhibit, entitled ‘a series of pictures from the times of giotto and van eyck’, was held at the british institution in london in . e-mail correspondence between susanna avery-quash and deborah stein, march, . for the role of early italian renaissance art at the manchester art treasures exhibition, see elizabeth a. pergam, the manchester art treasures exhibition of : entrepreneurs, connoisseurs, and the public, farnham, england: ashgate, ; melva croal, ‘“the spirit, the flesh, and the milliner”: hanging the ancient masters at the manchester art-treasures exhibition’, in: helen rees leahy, ed. ‘art, city, spectacle: the manchester art- treasures exhibition revisited’, bulletin of the john rylands university library of manchester, vol. , , - ; and francis haskell, the ephemeral museum: old master paintings and the rise of the art exhibition, new haven: yale university press, , – . for an analysis of the same issue at the london national gallery, see susanna avery-quash, ‘the growth of interest in early italian painting in britain with particular reference to pictures in the national gallery’, in: dillian gordon, the fifteenth century italian paintings, vol. , london: national gallery company, . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston charles robinson ( – ), respectively, but also the leading adviser to the british government on the fine arts at this time, gustav friedrich waagen ( – ), who strongly influenced scharf and robinson. insofar as scharf and robinson’s strategies at manchester and south kensington were designed in part to overcome resistance from a number of worthies in the english art world to the public display of early italian renaissance art, a challenge that perkins himself faced in establishing a fine arts museum in boston, his close relationship with these individuals adds much substance to this article’s focus. after a brief introduction to perkins’ youthful milieu, the article details his extensive and first-hand involvement with northern european art historical and museological developments, connects the key elements of his programme for american fine arts museums to these developments, and concludes with a demonstration of the close ties between perkins’ specific strategies at the boston museum and those inaugurated at the south kensington. figure charles callahan perkins, c. . photograph, . x cm (mount). boston: boston athenaeum. gift of the estate of miss eliza callahan cleveland, . photograph © boston athenaeum. biases against early italian renaissance art on both sides of the atlantic had complex histories. common to both were anti-papist sentiments as well as views on artistic merit that privileged the naturalism and polish of the high renaissance and beyond over the less advanced technical virtuosity of the trecento and quattrocento. for a broad treatment of the phenomenon, see john hale, england and the italian renaissance: the growth of interest in its history and art, rd ed., london: fontana press, . see also robyn cooper ‘the growth of interest in early italian painting in britain: george darley and the athenaeum, - ’, journal of the warburg and courtauld institutes, vol. , and avery-quash, ‘pictures in the national gallery’, for a discussion of british views on early italian art. see stein, ‘a new fine arts paradigm’, and - on similar views in boston. deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston charles callahan perkins ( – ) was born on pearl street in the old south end of boston. (fig. ) as the scion of a major boston family, perkins was part of an extraordinarily tight-knit community of elites, a community which shaped his cultural consciousness in a profound manner. in , at the age of six, perkins lost his father, a tragedy which naturally imposed a great emotional toll, but did have the salutary effect of exposing him in his youth to certain members of the cultural avant-garde of boston who, as his guardians or close associates of the same, were a significant presence in his life. furthermore, leadership in the fine arts was in perkins’ blood. in , perkins’ grandfather, james perkins ( – ), donated his residence on pearl street to the athenaeum, boston’s premier cultural organization founded in , so that they might have the space needed for their growing book collections and at the same time deliver on their promise to support the fine arts. in , perkins’ great uncle, thomas handasyd perkins ( – ), inspired and then executed the first annual fine arts exhibition, a tradition that continued until , when the athenaeum ceded its authority therein to the new perkins was the fourth of five children of james perkins, jr. ( – ) and eliza greene callahan ( – ). unless otherwise noted, biographical details cited in this article are gleaned from samuel eliot, memoir of charles callahan perkins, reprinted from the proceedings of the massachusetts historical society, cambridge: john wilson and son, ; martin brimmer, ‘charles callahan perkins, a. m.’, proceedings of the american academy of arts and sciences, vol. , may–december , – ; and hirayama, with Éclat, – . this elite community was related by birth, marriage, and political, economic, and social values. for further treatment of the close-knit nature of the so-called ‘brahmin’ elites, a sobriquet given to them by the esteemed physician, oliver wendell holmes, sr. ( – ), see ronald story, the forging of an aristocracy: harvard and the boston upper class, – , middletown, ct: wesleyan university press, ; frederic cople jaher, ‘nineteenth- century elites in boston and new york’, journal of social history, vol. , no. , autumn, , – ; paul goodman, ‘ethics and enterprise: the values of a boston elite, – ’, american quarterly, vol. , no. , autumn, , – ; and t. a. milford, ‘j. s. j. gardiner, early national letters, and the perseverance of british-american culture’, anglican and episcopal history, vol. , no. , december , – . these men included charles follen ( – ), harvard’s first professor of german language and literature and an outspoken unitarian minister and abolitionist; henry r. cleveland ( – ), classical scholar and fine arts commentator; henry wadsworth longfellow ( – ), esteemed poet and professor of modern languages at harvard; and cornelius conway felton ( – ), eliot professor of greek literature at harvard as well as its th president. they were key players in boston’s development as the so-called ‘athens of america’, an appellation that has its origins in an comment made by william tudor ( – ), one of the boston athenaeum’s founders. for a discussion of the influence that these and other cultural elites had on perkins’ childhood, see stein, ‘a new fine arts paradigm’, chapter two. for a recent treatment of boston’s cultural history in this period, see thomas h. o’connor, the athens of america: boston, – , amherst: university of massachusetts press, . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston boston museum. together, these two perkins brothers, james and thomas, literally launched the institutionalisation of the fine arts in boston. charles perkins went abroad a few months after graduation from harvard college in with the explicit goal of garnering the expertise to build an academy of the fine arts in his native city. in this perkins differed significantly from the preponderance of his fellow bostonians who saw travel to europe as civilising preparation for a gentleman who would return to a career in the law, medicine, commerce, or the church. studying and working in rome, paris, leipzig, florence, and london for close to a quarter-century — albeit broken up by several lengthy returns home to boston — perkins came into contact, either directly or by association, with a complex web of early to mid-nineteenth century northern european painters, art historians, collectors and critics who, under the influence of late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century german romantic philosophy and literature had rediscovered the early italian masters, raphael ( – ) in particular. for example, perkins spent the year of – in the studio of the dutch romantic painter, ary scheffer ( – ), who, inspired in part by raphael’s madonnas, used large areas of pale and flat color and sharply outlined figures that stood out against stark backgrounds in a sculpturesque way to for the history of the fine arts at the boston athenaeum, see especially hirayama, with Éclat. see also richard wendorf, ed. the boston athenaeum bicentennial essays, boston: boston athenaeum, ; stanley ellis cushing and david b. dearinger, eds, acquired tastes: years of collecting for the boston athenaeum, boston: boston athenaeum, ; pamela hoyle, jonathan p. harding, and rosemary booth, a climate for art: the history of the boston athenaeum gallery – , boston: boston athenaeum, ; robert f. perkins jr. and william j. gavin iii, the boston athenaeum art exhibition index, – , boston: library of the boston athenaeum, ; jean gordon, ‘the fine arts in boston, – ’, phd diss., university of wisconsin, and mabel swanson swan, the athenaeum gallery, – : the boston athenaeum as an early patron of art, boston: boston athenaeum, . leading figures in the german romantic movement included wilhelm wackenrode ( – ), friedrich schlegel ( – ), and ludwig tieck ( – ). in , wackenroder published the highly influential herzensergiessungen eines kunstliebenden klosterbruders (translated as ‘the heartfelt outpourings of an art-loving monk’), in which he asserted that the most evocative art was religious art. schlegel shared this belief in the power of religious art, claiming that the deeply-felt christian faith of the early renaissance masters shone forth with a purity as yet untainted by the revival of antique paganism. see hale, england and the italian renaissance, – and and david j. delaura, “the context of browning’s painter poems: aesthetics, polemics, historics,” pmla, vol. , no. (may ): – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston emphasize the spirituality of his subjects. in addition to this exposure to the early renaissance revival in paint, perkins was exposed to literary members of scheffer’s circle, either in his studio or at one of his salons, who believed that the pure religiosity of raphael and the early italian masters was an essential curative in the ‘hurly burly’ of the industrial age. in , perkins and his wife frances davenport bruen ( – ) — whom he had met in the late s while they were both living in rome as part of that city’s culturally rich anglo-american community — and their baby daughter established residence in florence. this was to be the lengthiest, final, and probably also most productive of perkins’ european sojourns, only concluding in upon the family’s permanent return to boston. they lived at the villa capponi, a storied estate in the hills above florence that had been converted from mediaeval castle to renaissance villa in the late sixteenth century by the capponi family. soon after arriving in florence, perkins determined to turn his talents and researches to the discipline of art history, focusing on early italian renaissance sculpture as his specialty and publishing two major texts on the subject, tuscan sculptors and italian sculptors in and , respectively. perkins spent a year during this time period (precise date unknown) studying engraving in paris with félix bracquemond ( – ) and maxime lalanne ( – ), both leaders of the mid-century etching revival in france, so that he might ultimately engrave his own textual illustrations. we also know from perkins’ ‘preface’ to tuscan sculptors that he see patrick noon, ‘new discoveries: a reduced version of ary scheffer’s christ consolator’, nineteenth-century art worldwide (august ): – ; accessed on-line / / and / / at http://www. thc-artworldwide.org/ noon also connects scheffer to the nazarenes, a school of german painters who, in the first quarter of the nineteenth century had pioneered the mission to bring back religious content to art, and whose philosophies also had their roots in german romanticism. for scheffer and the nazarenes, see also lionel gossman, ‘unwilling moderns: the nazarene painters of the nineteenth century’, nineteenth-century art worldwide, vol. , no. , autumn , – , accessed on / / at http://www. thc-artworldwide.org. such literary figures included the critic, george darley ( – ), and the novelist turned art historian, anna jameson ( – ). for scheffer, his circle, and his parisian salons, some of the most vibrant such gatherings in paris at the time, see edward morris, ‘ary scheffer and his english circle’, oud holland, jaarg. , no. , , - . the full bibliographic details of perkins’ texts are: tuscan sculptors: their lives, works, and times with illustrations from original drawings and photographs, london: longman, green, longman, roberts & green, , vols; and italian sculptors: being a history of sculpture in northern, southern, and eastern italy, london: longmans, green and company, . see cosmo monkhouse, exhibition illustrative of the french revival of etching, london: burlington fine arts club, , – and eric denker, ‘félix bracquemond: impressionist innovator – selections from the frank raysor collection’, nineteenth-century art worldwide, vol. , no. , autumn, , – , accessed on / / at http://www. thc- artworldwide.org/. http://www. thc-artworldwide.org/ http://www. thc-artworldwide.org/autumn /denker-reviews-felix-bracquemond-impressionist-innovator http://www. thc-artworldwide.org/autumn /denker-reviews-felix-bracquemond-impressionist-innovator deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston travelled extensively throughout italy in this period to make ‘drawings and collect photographs’ as the basis for his illustrations and that he examined ‘all mss., books, and pamphlets connected with the subject’, presumably also accomplished during these travels. the fairly small but significant collection of italian renaissance quattrocento sculpture in marble, terracotta, and bronze that perkins brought home in was undoubtedly the product of these travels as well. based on the following circumstantial information, it is clear that perkins made several trips across the english channel to london during this last sojourn abroad. first, his publisher, longmans, green and company, was located in london, thus undoubtedly necessitating many visits to this venerable commercial establishment. second, perkins’ article, ‘american art museums,’ published in reviewed the strategies and operating practices of the south kensington at a level of detail that could only have been personally observed. third, in addition to his acquaintanceship with scharf and robinson, perkins had developed a strong enough relationship with henry cole ( – ), secretary of the south kensington museum and a formidable public servant in his own right, to call upon him for assistance in appointing walter smith ( – ), headmaster at the leeds school of art in britain, to direct boston’s new drawing initiatives of the s. taken together, this stretch of time, – , was an immensely fertile one during which perkins soaked up the mix of intellectual, cultural, and institutional currents that proved to most powerfully influence his transformative leadership once home in boston. in his art historical scholarship, perkins was profoundly influenced by his friend, the french historian alexis-françois rio ( – ), whose support he acknowledged with gratitude in the dedication to his first major work, tuscan sculptors ( ). inspired, like the members of the scheffer circle, by german romanticism, rio glorified the christian poetry of religious art of the late mediaeval and early renaissance periods and celebrated its rejection of the ‘debasing element of scientific or pagan interest’. rio’s seminal treatise of , de la poésie chrétienne, perkins, tuscan sculptors, vol. , viii–ix. for a history of longmans, see asa briggs, a history of longmans and their books, – : longevity in publishing, london: the british library and oak knoll press, . ‘american art museums,’ was published in the north american review, vol. , no. , july , – . it will be more fully explicated later in this article. prior to his leadership post at the south kensington, cole ( – ) had served for years as head of the department of science and art and had been appointed by prince albert to mastermind the great exhibition of . for perkins’ relationship with henry cole, see katrina l, billings, “sophisticated proselytizing: charles callahan perkins and the boston school committee.” master’s thesis, massachusetts college of art, . hale, england and the italian renaissance, – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston was highly influential in england. amongst rio’s devotées there was no less a luminary than the art critic john ruskin ( – ). also indebted to rio for their introduction to the early italian masters were anna jameson ( – ), novelist turned art historian, and alexander william crawford, lord lindsay ( – ), who, along with jameson, was one of the first british authors to publish on these painters, and who also assembled an impressive collection of their works. having been immersed in scheffer’s circle and introduced to the field of art history by rio, perkins was strongly persuaded in his own scholarship of not only the merits of early italian renaissance art, but also of the self-absorption and paganism — in other words, decadence — of the artists who followed raphael in the sixteenth century. at the same time, perkins shared a great deal with the more neutral — that is the less polemic and romantic and more research-based, historicising, and encyclopaedic — art historical methods pioneered by the german art historians, carl friedrich von rumohr ( – ), gustav friedrich waagen — previously mentioned as the leading adviser to the british government and a personal friend of perkins’ — and franz theodor kugler ( – ). for example, gustav waagen’s on hubert and johann van eyck ( ), which appreciated mediaeval art as a product of its environment rather than just evidence of a dark period in art, reflected the german’s staunch belief that to represent an artist one must ‘discuss political history, the constitution, the character of a people, conditions rio had married a welsh woman in , spoke english fluently, and from forward made many trips across the channel, where he was well known and respected by such prominent figures as prime minister william gladstone, the romantic poet william wordsworth, the victorian poet robert browning, and the essayist thomas carlyle. for treatment of rio’s influence in england, see especially delaura, ‘the context of browning’s painter poems’, – and camillo von klenze, ‘the growth of interest in the early italian masters: from tischbein to ruskin’, modern philology, vol. , no. , october , – . see also j. b. bullen, continental crosscurrents: british criticism and european art, - , oxford: oxford university press, , ; hale, england and the italian renaissance, – ; and wallace k. ferguson, the renaissance in historical thought: five centuries of interpretation, cambridge, ma: the riverside press, , – . lindsay’s work, sketches of the history of christian art ( ), focused on german and italian sculpture and painting through the fifteenth century. for lindsay, see hugh brigstocke, ‘lord lindsay and the sketches of the history of christian art’, bulletin of the john rylands library, vol. , no. , , – and ‘lord lindsay as a collector’, bulletin of the john rylands library, vol. , no. , , – . rio, for example, believed that raphael’s disputà, of the stanze della segnatura of the vatican, had ‘fixed the limits, beyond which christian art…has never since been able to advance’. see discussion of raphael’s decline in alexis-françois rio, the poetry of christian art, trans. miss wall, london: t. bosworth, , – . see mitchell schwarzer, ‘origins of the art history text’, art journal, vol. , no. , autumn , – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston of the church, customs, literature, and the nature of the land’. however, as testament to the often fuzzy line at the time between romantic and polemical art history on the one hand and historicist art history on the other, waagen’s scholarship also bore the imprint of the german romantics in his condemnation of artists after raphael as well as in his adoption of the philosopher friedrich schlegel’s almost mystical notion that artworks were ‘carriers of historical meaning much like texts’. a voracious reader of classical and modern texts who read latin and greek and was fluent in german, perkins readily incorporated into his own scholarship the historicism, more neutral writing style, and meticulous research of these german historians and philosophers. while perkins was earning his place as a highly respected scholar of early italian renaissance sculpture, he could not help but become intimately familiar with the institutional developments that ran parallel to the art historical trends of both rio and the german scholars — those of the new public fine arts museum. in fact, scholars and museum directors were often one and the same person, thus embodying the symbiotic relationship whereby the former needed the latter to illustrate his histories and the latter needed the former to guide his acquisition and exhibition practices. despite its short-term duration, the manchester art treasures exhibition — his royal highness prince albert, an ardent backer of the exhibition, opened it on may , and it closed on october of that same year — stands tall as an example of commitment to the evocative nature of early italian renaissance art shared by art historians and museum founders and directors. as the scholar elizabeth pergam so thoroughly brings to light, this under-studied exhibition ‘was a blockbuster avant la lettre, with over , works of art’, comprising paintings, portraits, works on paper, decorative art, and sculptures visited by over , , people. among the many contributions of the art treasures exhibition to the future of art museums highlighted by pergam, several point most markedly to the importance of early italian renaissance art as a tool in the exhibition organiser’s kit. the first such contribution was the legitimisation of the early italian renaissance as an aesthetic category worthy of display, as illustrated by the sheer number of works in that category — roughly ninety-five paintings hung on the walls of the gallery of ancient pictures — as well as the expansion of early artists considered noteworthy. previous to the art treasures exhibition there were many in arts leadership in england who believed that such schwarzer, ‘origins’, – . schwarzer, ‘origins’, , f.n. . donald preziosi, ‘the question of art history’, critical inquiry, vol. , no. , winter, , – . pergam, manchester art treasures, – . examples of artists now considered worthy of inclusion were ugolino da siena ( – ), taddeo gaddi ( – ), and taddeo di bartolo ( – ). see pergam, manchester art treasures, – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston primitivism was only appropriate for a university gallery whose natural province — in their opinions — was the historical progression of art. closely related to this first contribution and emerging in tandem with its corollary in art historical studies, was the privileging of a comprehensive, chronological display that would teach the history of art ‘as a modern day biblia- pauperum…whose visual nature made those lessons more accessible’. in order to achieve this kind of didactic display, clearly the early italian renaissance had to be strongly and unapologetically represented. the third contribution highlighted by pergam was the conceptualisation of the exhibition as the ‘resolution of the traditional tension between exhibitions of modern and ancient art and between the fine and decorative arts’. in this case, early italian renaissance art was particularly apt for two reasons: it created the necessary bridge to an understanding of modern art and its production often existed at the boundary of fine art and craft. at the manchester art treasures exhibition, gustav friedrich waagen and sir george scharf were crucially important in bringing about the unprecedented numbers, range, and didactic bent of early italian renaissance art. as mentioned above, waagen was a highly respected art historical scholar of the northern renaissance, who, along with von rumohr and kugler pioneered a more historicist approach to the discipline. he was also passionate about the subject of early italian renaissance art. in , when the massive collection of the british merchant, edward solly, comprised primarily of trecento and quattrocento art, became part of the royal art collection, the prussian government engaged waagen to catalogue it. in the s, s, and s he further solidified his knowledge and appreciation of the early italian renaissance period as he engaged in a comprehensive research testimony to the prevalence of this view was that, despite protests from enthusiasts of the earlier styles, in the dearth of such works at the national gallery occasioned the establishment of a select committee of parliament to investigate. see avery-quash, ‘the growth of interest in early italian painting in britain’, xxvi–xxix. pergam, manchester art treasures, . pergam, manchester art treasures, . the porous boundary between fine and decorative art is particularly well explicated in drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – . francis haskell, the ephemeral museum: old master paintings and the rise of the art exhibition, new haven: yale university press, , – . haskell went so far as to call the art treasures exhibition, ‘a german exhibition’ by virtue of the fact that it was ‘the first old master exhibition to have been directed by qualified experts open to the influence of german erudition and connoisseurship’. ( – ) throughout her discussion of the exhibition in manchester art treasures, pergam makes clear that waagen and scharf were tremendously influential. for waagen and the art treasures exhibition, see also giles waterfield and florian illies, ‘waagen in england’, jahrbuch der berliner museen, vol. , , – . the collection came into the hands of the prussian government as payment of solly’s debt to them. carmen stonge, ‘making private collections public: gustav friedrich waagen and the royal museum in berlin’, journal of the history of collections, vol. , no. , , – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston project in which he catalogued most, if not all, of the important early italian renaissance works in both public and private settings in england. as the solly collection figured prominently in the royal one, early efforts to form the royal museum in berlin (later renamed the altes museum) in the s brought waagen to the attention of the museum’s architect, karl friedrich schinkel ( – ), especially with regard to the layout of the painting galleries. given his art historical predilections, waagen advocated for a comprehensive display that systematically chronicled each successive art historical school from ancient to modern and that was ordered chronologically within each school, a practice that had been gaining traction since the latter part of the previous century in northern european sites for art display, such as the düsseldorf gallery and the imperial picture gallery at the belvedere in vienna. by definition, this meant that a dutiful curator had to represent works of the early italian and northern renaissance periods which were generally slighted for their primitivism. in when the royal museum opened in berlin, waagen was named director and in king friedrich wilhelm iv of prussia named waagen the university of berlin’s inaugural professor of modern art. waagen’s popularity in england as an art expert dated to the mid-to-late s when he was asked to appear as a witness before a select committee of parliament investigating the quality of design in manufacturing and when his treatise art and artists in england ( ) was translated into english. he went on to counsel the ashmolean museum of oxford regarding lighting in its galleries in , to testify at the select committee of on the reorganisation of the national as early as , waagen catalogued the collection of william young ottley, one of the pioneering english collectors of early italian renaissance art, which included such masterworks of the period as the predella panels of ugolino da siena’s high altar for santa croce in florence — now of the metropolitan museum of new york. see pergam, manchester art treasures, – . stonge, ‘waagen and the royal museum’, . see andrew mcclellan, inventing the louvre: art, poliics and the origins of the modern museum in eighteenth-century paris (berkeley, ca: university of california press, ), - , accessed / / online at https://books.google.com/; stonge, ‘waagen and the royal museum’, – ; and susanna avery-quash and corina meyer in their article in this journal edition, ‘“substituting an approach to historical evidence for the vagueness of speculation”: charles lock eastlake and johann david passavant’s contribution to the professionalization of art- historical study through source-based research’. waagen was far from perfunctory in his approach to the period, acquiring record numbers of early italian and flemish works and ensuring that they were displayed and labelled in such a way as to promote their didactic and aesthetic value. see francis haskell, ‘museums and their enemies’, journal of aesthetic education, vol. , no. , summer , . the university of berlin was the first university in europe to establish an art history department. see stonge, ‘waagen and the royal museum’, - . https://books.google.com/ deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston gallery, and to serve as a juror for the crystal palace exposition of in london. in the s, his reputation took on even more lustre with his catalogue of prince albert’s collection of byzantine and early german and flemish paintings and with lady elizabeth eastlake’s translation of his three-volume authoritative opus entitled treasures of art in great britain. add to this his arts journal article of on best practices for the national gallery in london, in which he highlighted his own pioneering curatorship of the collections at the royal museum, and it becomes clear that waagen loomed large in the english art world of collecting and display. as such, it is not surprising that waagen would have considerable impact on the manchester art treasures exhibition. in fact, francis haskell, one of the foremost scholars on british artistic taste in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, credited waagen’s treasures of art in great britain as the ‘foundation stone on which the manchester exhibition was raised’. this view was shared by pergam, who noted that the exhibition’s ‘very title’ connected it closely to waagen’s opus. thus, waagen’s precedents for display at the royal museum as well as his well-known expertise on early italian renaissance art were indelibly impressed on the minds of the manchester organisers as they began to source and select art work and determine methods of display. turning to sir george scharf, jr., it was in his role as secretary for the department of ancient masters at the manchester art treasures exhibition that he made his mark as an innovative force with regard to early italian renaissance waterfield, ‘waagen in england’, . prince albert had acquired the collection from prince ludwig-kraft-ernst von oetingen wallerstein in . lady eastlake was the wife of sir charles lock eastlake, director of the national gallery. all in all, waagen’s ‘energy and imagination, as well as his ability to gain acceptance among the ruling classes of a foreign country’ were almost single-handedly responsible for ‘the flowering of museums and exhibitions, national and local in britain in the s and s’. see waterfield, ‘waagen in england’, . gustav f. waagen, ‘thoughts on the new building to be erected for the national gallery of england and on the arrangement, preservation, and enlargement of the collection’, the art journal, vol. , . haskell, ephemeral museum, and pergam, manchester art treasures, . pergam, manchester art treasures, – and waterfield, ‘waagen in england’, . waagen was also more directly impactful in a number of ways. for example, he provided the executive committee with supplemental lists of artworks and collectors from his soon-to-be published addendum, galleries and cabinets of art in great britain. waagen also counselled the committee on how to most strategically approach prospective lenders, and the committee often used waagen’s name in their independent entreaties of same. those collectors, in turn, consulted with waagen on occasion as to whether they should, in fact, accede to the committee’s requests of them. see pergam, manchester art treasures, – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston works. the son of a bavarian artist and a prolific illustrator, notably of archaeological excavations in italy and asia minor as well as of the english edition of franz kugler’s handbook of painting: the italian school ( ), scharf had assisted with the ancient pavilions at the re-assembled crystal palace in sydenham in southeast london. as secretary in manchester, scharf shared responsibility for sourcing and selection of artworks with the executive committee. through their combined efforts they brought in numerous works not yet represented at the national gallery, which, in many cases, meant early italian and netherlandish paintings, making a high-profile emphasis on this period of art. in terms of arrangement of the artworks, scharf chose not only to embrace waagen’s didacticism in hanging the pictures according to art historical school, but also to augment the installation’s educational impact by positioning the different schools of a similar time period across from one another to stimulate visitors’ comparisons of styles with similar dates of production. in this, scharf was aided by the architectural plan of the exhibition’s huge purpose-built structure that was based on the basilican form with a wide central corridor that travelled the entire length of its east-west axis and was flanked by three galleries each to the north and south. thus, scharf was able to use the length of the southern wall of the southern galleries to feature italian art from cimabue ( – ) to the mannerists of the sixteenth century, and to place the corresponding german, netherlandish, dutch, and french for biographical details on scharf, see: haskell, ephemeral museum, – ; pergam, manchester art treasures, - ; helena michie and robyn warhol, ‘adventures in the archives: two literary critics in pursuit of a victorian subject’, victorian studies, vol. , no. , spring , – ; michie and warhol, love among the archives: writing the lives of sir george scharf, victorian bachelor, edinburgh: edinburgh university press, ; and philip cottrell, ‘art treasures of the united kingdom and the united states: the george scharf papers’, the art bulletin, vol. , no. , december, , – . the ancient masters section comprised the italian, german, and netherlandish works of the renaissance (fourteenth through sixteenth centuries) and baroque works of france, spain, flanders, and holland. see croal, ‘ancient masters’, . scharf also applied for the position of secretary of the national gallery in london in but did not win the post despite widespread support from the cognoscenti of the british art world, including a letter from gustav waagen, who waxed most enthusiastic not only on scharf’s knowledge of the history of art, his successful lecture series, and his impeccable character, but also on his illustrations. however, this setback for scharf was soon forgotten with the huge critical and popular success of the exhibition, and in he was appointed secretary and director of the recently inaugurated national portrait gallery in london, serving in this position with distinction until the year of his death, . introduced to these letters by pergam, manchester art treasures, – . pergam, manchester art treasures, – . pergam, manchester art treasures, . haskell, ephemeral museum, ; pergam, manchester art treasures, . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston masterworks on the northern wall of the same galleries. the didactic impulse served by this arrangement was not lost, as pergam highlights, on members of the press who commented, for example, that it facilitated ‘the eye to take in at a glance the broad distinguishing characteristics of successive periods and schools of art’. furthermore, given the plethora of collateral materials chosen by the art treasure’s exhibition organisers and aimed at varying audiences, scharf’s emphasis on these early works further augmented the knowledge and appreciation for them occasioned by the exhibition. at the south kensington museum in london, sir john charles robinson, the museum’s first curator, also looked to early italian renaissance art, in particular sculpture, as a crucial tool. resulting from the same impulse as motivated the art treasures exhibition — that of improving industrial design and elevating public taste — but established on a permanent basis, the south kensington museum was founded by the british government in . in her recent dissertation, ‘displaying italian sculpture: exploring hierarchies at the south kensington museum, - ,’ ( ), art historian charlotte drew has provided an illuminating portrait of robinson’s significant curatorial and scholarly contributions — despite considerable opposition — to foregrounding the early italian renaissance at the young south kensington. as characterised by drew, robinson’s primary challenge was to negotiate the line between the museum’s stated commitment to improving industrial design through reproductions and his own view that original quattrocento sculptures had much to offer by not only modelling high quality designs, but also by demonstrating that the fine and the decorative arts were two sides of the same coin. challenges notwithstanding, robinson built the holdings of original quattrocento sculpture so that by they formed the largest part of the decorative arts collection at the museum. he also documented the size and importance of the sculpture collection in his catalogue, the italian sculpture collection, south kensington museum ( ), virtually reintroducing such quattrocento sculptural giants as lorenzo ghiberti ( – ), luca della robbia see helen rees leahy, ‘introduction’, in: ‘art, city, spectacle’; croal, ‘ancient masters’, – ; and pergam, manchester art treasures, – and – . ‘exhibition of art treasures at manchester’, the times, may , as quoted in pergam, manchester art treasures, . scharf would have extended the italian line even further if it had not been for the quantity of spanish and flemish paintings that he needed to accommodate and his desire to increase the drama of van dyck’s charles i at the furthermost easterly end of the ancient masters’ galleries. (pergam, manchester art treasures, , f.n. ) pergam, manchester art treasures, – . drew also explores robinson’s professional practices at the south kensington museum in her article, ‘the colourful career of sir john charles robinson: collecting and curating the early south kensington museum’, in this journal edition. drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston ( – ), and andrea del verrocchio ( – ) into art historical discussions of the day. thus it was that waagen, scharf and robinson and their respective emphases on early italian renaissance art dominated the art historical and museum world which perkins chose to inhabit while building his professional dossier in europe. that he knew these three pioneers of the arts personally had to have deepened the impressions that their scholarship and museum practices had on him. we do not know exactly how and when perkins made waagen’s acquaintance, but no doubt his good friend and fellow boston elite, the historian, diplomat, and statesman, george bancroft ( – ), had played a role as he had long-standing ties to the foremost intellectual centres in germany, particularly ones made at the university of göttingen, where he earned his phd in . furthermore, perkins himself spent considerable time in germany during his second european sojourn of through , by which time he was already a devotée of both the polemically and historically-inflected art historical movements. fluent in german, and eager to learn from the best, it is likely that perkins sought waagen out at that time. whatever the circumstances of their first meeting, waagen and perkins clearly shared a great deal of mutual respect and affection, as was patently evident in correspondence between perkins and bancroft, in which bancroft played the epistolary go-between. bancroft asserted in a letter to perkins of november that waagen ‘overflows in his serene praise of you’. for his part, perkins requested of bancroft in his letter of december to ‘pray remember us all most warmly to dr. waagen when you see him.’ it is also not known when or how perkins first made scharf’s acquaintance, although the latter’s closeness to waagen may well have occasioned the initial point of contact, perhaps even at the manchester art treasures exhibition. perkins returned to europe in the fall of to make his home in florence, having just delivered what was likely the first art history course in america at trinity college in drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – and – . bancroft was one of the first americans to receive the phd degree in any discipline. for further biographical details, see a. mcfarland davis, ‘george bancroft’, proceedings of the american academy of arts and sciences, , , – . this second sojourn was dedicated to exploring his other major career interest, music. in this pursuit, he studied under the tutelage of the classical cum romantic composer ignaz moscheles ( – ) in leipzig. george bancroft to charles callahan perkins, november , ward-perkins family papers, box , folder ; charles callahan perkins to george bancroft, december , ward-perkins family papers, box , folder . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston hartford, connecticut. this experience, in combination with the wealth of influences he had absorbed in rome, paris, leipzig and london to that point, made it inconceivable that perkins would not have visited the manchester art treasures exhibition before turning south to florence. that he did, in fact, ultimately make scharf’s acquaintance has been confirmed by elizabeth heath, author of ‘a man of ‘unflagging zeal and industry’: sir george scharf as emerging professional within the nineteenth-century museum world’ in this journal, who not only brought scharf’s scholarship, illustrations, and museum leadership to my attention, but also generously shared evidence of his close relationship with perkins from her own doctoral research. as per heath’s notes, on august , scharf sent perkins a copy of his essay published by the arundel society in entitled, ‘a description of the wilton house diptych, containing a contemporary portrait of king richard the second’. a letter of thanks from perkins dated september was tucked in the back of scharf’s bound volume in which the american wrote of his own essay on italian sepulchral monuments about to be published by the arundel society and his fond memories of time spent with scharf in london. heath also shared dated entries from scharf’s diaries regarding meetings in london with perkins in and . these entries list the other victorian cultural elites present, thus testifying to in the summer of , samuel eliot, then president of trinity college in hartford, connecticut, invited his cousin and close friend, perkins, whom he appointed a lecturer on art (without pay), to give a ‘short course of lectures’ on the ‘rise and progress of painting to the beginning of the sixteenth century’. according to eliot’s memorial to perkins, these lectures were ‘a turning point’ in the latter’s career in that ‘from the time of their delivery through all the years that lay before him, he was neither painter nor musician by profession, but a writer and a speaker upon art.’ see eliot, memoir, – . research into the trinity college archives has yielded no records of perkins’ course materials, a disappointment as this early instance of teaching art history on perkins’ part was pioneering, preceding not only charles eliot norton’s first art history courses at harvard ( ) but also the famed british art critic, john ruskin, who became the first slade professor of fine art at oxford university in . elizabeth heath to deborah stein, e-mail correspondence, january . the arundel society was founded in london in to circulate art historical monographs and engravings after iconic art works to subscribers for the purpose of promoting knowledge of art in britain, with a particular bias toward the burgeoning interest in quattrocento works. see tanya ledger harrod, ‘a study of the arundel society, - ’, phd diss., oxford university, , . charles callahan perkins to george scharf, september , scharf library, national portrait gallery, uncatalogued, as transcribed by elizabeth heath in e-mail correspondence to deborah stein, january . published by the arundel society in , sepulchral monuments of italy; mediæval and renaissance was a photographic book (photographed and described by stephen thompson, a british artist active in fine art photography in the s) in which perkins wrote the preface and introduction containing full extracts from the manuscript notes of the recently deceased architect, george edmund street, ra ( – ). deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston perkins having made the acquaintance of several members of scharf’s business and social circle of antiquaries, scholars, and museum leaders. two names stand out, that of sir augustus wollaston franks ( – ), a major collector and benefactor of the british museum, and that of sir richard wallace ( – ) of hertford house, collector of mediaeval and renaissance art and founder of the wallace collection. scharf and perkins were both instrumental in bringing early italian renaissance art to the attention of the public – scharf with respect to painting, perkins in terms of sculpture — and they were both skilled illustrators and musicians who enjoyed an active social life, shared qualities that suggest a warm personal as well as professional relationship. while we cannot state unequivocally that perkins knew john robinson personally, it is almost certainly the case given the american’s closeness to other british museum leaders, as just described. further, perkins acknowledged his debt to robinson’s curatorial prowess and scholarly catalogue in his own work, tuscan sculptors: ‘the admirable collection of italian sculpture at the south kensington museum, for which the public is chiefly indebted to j. c. robinson esq…makes it possible for a student to learn more about it in england than anywhere else out of italy.’ as a masterful scholar cum museum curator, particularly as related to early italian renaissance sculpture, whose landmark catalogue on the collection of these works at the south kensington museum was illustrated with outline drawings, and who was an expert on and collector of raphael’s drawings, robinson’s life and works stood out as a model to which perkins would frequently look once back in boston. george scharf, diary entries dated june ; july ; and may , scharf library, national portrait gallery, xxix-e- , as transcribed by elizabeth heath in e-mail correspondence to deborah stein, january . perkins, tuscan sculptors, vol. , vii. j. a. gere and nicholas turner, drawings by raphael from the royal library, the ashmolean, the british museum, chatsworth, and other english collections, london: trustees of the british museum, , – . while uncredited as such, it is not inconceivable that robinson was himself the illustrator of the catalogue as he had been a painter and teacher of design earlier in his career. as described by gere and turner, robinson was also a collector of old master drawings, including at least one raphael. robinson was particularly familiar with sir thomas lawrence’s collection of raphael’s drawings housed in the ashmolean museum at oxford university, which he catalogued as part of a study of raphael and michelangelo’s drawings in . in using the term ‘outline drawing’ i am referring to an early nineteenth-century style of illustration that had its roots in the neo-classical tradition of the eighteenth-century sculptor john flaxman whose spare, clean, and linear minimalist drawings of scenes of greek mythology and early renaissance literature evoked the ancients’ nobility and clarity of expression. for an illuminating discussion of this neo-classical drive to reach an ever more minimalist expression, see robert rosenblum, transformations in late-eighteenth century art, princeton: princeton university press, , – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston figure charles callahan perkins, roundel from the high altar of the certosa, by omodeo, . from italian sculptors, a history of sculpture in northern, southern, and eastern italy, london: longmans green and co., : plate xv. photograph of author. when perkins returned permanently to boston in , he had published tuscan sculptors and italian sculptors to great acclaim in both europe and in america and engraved his own ‘outline drawings’ as illustrations for these texts. (fig. ) he also had one more arrow in his quiver, that of his collection of early italian renaissance sculpture, briefly alluded to earlier. the collection comprised ten small- scale statuettes, plaques, and bas-reliefs sculpted from terracotta and marble, eight of which were devotional pieces and two of which were emblematic of civic life. in addition, there were eight bronze renaissance medals of italian nobles and religious dignitaries crafted in the style of roman medallions. while small, the collection’s this record of perkins’ collections has been reconstructed from the museum of fine arts, boston’s website and the art of europe’s curatorial files. sincere thanks are owed to marietta cambareri, curator of decorative arts and sculpture at the museum, for her generous sharing of these files. dates of acquisition by the museum also provide meaningful information, as at least half of the objects were donated by perkins by the time that the museum opened its doors to the public in july . the remaining half of the collection came to the museum from perkins’ wife and children between and . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston intense reflection of both devotional and civic life in quattrocento florence, certainly speaks to the kind of object evocative of its time and place that waagen, scharf, and robinson believed would, if displayed in a museum, educate and elevate the taste of the public and the design capabilities of industrial workers. mindful of the prevailing taste for the classical in boston and the corresponding lack of familiarity and appreciation for the religious art of the early renaissance, perkins appeared very strategic in his choice of devotional works, choosing ones that were as humanistic as they were pious. for example, the white glazed terracotta virgin and child of c. by a member of andrea della robbia’s workshop, which measures by inches, stresses the earthly love shared by mother and child. (fig. ). the virgin embraces jesus, here the picture of baby chubbiness, in precisely the way an earthbound mother would do, that is firmly and lovingly under his arm and his perkins actually attributed the work to luca della robbia in the catalogue. see museum of fine arts, boston, second catalogue of the collection of ancient and modern works of art given or loaned to the trustees, boston: alfred mudge, , . figure workshop of andrea della robbia, virgin and child, c. . glazed terracotta sculpture, . x . x . cm. boston: museum of fine arts. gift of charles c. perkins. photograph © museum of fine arts, boston. deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston buttocks. the child in turn nestles up against her cheek and grasps her around the neck, again a very natural gesture for a baby. his left foot even extends slightly beyond the framing ledge, suggesting that he might squirm his way out of his mother’s arms at any moment. the positioning of the left foot also serves to engage the viewer more closely, a feature that emphasises the work’s intended use as a devotional aide, as do the holes near the necks of the figures which would have been used to attach pieces of real jewellery as further gestures of reverence to the madonna and child. perkins was also nothing if not strategic in timing his permanent return to boston. his close ties to the boston athenaeum — in particular to his brother, edward newton perkins ( – ), who was chair of its fine arts committee — meant that he would have been aware of the challenges to the fine arts there. specifically, perkins would have known of the pressure placed on the committee by the athenaeum trustees since the mid- s to divest the institution of its fine arts functions, and that harvard university and the massachusetts institute of see http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/virgin-and-child- (accession # . ). accessed / / . family considerations also played a role in perkins’ determination to return home in the fall of and settle his family permanently at walnut street on beacon hill. perkins and his wife had determined that their three children, mary eleanor ( – ), edward clifford ( – ), and charles bruen ( – ), between nine and thirteen years of age at the time, should be educated in the united states. see perkins’ sister eliza perkins cleveland to an unknown recipient (summer ), cleveland-perkins papers, manuscripts and archives division, new york public library, astor, lenox and tilden foundations, box , folder , as quoted by hirayama, with Éclat, , f.n. . walnut street is an extant residence on beacon hill in boston, still seemingly well maintained. perkins found boston greatly changed in terms of population, physical landscape, and demographics since he had last made it his permanent home, even since he had last seen it in . see paul dimaggio, ‘cultural entrepreneurship in nineteenth-century boston: the creation of an organizational base for high culture in america’, media culture and society, vol. , , – . while the successful launching in of the first annual art exhibit under the direction of thomas handasyd perkins had unleased great enthusiasm, not to mention exhibition fees, and acquisitions and exhibitions continued apace throughout the s, the arts had been in something of a slump for the two decades preceding the civil war. the limitations imposed at the institution’s founding in , that the fine arts were to be encouraged as long as they did not impinge on the literary functions of the institution, was at the heart of the situation. acquisitions had dwindled, exhibitions incorporated the same works —american portraits, copies of old masters, neo-classical sculptures, and casts of ancient statues — year in and year out, artworks were regularly banished to musty storage areas, and ever-increasing holdings of books pushed the limits of the facilities on pearl street. see especially hirayama, with Éclat, – . http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/virgin-and-child- deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston figure stephen fellow adams, statuary gallery, boston athenaeum, c. . stereograph, . x . cm. boston: boston athenaeum. photograph © boston athenaeum. technology were seeking new homes for their art collections. as the brothers were close, the art historian would not have missed the fact that the time was particularly ripe for realising his long-held dream to build an academy of the fine arts in his hometown. perkins was also well acquainted with the traditional appreciation amongst bostonians for the visual language of classical statuary, neo-classical statuary and portraiture, and old master paintings of the high renaissance and the baroque, featuring literary and historical subjects as well as ones from the new testament and lives of the saints. (fig. ) he was equally well acquainted with the long-standing distaste for early italian renaissance paintings and sculpture, as evidenced by the fact that elite bostonians were not bringing such works home from european travels or seeking to exhibit them, despite the fact that they had been in the pressures on the fine arts committee to cede space to the literary side of the athenaeum’s functions reached a head in the s when the civil war brought the fine art’s committee’s efforts virtually to a standstill. in march, , the athenaeum’s standing committee ruled that the art collection should be removed. hirayama, with Éclat, – . harvard college was in possession of the francis calley gray ( – ) collection of prints, which later formed the nucleus of the fogg art museum collection, but at the time, apparently, was peripheral to their mission. the massachusetts institute of technology owned a significant collection of architectural casts it was seeking to relocate. see marjorie cohn, francis calley gray and art collecting for america, cambridge: harvard university art museums, , – and hirayama, with Éclat, . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston figure descent of christ into limbo. left wing: transfiguration, right wing: seven scenes from the history of moses, second half sixteenth century. tempera on wood, central panel: x . cm, left wing: x . cm, right wing: . x cm. new haven, connecticut: yale university art gallery. photograph © yale university art gallery. vogue amongst private collectors across the atlantic for half a century. the bostonian james jackson jarves’ failure in to sell his large and impressive collection of early italian renaissance paintings to the boston athenaeum provides a compelling example of this distaste. scholarly speculation aside as to personal factors impacting jarves’ failure, there does seem to be consensus that the ‘primitive’ nature of the works overwhelmed their educational potential, which when following the rejection in boston, jarves exhibited the collection at the düsseldorf gallery in new york city in , but was equally unsuccessful in arranging a sale there. jarves returned to europe in may of , storing thirty of his pictures in his family home in boston and the remaining or so at the new york historical society, allowing him to exhibit in each city in and respectively. in , a transatlantic shipboard acquaintance of jarves’, lewis r. packard, hillhouse professor of greek at yale university, was so intrigued by what he learned of the collection that when he returned to yale he brought the matter to the attention of his colleagues. after a thorough vetting process, the university offered to loan jarves $ , with his entire collection as collateral. in , when jarves defaulted on the loan his collection, which had been exhibited at yale in the intervening years, became the property of yale university and is now considered one of the most significant of its kind outside europe. see francis steegmuller, the two lives of james jackson jarves, new haven: yale university press, , – and jarves to norton, august , in: charles eliot norton, letters relating to a collection of pictures made by mr. j. j. jarves, cambridge, massachusetts: private printing, , – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston combined with their particularly roman-catholic form and contents made them quite foreign to most elite bostonians. (fig. ) these entrenched views, notwithstanding, perkins undertook a highly strategic and unrelenting campaign to achieve his goals. that the museum practices that comprised this campaign were, as his scholarship had been, significantly inflected by waagen, scharf and robinson, becomes very clear — despite the absence of explicit documentary evidence to this effect — upon close examination of the practices themselves. to begin with, within a year of his return he had transformed plans for the new boston museum from ‘preliminary’ to ‘incorporated’ (february, ) and had firmly established the museum’s mission as ‘art, education, and industry’ — a trio of values prominently featured on its original seal and certainly bearing the imprint of his european models. (fig. ) by opening day of , he had also moved the members of the board of trustees from a concept of exhibition-worthy art that included largely classical or neoclassical works of sculpture and painting to one that encompassed the fine and the decorative arts and represented not only the early italian renaissance, but also ancient cyprus, egypt, and the far east. such remarkable shifts spoke to perkins’ unequivocal embrace of the philosophical underpinnings of the formation of the manchester art treasures exhibition and the south kensington museum. a rather curious, and certainly ironic, postscript to the tale of jarves’ collection in boston is that in , when jarves first offered his collection to the athenaeum, edward perkins consulted his brother charles, who was in florence at the time, on the advisability of buying the collection. charles perkins advised against the purchase. as a fellow bostonian and partisan of early italian renaissance art, it would seem that perkins would have been thrilled to see the collection come to boston. perhaps professional jealousy was at fault, as perkins of course had dreamed of establishing a gallery of the arts in boston for some time. however, all other indications of perkins’ professional persona are contra-indicative of such an attitude on his part. more likely, as a member of the tightly knit expatriate community in florence he would have known, at the least, that jarves had of late experienced financial and marital troubles. see hirayama, with Éclat, – . in terms of anti-catholicism, bostonians had harbored a deep-seated antipathy toward those who practised the faith since the time of the puritans. bringing with them to the new world their suspicions of roman catholics as heretics and subversives, the puritans had taken pains to see that none were granted entrance to the bay colony. fears that catholics would undermine, if not destroy, american protestantism continued to drive public policy and civil unrest throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a situation that only worsened in the nineteenth century, when the substantial immigrant waves from ireland began in the s. for further discussion of anti-catholicism in boston, see o’connor, the athens of america, especially chapter six, ‘progress and popery’, – . the seal was designed in . see hirayama, with Éclat, . museum of fine arts, boston, proceedings at the opening of the museum of fine arts, boston: alfred mudge and sons, , – and hirayama, with Éclat, – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston figure original seal of the museum of fine arts, boston, . boston: boston athenaeum. photograph © boston athenaeum. what specifically did perkins do once back in his native city in order to achieve this result? perkins’ first move in the late summer of , even before settling into walnut street, had been to join the american social science association, headed by his cousin, close friend, and memorialist samuel eliot. by october, the association’s committee on art in education had made perkins chair, from which position he orchestrated the incorporation of the boston museum in february and set the stage for his leadership of virtually every aspect of its first decade of operations. when he joined the committee on art in education, the members were working to bring to fruition a plan proposed the year before to place casts of classical greek sculpture in public high schools in order to produce ‘a as the scion of the perkins family who had played such a critical role philanthropically in boston’s arts development earlier in the century, charles callahan perkins was a well- known quantity in boston, which certainly gave his speedy involvement and active leadership in cultural activities a boost. the association, typical of the immodest aims of mid-century social reform efforts on both sides of the atlantic, had been formed in boston in ‘to collect all facts, diffuse all knowledge, and stimulate all inquiry, which have a bearing on social welfare’. see ‘officers and members of the association’, journal of social science: containing the transactions of the american association, no. , june , and william b. rogers, ‘address of the executive committee of the american social science association’, november , as quoted in hirayama, with Éclat, , f.n. . emphasis mine. deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston favourable effect upon the mental and moral training of the young’. given such a clear commitment on the part of boston’s elites to broadening the impact of ancient art’s educational potential, it must have seemed to perkins a natural bridge to what he intended to do at the museum, albeit on a smaller scale. thus, he selected, sourced, purchased, and transported twenty-two casts for this purpose. ensuing difficulties in finding public school space actually played into his hands as committee discussions in the fall turned to constructing a new purpose-built structure for the casts and then in late november to ‘the feasibility of establishing a regular museum of art’. from this point on, perkins brooked no obstacles, even forming new committees every few weeks as needed, to keep the flame alive until on february , the massachusetts legislature voted to incorporate the museum of fine arts, boston. at the same time that he was pressing forward toward museum incorporation, perkins was campaigning on several related fronts that underscored the importance of art to education. very familiar with the central role of drawing instruction at the south kensington museum, perkins joined the effort to implement the massachusetts drawing act of . this initiative, just like that of the south kensington’s, was based on the view that improved draftsmanship was crucial to improvements in the quality of manufactured goods in america. perkins’ employment of his own sketches of early italian artworks as not only invaluable ‘collection of casts’, journal of social science: containing the transactions of the american association, vol. , , . ‘collection of casts’, . charles callahan perkins, ‘art in education’, reprint, vol. , journal of the american social science association, new york: nation press, , - . hirayama, with Éclat, – . the south kensington system was described by perkins in full in his article, ‘american art museums’, in the north american review. he stated that in response to a poor showing of british industrial strength at the crystal palace exhibition the government had stepped in to fund instruction in mechanical, architectural, and figure drawing within the south kensington museum itself. further, support in the form of ambulatory collections of drawings, prints, photographs, and books was offered to cities, towns, and villages throughout the united kingdom so that they might set up their own schools of art. finally, instruction in elementary drawing was subsidised for poor children and working artisans. ( – ) the act, the first of its kind in the nation, mandated that instruction in drawing be made part of the required curriculum. it was the result of a petition organised by fourteen prominent members of boston’s cultural elite in . the petition organisers were: jacob bigelow; j. thomas stevenson; william a. burke; james lawrence; edward e. hale; theodore lyman; jordan, marsh & co.; john amory lowell; john h. clifford; william gray; f. h. peabody; and a. a. lawrence & co. see katrina l. billings, ‘sophisticated proselytising: charles callahan perkins and the boston school committee’, master’s thesis, massachusetts college of art, , , , and f.n. . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston documentation, but also as the basis for the illustrations of his scholarship, was testament to his belief in the centrality of draftsmanship to the educational enterprise. speculatively, it could have been scharf’s commitment in this regard, as manifest in his archaeological drawings from italy and asia minor, and in his inveterate sketching in service of the manchester art treasures exhibition and the national portrait gallery, that inspired perkins. perkins also continued his teaching career, which he had begun in at trinity college in hartford. for example in , perkins lectured on greek art at the girls’ high and normal school in boston. between and , he also delivered three courses, twelve lectures each, at the lowell institute in boston, on greek art, italian art and the history of the art of engraving. in all of these lectures, consistent with his unflagging commitment to the role of illustration, perkins employed a stereopticon. finally, in , well before harvard university appointed charles eliot norton ( – ), the highly respected mediaeval scholar and frequent commentator on arts issues, to the newly created faculty chair in the history of art ( ), they made perkins university lecturer in the history of ancient art and continued to employ him to teach the history of art for several years. of perkins’ initiatives that put art to work for the benefit of educating the public and improving industrial design, certainly one of the most important was his perkins’ commitment to drawing was also demonstrated in a lecture entitled ‘on drawing as a branch of general education’, delivered in fitchburg, massachusetts on july . he claimed drawing was ‘the language of form’, and like words, ‘the slightest outline traced by a master hand speaks the thought which dictated it, with unmistakable clearness, to people of every nation and of every clime.’ this lecture was printed as part of a publication entitled, the papers read before the american institute of instruction at fitchburg, mass., july , with the journal of proceedings, boston: american institute of instruction, , , , and . see for examples of scharf’s manchester sketches, pergam, manchester art treasures, – and for his other sketches, https://www.npg.org.uk/research/archive/archive- journeys/sir-george-scharf/, accessed on / / . this was the school that was ultimately able to receive the antique casts secured by perkins under the auspices of the american association of social science. see ‘collection of casts’, . the lowell institute was founded by john lowell, jr. in to support free lectures to the public. see the lowell institute website accessed / / at www.lowellinstitute.org. eliot, memoir, . even in when charles eliot norton was appointed the first professor of art history at harvard, he did not use any imagery in the classroom to illustrate his lectures. ua ii. . . president and fellows ov reports; ua ii. . . president and fellows ii ov reports. archival details on the curricula for these courses are not available. nor has documentation been found that would elucidate harvard’s decision to appoint norton — in lieu of perkins who was already teaching the subject — although there is also no evidence that perkins would have been interested given the heavy load of commitments, especially to the boston museum, that he was already carrying. https://www.npg.org.uk/research/archive/archive-journeys/sir-george-scharf/ https://www.npg.org.uk/research/archive/archive-journeys/sir-george-scharf/ http://www.lowellinstitute.org/ deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston article published in july, , ‘american art museums’. in a move that reflected waagen’s core museological values as further implemented by his british devotées, scharf and robinson, perkins laid out his new visual paradigm in the foremost literary magazine of the city, the north american review. in itself, this reflected another strategic choice on perkins’ part as the magazine had been founded and edited by the same elites who founded the athenaeum and who taught classical rhetoric at harvard. stressing that the arts of temples and cathedrals had served as ‘active agents in cultivating public taste’ in antiquity and in the mediaeval period, perkins made the point that in today’s world it was up to museums to play that role. that the museum’s function was to promote an understanding of the work’s original setting, aesthetics, and purpose, was certainly a concept that could be traced back to waagen’s historicism in general and his article ( ) on the proper disposition of the new london national gallery building in particular. there the german scholar stated that a museum had responsibility to ‘realise in some degree the impression produced by a temple, a church, a palace, or a cabinet, for which charles callahan perkins, ‘american art museums’, the north american review, vol. , no. , july , – . somehow, perkins also found time to edit the american editions of two important works in applied art history, charles locke eastlake’s hints on household taste in furniture, upholstery, and other details ( ) and jacob von falke’s art in the house: historical, critical, and aesthetical studies on the decoration and furnishing of the dwelling ( ). leading texts in the ‘household art’ movement of the second half of the nineteenth century, a movement motivated by the same concern for industrial design and belief in the moral influences of art that prompted the south kensington museum system, these volumes were intended to improve middle class taste. eastlake ( – ), nephew of sir charles lock eastlake, was among the first to publish on household art, and the tenets of his interior design theories betrayed a strong ruskinian bias for ‘truth’ and the gothic style. as such, perkins’ editorial work on these particular texts, which comprised in both cases lengthy prefatory remarks, formed a natural adjunct to his efforts at the public school and museum levels. see martha crabill mcclaugherty, ‘household art: creating the artistic home, – ’, winterthur portfolio, vol. , no. , spring , – . n. b. charles locke eastlake is often confused, understandably so, with his uncle, charles lock eastlake. the younger eastlake spelled his middle name with an ‘e’ at the end, which to the extent that his full middle name is spelled out by authors, helps to ameliorate the confusion. the review was founded by william tudor, jr. in as a periodical ‘which should be distinctively american in character’. in , edward everett, distinguished classicist and orator, became editor. he was followed by edward tyrrel channing and the reverend jared sparks, both classical rhetoricians, and in charles eliot norton and james russell lowell, ‘men who at that time had taken a foremost place in american letters’, took over as co-editors. see julius h. ward, ‘the north american review’, the north american review, vol. , no. , january , – . the review is still in publication today. perkins, ‘museums’, . waagen, ‘national gallery’, – , – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston those works were originally intended’. waagen reiterated this basic principle in his testimony before parliament’s select committee on accommodation of national gallery ( ) when he stated that ‘in the ancient times of the greeks, and during the middle ages, the monuments contributed a good deal towards the education of the lower class, and…in our modern times it might be done a great deal as well.’ following in waagen’s footsteps, robinson also acknowledged this as the ideal in a lecture on the museum of ornamental art, as the previous home of the south kensington museum was called when it was housed at marlborough house. referring to ‘sculptures, arabesques, frescoes, and mosaics, in their original adaptations’, robinson opined that ‘we [in london] must content ourselves with gathering such things into museums.’ perkins further drew a parallel in his article between the salutary impact that masterworks of music performed regularly by well-trained musicians had on boston’s citizens and the kind of beneficial impact that the visual arts would make in his city. ‘art is a unit…acting upon a unit, the spirit of man’, perkins asserted. his statement betrayed not only the training in classical rhetoric that he had received at the hands of harvard professors, but also the romantic premise that underlay virtually all of waagen, scharf, and robinson’s museum practices, that an art object created a window into the history of the period in which it had been produced. in this regard, perkins went on to say, music, architecture, poetry, sculpture, and painting are but palpable modes of transmitting the thoughts of one mind to other minds, and whether these be conveyed through sounds or stones, verse, marble, or colour, the object of art is to move, raise, and instruct us, to take us out of ourselves, and thus make us share for a time in the lofty dreams of the privileged few who are called sons of genius. such a transformative change could only be effected, in perkins’ estimation, ‘by the organization of comprehensive museums’ whose mandate must be ‘before all else educational’ and must, owing to a dearth of resources — both in expertise and funds — make ‘reproductions of statues, architectural fragments, monuments, waagen, ‘national gallery’, . gustav f. waagen, report from select committee on accommodation of national gallery, no. - , as quoted by waterfield, ‘waagen in england’, . john charles robinson, an introductory lecture on the museum of ornamental art of the department, london: chapman and hall, , as quoted by drew in ‘italian sculpture’, . perkins, ‘museums’, . this state of affairs, not surprisingly, owed a great deal to perkins himself, who, during his intermittent ‘home leaves’ in boston, had involved himself actively with music. perkins, ‘museums’, . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston gems, coins, inscriptions, etc., etc.’ a priority of their acquisition policies. summarising all of these principles, perkins stated: …a representative collection which shall illustrate the rise and progress of the arts and their gradual decadence. for this purpose the examples in each department must be arranged chronologically, so that the professor of art and archaeology may use them to point out the broad differences between the sculpture of egypt and assyria, may demonstrate in what measure each influenced early greek sculpture…pointing out as he proceeds how and why sculpture steadily progressed until it culminated in the age of pericles, and as steadily declined until it almost died out in the dark ages, then rose again in the middle ages from niccola pisano to donatello, and fell away through the splendid extravagances of michel angelo and the corrupt principles of his successors. here perkins is certainly demonstrating his adherence to the teleological framework for historical analysis that characterised the scholarship and museum practices of waagen, scharf, and robinson. in terms of his points regarding comprehensiveness and chronological ordering, perkins’ debt to waagen and scharf is also indisputable. with respect to reproductions, perkins’ north american review article provided a series of detailed specifications for ancient cast collections and a review of the strengths of such collections at the various european museums. in this, his thinking was very much in line with robinson, who, despite his proclivity for original quattrocento sculpture, was under no illusions regarding the necessity for reproductions. in the introduction to his catalogue, for example, robinson stated, ‘a systematic collection of mediaeval and renaissance sculpture, therefore, should comprise more than the actual marbles and terra-cottas; besides the original specimens, it should embrace a well-ordered series of auxiliary illustrations, especially of plaster casts.’ perkins concluded his extraordinarily comprehensive and prescriptive rationale for american art museums by noting that the south kensington was ‘the prototype of the continental museums, and the model upon which most of them have been formed’, and by providing a detailed verbal map of the collections and operating strategies of museums in austria, russia, and perkins, ‘museums’, . perkins, ‘museums’, . john c. robinson, italian sculpture of the middle ages and period of the revival of art, london: chapman and hall, , x. deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston germany that had followed in the south kensington’s footsteps. his final recommendation for american art museums was to embrace the motto, ‘festina lente’, to make haste slowly, being sure not to sacrifice quality to quantity. as soon as was humanly possible after the february incorporation, perkins set about bringing the precepts laid out in ‘american art museums’ to life at the boston museum with a programme of acquisitions and exhibitions that broke free of the old restrictions on exhibition-worthy fine art. in this, the boston athenaeum was his generous partner, lending space for collections and exhibitions on its third floor, and funding acquisitions with the intention of donating them to the museum. the management of this process was handled jointly by the committee of the museum and the fine arts committee of the athenaeum. the committees were headed by charles callahan perkins at the museum and edward newton perkins at the athenaeum, certainly making for a close-knit collaboration. while the two committees were never officially joined, and thus had no appointed perkins discusses the formation, collections, and display of the museum of industrial art in vienna, the museum at moscow, the national bavarian museum (munich), and the german museum in nuremberg. the following excerpt exemplifies his detailed descriptions. ‘beginning with roman antiquities, such as a mosaic pavement…, the visitor [to the national bavarian museum] passes on to the celtic and carlovingian remains, weapons…gold and silver ornaments found in tombs, ivory caskets, fragments of glass, and figures of saints and symbolic animals in wood and stone. he then visits the romanesque department, where reliquaries…ecclesiastical vestments…illuminated manuscripts, and some byzantine paintings of the twelfth or thirteenth century… are collected. in the gothic division…stained glass windows…carved ceilings…and an immense collection of suits of armor, pieces of furniture, weapons, portraits of celebrated personages, besides divers objects of artistic and historical interest belonging to the renaissance epoch.’ perkins, ‘museums’, – . perkins, ‘museums’, – . the discussion which follows is indebted to the thorough accounting of this transitional period in hirayama’s text. see especially chapter ( – ). the museum, led by the building committee of which perkins was a member, began immediately in to erect its own structure — including raising funds to build it — a complicated task as no sooner had this effort begun and the architects been chosen — sturgis and brigham of london and boston — than the country suffered the economic panic of and the boston and chicago fires of and , respectively, all of which siphoned off pledged and potentially pledged funds. when the building opened in , only the northwest portion of the sturgis and brigham design was completed. two expansions occurred subsequently in – and in – , and even with these the total structure remained just over half of the original design. within several years of the second expansion it became clear that the museum would need to relocate, which it ultimately did in to its present location on huntington avenue. see hirayama, with Éclat, – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston chair, charles perkins was unquestionably in charge. on opening day, july , the several thousand works on display at the museum of fine arts in boston formed the visual corollary — albeit on a much smaller scale — to perkins’ textual prescription, as outlined in his article. that the boston museum was able to accomplish this level of comprehensiveness was certainly owing to perkins’ acquisitive hand — during the period between incorporation and opening he had acquired three major collections of ancient and renaissance decorative arts objects, the cesnola ( ), the way ( ), and the castellani ( ) — but also to the athenaeum’s institutional loan of more than eight hundred objects. the large majority of the loan comprised five-hundred photographs of old master works, but it also included approximately fifty original paintings, fifty arundel society chromolithographs, and twenty plaster casts. how then does the presence of trecento and quattrocento sculpture at the mfa function in comparison to art of the same period at the manchester art treasures exhibition and the south kensington museum? to the extent that the early renaissance works added to the comprehensiveness of the mfa’s opening exhibit, that they spoke eloquently to their time and place, and that they embodied the potential to ameliorate contemporary industrial design, perkins was certainly heavily influenced by all three distinguished predecessors across the atlantic. that said, given the emphasis on early italian renaissance sculpture that he shared especially with robinson, it will be to robinson’s textual and display strategies that we will look most particularly in this concluding section of the article. the most notable of robinson’s strategies, as delineated by drew, concerned the use of highly adroit language in his catalogues and equally skilful display practices. for example, luca della robbia, an artist whom robinson considered critical to the progress of when the museum incorporated in , perkins was made honorary director, a title which totally understated the centrality of his functions and suggests, for today’s interpreter, a ceremonial role only. nothing could have been further from the truth. as chairman of the committee on the museum, perkins’ scope was that of a head curator, in today’s museum parlance. in contrast, general charles loring was given the title, ‘curator,’ but his role appeared to be more of an administrative one. perkins also served on the building committee until it was disbanded in . see annual reports of the museum of fine arts, through . the cesnola collection was purchased by perkins for the museum in june . it comprised in excess of five hundred archaeological objects from cyprus. the way collection of close to , ancient egyptian objects was donated to the museum in june . following the lead of the south kensington museum, in perkins persuaded the athenaeum’s fine arts committee to purchase, for the ultimate benefit of the museum, thirty objects in metals, wood, and textiles from the castellani collection. dating from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century, these objects ranged from the secular to the sacred, and were, in the main, of fine design and craftsmanship. hirayama, with Éclat, – , – . hirayama, with Éclat, . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston sculpture and whose work he acquired in significant numbers for the south kensington, made heavy use of terracotta, a material that did not comport with the victorian public’s bias for white marble sculpture. this bias was fostered by the highly influential british critic john ruskin. ruskin believed that the use of colour in a sculpture compromised the contrast of light and dark needed for the all- important creation of form, in accordance with the dictates of nature. in his catalogue, italian sculpture of the middle ages and period of the revival of art, robinson countered this barrier to the appreciation of luca by making his first catalogue entry for the sculptor not one of luca’s better known polychromatic works, but rather a sketch for the white marble cantoria in the duomo in florence. furthermore, robinson incorporated ruskin’s ideas into his own descriptive language in the catalogue by claiming for the sculpture that it was superior to donatello’s similar frieze because of its ‘truthful rendering of nature, and general elevation of conception’, thus reflecting ruskin’s famed requirement that art be true to nature. robinson’s second challenge — an ironic one, in light of the first challenge above — arose because his acquisitions policies privileged original historic sculpture, ‘fine’ art, over well-designed and decorated utilitarian objects, ‘applied’ or ‘decorative’ art. in this he was perceived by management, specifically henry cole, as working at cross-purposes with the museum’s mission to enhance british manufacturing through the study of applied art. this prompted robinson’s use of language to blur the line between fine and applied art. looking to luca della robbia’s work again as an example, in his catalogue of the newly acquired jules soulages collection of works of majolica pottery, robinson linked the the details and interpretation of robinson’s strategies at the south kensington museum are indebted to drew, ‘displaying italian sculpture: exploring hierarchies at the south kensington museum, – ’. drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – . drew cites the second volume of ruskin’s modern painters ( ) as his first public declaration regarding the adverse impact of colour. she notes that ruskin used luca della robbia’s works as examples of such an adverse impact. ( – ) drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – . drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – . drew, ‘italian sculpture’, . the friction between cole and robinson over the interpretation of the museum’s mission has been addressed frequently in scholarship. see for example, drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – ; bonython and burton, the great exhibitor, and – ; davies, ‘robinson’s work’ part i, and and ‘robinson’s work’, part ii, – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston majolica with the museum’s holdings of — then only two — della robbia reliefs by freely interchanging the use of the words ‘sculpture’ and ‘ware’. robinson’s displays were perhaps the most important to his strategy of blurring the lines between the fine and decorative arts. for example, he sought to emulate the marriage of painting, sculpture, architecture and decorative objects found in situ all over italy, a context that by definition did not discriminate between ‘high’ and ‘low’ arts. to achieve this goal, robinson had to employ both originals and reproductions. for example, in the central court of the south kensington museum, robinson anchored his display around two iconic masterworks of the renaissance, the first a life-size (eighteen-foot) cast of michelangelo’s david ( ) and the second, copies of raphael’s arabesques from the vatican loggia ( – ). strategically placed in the spaces between the david and the arabesques were a variety of decorative objects representing a range of materials — terracotta, bronze, and wood; a range of periods of art — the early renaissance to the baroque; and even a geographic range — that of northern and southern europe. in this way, as drew’s discussion highlights, robinson made two points that were crucial to the success of his strategy for a museum intended to support industrial design. first, he demonstrated the degree to which the great masters were an inspiration to artisans of their day. second, he demonstrated the fine line between artist and artisan — this was especially the case with these particular raphael copies as they were, in their original location, strictly architectural ornament — and suggested that this porous model was particularly apt for the present day. perkins, like robinson, set the stage for easing the boston elite into his new visual arts paradigm with language, beginning with the catalogues produced in the transitional period of to . his preface to the catalogue, for example, was as extensive an introduction to the historical context of the art on exhibit as had been published in the entire run of exhibitions hosted by the athenaeum since . drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – . jules soulages ( – ) began collecting italian and french renaissance decorative art in . the south kensington museum purchased his collection over the period of to . see ‘soulages at the v&a’, accessed august at http://www.vam.ac.uk. drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – . drew, ‘italian sculpture’, – . see drew’s article in this journal edition, ‘the colourful career of sir john charles robinson: collecting and curating at the early south kensington museum’, for an illustration of this skillful arrangement. museum of fine arts, boston, second catalogue of the collection of ancient and modern works of art given or loaned to the trustees of the museum of fine arts, at boston, boston: alfred mudge & son, , – . http://www.vam.ac.uk/ deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston the collection herein catalogued…contains a series of objects which illustrate a wide range of artistic activity in point of time and use of material, including a very valuable collection of egyptian antiquities, and many specimens of ancient and modern glass, bronze and pottery, graeco-italian vases, italian majolica, venetian glass, illuminated manuscripts, tapestry, and pictures; and form an artistic microcosm, well calculated to teach the visitor something of the character and quality of the art-industry of many nations during a long period of the world’s history. in this introductory statement, perkins made crystal clear his aims for displaying art in boston, highlighting both the encyclopaedic and artisanal nature of the works on display, and tipping his hand to the chronological scope, mix of high and low art, and educational aims of the museum models that he had come to know and value so well in europe. additionally, the education of visitors was a clear goal of his catalogue. his preface provided the visitor with a map not only to the location of the objects in the exhibition, but also to the historical and aesthetical context in which each category of objects belonged. moreover, for virtually every specific catalogue entry he included a title, a description, dates and artists and, in a number of instances, additional historical references. throughout the catalogue, perkins referred to relevant scholarship and museum exhibits and employed his matter-of- fact, descriptive, and easily-read style. with respect to the early italian renaissance, perkins’ catalogue entries were even more carefully orchestrated to maximise the viewer’s comfort level with this previously disconcerting art. in this regard, he began the acclimatization process in his catalogue to the exhibition held in the museum room on the third floor of the boston athenaeum. in the catalogue preface, after establishing the importance of the ancient ceramic arts through a formal analysis of the cypriote pottery and the etruscan and greek — of the archaic and classical eras — vases, he transitioned immediately to the collection of majolica plates and bottles, beginning his discussion by focusing on moorish ware. ‘[it] is what is called hispano-moorish ware, [and] brings us to the origin of this beautiful art manufacture. the moorish potters perkins, collection of ancient and modern works, , . in support of the ancient works, perkins addressed the three main divisions of egyptian history and the related art production; the antique and decorative nature of the cyprus terracotta pottery and figurative statuettes as well as the greek glass from cypriot tombs; and the varying influences and techniques with a bearing on italo-greek painted vases, including a glossary of terms for earthenware vessels. in support of the modern works, perkins discussed the history of majolica wares, bringing the reader up to the fine and more decorative contributions of della robbia; the aesthetic beauty, advanced modelling technique, and material quality of the early renaissance bronze medals; and the production challenges encountered with the gobelin tapestries that had come into the collection. see museum of fine arts, boston, collection of ancient and modern works, , – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston were…distinguished for the beauty of their metallic oxide glaze.’ he then traced the history of the glazing process through the first half of the sixteenth century, attributing its perfection to the patronage of such enlightened rulers as the dukes of urbino and ferrara who, he pointed out, may have owed their interest in part to the mistaken notion that certain of the designs were raphael’s. perkins concluded his discussion of the majolica by introducing the creative genius of luca della robbia, both technically in terms of the glazing process, as well as aesthetically. copying robinson’s strategic employment of luca’s cantoria, as just discussed, he transitioned artlessly to the sculptor’s great masterpiece in marble, but also to the fact that this masterpiece was represented in the boston museum’s collection in a sculptural cast and that its expressiveness could be linked to that which dante experienced in the purgatorio. for excellence of composition and simple, unpretending truth to nature, this group of choristers is worthy of the highest praise. so earnestly do they sing, and so perfectly is the character of each voice conveyed by the facial expression, that like dante when he looked upon those celestial bas-reliefs, which surpassed the works of polyclete (purgatorio, x.canto), we are in doubt whether we do not hear as well as see...the other casts on either side of this relief are of works by celebrated tuscan sculptors of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, from orcagna to benvenuto cellini. thus, in one masterstroke, perkins linked the majolica to the glories of greek art, the beauty of raphael, and the enlightenment of the italian nobility, while at the same time positioning the sculptural casts as being read by the viewer as original artworks encountered by dante, the mediaeval poet much-beloved in boston. turning finally to perkins’ display practices, as may be seen in the museum floor plans published in , on opening day the visitor progressed from the vestibule to the end of the entrance hall to begin his exploration with egyptian museum of fine arts, boston, catalogue of the collection of ancient and modern works of art, given or loaned to the trustees of the museum of fine arts, at boston, boston: alfred mudge, , – . museum of fine arts, boston, collection of ancient and modern works, , . the harvard language scholars george ticknor and henry wadsworth longfellow as well as the mediaevalist and art historian charles eliot norton were largely responsible for the strength of the dante phenomenon in mid to late nineteenth-century boston. george ticknor had corresponded with european dantists and taught a harvard course on dante in the early s, longfellow started a dante club at his home in cambridge, and norton had known of dante since his early childhood when his mother translated the poet and his uncle ticknor, whose library he frequented, had introduced him. see james turner, the liberal education of charles eliot norton, baltimore: johns hopkins university press, , and . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston figure floor plans of the museum of fine arts, boston, first floor. from: museum of fine arts, boston, second catalogue of the collection of ancient and modern works of art given or loaned to the trustees, boston: alfred mudge, , n.p. photograph of author. antiquities (the way collection), then on to the ancient cypriote works (the cesnola collection) and to three galleries filled with eighty-one sculptural casts. (fig. ) of these three galleries, the first two were entirely devoted to grecian sculptures, while the third and last was split between greco-roman and renaissance ones. as such, the latter, prominently positioned on the first floor with the ancient sculpture of egypt and greece, emphasised the continuity of the ancient and renaissance periods. even the room’s label on the floor plan, the ‘greco-roman and renaissance room,’ reinforced this continuity, especially as the number of objects that it contained was evenly split between the two. the renaissance objects, numbering approximately forty, were almost all quattrocento sculptural casts. sculptors represented included ghiberti, luca della robbia, donatello, mino da fiesole, and michelangelo. the subjects of the works were primarily sacred ones from the new testament, and included even a bust of savonarola, whose uncompromising stance on the pagan nature of classicism would just two decades earlier have sent off the same anti-popery alarm bells for bostonians as did the ritualistic works of the jarves museum of fine arts, boston, collection of ancient and modern works, , . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston collection. however, presented within the context of an historical progression of the arts on the first floor and emphasising as they did the greater naturalism of the quattrocento, these works apparently passed muster with the elite members of the museum committee. thus, between the name of the gallery and the close proximity to ancient objects familiar to and well accepted by the boston public, the layout on the first floor served to greet the visitor with a comfortable continuity with the sculpture exhibitions of years past. figure floor plans of the museum of fine arts, boston, second floor. from: museum of fine arts, boston, second catalogue of the collection of ancient and modern works of art given or loaned to the trustees, boston: alfred mudge, , n.p. photograph of author. on the second floor, medium took over from chronology as organising principle. (fig. ) the visitor was greeted by a paintings gallery of old masters and copies thereof, where, again, continuity with exhibitions of the past eased the visitor on his way to the so-called loan and lawrence rooms. between these two galleries, they housed the castellani and lawrence collections of embroideries, textiles, carved wood, and metalwork as well as majolica and robbia ware, dating to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. it was here that perkins recreated the marriage of the fine and decorative arts, already convincingly established in his catalogue language, by placing the majolica together with the original pieces from his own collection, the virgin and child from the andrea della robbia workshop and museum of fine arts, boston, collection of ancient and modern works, , – . museum of fine arts, boston, collection of ancient and modern works, , – . deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston the nativity of c. from the lesser-known workshop of benedetto buglioni. the virgin and child, in particular, served perkins’ purpose because, as a sculpture covered in a white glaze, it more closely resembled the marble statuary to which bostonians were so closely attached. furthermore, its lack of gilding or celestial references — for example, it had no niche to represent the heavens as some other comparable della robbia works did — made it more compatible with bostonian taste. finally, its humanity, as was previously explored, distanced it from the byzantine-like works that bostonians had rejected in jarves’ collection. while the buglioni was polychromatic and not nearly as classically or skillfully rendered, it too avoided gilded references to divinity. thus, as in his catalogue discussion, perkins manipulated the objects’ placement to transfer the lustre of the ‘fine art’ by known artists onto the far less prominent and unattributed pieces of maiolica and to demonstrate that the differences between the two categories were not that great. in fact, perkins used the heading ‘robbia ware,’ as versus ‘robbia sculpture,’ in his catalogue to denote his original works, perhaps reinforcing the same fine line, or perhaps simply acknowledging that the listing included one ‘modern imitation,’ presented by the reverend mr. washburn. either way, perkins had once again followed an example set by robinson, who conflated robbia ware and sculpture in his catalogue of the soulages collection, among other examples of such linguistic conflation. one final example of perkins’ bravura display practices involved the collection of eight panels from the hôtel montmorency in paris. seen through the doorway as affixed to the western wall of the loan room in an enrico meneghelli ( – ) painting of the lawrence room, these narrow twelve-foot tall painted and gilded oak panels were designed by claude-nicholas ledoux ( – ), a leading french neo-classical architect, for his client monsieur bouvet de vezelay in circa . (fig. ) the panels were festooned with interlaced floral, figural, and armorial designs, which were highly reminiscent of raphael’s arabesques in the furthermore, at the time of the opening the buglioni nativity had not been identified as such for perkins lists the work as being by andrea della robbia, thus elevating its status for the viewer. see museum of fine arts, boston, collection of ancient and modern works, , . perkins, collection of ancient and modern works, , . drew, ‘italian sculpture’, . these panels were purchased at the time of the demolition of the hôtel in . the identity of the purchaser is disputed, but by they were in the hands of the bostonian, harleston parker, who loaned them to the museum at the time of its opening. at a subsequent point, the boston athenaeum and the museum each bought four of the eight panels. the athenaeum loaned their four panels to the mfa from until when the museum purchased them back leaving them the owner of the full set, which they remain today. see these panels described on the mfa website as accessed / / at http://www.mfa.org/ (accession # . – . and . – ). journal of art historiography number june figure enrico meneghelli, the lawrence room, museum of fine arts, boston, . oil on canvas, mounted on masonite, . x . cm. boston: museum of fine arts. photograph © museum of fine arts, boston. figure claude ledoux (designer) and joseph méthivier (carver), carved panel, c. . painted and gilded oak, x . cm. boston: museum of fine arts. photograph © museum of fine arts, boston. vatican loggie. (fig. ) just as robinson used the vatican arabesque copies in the south kensington’s central court in the expectation that visitors would see the close link between the fine and the decorative arts, so too did the ledoux panels with their distinct raphaelesque designs have the potential to remind viewers that raphael, the unquestioned master of renaissance painting, was not only a genius of history painting, but also a flawless executor of decorative design. the net effect of perkins’ textual and display strategies was to demonstrate to his fellow elites and to the public that the early italian renaissance formed a bridge between the classically-inspired sculpture that bostonians had seen for decades at the athenaeum’s exhibitions and the high renaissance and baroque paintings that had also been favoured there in significant numbers. furthermore, through linking the fine and decorative arts in the renaissance period and insisting upon — and securing — a comprehensive and representative display of the history of western art, whether through originals or reproductions, perkins demonstrated that he had indeed been inspired by waagen, scharf, and robinson. for perkins, as for his distinguished predecessors, these strategies were essential to delivering on the promise of public fine arts museums, that of improving taste and elevating industrial design. while perkins was the first to admit that his acquisition and display strategies were not entirely ideologically driven but rather were also deborah hartry stein charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and british museum practice in boston impacted by funding constraints, he nonetheless believed wholeheartedly — in fact, he dedicated his entire career to the notion — that all of the arts, high and low, polished and rough-hewn, had the potential to enrich the citizens of boston, and ultimately of the nation. deb stein received her phd in the history of art & architecture in january, at boston university. her dissertation is entitled “the visual rhetoric of charles callahan perkins: early italian renaissance art and a new fine arts paradigm for boston.” the first critical book-length study on this nineteenth-century cultural polymath ( – ), the dissertation goes beyond an accounting of perkins’ role in founding and directing the new museum of fine arts, boston. it frames perkins’ contributions as creating a paradigm shift in institutional display of the arts from one which privileged classical and neoclassical sculpture and paintings and thus limited viewership to those with literary knowledge. the new paradigm focused on a comprehensive history of art where viewers could apprehend a work’s meaning through their eyes alone, making for an unparalleled democratization of the arts in boston. deb has taught both american and italian renaissance art and cultural history at boston university and has presented her scholarship to a variety of academic audiences. since , she has served as gallery instructor in the american and european galleries at the museum of fine arts, boston, where she also coordinated adult education programs. prior to her career in art history, deb founded and led a consulting firm serving major banks and has held management positions in the fields of corporate training, commercial banking, and university administration. she earned an mba from northeastern university, an ma in educational administration from harvard university, and a ba in history from carleton college in minnesota. dhs@bu.edu this work is licensed under a creative commons attribution- noncommercial . international license http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/ . / http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/ . / http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/ . / wood engraving as ghostwriting: the dalziel brothers, losing one's name, and other hazards of the trade wood engraving as ghostwriting: the dalziel brothers, losing  one's name, and other hazards of the trade article (published version) http://sro.sussex.ac.uk stevens, bethan ( ) wood engraving as ghostwriting: the dalziel brothers, losing one's name, and other hazards of the trade. textual practice, ( ). pp. - . issn - x this version is available from sussex research online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/ / this document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. if you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. please see the url above for details on accessing the published version. copyright and reuse: sussex research online is a digital repository of the research output of the university. copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. to the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in sro has been checked for eligibility before being made available. copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or url is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ full terms & conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalinformation?journalcode=rtpr download by: [university of sussex library] date: august , at: : textual practice issn: - x (print) - (online) journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rtpr wood engraving as ghostwriting: the dalziel brothers, losing one's name, and other hazards of the trade bethan stevens to cite this article: bethan stevens ( ): wood engraving as ghostwriting: the dalziel brothers, losing one's name, and other hazards of the trade, textual 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stevens school of english, university of sussex, brighton, uk abstract this paper focuses on the work of the dalziel brothers, the foremost wood engraving firm in the victorian period. it explores the problematics of authorship in an art factory with many employees who all signed ‘dalziel’. examining wood engraving formally, theoretically and technically, it proposes ghostwriting as an analogy for the work done by facsimile engravers. their work is read alongside the literature they illustrated, including wilkie collins’s after dark ( ), anthony trollope’s orley farm ( – ) and lewis carroll’s through the looking-glass ( ). i investigate the wood engraver’s business of artistically producing someone else’s lines, and carving other people’s signatures. mechanics, or creation? the line, the autograph, and the signature are powerful elements of the way we understand artistic identity. a wood engraver who signs for someone else is a paradox, undermining assumptions about creative work. orley farm, one of dalziel’s most successful illustrated novels, is itself a meditation on the fraudulent act of signing another’s name. this paper compares different ‘dalziel’ signatures, proposing the signature as a kind of self portrait that can help uncover the voices of unknown engraver-employees; it also presents new archival evidence about some of these employees, such as ann and mary byfield from islington. article history received september ; accepted february keywords wood engraving; illustration; victorian literature; signature; authorship . the victorian wood engraver had the curious business of artistically produ- cing someone else’s lines, and carving other people’s signatures. is this mech- anics, or creation? how does it relate to authorship, and to the culture of names and signatures that has dominated the consumption of art and texts for centuries? victorian book illustrations often carry two signatures. first, there is that of the draughtsman or draughtswoman. they designed their © the author(s). published by informa uk limited, trading as taylor & francis group this is an open access article distributed under the terms of the creative commons attribution license (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. contact bethan stevens b.k.stevens@sussex.ac.uk textual practice, https://doi.org/ . / x. . d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi= . / x. . &domain=pdf http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . / http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . / mailto:b.k.stevens@sussex.ac.uk http://www.tandfonline.com own monogram or signature, and drew it on the block, but it was concretised by the engraver who cut it, defining the edges and texture of the lines that comprised it. second, there is the signature of the engraver. in the cases con- sidered in this essay, this is ‘dalziel’. it appears to be a signature like any other. its distinctive, autographic look alludes to the idea of a person, and this is reinforced by the signature’s position next to that of the draughtsman – doubly so when the latter was a celebrated individual like john everett millais or dante gabriel rossetti. but ‘dalziel’ is not a person. it stands for dalziel brothers, and this signature marked the work not only of the four dalziel engravers – george, edward, margaret or john dalziel – but equally, any of the very differently named employees who engraved in their factory. these were anonymous, and often unidentifiable. working from annotations in dalziel’s archive, my research so far has found names for : aldridge, anderson, andrews, boucher, brown, mary and/or ann byfield, william burnett, james clark, coombe, josiah coppleston, eastop, harry fenn, francis fricker, gould, william hardy, philip(?) hundley, knight, manelli, martin, arthur oswin, pierce, william quick, henry william royle, charles and/or william tilby, white, and walter williams. engravers sometimes worked individually on a block, and sometimes the work was shared according to specialist techniques, or to save time. what was it like to be one of these artists, signing double signatures that weren’t theirs? for decades, the humanities has critically questioned our fetishisation of names and signatures, but it endures. within studies of illus- tration, relatively little attention is paid to the engraver in comparison with the draughtsman. it seems to me that this minimisation of the engraver’s artistic role is caused by a desire to link works to a named individual. it’s easier to think of an alice illustration as ‘by’ tenniel, or the moxon illustration to ‘the lady of shalott’ as ‘by’ rossetti. and in the nineteenth century, an emphasis on the designer was encouraged by cultural producers, including the dalziels themselves, keen to exploit big household names. but this essay investigates the peculiarity of a whole group of people signing their work with another’s name. the gesture is one of a rigid capitalist system. it is also a theatrical gesture, in which artists are masked and slippery, suddenly exchanging places without our knowledge, and usually with an unknowable relation to any embodied or biographical person. . dalziel was the dominant london wood engraving firm of the victorian period. their archive in the british museum of around , proofs made between and includes their whole oeuvre, all sorts of images, including plumbers’ diagrams of taps and toilets, microbiology, fitness manuals and advertisements for cadbury’s cocoa. dalziel’s role in visualising b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t literary texts can hardly be overestimated. not only did they engrave all the images for lewis carroll’s alice books ( , ) and many pre-raphaelite illustrations to moxon’s edition of tennyson’s poems ( ), but also first edi- tions of contemporary writers such as charles dickens, charles kingsley, christina rossetti and anthony trollope. their illustrations of historical lit- erature reinterpreted texts for contemporary audiences, with wood engravings for cervantes, chaucer, defoe, milton, shakespeare and a thousand and one nights – or more recently canonised writings, by walter scott, letitia eliza- beth landon, byron, wordsworth, etc. they mediated international writing for british audiences, including hans christian andersen, harriet beecher stowe, mark twain and henry wadsworth longfellow. . dalziel’s relationship with literature can be tangential and unexpected. for instance, census returns suggest margaret and john dalziel were living together in on the dalziel engraving premises, camden high street. john was widowed, and there were also john junr and amy, his five- and six-year-old children. in addition, the household included a -year-old neice, martha moffit, an -year-old servant, sarah percival, and another servant employed as a ‘nurse maid’ – alice gladden – who was only years old herself. imagine working as a nursemaid at the age of . alice was a child already living as a worker outside her family, grown up in relation to the children she raised. i cannot discover what happened to alice gladden immediately after this (she later married under her maiden name at the age of , to a john garlick pack). in john dalziel died, so by the time of the census the household at camden high streen had broken up. but it is fascinating to speculate whether alice remained with the family until – fairly likely – when alice’s adventures in wonderland was engraved within the walls of her home. even if she had moved on, surely this famous project would have involved recollections of their alice for the dalziels. what’s in a name? for me, gladden offers a different story to set beside alice liddell’s. who knows what she was like and how she lived, but she remains an alternative alice, one whose childhood ended early with labour and responsibility, and whose adventures begin in the engravers’ workshop. . i want to begin my exploration of wood engravers, ghostwriters and the sig- nature with wilkie collins’s early collection of gothic stories, after dark ( ). it was re-issued as an illustrated edition in , with four wood engravings by the brothers dalziel: a title page after walter crane (figure ), and four illustrations after arthur boyd houghton. textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t after dark has an intricate frame narrative that tells the story of an ama- nuensis. william kerby, an itinerant portrait painter, is losing his sight, and with it his ability to feed his family. he is an excellent storyteller, and his wife leah has the idea that he could support them as a writer. to safeguard his sight, she becomes his amanuensis, and they do all their writing ‘after dark’, when her housework is over. the third character is the painter’s doctor, who advises and supports the project. as a portraitist, william had been a patriarchal provider, but because of his disability, his writing is collaborative. leah kirby is intrigued by this distinction: an artist lies under this great disadvantage in case of accidents – his talents are of no service to him unless he can use his eyes and fingers. an author, on the other hand, can turn his talents to account just as well by means of other people’s eyes and fingers as by means of his own. leah’s conclusion that the visual arts are individualistic, in contrast with writing, becomes ironic in this second edition that includes five wood engrav- ings in which the designer’s work is literally produced ‘by means of other people’s eyes and fingers’. leah kirby’s feminine role as amanuensis is structurally submissive. however, she is not circumscribed by william’s writing. after all, she narrates the frame narrative, and this is situated outside the fictional book william writes to save his family (the latter forms the greater part of after dark). even in her role as amanuensis, leah does not consent to be only a writing machine. at the end of the first tale, she inserts a note of her own that, since her husband is blind, he can neither see nor effectively forbid. this ‘note by mrs kerby’ tells an anecdote about when he told his tale orally: it is a spooky coincidence, of how one of his listeners had a phobia of four- poster beds, an article of furniture that in the story turns out to be a murder weapon. her husband wanted to exclude this anecdote, but she puts it in. after recounting it, she writes: [h]e says it is scarcely worth while to mention such a trifle in anything so important as a book. i cannot venture, after this, to do more than slip these lines in modestly at the end of the story. if the printers should notice my few last words, perhaps they may not mind the trouble of putting them into some out-of-the-way corner, in very small type. (ad, vol. , p. ) this is a delightfully fake apology. leah’s husband is the author, and on his authority, this ‘trifle’ does not belong. leah’s tale may be short, but her claim to slip it in ‘modestly’ is laughable; modesty would exclude it, whereas she puts it at the end, as a conclusion or another frame. she talks of ‘slip[ping] these lines in’. in a book about writing and art (many of the short stories are about artists, and all are about the subjects of william’s por- traits), this word ‘lines’ connects the literary and visual arts – lines are a b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t building block of each. lines are also a repetitive punishment, and children were commonly given lines to write in school. this punishment disciplines children – some children – to do repetitive, mechanical work. to work on a line. such a punitive meaning of lines is important to so-called mechanical producers of them, like the amanuensis or indeed the wood engraver, whose job was to concretise lines designed by other artists. leah kirby and dalziel in their different roles are given lines to repeat. these lines are what they do, what they hold themselves to: their discipline. for them, being given lines is not exactly punitive; on the contrary, it could be a source of profit and pleasure. but it is at least plausible to see leah’s lines as a punish- ment for being a wife, and to see the anonymous wood engravers who worked for dalziel brothers as being punished for lacking the social connections and financial backing to embark on more ambitious careers as painters or sculp- tors, involving expensive training and a high risk of failure. and yet. this does not encompass it. the ‘note by mrs kerby’ – delight- fully addressed to the ‘printers’ (who set type in lines) – undermines the very possibility of an amanuensis. the text is william kerby’s, but kerby’s book always only ever contains what leah kerby puts in it – and anything extra she chooses to add. refusing to be an amanuensis, she becomes something more: a ghostwriter. . the task of the wood engraver, to turn a drawing into print, was literally impossible. on a practical note, many draughtsmen and women used tone on their woodblocks: there can be no faithful transcription of tone into line. even with those designers who knew to use strict line drawing, every cut of the graver altered the line. wood-engraved lines have textures and depths that are unlike those in pen or pencil. even the straightest have distinct qualities when magnified, with different shapes and viscosity along the edges of the line and on its surface. this amounts to a whole different look, which is visible to the casual observer, even if the reason for it isn’t clear. the finished drawing made on the whitened woodblock was usually destroyed as part of the production process. some photographs of these remain as evidence, as well as drawn blocks that were never engraved. they suggest that draughts- men often remained oblivious to the difficulties of distinguishing between a dark or a light line in this medium. this could be achieved through lowering a line so that it printed more lightly, but a shift from black to grey was not feasible. in the best of dalziel’s work, the beauty of it is inseparable from the quality of the wood-engraved line. and yet their role is somehow only to provide the medium. as if medium could ever be an empty container. as antony griffiths has discussed, scholars who write about printmaking from earlier centuries have followed a long tradition of using a literary textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t metaphor for copperplate engravings that reproduce paintings, describing this as ‘translation’. this makes sense; as with a literary translation, when copper engravings translate paintings we get two distinct, related products, in differ- ent media (or ‘languages’). this analogy does not work for most victorian wood engraving, since it only rarely translated originals that existed in another medium. there is no ‘original and translation’, since wood engraving results in one product rather than two. the drawing was just part of the process, and was destroyed in it. instead, we have a single collaborative work, in which, supposedly, one artist provides the medium, the other the content. i would like to propose a new analogy for this, to complement the idea of translation; i see the wood engraver as an artistic equivalent of the ghostwriter, whose story is not his or her own, but who is responsible for the entire texture and fabric of the text we read. every mark is theirs, though always in the weirdly negative kind of line-avoidance that the medium entails (wood engravers did not cut the line, but rather everything around it). style is there in a peculiar double-voiced way. . what i would love is to be a ghostwriter for wood engraving, for a medium that literally shares a bed with writing (in letterpress printing, the ‘bed’ is where type and woodblocks are placed and locked for printing), but in which the printed line will not curl neatly into the ordered shapes of letters. . after dark’s illustrated title page (figure ) is engraved by dalziel after walter crane, a draughtsman who learnt his trade from a wood engraver (william james linton). the title page introduces the idea of narrative framing for- mally, with its curtains and ever decreasing rectangles. william and leah kirby lean over their own title, held by the doctor. oddly, william is por- trayed to resemble a wood engraver. his globe lamp is positioned on the table exactly where a wood engraver would place their engraver’s globe (a glass vessel filled with water, that directed light and resembled this style of lamp). his eyeshade is like those engravers wore, to protect their sight from light, and focus their vision. for example, there is a similar illustration of an engraver who sits in front of a globe wearing an eyeshade in jackson and chatto’s foundational manual treatise on wood engraving, historical and practical ( ). william kirby as a disabled artist might have struck a chord with crane and dalziel. crane later described in his reminiscenses how it was ‘very usual to apprentice deaf and sometimes even dumb youths to wood-engravers’. wood engravers often damaged their sight, and the job became associated b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t figure . dalziel after walter crane, illlustrated title for wilkie collins, after dark (london: smith, elder & co, ). dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t with the constriction and isolation of certain senses. in addition to eye masks, engravers commonly wore nose and mouth masks to protect the block from damaging condensation from their breath. symbolically, these masks can be seen as barriers between the body of the artist and their work, cutting off the idea of vision, and the breath of inspiration. crane and dalziel’s title page, with its group of three people standing in front of an artistic work, visualises the collaborative process of the engraving we are looking at. william, as painter-writer, does not touch the work (his hands held away), but the doctor steps in as proxy. as he holds the paper, his thumb casts an uncanny pointed shadow. it is perhaps intended to show a crease on the page, but this long black shape on the smooth white paper makes little sense. it looks like an erroneous line, or a monstrous overgrown thumbnail that’s not truly positioned on the digit. to me, its triangular point, beautifully sharp, is reminiscent of the shape of the graving tool. it is also an ostentatious moment of pure line that stands as a signature for medium and maker. the line cannot just be a mistake; wood engravers work from black to white, so that correcting an unwanted white line was laborious, whereas a small black line could be easily cut away. once you’ve noticed this one, it stands out. within the pictorial image, the tiny page with the title draws our eye because of its text, and its status as a title page within a title page. compositionally, it is almost dead centre. together with the lamp, it draws our eye through its emphatic whiteness, when most of the image is shaded, busy with lines. who, proofing this block, could fail to notice this little line? and yet, when crane touched one proof with white for corrections (see the impression in the harold hartley collection, in the boston museum of fine art), he lightens the coat and other elements, but no one cor- rects, erases or comments on this line. . to explore the idea of the line as name and signature, i will revisit a founda- tional moment in art theory: one of pliny’s anecdotes about the painter apelles. apelles visits his rival, protogenes: protogenes was not at home, but a solitary old woman was keeping watch over a large panel placed on the easel. in answer to the questions of apelles, she said that protogenes was out, and asked the name of the visitor: ‘here it is,’ said apelles, and snatching up a brush he drew a line of extreme delicacy across the board. on the return of protogenes the old woman told him what had hap- pened. when he had considered the delicate precision of the line he at once declared that his visitor had been apelles, for no one else could have drawn anything so perfect. then in another colour he drew a second still finer line upon the first, and went away, bidding her show it to apelles if he came again, and add that this was the man he was seeking. it fell out as he expected; apelles did return, and, ashamed to be beaten, drew a third line of another b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t colour cutting the two first down their length and leaving no room for any further refinement. in this anecdote the line is identified with the name. implicitly, the old woman (nameless and line-less herself) is expecting to receive a word: ‘apelles’. but as apelles leaves a line in place of the name, he does not perceive this to be a substitution. ‘here it is’, he says; the line is the name. in this he is unlike pro- togenes, the lesser artist; protogenes needs to translate the ‘delicate precision of the line’ into a ‘declaration’ of the word ‘apelles’. we could say that pro- togenes is beaten not only because his line is duller than apelles’s, but equally and indissociably, because he fails to realise that a line, a name, a message and an artist are all the same thing. this identification is crucial for understanding the work and the signature of the wood engravers dalziel brothers. in addition, it is worth noting that the translation of linea into line, used in the above translation by katherine jex-blake, and now standard, was by no means straightforward for victorians. the dominant translation of pliny through the nineteenth century was by john bostock and henry riley. perversely, this translates linea as outline rather than line; it includes a footnote explaining this choice, and suggesting: it is not unlikely that the ‘linea’ or outline drawn by each was a profile of himself, and that the profile of protogenes was drawn within that of apelles; who, on the second occasion, drew a third profile between the other two. this refusal to see the line as anything other than figurative (an outline) is not unexpected in the century of realism. but it suggests an intellectual bias towards composition over line that helps us understand why wood engravers were ignored in favour of designers in nineteenth-century culture. on the other hand, the translators’ whimsical suggestion that this outline was a profile of the artist – a self portrait – is a perhaps unconsciously sympathetic reading of pliny. what the translators are grasping at – and literalising in a slightly ridiculous way – is the message that the line itself is the self portrait in this anecdote. curiously, another word of pliny’s puzzled over in bostock and riley’s footnote is the word ‘secuit’, the verb used to describe the third and finest line drawn by apelles, and which literally means ‘he cut’. . my readings of dalziel’s work adopt apelles’s strategy: the line itself is a sig- nature and a self portrait. naturally, as a writer, i bring narrative links to embellish. take this satire after tenniel (figure ), in which an allegorical figure with a sash labelled ‘dividend’ holds moneybags aloft, striding through a ruined interior in which the timbers of buildings mingle with body- parts. as with many wood engravings, there is play with dalziel’s signature, which appears to be inscribed not on the picture surface but on one of textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t timbers that the mythical woman is striding across. this signature on a piece of wood emphasises the engravers’ literal daily activity of signing on wood, and the pre-raphaelite figure clutching moneybags is an apt symbol for the dalziel brothers, a fraternity of capitalist artists. she becomes a self portrait of dalziel, who did actually make a profit out of the eroticised pre-raphaelite body in illustrations such as those designed by arthur hughes. figure . dalziel after john tenniel, illustration for henry cholmondeley-pennell, puck on pegasus (london: john camden hotten, ). dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t in pliny’s foundation myth of art, the finest line, the one that surpassed all others, is not drawn, or painted, but cut. we’ve already examined the cutting thumbnail of the doctor in after dark. we could equally apply this thinking to the lines of ‘jabberwocky’ (figure ), a block that reads area by area like a showcase for the various technical capabilities of wood-engraved lines. figure . dalziel after john tenniel, ‘jabberwocky’, illustration for lewis carroll, through the looking glass (london: macmillan, ). dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t reading it as such, it’s hard not to see the jabberwocky’s sharp, tapering talons as representing the set of multiple gravers on the artist’s table, deadly sharp tools that cut the finest of lines with a destructive precision, destroying the draughtsman’s work (the drawing on the surface of the block) with the same strokes that, by re-making it as a printable image, complete it. . here are dante gabriel rossetti’s oft-quoted verses on the experience of having his designs engraved on wood by the brothers dalziel. they were com- posed during the production of the famous moxon tennyson ( ) : address to the d–l (dalziel brothers) o woodman, spare that block o gash not anyhow! it took days by clock— i’d fain protect it now. (chorus of wild laughter— the curtain falls) often cited as a curiosity of illustration history, or evidence of rossetti’s dis- satisfaction with dalziel, these lines have more to tell. it is worth noting that the easy literary skill of the verses is part of the history of how wood engraving has been narrated by writing, which is in many ways alien to the medium. as anyone will know who has read their memoir, the dalziel brothers were ter- rible writers, and their only way of replying to rossetti effectively is through their wood engraving. here, i want to draw attention to just three aspects of rossetti’s verses: the wood engravers’ relationship to a proper name; their anonymity; and the collective nature of their work. the first line of rossetti’s ‘address’ anonymizes dalziel’s well-known name, and makes it diabolical; ‘d – l’ is interchangeably ‘devil’ or ‘dalziel’. not content with this gesture, and weirdly uncertain about whether ‘dalziel’ should be erased, anonymised, or emphasised, rossetti reinscribes it in parentheses underneath. then, in the first line of the short poem, the engravers are referred to with the word ‘woodman’. not a word usually used in this context, it is clearly chosen for scansion. it has other effects, however. again, it anonymises the artist, linking them with the less skilled, less fine work of an axeman, whether executioner or tree-cutter. the violent implications are comically reinforced by the word ‘gash’, and finally by the draughtsman’s futile desire to ‘protect’ his drawing. what rossetti cannot accept, is that in embarking on a wood engraving, he is making a col- laborative work that intrinsically requires the destruction of his drawing. b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t rossetti’s final stage direction is curious. of course, it makes dalziel into a theatrical character, playing a role. but the ‘chorus of wild laughter’ also speaks perceptively to the situation of wood engravers as an unnamed collec- tive of artists, a chorus. rossetti captures the impossibility of seeing the wood engraver as any kind of individual; the wild laughter also nicely figures the non-linguistic nature of the engraver’s diabolical response. one thing rossetti found particularly offensive was the dalziel signature. he wrote in a letter to william allingham at the same period (figure ): figure . dante gabriel rossetti, letter to william allingham, december , the morgan library & museum. ma . . purchased by pierpont morgan, . photo- graphic credit: the pierpont morgan library, new york. textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t i took more pains with one block lately than i had with anything in a long while. it came back to me on paper the other day, with dalziel [imitates dalziel’s sig- nature] performing his cannibal jig in the corner, and i have really felt like an invalid ever since. what villainous energy rossetti attributes to dalziel’s signature! not only is dalziel dancing a jig, but the dance is powerful enough to be magical – syn- tactically, the dance renders rossetti an invalid. othered as cannibal, dalziel is also uncannily embodied in rossetti’s work of art; dalziel is the signature at the corner of the wood engraving, the letters spreading to infect all the lines of the illustration. within the letter to allingham, rossetti’s visual car- icature of the dalziel signature is brilliant. it’s immediately recognisable, but instead of sloping forward, the letters of ‘dalziel’ pull away at bizarre angles, each doing its own dance. from the first and last letters of the name, lines jump out away from it, bleeding into the letter – just as dalziel’s signature tended to bleed out and blend with the other lines on the block. . as i’ve mentioned, draughtsmen and engravers frequently had fun with mono- grams, placing them underfoot, or on pictorial gravestones, trees, or slabs of wood. but i have never seen monogram play quite like that produced by dalziel and henry french, in illustrations for elizabeth eiloart’s the young squire: or, peter and his friends ( ). generally, french has a simple but memorable ‘hf’ monogram. the letters are distinct, while drawing attention to the similarity between the ‘h’ and ‘f’ shapes. the characters are boxy rather than slanting (the strokes almost at right-angles to each other) but posi- tioned on the block diagonally. in six out of eight of the illustrations, french follows his usual monogram practice. however, in one illustration, the mono- gram is oddly similar in its form to the blades of grass that surround it (figure , bottom left). and another of the illustrations takes this to extremes. figure is the only illustration in the young squire that has no ‘proper’ hf monogram anywhere. but once you start looking for a signature, it becomes apparent that all the loose foliage, from the bottom half of the block and extend- ing up to the top right, is overrun by diagonals and crosses that resemble letter shapes and particularly the h and f of french’s monogram. there are h’s and f’s everywhere. once you see this, the block shouts its signature; all thought of picture or illustration is overwhelmed by and indeed fabricated by the letter. as with apelles, line and signature are indistinguishable, but here in a highly textual way. french was a far less prestigious designer than someone like dante gabriel rossetti. the title page of eiloart’s the young squire advertised the presence of ‘original illustrations’ but did not bother naming french. french’s lawn of monograms is perhaps a protest at the frequent lack of authorial acknowledge- ment given to minor illustrators in the book trade. b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t . elsewhere, the dalziel archive includes a rare correction to a signature. on a proof with corrections by designer james godwin, there are many frustrated annotations. displeased, he blanks his name out with white bodycolour, figure . dalziel after henry french, illustration for elizabeth eiloart, the young squire: or, peter and his friends (london: frederick warne, [ ]). dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t demanding ‘take out the name please !!!’ (punctuation in original). he follows this up with a joke around his name, requesting: ‘for god – win’s sake revise it carefully.’ figure . dalziel after henry french, illustration for elizabeth eiloart, the young squire: or, peter and his friends (london: frederick warne, [ ]). dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t . when i began this project, i thought that the names of employee-engravers who created dalziel productions were probably unknowable. an exciting dis- covery in the dalziel archive has been several proofs with pencilled names of the individual who engraved them. alongside the names are a few terse refer- ences to hours and money. a few of the names are of other established engrav- ing families. and some of them, like william arrowsmith, harry fenn, francis fricker and james clark, are briefly mentioned in the dalziels’ memoir, a record ( ). this memoir cursorily describes fricker and clark as having been ‘pupils’ for half a century; ‘pupil’ had by this time become a euphemism for factory employee. let’s take a wood engraving made in , of a sea serpent attacking a ship (figure , bottom). it was engraved by byfield and hundley. ‘hundley’ may refer to philip hundley, who made a few contemporary illustrations as a draughtsman (artists often trained as draughtsmen and engravers). byfield probably refers to ann byfield, who lived in islington. usually, where blocks are shared, the engravers’ names are scrawled together at the bottom of the proof. but in this case, the names are far apart, and ‘byfield’ is beside the serpent, while ‘hundley’ is beside the ship. this would appear coincidental except that it is repeated on a neighbouring proof (figure , top). blocks were sometimes divided according to specialism, with master engravers working the face and figure. perhaps byfield was better at creating the more difficult curving shapes required by the serpent; hundley’s name appears seldom in nineteenth-century illustration, and he was probably less experienced. i like the idea of the two elements of the design standing for the two engravers who realised them. making works of art collaboratively is a fraught business, as anyone knows who has tried it. these proofs invites us to imagine byfield’s aesthetic and her lines as battling and conquering hundley’s. byfield had been a big name in wood engraving earlier in the century. the previous generation – john, ebenezer and mary byfield – made celebrated work for the chiswick press in the s. they signed many blocks (including a wood engraving made after william blake in thornton’s pastorals of virgil ( )). mary byfield taught the next generation to engrave: edward, ann and mary byfield junr, and their cousin louis. by , the older generation was dead, edward too, and louis had changed his profession to ‘undertaker and engraver’. the byfield engravers were then mary jnr and ann, who lived and worked together in islington at least until the early s. working from the same address, the sisters might have engraved interchange- ably, sharing blocks according to convenience, skill and inclination. at some point in the sixties, mary married and changed her name to bowyer. she still lived nearby, but there is no evidence whether or not she continued to engrave, whereas ann’s occupation continued to be listed on the census as textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t ‘engraver on wood’ until . ann probably engraved the serpents in figure . the identification of a female member of the family as working for dalziel brothers is strengthened by an image in the album, annotated in a differ- ent hand from usual, specifying ‘miss byfield’, and noting, ‘paid cash’. since the byfields had been an elite family of artists, it must have been difficult to accept small jobs from another firm. this would inevitably result in a lower fee, and meant signing her own work ‘dalziel’ instead of ‘byfield’. it turns out that these wood engravings were for a work of science or pseudo-science by the geologist charles gould, mythical monsters ( ). gould uses evolutionary theory and historical sources to argue that many folktales of marvellous creatures were derived from real or extinct species. figure . byfield / hundley / dalziel, illustrations for charles gould, mythical monsters (london: w h allen, ). dalziel archive vol. ( - ), british museum reg. no. , . , print nos. - . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t most illustrations are copied from earlier sources; figure is after conrad gessner’s historiae animalium ( – ). mythical monsters advertises its ‘ninety-three illustrations’, but does not mention the name of dalziel, let alone byfield or hundley, who created the contours of the lines of the image before us. the book is frequently reprinted until today, complete with reproductions of the wood engravings. . like in wilkie collins’s after dark, in anthony trollope’s orley farm, the possibility of a good amanuensis is discounted. here, the failure leads not just to ghostwriting, but forgery. the novel climaxes in a trial, but before this even begins, the judge attributes all the problems to the use of an ama- nuensis (as ever, a gendered relation). he declares: [i]t shows how careful men should be in all matters relating to their wills. the will and the codicil […] are both in the handwriting of the widow, who acted as an amanuensis not only for her husband but for the attorney. […] the attorney who advised sir joseph should have known better. orley farm was published over – with illustrations by dalziel after john everett millais. the plot explores mary mason’s forgery of a codicil, allowing her son to inherit property. everyone loves mary, but she is portrayed as a fake woman. she is always ‘plainly dressed’ but so as to subtly seduce and win support from powerful characters, since ‘to her belonged the great art of hiding her artifice’ (of, vol. , p. ). everyone is shocked when they discover her fraud. the issue of guilt hangs around several signatures, and the novel becomes preoccupied with the idea of signing: by whose hand in such case had those signatures been traced? could it be poss- ible that she, soft, beautiful, graceful as she was … could have done it, unaided, – by herself? – that she could have sat down in the still hour of the night, with that old man on one side and her baby in his cradle on the other, and forged that will, signatures and all, in such a manner as to have carried her point for twenty years … ? (of, vol. , p. ) mary’s guilt is attached to the act of signing another’s name: ‘what; forged his name!’ exclaims her son, ‘it must be a lie!’. then he asks for clarification: ‘what all; all the names herself?’ (of, vol. , p. ). perhaps criminal forgery is a long way from what an engraver does when they sign another’s name. but it is curious that orley farm features an engra- ver as a minor character: snow (he is given no first name) is an alcoholic engraver working hand to mouth, obviously on cheap productions on wood, for example, ‘assist[ing] in the illustration of circus playbills’. (inci- dentally, while i haven’t found a circus playbill in dalziel’s archive, in the textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t same year they engraved orley farm, dalziel illustrated a souvenir book about circus performer blondin; see figure ). snow is a leech praying on felix graham, an idealistic lawyer, and the star of a major subplot. felix adopts the engraver’s only child, mary snow. his plan for ‘educating this damsel for his wife, – moulding her, so that she might be made fit to suit his taste’ is one of the ostensibly comic, and unwit- tingly terrible, parts of the novel. felix intends this as an act of charity and radicalism, but it is turned by the ‘impoverished’ and ‘cunning’ engraver into a financial transaction; snow insists on a marriage contract before handing over his child. (of, vol. , pp. , ). snow and mary snow both eventually become intolerable to felix, who gets out of the marriage, and condemns snow as a ‘begging imposter’. imposter? logically, the wood engraver must be an ‘impostor’ in the unusual sense of ‘one who imposes on others’ (oed). he begs, but never deceives felix, nor ‘assumes a false character’, the more common definition. and yet his daugh- ter, mary snow, does turn out to be an imposter, a kind of inauthentic woman. she is shown up at every moment as (in a pre-jamesian way) not the real thing. this is emphasised in many details. one will suffice: her letters were always of the same length, filling completely the four sides of a sheet of note paper. they were excellently well written; and as no one word in them was every altered or erased, it was manifest enough to felix that the orig- inal composition was made on a rough draft. (of, vol. , pp. – ) figure . dalziel, illustrations for c linnaeus banks (ed.), blondin: his life and perform- ances (london: routledge, ). dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t mary snow’s crass fakeness becomes a foil for the subtle, impressive fakeries of the antiheroine, the forger mary mason. and the presence of the wood engrav- ing impostor in the background structurally and thematically echoes all this impostorship. like mary mason, he signs the names and lines of others. in a culture that for centuries has metaphorically linked artistic and generative pro- creation, it is no accident that the daughter of the engraver is a fake. trollope presents the forging of signatures as a specifically night-time work. mary is ‘this midnight forger’, ‘a perpetrator of midnight forgery’, who ‘wrote it herself, in the night’, ‘executed it’ with ‘midnight care’. earlier, snow had been described as an artist who ‘executed flourishes’, and this deathly verb is fre- quently used in printmaking for production without invention (of, vol. , p. , vol. , pp. , , , ). mary’s night labour has echoes in the work of the wood engraver, for whom publication deadlines demanded it. dal- ziel’s memoir is just one source for this, commenting how ‘a large amount of wood engraving being done on the rush, it was a common thing to “burn the midnight oil” and the engraver’s eyes at the same time’. all these marys make me remember the two generations of mary byfields. structurally, the novel demands someone more natural and authentic to set against the faked signatures and feminity of the snows and mary mason. this is madeline staveley, the perfect girl, and felix wins her. just as mary snow the wood engraver’s daughter – an undesirable bride – is contrasted with madeline staveley as the perfect match, so mary mason’s faked signatures are contrasted to the true signature of madeline. this is madeline’s response to felix’s mar- riage proposal: ‘very slowly she raised her little hand and allowed her soft slight fingers to rest upon his open palm. it was as though she thus affixed her legal signature and seal to the deed of gift’ (of, vol. , p. ). madeline’s signature is true because it’s unwritten (there is a fantasy about signature and presence in this novel that anticipates derrida’s ‘signature, event, context’). when engravers produce the lines of someone else’s signature – their employer’s, a designer’s, or one of the many reproduced signatures fashion- able in nineteenth-century books and periodicals (figure ) – of course it isn’t a crime, not even when they’re exploiting it for money. dalziel illustrated both trollope and dickens, and then in , after the writers had died, started producing their signatures commercially, for example making adverts for brandauer & co fountain pens (figure ). . ironically, one area of a block in which an engraver had relative freedom was in producing the signature ‘dalziel sc’ (‘sc’ stands for ‘sculpt’). all broadly confirm to the distinctive flourish that marked the firm, but close examination reveals startling differences, even within a single book. look at figure , all for the household edition of dickens’s bleak house; some are spidery, some textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t angular, some open, some bold and graphic. they suggest different voices, often the signature gets mangled; sometimes this happens to the extent of illegibility, and it’s fascinating to speculate on any motivations behind such carelessness. figure . dalziel, album page with miscellaneous signatures, including many after artists. dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print nos. - . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t figure . dalziel, brandauer pen advertisements, with signatures of dickens, trollope and sala. dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print nos. , - . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t figure is an unidentified proof by dalziel, probably designed by the draughtsman in the family, thomas dalziel. there is no evidence of the engraver, but extraordinarily, it includes two ‘dalziel’ signatures, side by side (see bottom right). they were clearly made by different hands. the upper signature has a more elongated, elegant ‘d’, and more pronounced looping in the ‘d’ and the ‘s’. it also uses more acute angles in all the figure . dalziel, various engravers’ signatures, all from illustrations after frederick barnard for charles dickens, bleak house, household edition (london: chapman and hall, ). dalziel archive vols. and ( - ), british museum reg. nos. , . - , print nos. - , - . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t letters, with a greater tendency to upward-sloping strokes. for instance, see the sharp shapes of the ‘z’ and the second ‘l’; in both cases the lower examples are more open and boxy. the letters in the upper signature are better spaced, and have been more carefully engraved, so the lines print evenly. given the way hierarchical specialisms dictated who did what on a block, we can specu- late that the upper ‘dalziel’ is the signature of a more experienced engraver who might have created the druidic figure and his harp, and perhaps the fire and tree trunk, whereas the lower ‘dalziel’ may be the signature of the engraver of the foliage, or background tint work. in all probability, this double signature was spotted and one of them removed at the proofing stage. but the two signatures remain here as visual evidence of the multiple artist that was dalziel. in a profound way, dalziel actually did become the name of the artists who worked for the firm, and the clues about their unique signatures are one of the only ways of remembering the distinctive delineations that make up the firm’s oeuvre. simultaneously, we must recognise the oddness and personal efface- ment for any creative artist in constantly signing their work with someone else’s name. given the pencilled annotations in the dalziel archive with particular engravers’ names, it would be fantastic to be able to identify particular styles of signature with particular artists. for instance, where byfield signs ‘dalziel’, we get a strongly curving version, with bold, rounding loops. unfortunately, the number of prints with an engraver’s name written on is figure . dalziel, unidentified illustration. dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t only a tiny proportion of the dalziel archive (a minority of prints from the s and s, when the medium was starting to lose its commercial stronghold). and among these, there are relatively few ‘dalziel’ signatures; the majority are the banal, simple illustrations of the sort that dalziel never signed. i wonder whether the use of penciled names is connected with a system of freelancing, especially since costs or hours are sometimes given too, and it makes sense that the least complex images would be sent out. but this is speculation, and the evidence is sporadic and contradictory. dal- ziel’s annotation practices were by no means consistent. intellectually, the archive’s refusal to restitute named bodies to each signature may be pro- ductive, reminiscent of literary theory’s long project, as peggy kamuf puts it, ‘to unnerve discourses about textual authorship, to unsettle the institution of the author’s rights to some property […]. there is indeed something unnerving about a signature that remains to return to no one’. . dalziel often left album pages unannotated, but sometimes a name or heading is used. the proofs to through the looking-glass are titled with dodgson’s first name for his book, ‘behind the looking glass’. the looking glass is an important symbol for the wood engraver, since everything on the block must be in reverse, a mirror image of the printed picture. printmakers inhabit a world in which writing and pictures all go backwards (not unlike the backwards ‘looking-glass book’ that alice finds in the novel). the title through the looking-glass suggests a fantasy world outside actual space, entered through the mirror. in comparison, behind the looking glass sounds prosaic, promising to reveal the plain wooden backing that supports the mirror. to look behind the looking glass is not to enter a dream, but to examine the dusty infrastructure that supports it. behind the looking glass there is the factory and woodblocks of dalziel. let us consider the iconic images of alice as she enters the glass and is seen from both sides of it (figure ). in the mirrored world, all is reversed, not only alice and the furniture, but even tenniel’s monogram, which is pre- sented as a mirror image and flipped over to the opposite side of the block (one of the monograms is very lightly printed on the proof, but both are clearly visible in published versions). this playful detail of inverting the sig- nature would have been a joke for all involved in illustration; while this has obviously been done deliberately, it is extremely common to see blocks in which the signature is reversed accidentally (photographic evidence of draw- ings on woodblocks suggests that it was the designer’s responsibility to reverse their own signature in preparation for engraving, and sometimes they just did not bother). dalziel follows the logic of tenniel’s looking glass pairing to some extent, in that the position of their signature is mirrored on the block. b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t but the actual letters are not mirrored, as tenniel’s are. whether deliberate or careless, this is an interesting refusal on the part of the engraver to enter into the reversing spirit of the block. what we do see in the proofs is a brilliant representation of the looking glass world as more vibrant than the ordinary one, not just in details such as the sudden anthropomorphisation of the vase, clock and fireplace, but in the use of bolder lines and more contrast. the latter distinction is far more visible in the hand-printed burnished proofs than it is in the published book; the electrotyping process and commercial printing make the lines more uniform in the book. curiously, whereas published editions naturally order the two illustrations to show the actual world first, and the looking- glass world second, dalziel’s album reverses this. again, this may simply be a mistake or a lack of interest in following narrative (the latter, very significant itself here). but the revised narrative in the album, whether intentionally or not, re-works the order to privilege the wood engraver’s point of view. for the wood engraver, an image always begins, on the block, with the looking- glass version. a reversed reality is how every published picture starts, it is only after the engraving is finished and printed that the normal orientation of the world is re-established. . dalziel’s bizarrely disembodied signature goes hand in hand with an approach to character that empties it of signification, in favour of formal aspects. i’m using the word ‘character’ with three oed definitions in mind: definition a: ‘a member of a set of symbols used in writing or printing … ’. figure . dalziel after john tenniel, illustration for lewis carroll, through the looking glass (london: macmillan, ). dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print nos - . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t definition b: ‘a particular person’s style of handwriting’. definition : ‘a person portrayed in a work of fiction, a drama, a film, a comic strip, etc.’. in various ways, ‘character’ disappeared from line in the wood engraver’s art. many proofs survive that have marginal annotations, the designer’s instruc- tions for improving the print. these annotations discuss narrative images in a way that is impersonal and clinical. they refer to things like ‘nostril’, ‘the figure’, ‘the sole of the foot’, ‘the old man’, etc. – not to anything like a literary character. one example is striking; in tenniel’s annotations to another set of proofs of through the looking-glass (in the morgan library, new york), he repeatedly refers to the figure of alice as ‘the child’. this was in , by which time carroll’s alice was already a huge cultural hit, inspiring multiple imitations. tenniel and dalziel had collaborated on the first set of images in , and here they were six years later, making the sequel. no-one involved could fail to be familiar with alice (though one can imagine engravers of other books not knowing the stories or characters). so why did tenniel write ‘the child’? why not ‘alice’ or even ‘a’ – these were informal notes – which is shorter and quicker? to me, this speaks to a way of looking and working which wood engraving embraces, a method that rejects character, name and narrative for form. a different example (this time taking character as symbols used in writing or printing) is in a dull illustration after james abbott pasquier, of ‘ben and bessie going to church’, for emma marshall’s happy days at fernbank ( , figure ). if you examine the bottom right corner you will see, within the frame of the image, some reverse writing: ‘p. ’. though printed, the lines capture someone’s informal handwriting. to anyone familiar with con- ventions of victorian books, it is obvious these characters were not meant to be engraved. the designer probably wrote the page number in pencil as a reference, so the engravers knew where this belonged in the book. any page references that were printed with wood-engraved illustrations were always added outside the frame in letterpress. we can interpret the mistake as careless engraving of a mediocre image. but it’s also more than that. wood engravers looked at lines, shapes, textures and tones for their own sake, considering how to re-create them in wood, in print. this relates to another practice wood engravers’ offices, what gerry beegan calls the ‘frag- mentation’ of the medium, when a single, drawn block was cut into several pieces and distributed to different engravers, either to meet a short deadline or to create a larger picture than the small pieces of boxwood allowed. for the working engraver, it could mean that sometimes, their contribution to a realist, narrative-based art was small blocks with startling line-work but little pictorial meaning. b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t figure . dalziel after james abbott pasquier, ’ben and bessie going to church’, for emma marshall, the happy days at fernbank: a story for little girls (london: james hogg, ). dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . by permission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t . the status of the facsimile wood engraver in victorian culture and later his- toriography has much to do with their relationship to the signature and to narrative composition. their work goes against a mainstream visual culture invested in the following: in myths of the authority of singular artistic produ- cers; in a belief in the importance of names and identifiable personalities in art; in autographic expression; and in a nineteenth-century prioritisation of composition over formal or material aspects of work. if the signature is the ultimate self portrait in western culture, one that makes aesthetic and legal claims, the wood engraver’s signature is always a self portrait of the other, and this extends to all the lines they made. nevertheless, these artists were responsible for creating thousands of images that shaped their culture and continue to shape ours. researching, reconstructing and imagining the way engravers worked is one way of acknowledging this debt and their work. it is a method in sympa- thy with other recent research that investigates collaborative and corporate authorship, for example, in sculpture, photography and periodical writing. one thing that for me is distinct and irreducible about wood engraving is the way that – during the great historical moment of narrative, realist and fig- urative art – it produced superb artists whose labour was all about line and abstraction. the facsimile system produced many artists who were not required to go out and witness what they portrayed; instead, their continual labour was to be in the office, at the table – at the block. supposedly they were mechanical artists, puppets for other artists whose creative gestures they realised. this paper acknowledges, explores and contests the way such that role has been defined. to end, i want to offer some speculation about the other side of print culture, involving a shift of focus from the printed wood engraving – which could have an audience of tens of thousands – to the woodblock, whose tiny audience was limited to engravers themselves and others who made, printed and published them in books and periodicals. woodblocks are more than mere matrices for a burgeoning public print culture. what if, instead of considering an illustration in relation to a narra- tive, a printed page, book or periodical, or the market (and the political and social realities it exploited), we think of the engraver’s relation to this visually different, more abstract world? take one dalziel illustration. the print is a stereotypical patriarchal image illustrating a poem by james montgomery, ‘the world before the flood’. now see how the block looks, in two photo- graphs by ornan rotem from sylph editions, lit from different angles (figure ). in one, the figure is dark, his hands and face engulfed by fog, and sharp rays of brightness dominate the background. in the other, the patri- arch glows softly, light emanating from his hands towards the edges of the b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t block. the blocks have intriguing textures that will never be printed. before being proofed, the colour was golden brown, rather than black. they are dynamic objects, holding multiple shifting images within themselves. looked at straight on, they give little away. but every oblique angle offers a new picture, as does different lights (best at sunset). this is not a composition for mass readerships or viewers; it’s a secret experience of the engravers’ and printers’ offices. as a work of art, it is a gorgeous off-shoot entirely different from the fantastic commercial illustrations that these artists shaped. notes . for an early overview of the dalziel archive, see paul goldman, ‘the dalziel brothers and the british museum’, the book collector, ( ), pp. – . for my catalogue of the dalziel archive with many attributions of designers and publications, see bethan stevens, ‘india-proofs of wood-engravings by the brothers dalziel’ (british museum, collection online, – ), at http:// www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search.aspx, using author or title (in quotation marks) as search term. . wilkie collins, after dark (london: smith, elder & co, ), vol. , p. . hereafter referred to as ad. . there was a growing technical capability to photographically transfer drawings to blocks, especially from the s and s onwards, but results were mixed and difficult to handle; for practical purposes, drawing on the block continued to be the norm until around . figure . dalziel after john gilbert, the world before the flood’, for james montgom- ery, poems (london: routledge, ). british museum reg. no. , . . by per- mission of the trustees of the british museum. all rights reserved. © sylph editions, . textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search.aspx http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search.aspx . for one example of many, see william holman hunt, ‘godiva’, photographic reproduction of a drawing on a woodblock, harold hartley collection, boston museum of fine arts (accession number . ). note especially the light lines in the scene outside the window, which cannot appear this way in the printed version. . antony griffiths, the print before photography: an introduction to european printmaking – (london: british museum press, ), pp. – . . john jackson and william andrew chatto, treatise on wood engraving, his- torical and practical (london: charles knight, ), p. . this pictorial initial opens the chapter that teaches the practice of wood engraving. . walter crane, an artist’s reminiscences (london: methuen, ), p. . . jackson and chatto, treatise on wood engraving, p. . . katherine jex-blake (trans.), the elder pliny’s chapters on the history of art (london: macmillan, ), p. . . john bostock and h t riley (trans.), the natural history of pliny (london: bohn, ), vol. , p. . . there are several excellent analyses of this landmark book. see for instance julia thomas, pictorial victorians: the inscription of values in word and image (athens: ohio university press, ), pp. – ; lorraine janzen kooistra, poetry pictures and popular publishing: the illustrated gift book and victorian visual culture (athens: ohio university press, ), pp. – . . dante gabriel rossetti, letter to william bell scott, february , princeton university library. digitised in jerome mcgann et al. (eds.), rossetti archive, at www.rossettiarchive.org. . see george and edward dalziel, the brothers dalziel: a record (london: methuen, ). . rossetti, letter to william allingham, december , the morgan library, new york (accession number ma . ). . see elizabeth eiloart, the young squire: or, peter and his friends (london: frederick warne, [ ]), title page. . dalziel after james godwin, unidentified wood engraving. dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . . dalziel, the brothers dalziel, pp. – . . for the biographical information about the byfields cited here, see census returns and rodney k engen, dictionary of victorian wood engravers (cam- bridge: chadwyck healy, ), pp. – . . byfield/dalziel, unidentified commercial wood engraving, showing a hotel. dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . . see charles gould, mythical monsters (london: w h allen, ), title page. . anthony trollope, orley farm (london: chapman and hall, ), vol. , – . hereafter referred to as of. . snow is carefully defined against upmarket copperplate engravers. he is ‘not an artist who receives four or five thousand pounds for engraving the chef-d’œuvre of a modern painter, – but … a man who executed flourishes on ornamental cardsfortradespeople,andassistedintheillustrationofcircusplaybills’.felixassoci- ates with him through ‘transactions … with the press’ (of, vol. , pp. – ). . dalziel, the brothers dalziel, p. vi. b. stevens d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t www.rossettiarchive.org . see, for example, byfield/dalziel, illustrations for charles gould, mythical mon- sters (london: w h allen, ). dalziel archive vol. ( – ), british museum reg. no. , . , print nos. – . , , , , , . . peggy kamuf, signature pieces: on the institution of authorship (ithaca and london: cornell university press, ), p. . . lewis carroll, through the looking-glass, and what alice found there (london: macmillan, ), p. . . for two examples of many where the designer’s signature is casually reversed, see an illustration after phiz (hablot k browne), dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. ; or, an illustration after frederick barnard, dalziel archive vol. ( ), british museum reg. no. , . , print no. . . lewis carroll, through the looking-glass, and what alice found there ( ; london: macmillan, ), extra-illustrated copy with proofs annotated by john tenniel, the morgan library (accession number pml ). . gerry beegan, the mass image: a social history of photomechanical reproduc- tion in victorian london (basingstoke: palgrave, ), pp. – . . see for instance jordan bear, disillusioned: victorian photography and the dis- cerning subject (university park, pa: pennsylvania state university press, ), pp. – ; rachel sagner buurma, ‘anonymity, corporate authority and the archive: the production of authorship in late-victorian england’, victorian studies . ( ), pp. – . for collaboration in victorian illus- trated periodicals, see simon cooke, illustrated periodicals of the s: con- texts & collaborations (london: british library, ). acknowledgements the dalziel project would not be possible without funding from the ahrc (arts and humanities research council), as well as the generous support of our project part- ners, the british museum and sylph editions. in particular, i am grateful for the help and expertise of esther chadwick, hugo chapman, sheila o’connell, isabel seligman and monica sidhu at the prints and drawings department at the british museum; chiara manco, ornan rotem and num stibbe at sylph editions; and hannah field, george mind and lindsay smith at the university of sussex. disclosure statement no potential conflict of interest was reported by the author. funding funded by the arts and humanities research council (ahrc) [grant number ah/ m / ]. textual practice d ow nl oa de d by [ u ni ve rs it y of s us se x l ib ra ry ] at : a ug us t abstract . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . notes acknowledgements disclosure statement uc santa barbara journal of transnational american studies title the transnational viking: the role of the viking in sweden, the united states, and swedish america permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/ kq c g journal journal of transnational american studies, ( ) author blanck, dag publication date license https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . / . peer reviewed escholarship.org powered by the california digital library university of california https://escholarship.org/uc/item/ kq c g https://creativecommons.org/licenses/https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . // . https://escholarship.org http://www.cdlib.org/ special forum the transnational viking: the role of the viking in sweden, the united states, and swedish america dag blanck in a viking ship arrived in the chicago harbor. the viking was a replica of the so- called gokstad viking ship that had been found in norway in . commanded by the norwegian captain magnus andersen, it had set out from bergen, sailing across the atlantic to new york, then making its way to chicago via the hudson river, the eire canal and the great lakes. it arrived at the fairgrounds of the world´s columbian exposition on july . vikings have a long history as powerful symbols and have been charged with varying meanings. the viking ship in chicago in was part of a north american struggle for origins, making the case for a viking presence in the new world, which five years later received new nourishment through the discovery of the so-called kensington runestone in south central minnesota and the proposition that vikings had made camp and struggled with natives in douglas county in . during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries vikings have appeared in sports, films, and online games in commercial and even political contexts. an example of the latter comes from the opening of the exhibition “vikings: the north atlantic saga” at the national museum of natural history at the smithsonian institution in washington, dc in april when hillary rodham clinton framed the vikings in a contemporary perspective. she highlighted the importance of the viking “spirit of discovery,” which she said was typical of the united states, and spoke of viking women as “active participants in the political and religious issues in their communities.” she also linked the vikings to the growing electronic communication web at the time, pointing to how the vikings, through their many journeys, became “conveyors of information from one part of the known world to another,” and characterizing the “viking longship” as “the internet of the year .” this article will address the ways in which the viking journeys and supposed settlements in north america around the year have circulated back and forth across the atlantic and the different ways in which they have been used. it will focus on the nineteenth century and three geographic spaces—sweden, the us, and swedish america. as we shall see, in sweden the viking became an important part of swedish nation-building during that period. in the united states, mainstream americans incorporated vikings into emerging anglo-saxon racial identities, while the swedish-american immigrant community used them as a way of positioning itself in the american ethno-racial hierarchy. the article examines national and ethnic identity formations, illustrating the role of putative historical traditions in these processes, in which narratives of origin resonated in both sweden and the us. it also highlights a trans-atlantic and transnational exchange of ideas and notions of history. the same phenomena were used as ingredients in identity formation processes in different historical and social contexts, and were charged with different meanings. these circulations underscore the malleability of evocative symbols and their capacity to assume new significance, while at the same time establishing an important contemporaneity as they moved back and forth across the atlantic. the viking in sweden the viking occupied a prominent position in the constructions and reconstructions of a swedish past during the nineteenth century. the year is a turning point in swedish history. in september, sweden and russia signed a peace treaty in the finnish town hamina that had far-reaching effects. what is today finland became a grand duchy within the russian empire, and remained so until the russian revolution. as a consequence sweden lost the eastern part of the realm, an integral part of the country at least since the fourteenth century, representing a third of its territory and a fourth of its population. the swedish baltic empire was diminished both geographically and culturally, becoming what the finnish historian matti klinge has called a reduced “bernadotteian small sweden.” the reactions in sweden were many, including a coup d´etat against the king and the election of a new crown prince, the french marshal jean-baptiste bernadotte, who ascended to the throne in . the sense of a great national loss also resulted in new ways of thinking about the swedish past and about what constituted the swedish nation. the vikings and the viking age—roughly to ad—played a prominent role during this period of reorientation and searching for new identities. the vikings became bearers of certain characteristics and values that were held to be specifically swedish, explaining the place of the country in the past but also staking out a future course. this is not to say that the vikings and what became known as the viking age were unknown in sweden prior to . during the seventeenth century, when sweden occupied a central position in european politics as a regional great power, the uppsala professor olof rudbeck, who in many ways created a historical context for swedish hegemony, made use of the icelandic sagas and the vikings in establishing a glorious swedish past. during the eighteenth century, new historical research also examined the vikings in the light of the needs of the post-great power swedish nation, placing them in a more utilitarian context. in the nineteenth century, the loss of finland and the growth of the national romantic movement, rooted in johan gottfried herder’s philosophy emphasizing the significance of separate nations and peoples, provided yet another interpretation of the vikings’ role in swedish history. their culture and literature, preserved in the icelandic sagas, became a specific swedish (and scandinavian) contribution to the larger germanic nation-building processes and a central component in the construction of narratives of swedish origins. sweden, too, would assume its place as a discrete nation and volk with a set of distinct ethno-cultural and linguistic characteristics. one starting point came in with the establishment of götiska förbundet (the gothic league) in stockholm by a group of leading swedish intellectuals and authors who shared a sense of national urgency and were associated with the growing movement of romanticism. the members focused on sweden’s and scandinavia’s viking past, seeking to revive its culture and spirit. jakob adlerbeth, an uppsala- educated civil servant, and his uppsala contemporary, the poet and historian erik gustaf geijer, were central figures in the creation of götiska förbundet. its journal iduna (named for the norse goddess of youth) became an important publication outlet for many of the members. in the first issue, geijer published three influential poems: “manhem” (an old norse term for sweden), “odalbonden” (the yeoman farmer) and “vikingen” (the viking), placing the viking past and old norse culture front and center in his post- re-conception of swedish history. the freedom, independence and self-governance of the swedish peasantry are central themes in geijer’s thinking and in the three poems. the famous first stanza of “manhem” speaks of “a time in the north” when “no one was a slave or master [and] every yeoman farmer was a man unto himself.” in this distant past, life was harsh, but the inhabitants had defended their land, their personal freedom and ancient liberties. “vikingen” envisions the peasant as a restless explorer whose home is too small, making him venture out into the world on potentially violent voyages of conquest. the combination of the freedom-seeking warrior viking and the peaceful, free-born, hard- working swedish peasant illustrates geijer’s view of the swedish past and its role both for sweden and europe in the nineteenth century. these sentiments are also echoed in his well-known public lectures on scandinavian history from , where he emphasizes freedom as a special characteristic of the scandinavian medieval past, in stark contrast to the feudalism of the european continent. it was the “nature of these peoples” that later would spread throughout europe and shape european social and political structures. fourteen years later, in , the bishop of växjö, esaias tegnér, brought out his frithiofs saga. tegnér’s epic poem was based on a mediaeval icelandic heroic legend about frithiof, the son of the peasant hilding and ingeborg, the daughter of king bele. frithiofs saga was enormously successful. it was widely translated in europe and north america and quickly entered into the swedish literary canon. the book’s success has been attributed to its use of the medieval viking past and to the fact that it continued and developed the viking themes established by gejer and his contemporaries in götiska förbundet. the poem became a swedish national epic by drawing, for the first time, on the distant swedish past rather than themes from classical antiquity. it helped define a sense of what it meant to be swedish. these and other works by geijer and tegnér remained central texts in the swedish literary tradition well into the twentieth century. although the viking was established as an important cultural figure and ingredient in a swedish identity in the early nineteenth century, it was not until the s that the term ‘the viking age’ was “invented” as a historical period, as maja hagerman puts it. fredrik svanberg has shown how a specific scandinavian viking age was identified within what previously had been called the iron age. although a question of some debate, historians tend to date the beginning of this period of about four centuries to the attack on the monastery at lindisfarne off the british coast in the year , and to suggest that it was over by the beginning of the twelfth century. it was not, however, until the late nineteenth century, well after the romantic movement and götiska förbundet in the beginning of the century, that the term began to be used to designate a more or less fixed period in swedish history. the earliest use seems to be by the archeologist oscar montelius, who in an article from speaks of “the viking age” as a “heroic time” when the “sons of the north” found their homes too constricting and “roamed across the seas” to seek “honor and gold,” to “establish new realms in far-away countries” and “through their blood to rejuvenate the peoples of western and southern europe.” by the end of the century this perception had become widely accepted and entered into the important primary school textbooks that disseminated a sense of swedish history and culture among a broad spectrum of the population. the vikings were not only used in a domestic context. gerd weber has pointed to how the scandinavian viking age was placed in strong contrast to the catholic middle ages. according to weber, the introduction of foreign cultural and religious elements from the european continent challenged and undermined the prevailing scandinavian norse culture. the previous system of self-governance and elected kings was replaced by feudal aristocratic rule, with an unfree peasantry, where “foreign” continental influences replaced the original scandinavian languages and cultures and “popery” took over from the natural indigenous cult of baldur. in that way the construction of a new swedish national identity was firmly anchored in a germanic, northern european and protestant cultural and religious context. in nineteenth-century sweden, the viking and the viking age thus became more than an area of historical and archeological inquiry. during the period of national romanticism they assumed a literary and conceptual life that helped shape a new sense of swedish history and national identity associated with certain ideological traits, of which freedom and self-governance were central and seen as particularly typical of sweden and scandinavia. as will be apparent in the next sections, these ideas resonated across the atlantic, both among an academic and cultural elite in new england and swedish immigrants across the united states. the viking in the us beginning in the s, an interest in the vikings and in old norse and scandinavian culture developed in the us, particularly in new england. in the following, i will focus specifically on us attention to sweden. it is important, however, to underscore that many americans made no strict distinctions between sweden, norway, and denmark, and that the vikings were often seen as “scandinavians”; the terms ‘norse’ and ‘the north’ were often used as well. the danish linguist carl christian rafn played a key role in preparing the way for an american interest in the vikings. in he published antiquitates americanae, in which for the first time a north american audience could partake of the norse sagas and their accounts of norse explorations and settlements in what was called vinland in the new world. the book included texts in icelandic, latin, and modern danish, and had a significant impact in america in general and in new england in particular. it was published by the danish royal society of northern antiquities (det kongelige nordiske oldskrifs-selskab) in copenhagen, which cooperated with certain groups in new england, especially the historical societies of massachusetts and rhode island. rafn was elected a corresponding member of the massachusetts historical society, and the danes actively recruited american members for the danish society. a separate american section was established including such members of the new england academic and cultural elite as george marsh, charles lowell, henry wadsworth longfellow, benjamin silliman, and noah webster. rafn’s book was widely and prominently reviewed in the north american review, the new york review, the united states magazine and democratic review and the western messenger. in the north american review, edward everett noted that the book was of “great importance” and that it had been anticipated with great excitement. the reviewer claimed that no event in history was more important than the “discovery” of america, and although the significance of columbus remained central, rafn’s book clearly demonstrated a norse presence in the new world, providing “an unconscious preparation for the discovery of america by columbus.” everett concludes that this is “one of the most valuable contributions ever made to the study of the history and geography of our continent.” the abolitionist the western messenger called the book “the most important contribution that has ever been made to the geographical history of this country,” thanking the danes for their efforts to help “penetrate” the darkness of early american history; and the abolitionist, minister, and author thomas higginson recalled the excitement its publication caused among his professors while an undergraduate at harvard college. another important advocate of the vikings was marie a. brown (later shipley). an author, amateur historian, and translator of contemporary swedish fiction, she devoted much of her life to the mission of gaining recognition of the norse presence on the north american continent. as the – world columbian exposition in chicago was being planned, focusing on columbus as the first european to reach the new world, brown went to battle for the norse and for leif ericson. operating within a tradition of american anti-catholicism, she sought to replace columbus’s position in the history of the western hemisphere with that of the norsemen in her book the icelandic discoverers of america; or honour to whom honour is due. it was an “immediate necessity” to establish the truth about the norsemen that had been “hidden for a century,” and she encouraged her readers to “substitute” the norsemen for christopher columbus and to replace san salvador and san domingo, the supposed columbian landing sites in the caribbean, with greenland, labrador, nova scotia, rhode island, and massachusetts. brown pointed to the approaching th anniversary of columbus’s “fraudulent discovery” as a catholic attempt to usurp the anglo-saxon foundations of american society, warning of the risks that the manifestations would lead to the us giving up its independence and yielding allegiance to “the foulest tyrant the world has ever had, the roman catholic power!” she also started a journal, leif erikson, appearing in a few issues from , which sought “the universal recognition of the fact that leif eriksson discovered america,” and “the unmasking of columbus, the chosen tool of the roman catholic church . . . for the purpose of affording that church new territory for the seat of its future temporal power.” other examples of native-born american interest in the vikings include james russell lowell, the romantic poet, harvard professor and first editor of the atlantic monthly, who in made a link between the norsemen and the puritans in new england. “the same niggardly soil, inhospitable climate, and energy of character which drove forth the old norseman to seek happier seats, the same courage and constancy—have not these made the yankee accent a familiar sound over the whole globe?” he asked in a review of four recent novels by the swedish author fredrika bremer. by the s the debate about norse journeys to and influences in north america was established enough to cause a reviewer in the north american review to talk about a “dispute” that had been “long and sharp” and where views varying from “perfect faith to utter incredulity” had been put forward. establishing a link between scandinavia and old and new england was fairly common. george perkins marsh, a new england writer, philologist and diplomat, pointed to the germanic/norse or gothic element in the anglo-saxon background that the us had inherited from england as fundamental for the definition of the united states. he argued that whatever “true moral grandeur” new and old england had could be traced to “the gothic mother,” and that “[i]t was the spirit of the goth, that guided the may-flower across the trackless ocean; the blood of the goth, that flowed at bunker´s hill.” ralph waldo emerson´s english traits, published in , presented “a myth of origin” for the us in which the norse of the viking era “play a central and decisive role in the formation of the english spirit.” the scandinavians are portrayed in a highly positive manner, as sturdy farmers and strong individuals living under harsh conditions, and are contrasted to the “corruption” of southern europe. “[t]he heimskringla,” emerson writes, is “the iliad and odyssey of english history.” in this way, as annette kolodny has observed, through the puritans, american exceptionalism, was located “in a germanic (or northern) racial ancestry.” the inclusion of the vikings in an anglo-saxon new england tradition also meant that the exact location of vinland became important. new england antiquarians were eager to embrace the theory that the norsemen had landed in the vicinity of massachusetts bay and the narragansett region of rhode island, and their claims were publicized by the massachusetts historical society. whether the exact site was massachusetts, the maine coast or areas further to the north in canada was an ongoing subject of contention. the evidence for a new england landing included the newport tower, the dighton rock inscription, and a skeleton found at fall river. the newport tower is today the best known of these sites, supposedly the first christian church in north america, dating from the medieval period. it still stands in newport, ri, and a number of more or less fanciful claims about its origins exist. dighton rock is a -ton boulder, originally located in the riverbed of the taunton river in massachusetts, with petroglyphs and scratches said to be runes. similar claims were made for the skeleton found at falls river in . the leading apologist for the norse landings in massachusetts was eben norton horsford, a chemist and rumsford professor of science at harvard. he claimed that leif eriksson’s house could be located on the northeast bend of the charles river at gerry’s landing, by the present-day eliot bridge, just west of harvard square. his knowledge of archaeology and linguistics was sketchy, and in the s and s he focused his energies on erecting a statue of leif eriksson. it was unveiled on commonwealth avenue in boston in . a scandinavian memorial association had been formed with support from leading new englanders and prominent members of boston society such as longfellow and lowell. the statue was clearly a scandinavian enterprise as well. originally intended to be erected on the campus of the university of wisconsin in madison, it had been co-championed by the famed norwegian violinist ole bull and the university of wisconsin professor of scandinavian languages rasmus b. anderson as early as . bull had given a series of concerts in norway that year to http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/boulder http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/taunton_river raise funds for the statute, but due to lack of interest in the midwest—and to the disappointment of rasmus anderson—he transferred the idea and the funds to the massachusetts group in . according to the boston art commission, “this life-size bronze statue memorializes lief [sic] eriksson, the norse explorer believed to be the first european to set foot on north america.” it depicts the viking standing atop a rock, shielding his eyes “as if surveying unfamiliar terrain.” its placement in boston is attributed to the fact that when it was erected, “some people believed that eriksson and his crew landed on the shore of massachusetts and founded their settlement, called vinland, here.” as janet headly has observed, the statue can be seen as an “anomaly” in nineteenth-century boston and conveyed a “highly political message about the kind of history, values, and religious and ethnic traditions . . . bostonians should celebrate,” suggesting leif eriksson and the vikings as an “alternative” to the pilgrim-centered narratives of new england. the claims for norse inscriptions and artifacts in new england were sometimes met with skepticism and even ridicule. horsford’s enthusiasm did carry him far, and kolodny suggests that it was henry cabot lodge who in a review from in the north american review called for more realism. “let us admire the norsemen for what they really were,” he wrote, continuing that no useful purpose was served by “depicting the immigrants to iceland and greenland as american citizens and members of the young men´s christian association, with the dress and manners of the tenth century.” henry schoolcraft, the prominent ethnologist, geographer, and federal indian agent in michigan, had examined both dighton rock and the newport tower and concluded that dighton rock was a “well-characterized pictographic inscription due to the indians” and the newport tower “an economic structure, built, probably, after the landing of the pilgrims, or in the reign of charles ii.” when he was informed that he had been elected member of the royal society of northern antiquities in copenhagen, he commented that the society “undervalues american sagacity” by suggesting that this kind of research on the dighton rock and the “newport ruin” could “satisfy the purposes of a sound investigation of the anti-[sic] columbian period of american history.” the vikings made their way into the united states in the middle of the nineteenth century. their arrival was tied to a search for american origins rooted in an anglo-saxon linguistic and cultural past. nell irvin painter has argued that by then the “anglo-saxon myth of racial superiority . . . permeated concepts of race in the united states,” and matthew frye jacobson observes that “anglo-saxon supremacism” replaced “white supremacism” at the same time. reginald horsman has given a detailed analysis of how an anglo-saxon political ideology had developed in the united states by the mid-nineteenth century and became linked to the dominant racial hierarchy. he emphasizes the dual roots of this ideology and of the anglo-saxons themselves in the northwestern part of continental europe, including of course the southern parts of scandinavia, and in england. the wars against mexico and the indigenous population combined with the westward expansion meant that anglo- saxonism became incorporated in a set of racial characteristics that were considered “american,” against which other groups were measured and defined, including indians, african americans, and mexicans, but also the growing number of european immigrants of more diverse origins. at the same time, a discussion of the nature of anglo-saxonism and of what peoples could be considered anglo-saxons—both in europe and in america—meant that the definition was often confused, but as time passed it was to become more exclusive and restrictive. irish and german catholic immigrants in the s were viewed with concern; the war with mexico strengthened the racial and white element of the concept. anglo-saxonism provided a racial underpinning for manifest destiny, further emphasizing the superiority of the group. as barbara miller solomon has shown, the image of both german and scandinavian immigrants in new england underwent a significant change during the second half of the nineteenth century. foreign-born immigrants from many countries—including germany and scandinavia—had been viewed with suspicion, even as a threat to american society, and their capacity for assimilation into the american mainstream was seen as limited. by the turn of the twentieth century, however, a much more positive view of german and scandinavian immigrants emerged. sociologist and eugenicist edward a. ross, for example, maintained that germans were similar to native-born americans in crime rates, and that the scandinavians, although melancholic, plodding, and taciturn, still had the “right psychology for self-government” and provided “an excellent, cool-blooded, self- controlled citizenship for the support of representative government.” scandinavia came to occupy a special place in mid-nineteenth century american constructions of anglo-saxonism. a new england cultural and political elite embraced the swedes and the scandinavians, making them a part of the search for american origins, which placed swedes, both in europe and in the united sates, in a privileged position. it was the viking and old norse culture that provided a link between sweden and the new england elites, and that opened the doors for the favored place that the swedes and other scandinavians were assigned in the story of american beginnings. the viking in swedish america interest in the vikings among the new england elites benefitted the growing swedish- american community in the late nineteenth century. to this group, the viking journeys to settlements in what they called vinland on the north american continent in the eleventh century provided an excellent opportunity to create their own narrative of american origins. the group’s cultural leadership did its best to promote and prove that the vikings had indeed been the first europeans in america, thus giving the swedes (as well as other scandinavians) a special birthright in america. this was an attempt not only to bring swedish immigrants up to the same level as the new england colonists, whom they perceived as a core group of the american republic, but to actually go beyond colonial history and claim the right of discovery for the scandinavians. swedish americans were able to support some of their claims by directly or indirectly relying on the anglo-american advocates of the vikings and their north american journeys who from the mid-nineteenth century had opened a path of cultural and ethnic convergence between scandinavians and new england anglo-saxons. by taking this path, swedish and scandinavian immigrants in the us found themselves in an ideologically privileged position as they interacted with their new homeland. one of the most influential swedish-american ethnic leaders, who contributed in no small way to the creation of a swedish-american history and who sought to place the group in a privileged position, was the journalist, author, and historian johan alfred enander. while attending secondary school in sweden he had encountered the developing national literary culture in which both geijer and tegnér were important, and he was familiar with the growing interest in the viking age in his ancestral homeland. in the s, he became editor of the chicago-based hemlandet (the homeland) one of the most influential swedish-language newspapers in the united states. his conception of a swedish-american history is already apparent in his first significant historical work. spurred by the american centennial in , enander published a series of articles in hemlandet that presented american history to the newspaper’s swedish-american readership. the articles were also printed as a book called förenta staternas historia utarbetad för den svenska befolkningen i amerika (the history of the united states written for the swedish population in america), brought out by enander's own publishing house between and . his main intention in writing the book was, he declares in the preface, to ensure that the memory of “our heroic distant past never would fade among those scandinavian descendants who inhabit american soil.” a fifth of the book deals with the viking journeys to north america as well as background information on scandinavia at that time. in this section enander claims that the “norsemen” not only discovered america, but also founded colonies there “with which greenland and iceland maintained contacts until .” enander realized that his strong emphasis on the “life and culture of the norsemen” was open to criticism, but defended his decision by saying that his intended audience, “a swedish-american public,” ought to be aware of the “child of norse culture” that “had been planted on american soil more than five centuries before columbus landed there.” the viking journeys to north america played a central role in enander´s thinking. the columbian exposition in chicago commemorating the th anniversary of columbus’s landing in the western hemisphere elicited a “challenge to columbus” in which both norwegian and swedish immigrants were assigned and took on major roles. as already noted, the norwegians sailed a replica of a viking ship to chicago, which attracted a great deal of attention. this provided enander with an opportunity to reiterate his claim for the viking discovery of and presence in america. in he presented his case in nordmännen i amerika eller amerikas upptäckt (the norsemen in america or the discovery of america). it was positioned as a swedish- american answer to the manifestation of columbus’s landing in the western hemisphere and as a way of placing swedes (and scandinavians) in a superior position vis-à-vis the growing number of italian immigrants. the book gives a detailed description of the arrival of the vikings and their subsequent settlements. in the conclusion, enander laments the fact that his views had not been accepted and attributes this to the strong influence of italians in the us. according to enander, the pope himself had declared “that the saint-like columbus, inspired by the holy ghost and protected by the virgin mary,” was the first european to reach america, meaning that it is “considered high treason” to voice dissenting opinions. however, the swedish american argued, the “historic truth” lives on, and long after the speeches to columbus have been forgotten, the fact will remain “that the norsemen discovered america and founded lasting colonies there years before columbus saw the light of day.” the book was reviewed favorably in the leading swedish-american lutheran journal augustana, which called it “thorough” and “correct,” recommending it for a general readership. clearly, enander was not only making the case for the early viking presence, but also placing the issue in a contemporary context. enander’s attacks on italian americans should be seen as one way in which swedish americans were trying to establish superiority over another immigrant group with which they competed for economic and political influence and as an ingredient in the positioning of swedish americans in the american ethno-racial hierarchies. along similar lines, the augustana synod, the dominant swedish-american lutheran denomination, which published enander’s book, harbored anti-catholic feelings and became a part of “the maelstrom of religious conflict” between protestants and catholics in the united states. augustana, the synod’s official organ, spoke of a protestant-catholic cultural struggle in america, where catholic immigrants from different countries were seeking to lay the country “at the feet of the pope.” the journal questioned their suitability as americans, as they constituted a threat to american freedom. the swedes, in contrast, were good christians, trustworthy and freedom-loving, and needed to mobilize in the war against catholicism that was coming in america. enander’s description of the norse discovery and settlement is based on the icelandic sagas. he questioned “anglo-american” scholars who had disputed the viking presence in america, no doubt a reference to george bancroft, who in the twenty-first edition of his influential history of the united states concluded that the claims for a norse colonization rested on “narrative,” were “mythological in form, and obscure in meaning,” and “too vague to sustain.” (bancroft also weighed in on the dighton rock inscriptions, which he characterized as “the sublime of humbuggery.” ) in addition to positioning the vikings as the first european presence in north america, enander argued that they were bearers of one of the central american tropes—that of freedom—thus constructing a swedish origin for freedom in the american republic. american freedom had first reached normandy, the argument went, where in the viking chief rollo received a fiefdom through a treaty with the king of france. according to enander, when rollo asked his men who their king and lord was, the answer given was “the very opening words of the declaration of independence of the united states— years before their inclusion in the letter of rupture between our adopted country and england,” namely “we have no master or king, we are all equals.” following this spirit of freedom was transplanted to england and eventually, through the puritans, arrived in america, where it “laid the foundations to the empire of which we are citizens today.” a westward emigration began and it now lived “quietly in the low block-houses and the dug-outs of the untamed american forests,” assuring that the american political and legal system bore the imprints of the nordic heritage. finally, enander argued that the roots of christianity in the new world could be traced back to the vikings. he maintained that norse settlements had survived into the twelfth century, and that christianity came to america in , when a bishop from iceland, whom enander refers to as “america's first ordained bishop,” visited the norse communities there and decided to erect a baptismal building. this building, enander maintained, could still be found in newport, rhode island. in this way the newport tower became a part of an anglo-american and a swedish-american narrative of the viking origins of new england. another example of framing the issue of the viking landings in north america in contemporary terms comes from the swedish-american educator j.s. carlson, also associated with the augustana synod, and an active participant in swedish-american cultural life around the turn of the century. born in sweden but educated at augustana and gustavus adolphus colleges, he became professor of scandinavian languages at the university of minnesota in the s. in , a year after leaving his professorship at minnesota, carlson published a booklet called amerikas siste svensk (america’s last swede), based on a speech he had delivered on this topic in minneapolis. in the speech carlson looks into the future, invoking the image of the last swede in america, whom he defines as the last swedish american interested in preserving a sense of swedishness in this country. the last swede in america reflects on the long and glorious history of his compatriots in the new world and on a history that spans almost a millennium, from the time of the arrival of the vikings up to the present swedish immigrants. like enander before him, carlson also uses the vikings as an opportunity to comment on contemporary matters and to explicitly place swedish americans in a racial context. carlson claims that as the “nordic dragon ships” landed, “the first white, a nordic viking, stepped on the shores of america,” continuing: “mark this, you smug briton, you proud son of england, you who have never been first at anything, except pilfering that which others have discovered.” to carlson, the “birthright” to the discovery of america was not english but “belongs to the north and to no-one else.” carlson goes one step further than enander in that he also criticizes the english, as he perceived the movement to americanize immigrants as essentially the same as imposing english customs and values on the immigrant community. to him, the vikings become not only a part of a myth of foundation or a dimension of inter-ethnic strife with italian americans, but also a way of resisting the perceived assimilatory forces from american society at large. the european “discovery” of america has always played an important role in promoting the status of different american immigrant and ethnic groups. several groups, including the croatian, greek, irish, norwegian, polish, and swedish americans, have claimed that a representative of their nationality pre-dated columbus’s landing in the new world. columbus’s own ethnic origin has also been disputed, and it has, for example, been argued that he was of jewish origin. furthermore, until the late nineteenth century columbus was seen as an american symbol without any particular ethnic connotations, and it was not until the s that the process began through which he became an italian american. to swedish americans, the vikings played a central role in staking out a claim for their ethnic community in the us. first, the journeys to north america that became known in the us through the translations of c.c. rafn’s antiquitates americanae suggested that the vikings had been the first europeans to reach that continent. this placed their late nineteenth and early twentieth-century descendants and immigrants from sweden in a special position in american society. second, certain fundamental aspects of american society, such as freedom and self-governance, were claimed to be viking traits that had migrated across the atlantic from scandinavia via normandy and england to the british north american colonies. to swedish americans, this indirect swedish contribution to american political origins solidified their status in american society and made them particularly suitable candidates for membership in the american republic. conclusion the viking circulated across the atlantic, between sweden, the us, and swedish america as a part of national and ethnic processes. these processes involved nation- building in sweden and the us as well as ways in which swedish immigrants in the us sought to stake a claim in their new homeland. freedom and independence stand out as two particularly important tropes that the vikings were said to embody in all three contexts, but playing out in different ways. in nineteenth-century sweden they provided a focal point for a country much reduced in territory and power that needed to regain pride and self-respect through a new narrative of origin. to mainstream americans, particularly in new england, the vikings offered an opportunity to further establish the anglo-saxon origins of the united states and, at a time of growing waves of immigration from southern and eastern europe, to invite scandinavian immigrants of the nineteenth century into the community of anglo-saxons in the us. to swedish americans, finally, the vikings made it possible to claim a long historical presence on the north american continent, predating not only the immigrant groups with whom they were competing in the social and economic hierarchies of late nineteenth-century america, but also such established “colonial” groups such as the english. moreover, an elaborate argument about the peregrinations of freedom from scandinavia via normandy and england to north america made it possible to include the vikings as ideological founders of the united states. both the ways in which swedish and american nationalities were conceived and the logic of the construction of a swedish-american ethnic community are of consequence for the circulation and use of the vikings. swedish nationhood as it developed in the nineteenth century was ethnically and culturally based, and as fredrik svanberg has put it, the emergence of a “systematized viking age,” mostly among archaeologists and historians, provided the foundation for different “national histories” where that of sweden and the swedes was one. the united states, on the other hand, was conceived of as a set of ideas embodied in different founding documents, forming a community that individuals could join. membership was obviously restricted, leading rogers smith to observe that the majority of the adult american population has been denied full civil rights during two thirds of the history of the republic. still, as matthew jacobson has pointed out, the first naturalization law of was remarkably inclusive in that the term ‘free white persons’ opened up citizenship and membership in the american republic to many european immigrants in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, “none of whom the framers [of the us] had ever envisioned swelling the polity of the new nation when they crafted its rules for naturalization,” as jacobson puts it. the ethno-cultural nature of swedish nationhood meant that the vikings were charged with a foundational significance, pointing to the historical roots of what was seen as sweden. the loss of finland, the subsequent sense of cultural and national anxiety, and the influences of an herderian völkisch thought contributed to making the vikings an emblematic part of swedish nationalism. in the us, however, they became only one, albeit important, dimension of a putative anglo-saxon tradition that assumed great significance for american nationhood in the nineteenth century. a historical argument was made linking the vikings to england as an intellectual and cultural new england elite made the scandinavians a part of american origins. in this context, ideological gifts of the vikings (and anglo-saxons) to the american republic assumed a central importance. swedish americans, finally, combined the ethno- cultural and ideological dimensions as they put the vikings to use, claiming a cultural ancestry in scandinavia while at the same time assigning the ideological roots of their adopted homeland to the same place. the trajectories of national and ethnic processes have varied over time and place. as the examples of the circulating vikings show, they can resonate with each other even though the geographical and historical contexts are quite different. the vikings proved to be malleable and could be charged with new meanings under new circumstances. still, they also reveal a fair amount of resilience, as several ascribed characteristics were found in both sweden and the us as well as in swedish america. focusing on the circulation of these ideas and conceptualizations across the atlantic thus provides a different way of understanding the prevailing national and ethnic narratives in sweden and the us, suggesting that a transnational approach can both complement and challenge the national paradigms in both countries. notes hillary rodham clinton, “preface,” in vikings: the north atlantic saga, ed. william w. fitzhugh and elisabet i. ward (washington, dc: smithsonian institution press, ), - . matti klinge, finlands historia. kejsartiden (helsingfors: schildts, ), . margaret clunies ross and lars lönnroth, “the norse muse: report from an international research project,” alvíssmál: forschungen zur mittelalterlichen kultur skandinavien, ( ). anna wallette, sagans svenskar: synen på vikingatiden och de isländska sagorna under år (malmö: sekel bokförlag, ), – . iduna: en skrift för den nordiska fornålderns älskare, första häftet, . see anton blanck, geijers götiska diktning (stockholm: bonniers, ), chapters and for the analysis of “manhem,” “odalbonden” and “vikingen.” geijer, “manhem,” iduna, . [det var en tid det bodde uti norden/ en storsint ätt, beredd för fred som krig./ då, ingens slav och ingens herre vorden/ var odalbonde var en man för sig.] blanck, geijers götiska diktning, – ; lars lönnroth, “den populäre vikingen,” in forskning och framsteg, no. ( ), . lars lönnroth and sven delblanc, eds., den svenska litteraturen: upplysning och romantik – (stockholm: bonniers, ), – . ola nordenfors, “‘frithiofs saga’ – en framgångssaga,” in svensk litteratur som världslitteratur, ed. johan svedjedal (uppsala: avdelningen för litteratursociologi, ); lars brink, gymnasiets litterära kanon: urval och värderingar i läromedel - (uppsala: avdelningen för litteratursociologi, ), – . http://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/sekel_bokf%c %b rlag https://vufind.carli.illinois.edu/vf-aug/record/aug_ maja hagerman, det rena landet: om konsten att uppfinna sina förfäder (stockholm: prisma, ), . fredrik svanberg, decolonizing the viking age (lund: acta archeological lundensia, ), . oscar montelius, “lifvet i sverige under vikingatiden,” förr och nu, , quoted in maja hagerman, det rena landet, . wallette, sagans svenskar, – . gerd wolfgang weber, “nordisk fortid som chiliastisk framtid: den 'norrøne arv' og den cykliske historieoppfattelse i skandinavien og tyskland omkring – og senare,” in the waking of agantyr: the scandinavian past in european culture, eds. else roesdahl and preben meulengracht sørensen (aarhus: aarhus university press, ), . geraldine barnes, viking america: the first millennium (cambridge: d. s. brewer, ), . edward everett, “the discovery of america by northmen,” the north american review (january ): – . everett, “the discovery of america,” , . quoted after oscar. j. falnes, “new england interest in scandinavian culture and the norsemen,” new england quarterly (june ): ; thomas wentworth higginson, “the visit of the vikings,” harper's new monthly magazine (september ): . marie a. brown, the icelandic discoverers of america; or honour to whom honour is due (london, ), . brown, the icelandic discoverers, . ibid., . marie a. brown, “the object of this paper,” leif erikson, : , january . james russell lowell, “new translations of the writings of miss bremer,” the north american review, , (april ): – . “review of gabriel gravier, découverte de l’amerique par les normands au xième siecle,” the north american review (july ), . george p. marsh, the goths in new-england: a discourse delivered at the anniversary of the philomatesian society of middlebury college (middlebury: j. cobb, ), . erik ingvar thurin, the american discovery of the norse: an episode in nineteenth- century american literature (cranbury: associated university presses, ), . ralph waldo emerson, english traits, vol. of complete works (cambridge: riverside press, ), – . quotation on p. . the heimskringla is a collection of old norse king´s sagas. annette kolodny, in search of first contact: the vikings of vinland, the peoples of the dawnland, and the anglo-american anxiety of discovery (durham: duke university press, ), . suzanne carlson, “tilting at windmills: newport tower,” neara journal , no. – , (winter/spring ); the museum of unnatural mystery, accessed january , http://www.unmuseum.org/newporttower.htm. brgitta linderoth wallace and william w. fitzhugh, “stumbles and pitfalls in the search for viking america,” in vikings: the north atlantic saga, – . kolodny, in search of first contact, – . lloyd hustvedt, rasmus bjørn anderson: pioneer scholar (northfield: norwegian- american historical association, ), – . public art boston, accessed january , http://www.publicartboston.com/content/leif-eriksson. janet headly, “anne whitney's ‘leif eriksson’: a brahmin response to christopher columbus,” american art (summer ): – . kolodny, . “review of r.b. anderson, a historical sketch of the discovery of america in the tenth century by the norsemen,” the north american review, (january ), . henry schoolcraft, historical and statistical information respecting the history, conditions and prospects of the indian tribes of the united states ( ), quoted in the north american review, (july ), . henry schoolcraft, personal memoirs of a residence of thirty years with the indian tribes on the american frontiers (philadelphia: lipppincott, gramboo and co., ), . nell irvin painter, the history of white people (new york: w. w. norton, ), ; matthew frye jacobson, “becoming caucasian,” in race and immigration in the united states: new histories, ed. paul spickard (london: routledge, ), . reignald horsman, race and manifest destiny: the origins of american racial anglo- saxonism (cambridge: harvard university press, ), – . horsman, race and manifest destiny, – . barbara miller solomon, ancestors and immigrants: a changing new england tradition (cambridge: harvard university press, ), – . http://www.unmuseum.org/newporttower.htm http://www.publicartboston.com/content/leif-eriksson edward a. ross, the old world in the new: the significance of past and present immigration to the american people (new york, ), – , – . quotations on p. and . h. arnold barton, “swedish americans and the viking discovery of america,” in interpreting the promise of america: essays in honor of odd sverre lovoll, ed. todd w. nichol (northfield: norwegian-american historical association, ); orm Øverland immigrants minds, american identities: making the united states home, – (urbana: university of illinois press, ), – . karin tarschys, svenska språket och litteraturen: studier över modersmålsundervisningen i högre skolor (stockholm: natur och kultur, ), – . dag blanck, the creation of an ethnic identity: being swedish american in the augustana synod, - (carbondale: southern illinois university press, ) – . ulf beijbom, “the historiography of swedish america,” swedish pioneer historical quarterly (october ): – . johan alfred enander, förenta staternas historia utarbetad för den svenska befolkningen i amerika (chicago: enander och bohmans förlag, – ). enander, förenta staternas historia ( ), preface. enander, förenta staternas historia ( ), . kolodny, in search of first contact, . odd lovoll, a century of urban life: the norwegians in chicago before (northfield: norwegian-american historical association, ), – . johan enander, nordmännen i amerika eller amerikas upptäckt (rock island: lutheran augustana book concern, ). enander, nordmännen i amerika, – . augustana, june . dag blanck, “‘a mixture of people with different roots’: swedish immigrants in the american ethno-racial hierarchies,” journal of american ethnic history (spring ): – . jon gjerde, catholicism and the shaping of nineteenth-century america (new york: oxford university press, ), . augustana, april . augustana, march . george bancroft, history of the united states from the discovery of the american continent, vol. (boston: little, brown and co., ), – . barnes, viking america, . for the following paragraphs, see johan enander, “sveriges roll i världshistorien,” ms. in the j.a. enander collection in the archives of riksföreningen sverigekontakt, landsarkivet, göteborg (the provincial archives, gothenburg, sweden). johan enander, “en dröm,” in enander, valda skrifter, i (chicago: a. harlings förlag, ), – . j. s. carlson, amerikas siste svensk: tal hållet i minneapolis (minneapolis: privately printed, ). carlson, amerikas siste svensk, . Øverland, immigrants minds, – . svanberg, decolonizing the viking age, . rogers m. smith, civic ideals: conflicting visions of citizenship in us history (new haven: yale university press, ), . matthew frye jacobson, whiteness of a different color: european immigrants and the alchemy of race (cambridge: harvard university press, ), – . quotation on p. . heated words : the politics and poetics of work in 'a complaint against blacksmiths' this is a repository copy of heated words : the politics and poetics of work in 'a complaint against blacksmiths'. white rose research online url for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ / version: published version article: thorpe, deborah ellen orcid.org/ - - - ( ) heated words : the politics and poetics of work in 'a complaint against blacksmiths'. parergon. pp. - . issn - https://doi.org/ . /pgn. . eprints@whiterose.ac.uk https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ reuse items deposited in white rose research online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. they may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. the publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. this is indicated by the licence information on the white rose research online record for the item. takedown if you consider content in white rose research online to be in breach of uk law, please notify us by emailing eprints@whiterose.ac.uk including the url of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. parergon . ( ) this pdf copy of parergon . ( ), – was provided by anzamems (inc.), under parergon’s open access policy. copyright is retained by the author(s). heated words: the politics and poetics of work in ‘a complaint against blacksmiths’ deborah thorpe ‘a complaint against blacksmiths’, unique to bl, ms arundel , may gesture towards fourteenth-century legislation against night-time work, yet is underpinned by delight in the sights and sounds of the forge. the smith’s smoke-smattered visage is simultaneously disgraceful and inspiring to its medieval audience. many of us experience a different kind of unease in the digital age, as hours are converted into immaterial goods. for many, the clamour of physical labour has been replaced by the noise of automation. looking back into the forge, the modern urban worker may yearn for its sonic landscape, with clattering hammers, grunting mouths, and hissing waters. my hips are a desk. from my ears hang chains of paper clips. rubber bands form my hair. my breasts are wells of mimeograph ink. my feet bear casters. buzz. click. weighted by paper clips and rubber bands, filled with ink, and conveyed by squeaky casters, marge piercy’s secretary is inseparable from the apparatus of bureaucracy. the desk, clips, bands, ink, and casters are objects that store, sort, and record rather than tools that design, carve, and finish. the paraphernalia that tangles with the secretary is burdensome rather than productive. the ‘buzz’ and ‘click’ are the dull flat-line of automation, rather than the noise of human craft. eventually, the secretary’s womb is prodded into angles by an inhuman pregnancy: swollen, heavy, rectangular i am about to be delivered marge piercy, ‘the secretary chant’, in piercy, circles on the water: selected poems of marge piercy (new york: knopf, ), p. , lines – . the author would like to thank the two anonymous readers of this article for their pertinent comments and acknowledge the part-funding of the research by the wellcome trust (ref: ) through the centre for chronic diseases and disorders (c d ) at the university of york. parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe of a baby xerox machine. the ‘baby’ is semi-animate, heaving into life periodically, but in order to replicate rather than procreate. this unnatural reproduction is marked by short lines, which invoke the jabs and swipes of a xerox machine. even the poem’s title – ‘the secretary chant’ – with its absence of a possessive apostrophe, denies this working woman an element of agency. the chant relates to her, but it does not belong to her. the poem narrates a steady erosion of human identity through unproductive work. the blacksmith’s forge, as depicted in the fourteenth-century poem, ‘a complaint against blacksmiths’, with its heady mixture of human sweat, heat, and deafening noise, is the antithesis of the modern secretary’s sterile office. ‘a complaint’, which survives uniquely in bl, ms arundel , fol. v, condemns the smith for his noisy, socially disruptive work. however, this is underpinned by a sense of delight in his craft as a source of poetic inspiration, as a place to hang ‘rhetorical ornaments’. in contrast with piercy’s secretary, his work is creative, energetic, dirty, and thus delightful to the poet. the writer of ‘a complaint’ revels in the smith’s clattering hammer and smoke- smattered visage as a source of material for stylish expression. this article situates the smiths of ‘a complaint’ alongside later representations of ‘hammar men’ in a variety of literary and sociological settings. it creates a dialogue between these medieval and post-medieval representations to explore the world of human work as conveyed by sound. the sound of the forge, which was ear-splitting to the medieval listener in ‘a complaint’, pales in comparison to the soundscape of industrialisation, with its hellish but productive blast furnaces, belching noise that was previously unimaginable. the figure of the blacksmith allows us to trace a reversal of acoustic values and meanings, in relation to work, between the medieval and piercy, ‘the secretary chant’, lines – . bl, ms arundel , fol. v. the manuscript gives no title, but for the given title, see elizabeth salter, ‘a complaint against blacksmiths’, in english and international: studies in the literature, art and patronage of medieval england, eds derek pearsall and nicolette zeeman (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), pp. – . the poem is presented as prose, upon a single folio, with punctus elevatus to indicate the ends of verse lines. here, the text has been separated into these verse lines, to which i have assigned numbers in parentheses. abbreviations are expanded and represented in italics, and i have reproduced upper- and lower-case letters as they appear in the manuscript. salter, p. . salter, p. . corporation of london, the lawes of the market (london, ), sig. a v; emily cockayne, hubbub: filth, noise & stench in england – (new haven: yale university press, ), p. ; david hendy, noise: a human history of sound and listening (london: profile, ), p. . parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work modern worlds. in this article, then, i will show how the acoustic dimensions at work delineate manual labour from mechanised work: the cries of knaves and ‘clateryng of knockes’ became the ‘shrieking noise’ of a nineteenth-century iron mill and, ultimately, a post-industrial, dehumanised, and dehumanising, ‘buzz. click.’. thus, instead of despising the blacksmith, modern audiences might yearn to glimpse and hear him, as a relic of a pre-industrial era. many humans now feel dehumanised at work, to an even greater extent, perhaps, than piercy’s pre-digital age secretary. jeremy rifkin, writing the end of work in , predicted that sophisticated technologies were going to bring civilisation closer to a ‘world without workers’. rifkin’s prophecy was made during a period of especially rapid progress in the speed of digital information transfer. in , a single optical fibre could transmit about one billion bits per second; by , it could transmit nearly one trillion. internet usage increased dramatically in the years following the publication of rifkin’s book. worldwide, there were about thirty million computers connected to the internet at the beginning of , which increased to nearly one hundred million by july . rifkin feared the negative impact of such a ‘technological revolution’. by , many of us have become accustomed to fast-paced technological expansion. indeed by , rifkin had progressed from an analysis of the general impact of electronic communication on the individual to a more specific, and optimistic, approach. in the third industrial revolution, he focused on a digital communication revolution that was becoming the means of organising new renewable energy systems. rifkin’s latest book shone a more positive light on technology, specifically on ‘the collaborative power unleashed by the merging of internet technology and renewable energies’, which he promised would restructure human relationships. he believed that a new triad between human, internet technology, and energy was the only way to avoid catastrophic climate change. regardless of this potential adaptation to, and synthesis with, new technologies, there is some unease in the urban workplace. this also took root jeremy rifkin, the end of work: the decline of the global labour force and the dawn of the post-market era (london: penguin, ), pp. – . see science and engineering indicators, (national science foundation, division of science resources statistics, ) http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/seind / [accessed may ], chap. , trends in it: networking. science and engineering indicators, chap. , trends in it: networking. jeremy rifkin, the third industrial revolution: how lateral power is transforming energy, the economy, and the world (new york: palgrave macmillan, ), pp. , . rifkin, third industrial revolution, pp. – . rifkin, third industrial revolution, pp. – . parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe in the s as the internet began to make its impact. maurizio lazzarato, in , worried about the immaterial product of work in the information age. he showed that the skills needed to produce these goods – usually ‘content’ rather than a physical object – involve cybernetics and computer control, rather than crafting and finishing. lazzarato perceived a lack of individuality in this modern workplace, as the labourer exists as part of a collective, or ‘team’. as introspective scholarship of the information age has progressed, a more hopeful view of this re-organised workplace has developed: re- negotiated hierarchies; connections that transcend geographical limitations; and utopian levels of productivity in a ‘near-workerless wonderland’. as rifkin’s later book shows, many are now accustomed to the pace of digital growth, and so there is optimism about how internet technology can be used to the advantage of the human race. a generation that has grown up with the internet may well enjoy its deployment to the service sector, finding satisfaction in social connectivity and individual reward in giving themselves to a larger ‘networked community’. in promoting a ‘third industrial revolution’, rifkin argues that we have now abandoned the nineteenth-century obsession with productivity in favour of being free of the pursuit of material wealth: ‘we live to play.’ while undoubtedly enjoying this social connectivity, the worker who produces an immaterial good might still crave pre-first industrial revolution dexterity – the kind of physicality that is seen in ‘a complaint against blacksmiths’. the question of how far intellectual work can really be considered ‘work’ is an old one. doubts about the benefits of immaterial labour such as the preaching and praying of friars were persistent in the middle ages. rather than creating unease about the productivity of cerebral labour, the digital age has intensified it. so, this article pushes back into the lively world of the medieval forge to explore its political and poetic appeal to audiences, both medieval and post-medieval. maurizio lazzarato, ‘immaterial labor’, in radical thought in italy: a potential politics, eds michael hardt and paolo virno (minneapolis: university of minnesota press, ), pp. – (p. ). lazzarato, p. . lazzarato, p. . kellie robertson and michael uebel, ‘introduction’, in the middle ages at work: practicing labor in late medieval england, eds kellie robertson and michael uebel (new york: palgrave macmillan, ), pp. – (p. ). rifkin, third industrial revolution, p. . rifkin, third industrial revolution, p. (emphasis in original). robertson and uebel, p. . parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work as ‘a complaint’ opens, soot and smoke cling to the blacksmith’s clothes and skin: ‘swarte smekyd smeþes smateryd wyth smoke’ ( ). quickly, the poem moves to the crux of its complaint. the deafening din of the smith at work causes the narrator distress: dryue me to deth wyth den of her dyntes swech noys on nyghtes ne herd men neuer what knauene cry and clateryng of knockes ( – ). the narrator’s aversion to night-time knocks and cries may gesture towards late fourteenth-century movements to legislate against noisy night work. it was not only blacksmiths whose work caused such disruption after dark: the neighbours of the london armourer stephen atte fryth complained that the blows of his sledge-hammers ‘shake the stone and earthern party-walls’ and ‘disturb the rest of the plaintiffs … day and night’. however, it was the blacksmiths who became the target of legislation. arguments for these laws invoked quality control in addition to noise limitation; there was a concern among merchants that late-night work resulted in slipshod craftsmanship and saturated markets. legislators ruminated over the plummeting prices that resulted from extended work days. thus, the integrity of the smith of ‘a complaint’, who continues to clatter late ‘on nyghtes’, is called into question. he is socially irresponsible and irritating. this concern persisted well into the early modern period: the lawes of the market ( ) prescribed that, ‘no hammar man, [such] as a smith, a pewterer, a founder, and all artificers making great sound, shall not worke after the hour of nyne in the night, nor afore the houre of four in the morninge’. ‘hammer men’ were evidently an ongoing nuisance, whose late-night work provoked contempt from the sleep-deprived populace, and attracted legislative attempts from successive governments. bl, ms arundel belonged to the benedictine monastery of holy trinity in norwich. thus, it is likely that the scorn of blacksmiths was see salter (‘a complaint against blacksmiths’, p. ) who considers ‘a clustering of documents of legislation in the fourteenth century, and the comparative silence of the fifteenth century’ to suggest a date for the poem, and to argue that the fourteenth century might have presented conditions strong enough to provoke poetic composition on the topic of noisy night work. helena chew and william kellaway, eds, london assize of nuisance (london: london record society, ), p. . i would like to thank brad kirkland for bringing this to my attention. salter, pp. – ; see also e. p. kuhl, ‘daun gerveys’, modern language notes, ( ), . salter, pp. – . lawes of the market, sig. a v; cockayne, hubbub: filth, noise & stench, p. ; hendy, noise: a human history, p. . parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe promoted by religious as well as economic attitudes. noises are never ‘just sounds’, douglas kahn argues. they are also ‘ideas of noise’. these ideas of noise can be, ‘tetchy, abusive, transgressive, restrictive, hyperbolic, scientistic, generative, and cosmological’. the noise of the blacksmith is made unpleasant by its interpretation by an antagonised, sleepless narrator. elizabeth salter has argued that the ideology underscoring this negativity may be discerned in an intertextual annotation as the lament continues: Þe cammede kongons cryen after col col and blowen her bellewys þat al here brayn brestes \ech of hem at other/ huf puf seyth þat on haf paf þat oþer Þei spyttyn and spraulyn and spellyn many spelles Þei gnauen and gnacchen þei gronys to gyder ( – ) the annotator may have felt compelled to signal a link between the men of the forge and a contemporary literary depiction of riotousness. he interrupted this image of pug-nosed boys (‘cammede kongons’) blowing bellows with an interlinear inscription: ‘ech of hem at other.’ salter argues that the words connected the boys with geoffrey chaucer’s ‘pardoner’s tale’, in which three young men of flanders laugh at each other’s sins: ‘and ech of hem at otheres synne lough.’ if the smiths were associated with chaucer’s depraved young men, the connection was made by a reader – who was possibly also associated with the monastery – rather than the poem’s author. however, there are other links with chaucerian imagery ingrained into the language of the poem itself. in ‘the reeve’s tale’ of cambridge university library, ms gg. . ’s canterbury tales, the reeve describes the appearance of the thieving miller of his tale with the same unusual verb, ‘cammede’: ‘round was hese face & kammede was hese nose.’ this descriptive similarity adds layers of complexity to the poem’s moral statement, prompting physiognomical comparisons with chaucer’s most untrustworthy figures. the bad blacksmith’s boys are salter, pp. – . douglas kahn, noise, water, meat: a history of voice, and aurality in the arts (cambridge, ma: mit press, ), p. . kahn, p. . the phrase ‘ech of hem at other’ appears interlinear to the text in the manuscript. salter, p. ; chaucer, ‘the pardoners’ tale’, in the riverside chaucer, ed. larry d. benson (oxford: oxford university press, ) (hereafter riverside chaucer), p. , line . frederick james furnivall, ed., the cambridge ms. university library, gg . of chaucer’s canterbury tales (london: trubner & co., – ), p. ; cf. ‘camus’ in ellesmere ms, the basis of the riverside chaucer (see chaucer, ‘the reeve’s tale’, in riverside chaucer, p. , line ). parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work characterised by their narrativised bodies, with visually unpleasant features that may form connections with chaucer’s oeuvre. there is further intertextuality in the sounds of the bellows. the ‘huf puf’ resembles an early fourteenth-century latin poem, where a drunken priest recites a prayer, punctuating his latin with belches: ‘laudate dominum, puf, omnis gens, laudate, puf, et omnis spiritus laudet, puf.’ this priestly belching was later echoed in chaucer’s ‘summoner’s tale’ as the fat friars burp their way through prayers: ‘lo buf they seye, cor meum eructavit.’ ‘a complaint’ contains several more similarities with contemporary texts, each of which casts aspersions on the figure of the smith. there are further connections with chaucer’s works in its opening line: ‘swarte smekyd smeþes smateryd with smoke’ ( ). the unusual verb ‘smatre’ appears in the ‘the parson’s tale’, used to represent fools defiling themselves through vile, lecherous, kisses: ‘thise olde dotardes holours, yet wol they kisse thogh they may nat do, and smatre hem.’ there are also thematic links with the portrayal of blacksmiths in ‘the miller’s tale’. in this tale, the blacksmith, gerveys, is visited by the vengeful absolon in the middle of the night. in love with the adulterous alisoun, absolon is keen to redress his humiliation after being tricked into kissing the backside of her lover, nicholas. absolon wishes to borrow a hot coulter (the iron blade that was fixed in front of the share in a plough), with which to burn nicholas’s bottom. the blacksmith’s character is dubious: absolon knows instinctively that gerveys will be working at night, and will lend him the hot coulter to exact his revenge. the night-working smith does not adhere to social conventions, and is deemed likely to provide the instruments of mischief. as edmund reiss observed, ‘absolon has really put himself in the hands of the wrathful devil’. so, the images of the forge in ‘a complaint’ seem to hint towards chaucer’s stylishly immoral figures. frequent allusions to these contemporary see kellie robertson, ‘branding and the technologies of labour regulation’, in the middle ages at work, eds robertson and uebel, pp. – . for the moral implications of physiognomy for the worker, see ‘the pardoner’s speaking body’, as discussed in caroline dinshaw, chaucer’s sexual poetics (madison: university of wisconsin press, ), pp. – ; and glen burger, ‘kissing the pardoner’, pmla, ( ), – . oxford, bodleian library, ms digby , fol. v; see also the latin poems commonly attributed to walter mapes, ed. thomas wright (london: camden society, ); chaucer, ‘the summoner’s tale’, in riverside chaucer, p. , line . chaucer, ‘the parson’s tale’, in riverside chaucer, p. , lines – . see cornelius novelli, ‘sin, sight, and sanctity in the “miller’s tale”: why chaucer’s blacksmith works at night’, chaucer review, ( ), – (p. ). edmund reiss, ‘daun gerveys in the miller’s tale’, papers on language and literature, ( ), – . parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe literary scoundrels, including the unscrupulous blacksmith of ‘the miller’s tale’, infuse the thickest possible air of distrust into the grimy medieval forge. there is more explicit moral vilification in other fourteenth-century works depicting blacksmiths. a gruesome scene in the anonymous the vision of tundale presents the smith in the worst possible light. in its twelfth- century latin source, the visio tnugdali, the devil lucifer is chained to a giant cauldron tended by demonic smiths. the fourteenth-century version intensifies these demonic associations by giving the name of the roman god of fire, vulcan, to the master of a band of blacksmiths, who delights in doling out grizzly punishments to wrongdoers ( ). the eponymous antihero, tundale, is shown the way to the deep valley of death, which is full of grim- looking forges ( – ). these forges are packed with souls who weep and make ‘grett dyn’ ( ). the smiths throw the sinners onto the fire and beat them with their hammers ( – ). as tundale enters one of the forges, the smiths run at him furiously: ‘with furgons and with tongus glowand’ ( ). they throw him into the middle of the fire with obvious delight (‘as hem liked best’) and blow bellows at him as if he were a piece of molten iron (‘as hit wer as yron ymulton new’, ). the unhinged and energetic delight with which the smithy-fiends punish their captive souls is evident as they beat them madly with their hammers: ‘and leyde on hem as thei wer wode’ ( ). they are described as ‘fowle and blake’ ( ), and they never tire of their ‘wykkyd labourus’ ( ). in a particularly foul scene, the pack of smiths fight with a rival group, who seize the souls and brand them until there is almost nothing left of their bodies ( – ). the early fourteenth-century preachers’ handbook fasciculus morum depicts the devil inflaming a soul with sensuality, as a blacksmith blows upon a fire. the scene links the blacksmith to the source of all evil. this association between blacksmiths and hell is also presented in the revelations of st birgitta of sweden, where the captive soul’s ears flap like blacksmith’s bellows, fanning the brain. these poetic descriptions of the visual and auditory world of the the vision of tundale, in three purgatory poems: the gast of gy, sir owain, the vision of tundale, ed. edward e. foster (kalamazoo, mi: medieval institute publications, ), pp. – . subsequent references to this edition are provided in the text, denoted by line number. see visio tnugdali lateinisch und altdeutsch, ed. albrecht wagner (erlangen: verlag von andreas deichert, ), pp. – ; and its translation in the vision of tnugdal, ed. and trans. jean-michel picard (dublin: four courts, ), p. . reiss, pp. – . the revelations of st birgitta of sweden, eds bridget morris and denis searby, vols (oxford: oxford university press, ), ii, . parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work forge and the ‘grysly smythys’ resemble those of ‘a complaint’ in their heat, stench, and noise, and depict the smith as a figure of utter obscenity. despite the abundance of wicked images in fourteenth-century literature, the forge was not invariably connected with depravity. a synchronous association with godliness was focused upon the most productive smiths. the metalworking story of st dunstan is illustrated in a twelfth-century manuscript now in the british library (see figure ). while a hermit in glastonbury, dunstan passed time as a smith. when he realised that a visitor to the hermitage was the devil in disguise, dunstan seized him by the nose with his tongs. this evocative image is well attested in medieval manuscripts, demonstrating an enduring positive conception of the medieval smith. unlike agricultural labour, craft production had a capacity for newness and ‘things that were not there before’, which marked it as the production of an intelligence. this connection with creation meant that god himself was sometimes characterised as a craftsman. the trade of the blacksmith was also one that inspired special pride, as was demonstrated in the fourteenth- century tale, the tale of the smyth and his dame, in which the smith exalts himself as ‘the kynge’. however, though the craft had prestige, excessive pride comes before a fall and the smith is humbled by christ. the shaming of the proud smith by jesus exposes the inferiority of his ‘making’ next to the work of god. in addition, the potential for holiness was reserved for artisanal smiths, as opposed to the brutes of ‘a complaint’, whose night work held implications of ineptitude. though morally questionable, the cacophony of the forge is a source of material for rhetorical brilliance. the dints and clattering of the smith can be transmuted into the music of poetry. the ephemeral nature of sound makes authors and musicians yearn to capture it, whether in words or musical scores. otherwise, it ‘inhabits its own time and dissipates quickly’. for hugh of st cher, writing in the thirteenth century, like the writer of the vision of tundale, line . see bl, ms royal e. iv, fol. v. nicola masciandaro, the voice of the hammer: the meaning of work in middle english literature (notre dame: university of notre dame press, ), p. . george ovitt, jr, the restoration of perfection: labor and technology in medieval culture (new brunswick, nj: rutgers university press, ), pp. – . an edition of the middle english the tale of the smyth and his dame, which survives only in a later print, can be found in altenglische legenden mit einleitung und anmerkungen, ed. carl horstmann (heilbronn: henninger, ), pp. – . see masciandaro, p. salter, ‘a complaint against blacksmiths’, p. . masciandaro, p. . kahn, noise, water, meat, p. . parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe tundale discussed above, the sound of the hammer was suggestive of the devil. however, he also found the noise delightful: ‘he is delighted by the harmonious variety of sounds coming from the stroke of the hammer.’ ranulf higden’s polychronichon describes the joy with which the biblical father of music, jubal, listened to the sounds of the forge and the work of the smith, tubalcain: tubal cain fonde first smythes craft and grauynge, and whan tubal cain wrouȝte in his smeþes craft, tubal [jubal] hadde grete likynge to hire þe hameres sowne, and he fonde proporcions and acorde of melodye. an association between the smith and harmony persisted into the fifteenth century. at the end of chapter of the first book of the theorica musice, published by franchino gaffurio in , there are images representing the origin of musical scales. one depicts jubal watching smiths as they beat a piece of metal with hammers. the labels on the hammers indicate their different weights, which is the cause of the variance in the noise that each hammer produces. in this depiction, the sounds of the forge are harmonious and it is the mastery of the smith that creates this harmony. this idea of the blacksmith’s creative harmony is reflected in the medieval association between nature and blacksmiths. in an ornate copy of the thirteenth-century roman de la rose, a queenly, hammer-wielding, nature crafts a baby at her forge, thereby ensuring the harmonious continuation of our species (see figure ). as boethius demonstrated, drawing together the wisdom of greek, arab, and latin philosophers, even the human body itself generated music, musica humana, which needed to be in tune with cosmic harmony. david hendy has shown that the human body’s instrument-like quality necessitates occasional hugonis de sancto charo, opera omnia in universum vetus et novum testamentum, vols (lyons, ), iii, : ‘delectat propter consona varietatum sonorum ex percussionibus malleorum peruenientium’; english translation from novelli, ‘sin, sight, and sanctity’, pp. – . ranulf higden, polychronichon, eds churchill babington and joseph rawson lumby, vols (london: longman, – ), ii ( ), , quoting trevisa’s translation. for the history of the legend, see james mckinnon, ‘jubal vel pythagoras, quis sit inventor musicae?’, musical quarterly, ( ), – ; paul e. beichner, the medieval representative of music: jubal or tubalcain (notre dame: university of notre dame, ); masciandaro, p. and n. ; and richard j. schrader, ‘the inharmonius choristers and blacksmiths of ms arundel ’, studies in philology, ( ), – (p. ). c. j. verduin, ‘hammers, music and scales. jubal watching tubalcain: some notes on iconography’, available at http://www.leidenuniv.nl/fsw/verduin/ghio/speculum.htm [accessed may ]; franchinus gaffurius, theorica musice (milan, ). bl, ms harley , fol. r; katherine park, ‘nature in person: medieval and renaissance allegories and emblems’, in the moral authority of nature, eds lorraine daston and fernando vidal (chicago: university of chicago press, ), pp. – (pp. – ). anicius manlius severinus boethius, fundamentals of music, trans. calvin m. bower, ed. claude v. palisca (new haven: yale university press, ), book . ; hendy, noise: a human history, p. . parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work retuning. the blacksmith, with his hammers and metal, has an enhanced capacity to make sound, whether pleasing or brain-bursting. in ‘a complaint’, the sounds of the forge are neither pleasing nor harmonious. as richard schrader has argued, they force listeners ‘to think hard about the traditional association of hammer and anvil and music’. however, they are inspiring to the poet regardless. the ‘dyntes’ and ‘knockes’ convey their clattering through hard, clustered, consonants. alliterative lines with parallel syntactic structures gather spitting, sprawling, tale-telling, gnawing, gnashing, and groaning into a disgusting, evocative, pile of participles. verbs are taken out of their usual contexts and applied to the smith, using the forge to craft a rich literary piece. the middle english ‘spraulyn’ was commonly applied to the writhing of death throes. alternatively, it could describe the squirming of babies and was used in john trevisa’s translation of de proprietatibus rerum to describe the uncontrolled movement of a foetus as it explores the potential of its newly developed limbs: ‘[the foetus] bigynneþ to meue it self & sprawle & puttiþ wiþ feet & hondes.’ in ‘a complaint’, ‘spraulyn’ describes a lolling smith, carrying implications of sluggishness that contrast both with the horrific convulsion of death and the joyful wriggle of babies. r. murray schafer has observed that the eye points ahead of us, looking outwards, whereas the ear draws information inwards. indeed, the sounds of the forge draw the audience of ‘a complaint’ directly into it. the poet explores words, combining hypnotic, visual images with centripetal sonic aspects that pull us, by our ears, into the heady, claustrophobic world of the smith. then, because we are most dependent on sight, and thus internalise vision into every aspect of our being, we open our eyes to the smoky dimness of the forge; an assault on both vision and hearing. when the american poet, philip freneau wrote a eulogy of a dead blacksmith four centuries later, he also found rich material for stylistic hendy, p. . schrader, p. . see ‘spraulen (v.)’, in med, esp. definition (a): ‘to move convulsively, as in death throes, struggle, writhe.’ john trevisa, on the properties of things: john trevisa’s translation of bartholomaeus anglicus ‘de proprietatibus rerum’, ed. m. c. seymour, vols (oxford: clarendon press, ), i, . r. murray schafer, the soundscape: our sonic environment and the tuning of the world (rochester: destiny books, ), p. . stephen handel, listening: an introduction to the perception of auditory events (cambridge, ma: mit press, ), p. xi. kahn, noise, water, meat, p. . parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe expression. in his ‘elegy on the death of a blacksmith’, he used the smith playfully to demonstrate his prowess in punning: with the nerves of a sampson this son of the sledge, by the anvil his livelihood got: with the skill of old vulcan could temper an edge; and struck – while his iron was hot. by forging he liv’d, yet never was tried, or condemn’d by the laws of the land; but still it is certain, and can’t be denied, he often was burnt in the hand. freneau aligns the blacksmith with violence and criminality, before sweeping him away with a wry smile as he unveils his double meanings. freneau’s play on the words ‘forging’ and ‘burnt in the hand’ nods briefly towards counterfeiting and corporal punishment, before redirecting us to more innocent meanings. the smith forges – honestly – with his hammer. the branding of his hand was done innocently in the course of shaping hot metal. however, freneau’s comedic and over-zealous denial of the smith’s sins gestures towards long- established concerns about the morality of smiths. in britain, the nineteenth century heralded an idealisation of blacksmiths, as the industrial revolution brought about ever-greater mechanisation. the isolatable sounds of craftsmen were being replaced by ‘a new and apparently all-encompassing din: the sound of the steadily advancing industrial revolution’. thus, there was a desire to capture, to preserve, the ‘organic soundscape’ that preceded this ‘super-human, or rather inhuman noise’. in , the musician and writer richard clark wrote an account of the life of george friedrick handel. in it, he developed a legend that handel’s final movement, air and variations, suite no. in e major, hwv , for harpsichord, was inspired by the sounds of a blacksmith’s forge. this story, which mirrors that of jubal and the blacksmith tubalcain, recounts how handel sought shelter from a rain shower in a roadside smithy and heard the smith singing at work and beating time upon his anvil. in this idyllic image of artistic inspiration, the legendary handel went home and wrote a set of variations on the tune that the blacksmith sang. philip freneau, ‘elegy on the death of a blacksmith’, in poems written and published during the american revolutionary war, vols (philadelphia: laura r. bailey, ), ii, , lines – (emphasis in original). hendy, p. . hendy, p. (emphasis in original). richard clark, reminiscences of handel, his grace the duke of chandos, powells the harpers, the harmonious blacksmith, and others (london, ); victor schoelcher, the life of handel (london: trübner & co, ), p. . parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work three years later, when the american poet henry wadsworth longfellow peered into the forge to write ‘the village blacksmith’, the medieval smith’s brute power had been superseded entirely by benign and admirable strength: under a spreading chestnut-tree the village smithy stands; the smith, a mighty man is he, with large and sinewy hands; and the muscles of his brawny arms are strong as iron bands. the craftsman remains a figure upon whom poetic ornaments can be hung with style, but longfellow’s gentle giant is the antithesis of the dirty-faced, spitting, noisy medieval smith. his brawny arms have latent power, yet their comparison with ‘iron bands’ implies restraint. longfellow’s blacksmith is a bridled colossus. his bellows do blow relentlessly and his hammer does swing noisily: ‘you can hear him swing his heavy sledge’ ( ). however, there is no agitated, sleepless listener to cast aspersions. instead, the moral focus is upon the smith’s religious devotion and reverence for his mother. this figure, unlike the disgusting blacksmith of ‘a complaint’, lacks a distinct identity. he is merely an archetype of the loyal son and devoted christian. this absence of individuation is fuelled by idealisation: he is an unnatural fantasy of the ‘good’ labourer. longfellow’s smith is a theological creation, representing the smith as the simple antithesis to the nineteenth-century reality of industrialisation and materialism. as the nineteenth century progressed, the association between the sounds of the forge and charming simplicity became entrenched. the american poet, alice cary depicts the smith as a benignly sitting, sweetly singing, little man in her children’s poem ‘the little blacksmith’, first published posthumously in : we heard his hammer all day long on the anvil ring and ring, but he always came when the sun went down to sit on the gate and sing. his little hands so hard and brown crossed idly on his knee, henry wadsworth longfellow, ‘the village blacksmith’, in the complete poetical works of henry wadsworth longfellow (london: g. routledge, ), p. , lines – . subsequent references are provided in the text, denoted by line number. parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe and straw hat lopping over cheeks as red as they could be. with a tuneful, ringing hammer, later described as a ‘happy ring’ ( ), and a healthy-coloured face, cary’s blacksmith is a sentimental figure to be enjoyed and reminisced about, rather than abhorred and cursed. he is described fondly as ‘a picture sweet’ ( ) and is aligned with the virtuous ‘rustic’ tending fields nearby ( ). crucially, unlike the socially disruptive fifteenth-century smith, he finishes work and begins to sing a sweet song as darkness descends: ‘as forth he came when the sun went down | and sat on the gate and sung’ ( – ). not only do those who hear the smith not despise his voice, but they yearn to hear it: ‘and half the busy villagers | lean from their doors to hear’ ( – ). a sense of restorative nostalgia emerges from the sonic aspects of the forge in this poem, which is written as a blissful memory. while sight and touch are inextricably tied to everyday life – what we might call ‘reality’ – sound has ‘privileged access to the emotional life of the hearer’. sound is less connected to objects and things and thus is free to connect with hazy recollections, emanating as it does ‘from nowhere or everywhere’. thus, the poem presents an idealised sound of the forge, which evokes the pleasant memories of the blacksmith and his ruddy cheeks. this sound of hammers bashing ‘all day long’ contrasts with the noise of the industrialised nineteenth-century city, which is equally persistent, but less evocative of glowing cheeks and rough, ‘brown’ hands. in ireland, late nineteenth-century depictions of blacksmiths were equally positive. in william allingham’s poem ‘the blacksmith’, published in , the smith makes a din: his anvil makes music from morning till night, and the swing of his arm keeps it polish’d and bright, bing-bang!’ ting-clang! however, the forge is a social centre, ‘where neighbours peep in with a greeting or smile | or stand in the doorway to gossip awhile’ ( – ). allingham’s chorus lauds the blacksmith for his melodious clatter: alice cary, ‘the little blacksmith’, in poetical works of alice and phoebe cary, ed. mary clemmer (new york: hurd & houghton, ), p. , lines – . subsequent references are provided in the text, denoted by line number. kathryn kalinak, settling the score: music and the classical hollywood film (madison: university of wisconsin press, ), p. ; helen dell, ‘“yearning for the sweet beckoning sound”: musical longings and the unsayable in medievalist fantasy fiction’, postmedieval, ( ), – (p. ). dell, p. . william allingham, ‘the blacksmith’, in life and phantasy [verse] (london: reeves & turner, ), p. , lines – . subsequent references are provided in the text, denoted parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work success to the smith in his forge! long life to the smith in his forge! sing, all you good fellows, tongs, hammer, and bellows hurrah for the smith in his forge! ( – ). allingham anticipates the aspersions that might be cast upon the blacksmith for his dirty visage, and dismisses them. he is not disgustingly grimy, as is the smith of ‘a complaint’. instead, allingham’s smith is ‘besmudged’ because he has done an honest hard day’s work: his hands are besmudged, his features the same it’s the sign of his trade, and he thinks it no shame, a varnish of coal needn’t cause him to fret, for an honest day’s work never soil’d a man yet ( – ). the poetry of longfellow, cary, and allingham demonstrates how the harsh clanking of the forge was muffled by nineteenth-century poets. the din of a solitary, rural smith paled in comparison to the noise that was shaking the nineteenth century. for instance, the industrial revolution brought the blare of blast furnaces, which thomas carlyle in described roaring like ‘many whirlwinds all around’. in these iron mills, the hammers were of ‘monstrous size, which fell like so many little earthquakes’, and carlyle heard a ‘hideous shrieking noise’ that was almost unparalleled in nature. a hundred and fifty thousand men ‘grind out their destiny’ there; labour on an unimaginable scale. so, in the midst of this hellish nineteenth-century clamour, nostalgic literature ejected the brash medieval smith from the forge, and replaced him with a sweetly singing, heart-warming, solitary, and justifiably dirty vision of a rural smith. we return to the medieval forge of ‘a complaint’ as the sounds of the blacksmiths reach their maximum brain-bursting potential. animalistic features become prominent in the smith’s physical appearance: and holdyn hem hote with her hard hamers of a bole hyde ben here barm fellys her schankes ben schakeled for þe fer flunderys heuy hamerys þei han þat hard ben handled by line number. thomas carlyle to alexander carlyle, august , in the collected letters of thomas and james welsh carlyle, vol. , eds charles richard sanders, kenneth j. fielding, ian campbell, john clubbe, and janetta taylor (durham, nc: duke university press, ), p. . see humphrey jennings, pandaemonium – : the coming of the machine as seen by contemporary observers, eds mary lou jennings and charles madge (london: andré deutsch, ), p. ; hendy, pp. – . parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe stark strokes þei stryken on a stelyd stokke lus. bus. las. das. rowtyn be rowe ( – ). the smith is shielded from the licking flames by an apron made from coarse bull hide. his ankles are protected from loose sparks by thick guards. the word ‘schakeled’, like wadsworth longfellow’s iron bands, invokes imagery of restraint. however, the shackled smith of this poem is bursting with crude energy as he handles his hammers ‘hard’ and his strokes strike ‘stark’. there is no gentle nobility in this fettered beast. the secretary of marge piercy’s poem is similarly encumbered by the apparatus of her work: her paperclip earrings, and rubber band hair. in contrast with the blacksmith’s shackles, which hint at his underlying strength and energy, the secretary’s burdens suggest unnatural inertia, and enervation. the poet of ‘a complaint’ rendered the smith animalistic to emphasise the horrendous sights and sounds of the forge. the french engraver, nicolas de larmessin ii, in also explored the dehumanising potential of work, using the figure of the smith. larmessin’s smith is not bestial, but instead is mechanised by his occupation-appropriate attire. in a similar image to piercy’s paperclip-encumbered secretary, this blacksmith is made up of bellows, a furnace, and various tools (see figure ). an anvil rests on his head, horseshoes hang over his ears, and hot coals nestle in his belly. in the same series of engravings, the locksmith sits astride an anvil, with a body made up of a furnace and tools, and the ironmonger has a costume composed of various tools, bells, locks, and body armour. returning to ‘a complaint’, the potential for work to erode human identity is reiterated in the refrain: ‘lus. bus. lus. das.’ in the medieval working day, the rhythm of song, the street cries and chants, were reassuring markers of the passing of time. they were reminders of a human’s position within a community of other working bodies. however, the blacksmith’s song, or ‘rowe’, is not intoned by human voices, but instead by heaving bellows. the hiss of air alternates with the dints of the hammers – ‘tik. tak. hic. hac. tiket. taket. tyk. tak.’ ( ) – to form a din that has musicality as it hits the treble, but also an inhuman sharpness. the rowdy song of the blacksmith contrasts sharply with contemporary depictions – perhaps idealistic – of the studious quietude of a writer. the life of ‘trauaillous stilness’ that might have been experienced by the writer of ‘a complaint’, is described by thomas hoccleve in the regiment of princes: london, british museum, i, . , travestissements: ‘habit de maréchal’; i, . , ‘habit de serrurier’; and i, . , ‘habit de quincaillier’. david garrioch, ‘sounds of the city: the soundscape of early modern european towns’, urban history, ( ), – (pp. – ). parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work this artificers, se i say be day in þe hotteste of al hir bysynesse talken and syng, and make game and play and forth hir labour passith with gladnesse but we labour in trauaillous stilnesse; we stowpe and stare vp-on þe shepes skyn, and keepe muste our song and wordes in. hoccleve contrasts the strenuousness of writing with the relative mental freedom of craft work. the writer’s mind is fixated on his page, his lips pursed in silence, whereas the craftsman has breathing space, represented by his capacity to make noise, to sing, and to ‘make game and play’. unlike the blacksmith, the writer is not able to make noise, because all of his attention is held by the page. for the writer, the song and words are internalised, ruminated on, focused upon, and fed into the work at hand, in a marked contrast to the grunting, clattering smith. returning to the forge of ‘a complaint’, its unrestrained sounds reach their climax and the sleepless narrator loses his composure: swech dolful a dreme þe deuyl it to dryue Þe mayster longith a lityl and lascheth a lesse twyneth hem tweyn and towchith a treble tik. tak. hic. hac. tiket. taket. tyk. tak. lus. bus. lus. das. swych lyf þei ledyn alle cloþe merys cryst hem gyue sorwe may no man for brenwateres on nyght han his rest ( – ) the narrator condemns the blacksmith to hell for this anguished waking dream. the poem reaches the peak of its claustrophobia as we see the tiny pieces of metal that the smith smashes: he makes one little piece longer (‘longith a lityl’) and deals a heavy blow upon an even smaller one (‘lascheth a lesse’). the narrator’s thoughts are interrupted by the sound of the hammers and bellows, which join into a final raucous refrain. he wishes christ’s damnation upon these ‘cloþe merys’, literally ‘one who clothes mares’. finally, he exclaims resignedly that no man may get sleep, because of these ‘brenwateres’, referring to the hissing noise as a smith cools his irons in water. the smith persists with his unceasing racket seemingly unaware of the distress he is causing. he might be deaf. pierre de la primaudaye ( – ) claimed that blacksmiths were, ‘thicke of hearing, because thomas hoccleve, the regiment of princes, ed. charles r. blyth (kalamazoo, mi: medieval institute publications, ), lines – . masciandaro, voice of the hammer, p. . see ‘bren(ne)-water (n.)’, in med. parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe their eares are continually dulled with the noise of and sound of their hammers & anuiles’. insomnia can prop the door of the mind open and invite anguish in. it ushers any remaining resilience out. every wakeful hour can remove a protective stone of the mind’s fortifications. insomnia’s capacity to incapacitate has been a long-established source of literary inspiration. an eighth-century chinese poem by tu fu describes how a lack of sleep erodes the mind’s protection against what torments it: ‘sleepless, memories of war betray me: i am powerless against the world.’ loss of sleep was both the cause and result of misery for thomas hoccleve in his ‘complaint’: syghenge sore as i in my bed lay, for this and othar thowghts whiche many a day, before i toke sleape came none in myne eye so vexyd me the thoughtful maladye. equally, sleeplessness is a muse. the smallest noise is concentrated and even the sounds of inspiration and expiration of breath are made more intense. sleeplessness in the deepest part of the night is a source of heightened poetic movement. in the lyrics to the song ‘insomnia’ by faithless, the effect of insomnia is magnified by mind-altering drugs: deep in the bosom of the gentle night is when i search for the light pick up my pen and start to write i struggle, fight dark forces in the clear moon light without fear … insomnia i can’t get no sleep … at least a couple of weeks since i last slept, kept takin’ sleepers but now i keep myself pepped deeper still, that night i write by candle light i find insight, fundamental movement, uh so when it’s black this insomniac take an original tack keep the beast in my nature under ceaseless attack pierre de la primaudaye, the french academie fully discoursed and finished in foure bookes, trans. thomas bowes and richard dolman (london: thomas adams, ), p. . tu fu, facing the snow: visions of tu fu, trans. sam hamill (fredonia: white pine press, ), p. ; lisa russ spar, ‘insomnia and the poet’, new york times, march , online at opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/ / / /insomnia-and-the-poet [accessed january ]. thomas hoccleve, complaint and dialogue, ed. j. a. burrow, eets, o.s. (oxford: oxford university press), pp. – , lines – . russ spaar, ‘insomnia and the poet’. parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work i gets no sleep i can’t get no sleep. the result of this combination of mind-altering drugs and insomnia is ‘insight’, writing ‘by candle light’. the insomniac is destitute, yet experiences a ‘fundamental movement’ within the mind. this song, like ‘a complaint’, is crafted by insomnia. in ‘a complaint’, prolonged wakefulness conspires with a shroud of darkness to magnify every gnashing sound of the forge. the narrator’s eyes and ears consume the exhaustive, and exhausting, details: the smith’s apron, his shin guards, every single blow of the hammer. the narrator’s tiredness intensifies with every irritable twitch until his anger discharges: ‘cryst hem gyue sorwe.’ his insomnia invites us to share in every disturbing stimulus of the forge with rapt irritation. in this process, we relish the poem’s ever- increasing attention to detail. though the ‘song’ of the forge is brain bursting, there is a simple connection between the smith’s labour and the sleep-depriving product. it is this uncomplicatedness that enthrals a modern audience. the simplicity of the blacksmith’s noise contrasts with the opening scene of the film metropolis ( ), in which machines appear to move independently. it is uncertain who puts them in motion, or what their movement produces. the film’s orchestral score is interrupted by loud, halting clunks as the machine elements shift. the only obvious product of human labour is sporadic bursts of steam from the machines’ outlets. in metropolis, there is a disconcerting gulf between the toils of the human beings and the mechanic operation of the machines. this is quite unlike the simple, monosyllabic noises of the blacksmith at work. the noises of the forge are undeniably loud and jarring, but they are also the sounds of simple human endeavour. many modern workers experience a schizophonic confusion of non- human noises: there is a split between any original sound and its electro- acoustical reproduction. it is not always possible to identify the source of any sound. this inability to associate noise with its source makes the mechanised office as distressing as the ear-bursting forge. in ‘a complaint’, the narrator is, at least, able to attribute blame for the noise and thus retain a sense of control. this helplessness in the modern workplace was narrated in an advertisement from , which was published in the united states rollo armstrong, ayalah deborah bentovim, and maxwell alexander fraser, ‘insomnia’ (champion/bmg, ), lines – , – . anton kaes, ‘metropolis: city, cinema, modernity’, in expressionist utopias: paradise, ‘metropolis’, architectural fantasy, ed. timothy o. benson (berkeley: university of california press, ), pp. – (p. ). schafer, the soundscape, p. . parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe chamber of commerce’s nation’s business magazine (see figure ). in this promotion, the celotex company speaks directly to managers responsible for employees who are distressed by sound: “ o’clock fatigue means office shell shock” take a good look at your staff when the clock rolls ‘round to . nerves on edge. exhausted. praying for o’clock. study your own face. rather pinched? lined a bit? “office shell shock” etched those lines. it’s “office shell shock” that wastes precious hours for you and your employees. it then invents an internal monologue for the troubled office manager: ‘“i’ll get used to this racket” you say to yourself. but you don’t. noise – uncontrolled – always wins.’ promoting its sound-absorbent wall padding, the advertisement argues for the existence of a psychological condition caused by ‘clattering typewriters’ and ‘jangling telephones’, dubbed ‘office shell shock’. the ‘nerves on edge’ and exhaustion of the s office are caused by the constant exposure to ‘racket’. the advert imagines that the human victim of nervous exhaustion is passive among the clamour of the workplace. (s)he can find no identifiable, human source of the noise. the only answer is for managers to build a sound-proof cushion around their workers, to eliminate the distressing, mechanic noises of the office. the twenty-first-century audience listens with fascination to the range of sounds of medieval industry. it is impossible for many of us to comprehend a medieval sonic landscape, when the developed, urban world is so completely different. as the celotex advertisement shows, modern industry is full of intrusive and varied sounds. even those who do not work in offices – agricultural labourers, builders, or carpenters, for example – have usually been exposed to the rich diversity of the modern city soundscape. thus, it is difficult to comprehend the isolated, man-made din of a smith at work. r. murray schafer pushed towards an understanding by studying blacksmiths in twentieth-century rural germany. his findings described the small hammer strikes and the heavy blows, the ‘tik’ and the ‘tak’: while on a recording expedition in europe, we were fortunate in persuading an old swabian blacksmith and his assistant to fire up their abandoned forge and to demonstrate his techniques. shaping scythes consisted of a rapid series of taps, followed by slight pauses for inspection. by comparison, the shaping of horseshoes called for the assistant to strike the metal with mighty sledgehammer beats while the smith, with a little the celotex company, ‘ o’clock fatigue means “office shell shock”’, nation’s business magazine, july , p. . i would like to thank celotex for permission to reproduce the image, and acknowledge that there has since been a change in product range and business ownership. parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work hammer for shaping, struck the metal off the beat … when the smith wanted more flattening he would tap the side of the anvil with two rapid flourishes. the sound of the smith in ‘a complaint’ – brain-bursting, sleep-depriving noises – would have resonated for miles. schafer measured the sound of a blacksmith at work at over decibels. though this is extremely loud, and enough to damage hearing, it is insignificant compared to the levels of noise that can be experienced today: a hairdryer can reach decibels, a jackhammer decibels, and a rock concert up to decibels. schafer’s study highlighted the dexterity that is channelled into every tap or blow, with the shaping strikes of the ‘little hammer’ and the ‘rapid flourishes’ that flatten the metal. it is this skill that lent itself so well to the medium of finely crafted alliterative, poetic rhetoric. the early twentieth century brought an awareness of the slowly eroding world of manual craftsmanship. in the novel the man without qualities, written by robert musil over the course of the s and unfinished at his death in , count leinsdorf reflects on the different type of intelligence that was required for mechanised work, compared with manual craftsmanship. leinsdorf mourns the loss of crafting skill as a loss of part of the human soul: there was a time when people grew naturally into the conditions they found waiting for them and that was a very sound way of becoming oneself. but nowadays, with all this shaking up of things, when everything is becoming detached from the soul it grew in, even where the production of soul is concerned one really ought, as it were, to replace the traditional handicrafts by the sort of intelligence that goes with the machine and the factory. an inseparability of individual and craft pervades the depiction of the blacksmith in ‘a complaint’. he grows into a representative of his trade, which, for the narrator, ties him inextricably to moral degeneration. the secretary of marge piercy’s poem also grows into her role. however, her lot is precisely the kind of ‘shaking up of things’ that musil’s leinsdorf lamented. she has lost touch with any kind of traditional handicraft and thus has become schafer, p. . for a detailed description of the medieval blacksmith at work, see jane geddes, ‘iron’, in english medieval industries: craftsmen, techniques, products, eds john blair and nigel ramsay (london: hambledon, ), pp. – (p. ). see ‘common sounds’, an online resource for educators provided by the us national institute on deafness and other communication disorders, at www.nidcd.nih.gov/health/ education/teachers/pages/common_sounds.aspx [accessed january ]. robert musil, the man without qualities, trans. sophie wilkins, vols (new york: vintage, ), ii, ; see also michael hardt, ‘affective labour’, boundary , . ( ), – (p. ). parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe a detached soul, whose only value lies in sorting things and controlling machines. she is no longer a producer – as the blacksmith is – but an operator. to conclude, a sense of guilty delight in the sights and sounds of the blacksmith’s forge pervades the fourteenth-century poem ‘a complaint against blacksmiths’. the smith is burdened with long-established moral implications about his work. the grunting, spitting, night-working creature is representative of the social problems that were associated with the forge. the text, probably produced within a monastic context, carries clear messages about the reprehensibility of illicit work done without the remit of regulated medieval work. the writer also found the forge compulsive because of the delightful rhetorical possibilities that it afforded. it is this compulsiveness, combined with the moral message of the poem that gives the poem its complicated power. as the narrator crouches in pain, his brain bursting at the horrific clamour of the forge, the poem resounds with delightful alliteration and onomatopoeia. it is the noises that distress the listener that provide such rich material upon which the poet can ‘hang his rhetorical ornaments’. the poem may gesture towards work by chaucer and allude to long-established tropes, while crafting new and brilliant poetic embellishments from the sights and sounds of the forge. a twenty-first-century urban audience, existing in a world of immaterial work, ubiquitous technology, and flat-line, automated soundscapes, is drawn towards the dirty, noisy smith. it may not idealise him as the nineteenth- century poets did, but those who are surrounded by technology revel in the sensual claustrophobia of his noisy night. the smith, animalistic yet pulsating with human sinews and muscles, is appealing as a vivid and dynamic individual. the audience may sympathise with the narrator’s annoyance at the brain- bursting sounds of the forge as he lies awake and disturbed. most humans can relate to the universal affliction of insomnia. however, many of us now live and work amid greater, and more varied, noise. many of us can never truly comprehend the clamour of a forge within a comparatively straightforward medieval soundscape. so, from a world of indistinguishable, confusing noises, a modern, urban reader is pulled into the sonic landscape of the forge, with its clattering hammers, grunting mouths, and hissing waters. the university of york salter, ‘a complaint against blacksmiths’, p. . parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work figure st dunstan seizing the devil by his nose source: bl, ms harley , fol. v image from the british library’s catalogue of illuminated manuscripts figure nature forging a baby source: bl, ms harley , fol. r image from the british library’s catalogue of illuminated manuscripts parergon . ( ) deborah thorpe figure gerard valck, travestissements: ‘habit de maréchal’ ( – ) engraving on paper ( . × . cm) london, british museum, shelf-mark i, . © the trustees of the british museum parergon . ( ) the politics and poetics of work figure the celotex company, ‘ o’clock fatigue means “office shell shock”’ source: nation’s business magazine (july ), p. hagley digital archives, wilmington, de, f hf .n . reproduced by permission of celotex older adults in clinical research and drug development “for age is opportunity no less than youth itself, though in another dress, and as the evening twilight fades away the sky is filled with stars, invisible by day.” –henry wadsworth longfellow as cardiovascular specialists, we are caring for a rapidly growing number of older adults despite limited data to guide therapeutics in this population. during the next years, the population age ≥ years will be more than double—from . million in to . million by . over years ago, the food and drug administration (fda) published the guideline for the study of drugs likely to be used in the elderly advocating that the population studied should reflect the population treated. a review by cherubini et al dem- onstrated that % of heart failure trials had an arbitrary upper age exclusion; in the same year zulman et al demonstrated that . % of trials had other criteria that disproportionately excluded older adults (eg, decreased life expectancy, functional limitations, cognitive impairment, serious concomitant illness, or nursing home residence). furthermore, many trials under- represent women, who comprise the majority of older cohorts. thus, it is no surprise that medicare beneficiaries, almost all of whom have multiple chronic conditions, differ significantly from participants in trials used to inform medicare coverage decisions. the application of data and treatment recommen- dations from studied to unstudied populations can result in catastrophic consequences and increased costs. the medical community has suggested elimination of age-based exclusions, justification for exclusion criteria that limit inclusion of older individuals, performance of trials specific to older individuals, and reporting trends to assess inclusion of older adults in clini- cal trials. however, as a medical community, we have yet to embark on the kind of systematic effort necessary to ensure representation of older adults in pivotal research. policy efforts there has also been slow bureaucratic progress. in , the fda published the ich-e studies in support of special pop- ulations: geriatrics guidance for industry, which presented nonbinding recommendations to improve representation of older adults in trials. this document reiterated the importance of including older adults in research, encouraged early dis- cussions with fda, and outlined similar suggestions to those made previously. in , the fda prepared an action plan to section of the food and drug administration safety and innovation act (pub l. – ) in which congress directed them to report safety and effectiveness by sex, age, race, and ethnicity. the fda action plan to enhance the collection and availability of demographic subgroup data, included the creation of trial snapshots for fda-approved products to provide a subgroup summary for consumers. the geriatric population is considered to be those aged years and older. among the initial fda trial snapshots is one for vorapaxar (zontivity), a thrombin receptor antagonist. vorapaxar, when given in addition to antiplatelet therapy to patients with car- diovascular disease, led to a minor reduction in cardiovascu- lar outcomes, but increased bleeding. a black box warning advises against use in those with previous stroke or bleeding. the snapshot states no difference was noted by patient age, but only % of the definitive trial, and % of the overall drug experience was collected in those aged > years. paradoxi- cally the package insert also states that older patients are at higher risk of bleeding which should be considered before ini- tiating zontivity. although age ≥ years is a convenient cut point for clinical trial populations, age ≥ years better reflects older adults in the community, and age ≥ years is arguably the most reflective of a vulnerable age-defined cohort. yet, cut points are numeric constructs. more relevant for benchmark- ing inclusion of representative older adults is their similarity to those likely to be treated. the well-intentioned consumer fda snapshots are also profoundly limited by the continued lack of inclusion of older representative adults on which to base their information. approaches in other special populations the systematic path to better evidence in older adults may be informed by progress in other special populations. these examples of regulated approaches are actionable for older adults. first, targeted/planned enrollment tables required for sex/race/ethnicity in national institutes of health tri- als could serve as a model for required enrollment plans for (circ cardiovasc qual outcomes. ; : - . doi: . /circoutcomes. . .) © american heart association, inc. circ cardiovasc qual outcomes is available at http://circoutcomes.ahajournals.org doi: . /circoutcomes. . cardiovascular perspective from the leon h. charney division of cardiology, nyu langone medical center, new york (a.h.s.); and division of cardiology, duke university medical center, and duke clinical research institute, durham, nc (k.p.a.). this article was handled independently by william b. borden, md, as a guest editor. the editors had no role in the evaluation of the manuscript or in the decision about its acceptance. correspondence to karen p. alexander, md, po box dumc, durham, nc . e-mail karen.alexander@duke.edu older adults in clinical research and drug development closing the geriatric gap adam h. skolnick, md; karen p. alexander, md d ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on a pril , mailto:karen.alexander@duke.edu circ cardiovasc qual outcomes november older adults in national institutes of health clinical research. research in support of new drug or device applications to the fda, which may proceed to commercial use in older adults, should similarly include plans to ensure adequate enrollment of older adults. this would start the conversation early enough in planning to set target numbers of older adults and collect outcomes of relevance to them. second, congress could cre- ate an office of geriatric health and aging within the fda to review protocols for dosing, enrollment, and data collection in older populations. this office could also monitor progress in the inclusion of older adults in pivotal trials. the fda has dedicated offices for other special populations, such as the office of women’s health, office of minority health, and office of pediatric therapeutics. the fda office of women’s health was created by congressional mandate in and was associated with substantial improvement in recruitment of women. from to , % of new drug applications analyzed the clinical trial data for sex differences, whereas from to these sex-specific analyses increased to ~ %. however, no advisory committee or dedicated office exists for older adults to oversee or advocate for their rep- resentation. third, the pediatric exclusivity rule ( ) provides drug manufacturers a -month patent extension for conducting studies in children. from to of drugs given such patent extensions, drugs ( %) received new pediatric labeling as a result of targeted studies in children. the pediatric exclusivity rule came about through an act of congress; a similar act should be passed to protect our citizens at the other end of the age spectrum. both have unique aspects of their physiology, which may alter pharmacokinetics and pharmacodynamics. the analogous geriatric exclusivity rule would build on lessons learned in pediatrics to optimize the economics, feasibility, and compliance with this policy initia- tive and capitalize on methods for mining data from registries and electronic records. moreover, although device approval within the fda often mandates postmarketing registries, the fda should similarly approve drugs contingent on accumu- lation of postmarketing safety data in community-treated older adults. fourth, a geriatric evidence rating in the package insert could provide a simplified uniform risk/benefit score. the pregnancy rating category on labels indicates safety during pregnancy and summarizes strength of evidence for harm. a similar initiative could be used to integrate strength of evidence for risk-to-benefit of a drug in older adults. the analogous geriatric rating category could provide an easy reference for those considering treatment, with highest rating for drugs tested in representative populations with informa- tion on comorbidity, function, drug interactions, and quality of life. this could also provide an incentive for pharmaceutical companies to test medications in older adults to distinguish them from in-class competitors by improving their geriatric rating. engage patients and other stakeholders perhaps the best hope for closing the geriatric gap is includ- ing consumers, payers, and older adults in the discussion. our elders, many of whom are eager to connect and contribute to future generations, need education and encouragement to understand participation in clinical trials. simplified consent forms with large type, added time to consult with family, the use of proxy data or remote follow up, and other ideas can be elicited to overcome barriers to participation. payers, includ- ing medicare, could provide education about the importance of research participation in subscriber welcome packets, cre- ating a special identifier for those willing to be contacted for participation. this could spark community wide conversa- tions among older adults about their role as research partici- pants and rights as healthcare consumers. the fda office of women’s health held regular public webinars in with stakeholder groups to gather feedback on the pregnancy and lactation labeling changes; if there were an office dedicated to older adults at fda, similar discussions might occur with respect to labeling changes for older adults. one shining example of progress was the multimorbidity in cardiovas- cular disease conference. in february , the national institute on aging, american geriatrics society and ameri- can college of cardiology cohosted this workshop at which stakeholders from industry, patient representatives, research- ers, and medical authorities met to propose solutions to the challenges of studying complex older populations. similarly, payers should partner with drug and device manufacturers to identify research priorities for older populations and collabo- rate in research designs. drugs and devices with best evidence would be given market advantage by payers, a benefit passed on to older adults through safer care at lower costs. when con- sumers exercise their full power, the drug and device indus- try will be motivated to gather this information, regardless of enhanced regulations or advocacy offices. conclusions continuing to describe but not close this geriatric gap for another years will send health care for older adults blindly over the demographic cliff ahead. despite concerns about implementation, cost, and political hurdles, we can learn from progress made for other special populations. it is time to act— we must design and implement mandates, partnerships, and incentives to ensure representation of older adults in the evi- dence which forms the basis of their care. disclosures none. references . us census. http://www.census.gov/population/projections/data/ national/ .html, accessed april , . . fda. guideline for the study of drugs likely to be used in the elderly ( ). fda publication. . cherubini a, oristrell j, pla x, ruggiero c, ferretti r, diestre g, clarfield am, crome p, hertogh c, lesauskaite v, prada gi, szczerbinska k, topinkova e, sinclair-cohen j, edbrooke d, mills gh. the persistent exclusion of older patients from ongoing clinical trials re- garding heart failure. arch intern med. ; : – . doi: . / archinternmed. . . . zulman dm, sussman jb, chen x, cigolle ct, blaum cs, hayward ra. examining the evidence: a systematic review of the inclusion and analysis of older adults in randomized controlled trials. j gen intern med. ; : – . doi: . /s - - -x. . dhruva ss, redberg rf. variations between clinical trial participants and medicare beneficiaries in evidence used for medicare national cov- erage decisions. arch intern med. ; : – . doi: . / archinternmed. . . d ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on a pril , http://www.census.gov/population/projections/data/national/ .html http://www.census.gov/population/projections/data/national/ .html skolnick and alexander geriatric gap . gurwitz jh, goldberg rj. age-based exclusions from cardiovascular clinical trials: implications for elderly individuals (and for all of us): comment on “the persistent exclusion of older patients from ongoing clinical trials regarding heart failure”. arch intern med. ; : – . doi: . /archinternmed. . . . food and drug administration. international conference on harmonisa- tion; guidance on e studies in support of special populations; geriatrics. fed regist. ; : – . . fda. collection, analysis, and availability of demographic subgroup data for fda-approved medical products. fda publication, rockville, md; . . action plan for the collection, analysis and availability of demographic subgroup data in applications for approval of fda-regulated medical products. http://www.fda.gov/downloads/regulatoryinformation/ l e g i s l a t i o n / s i g n i f i c a n t a m e n d m e n t s t o t h e f d c a c t / f da s i a / ucm .pdf. accessed february , . . krantz mj, kaul s. secondary prevention of cardiovascular disease with vorapaxar: a new era of -drug antiplatelet therapy? jama intern med. ; : – . doi: . /jamainternmed. . . . fda. fda drug trial snapshots: zontivity (vorapaxar) http://www.fda.gov/ drugs/informationondrugs/ucm .htm. accessed february , . . yang y, carlin as, faustino pj, motta mi, hamad ml, he r, watanuki y, pinnow ee, khan ma. participation of women in clinical trials for new drugs approved by the food and drug administration in - . j womens health (larchmt). ; : – . doi: . / jwh. . . . li js, eisenstein el, grabowski hg, reid ed, mangum b, schulman ka, goldsmith jv, murphy md, califf rm, benjamin dk jr. economic return of clinical trials performed under the pediatric exclusivity pro- gram. jama. ; : – . doi: . /jama. . . . . wharton gt, murphy md, avant d, goldsmith jv, chai g, rodriguez wj, eisenstein el. impact of pediatric exclusivity on drug labeling and demonstrations of efficacy. pediatrics. ; :e –e . doi: . /peds. - . . sahin l, tassinari ms. fda initiatives to meet the medical needs of pregnant and lactating women. http://www.diaglobal.org/en/course-listing/ webinar/ / /fda-initiatives-to-meet-the-medical-needs-of-pregnant- and-lactating-women-through-improved-labeling-of-medical-products. accessed december , . key words: aging ◼ geriatrics ◼ patient-centered care ◼ research ethics ◼ risk d ow nloaded from http://ahajournals.org by on a pril , http://www.fda.gov/downloads/regulatoryinformation/legislation/significantamendmentstothefdcact/fdasia/ucm .pdf http://www.fda.gov/downloads/regulatoryinformation/legislation/significantamendmentstothefdcact/fdasia/ucm .pdf http://www.fda.gov/downloads/regulatoryinformation/legislation/significantamendmentstothefdcact/fdasia/ucm .pdf http://www.fda.gov/drugs/informationondrugs/ucm .htm http://www.fda.gov/drugs/informationondrugs/ucm .htm http://www.diaglobal.org/en/course-listing/webinar/ / /fda-initiatives-to-meet-the-medical-needs-of-pregnant-and-lactating-women-through-improved-labeling-of-medical-products http://www.diaglobal.org/en/course-listing/webinar/ / /fda-initiatives-to-meet-the-medical-needs-of-pregnant-and-lactating-women-through-improved-labeling-of-medical-products http://www.diaglobal.org/en/course-listing/webinar/ / /fda-initiatives-to-meet-the-medical-needs-of-pregnant-and-lactating-women-through-improved-labeling-of-medical-products to the requi ed andard an analysis of rhyme in poetry for children by avis valerie harley b.ed., the university of british columbia, a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of master of arts in the faculty of graduate studies department of language education we accept this thesis as conforming the university of british columbia april © avis valerie harley, in presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the university of british columbia, i agree that the library shall make it freely available for reference and study. i further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. it is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (signature) department of language education the university of british columbia vancouver, canada date march st, de- ( / ) ii abstract this thesis attempts to provide an insight into how rhyming devices and rhyme forms have been used in poetry written specifically for children. it looks at words that have been selected by children's poets for their acoustical effect as well as their literary meaning and explores how the placement of each rhyming word affects the poem. in order to illustrate the context from which children's poetry has evolved, an overview of what is known in general about the historical roots of rhyme in the english language is reviewed through the works of the following scholars: saintsbury, lanz, reeves, fraser, woods, hollander, wimsatt, and pendlebury. such widely differing poets as isaac watts ( - ), william blake ( - ), edward lear ( - ), lewis carroll ( - ), christina rossetti ( - ), robert louis stevenson ( - ), walter de la mare ( - ), a.a. milne ( - ), david mccord ( - ), john ciardi ( - ), eve merriam ( - ), and valerie worth ( - ) have contributed significantly to the development and shaping of children's poetry. this paper examines how rhyme has been used by these twelve poets. poems have been analyzed, totalling lines. iii although basically a descriptive, historical study, some quantitative data are included in the second chapter to illustrate the following: --frequency of rhyme patterns (couplet, triplet, quatrain, etc.) --preferred stanzaic forms --percentage of stressed or unstressed line- endings. the analysis offers statistical proof that wide experimentation with all forms of children's poetry, especially free verse, has occurred in the twentieth century. use of near-rhyme appears to have increased in the last few decades. poets' preferences for rhyme patterns have altered over the past three hundred years, but traditional forms such as the couplet and quatrain continue to be popular choices of contemporary poets. the main purpose of this thesis is to illustrate the flexibility of rhyme by emphasizing the variety of devices and forms in which rhyme has been successfully employed in children's poetry. table of contents page abstract ^ ii acknowledgements ^ v introduction: the history of rhyme ^ analysis of rhyme patterns and line endings ^ rhyme forms ^ the rhyming device ^ a study of poems by: william blake ^ edward lear ^ christina rossetti ^ eve merriam ^ conclusions ^ bibliography ^ appendix: children's poets ^ iv v acknowledgements i would like to thank dr. wendy sutton for her guidance, encouragement, and invaluable assistance throughout the preparation of this thesis. my sincere gratitude also goes to dr. lee johnson for giving generously of his time. his comments and suggestions were greatly appreciated. for a detailed critique of this paper in its final stage, i am indebted to dr. carl leggo. a special thank you also goes to my husband frank for his support and extraordinary patience. introduction--the history of rhyme initially, rhyme in poetry appears to be the most obvious of features involving sound identity. there are, however, other aspects of rhyme less obvious than the regular chime of identical word endings. john hollander views rhyme as having the power to: ...compel notice, to attune and even orchestrate, as it were, the attention of the scanning and listening reader as it moves over the totality of the text, sometimes displaying its inner linguistic workings on its surface, sometimes submerging them, echoing in the memory, or lighting up expectation and hope. henry lanz describes rhyme as: ...one of those irrational satellites that revolve around reason...it belongs to the form, to the external appearance--poets call it the 'dress'--of a poem which is at the same time the inherent substance of poetry. wimsatt states: the words of a rhyme, with their curious harmony of sound and distinction of sense, are an amalgam of the sensory and the logical, or an arrest and precipitation of the logical in sensory form; they are the icon in which the idea is caught. this paper attempts to describe rhyme and how poets have used this poetic device in verse written specifically for children. the introductory chapter gives a review of the history of rhyme and includes a summary of the influential debate over rhyme which took place in the late sixteenth century. the second chapter presents a statistical analysis of a selection of poems by twelve major children's poets. the third and fourth chapters contain definitions of rhyme forms and rhyming devices respectively, illustrated through a series of selected passages by children's poets from the fourteenth century to the present. the fifth chapter closely examines four poets who have influenced the development of children's poetry: blake, lear, rossetti, and merriam. the final chapter provides a summary with comments on the findings in this thesis. it also looks at research that has been conducted on children's reactions to poetry: kyte ( ), avegno ( ), norvell ( ), nelson ( ), terry ( ), fisher/natarella ( ), and anderson ( ). these studies consistently revealed that children identified rhyme as being the most preferred poetic device. there is a need for educators to have a deeper understanding of this dynamic in poetry that arouses such a positive response in children. judith saltman states: a knowledge of the techniques poets choose, of the connotations and denotations of words, of the naming of parts--these add another dimension for those who already delight in poetry." before examining rhyme in children's poetry, it is necessary to look at its historical roots in the english language and thus be able to consider the context from which children's poetry has evolved. poetry written for the young shares many characteristics of adult poetry. rhyme comes from the latin word rithmus and the greek word rhythmos meaning "measured motion." rithmus later referred to end-word identity. in english, this word merged with the saxon rime, meaning "a number" or "counting." rhyme was established as distinct from rhythm during the english renaissance period. the modern spelling of rhyme was first introduced in the seventeenth century, and now this spelling is used more frequently than rime. the main definition of rhyme in the princeton encyclopedia of poetry and poetics is: "a metrical rhetorical device based on the sound-identities of words." aristotle ( - b.c.) in his opgra,_rbetorlc_iu, provided the first mention of what today is considered to be true rhyme. rhyme is discussed under the name "homoeoteleuton." the term "homoeoteleuton" is of greek derivation, and means "the similarity of endings," referring to the same case-endings in proximity.' rhyme is used more frequently in latin than in greek because latin is heavier in case-endings. aristotle described rhyme as: ...making the extreme words of both members of a period like each other. this must happen either at the beginning or at the end of each member. if at the beginning, the resemblance must always be between whole words; if at the end, between final syllables or inflections of the same word or the same word repeated.° aristotle was the first to acknowledge the power of word beginnings and endings that contained identical sounds, and he recognized the artistic effect of "two contrasting ideas under the control of one sound." he recognized rhyme as a way of helping "devise lively and taking sayings," thus presenting the idea of rhyme as a mnemonic device. - ° this idea has been considered by many to be one of rhyme's fundamental functions. quintilian ( - a.d.) in his irptintlkta q wt.q. . . . book ix, described different "forms of play upon verbal resemblances...words selected will be of equal length and will have similar terminations...when clauses conclude alike, the same syllables being placed at the end of each; this correspondence in the ending of two or more sentences is called homoeoteleuton."-- words with similar case- endings, tense indicators, etc. employ homoeoteleuton. neither aristotle or quintilian includes personal opinions regarding the effectiveness of this rhetorical device. evidence as to when and how rhyme entered the english language is inconclusive, but according to henry webb, english rhyming can be divided into four periods: old english, middle english, early modern english, and late modern english. old english was spoken in the latter part of the first millennium and is barely recognizable as the language we know today. end rhyming was somewhat difficult in this inflectional system, and alliteration was the favoured device. alliteration was also a strongly developed element in the welsh language. intricate rhyming patterns containing end rhyme and initial rhyme were found in ireland as early as a.d. early in the fifth century, a scottish bishop, coelius sedulius, was writing latin hymns in rhyme. in , guest published a history of_english_rhythms, where he indicated end rhyme could be traced to the old celtic. in the history of english poetry, courthope suggests that rhyme probably came from arabic sources. saintsbury states in his short history of english literature that no one knows exactly how rhyme first appeared in english literature. however, many scholars such as arthur m. clark and henry w. wells are of the opinion that ireland seems to have been the centre where full rhyme first appeared in western europe. early hymns and poems being written in both latin and greek contained initial inflection as well as end stress. twenty-eight examples of initial rhyme combined with end rhyme have been discovered by friedrich klaeber in the old english epic of beowulf. rhymed verse occurred in middle english in the latter part of the twelfth century and is found in a work entitled owl . the nightinga g. early lyrics sung by troubadours probably were influenced by the rhymes of travelling scholars. the inflectional system of old english gradually changed, and the alliterative line fell out of favour. french disyllabic and polysyllabic words were introduced into middle english verse, and the stress placed on the final syllable(s) allowed for easy accessibility to end rhyme. the language called middle english was spoken from around to . end rhyme replaced alliteration as the most popular poetic device during this period. the french influence is strongly felt in chaucer's poetry. although chaucer complained about the "scarcitee of rym" in england, he composed some , lines using the heroic couplet form (especially open couplets, where the idea is carried over from the sound-rhyme into the succeeding line). he also displayed prodigious talent in the use of the english rime royal (a seven-line stanza of iambic pentameter and rhyming a-b-a-b-b-c-c). chaucer (c - ) did not write poetry specifically for children, but the manciple's passage from cadtqr_wiky tales contained advice intended for the young, and emphasized the virtues of children controlling their tongues: my son, thy tongue shouldst thou restrain at all time, but when thou dost thy pain to speak of god, in honour and prayer. the first virtue, son, if thou wilt lere, is to restrain and keep well thy tongue; thus learn children when that they been young.- this excerpt was written in one of the most important english meters--the heroic couplet. the english form of the heroic couplet "is often thought to have developed with chaucer under the influence from the old french decasyllable rhymed in couplets."- john lydgate ( ?- ) published a popular description in verse form on how a boy should behave when serving at table. this was widely circulated in the sixteenth century: my dear child, first thyself enable with all thine heart to virtuous discipline; afore thy sovereign, standing at the table, dispose thou thee after my doctrine to all nurture thy courage to incline. first, when thou speakest be not reckless, keep feet and fingers still in peace... - lydgate composed it using the seven-line rhyme royal stanza form: a-b-a-b-b-c-c. peter idley (d. ?) published a treatise entitled "instructions to his son." it was also composed in rhyme royal and was , lines in length. it "stands as a pleasing monument to a father's concern for his child's welfare at the close of the middle ages."'-' according to harvey darton, there were no books ostensibly written to give children pleasure during this period. moral, didactic schoolbooks were plentiful, as were treatises on good conduct (called courtesy books). old courtesy books were usually written in rhyme to assist the child in memorizing. in situations where children would not have been able to possess their own copy of a book, rhyme as a mnemonic device was particularly helpful. a surprising and refreshing diversion from the instructional publications on manners and morals appeared in . thomas newbery (who was most likely related to the famous newbery publishing family) wrote the "hooke in englyssh metre of the great marchaunt man called dyves pragmaticus, very pretye for chyldren to rede." although not written for pleasure or entertainment, it was meant to help children "rede and write wares and implements in this worlde contayned." this seventy-four verse poem was composed in the most popular of english lyric forms--the quatrain--with a rhyme scheme of a-a-a-b: i have here to sell fine needells and thimbels, nayle pearsers, smalle podde chyselles and wimbels, blades, and for weavers fine shuttells and brembils, what do you lacke, friend? come hether to me. - shortly after newbery's publication, the famous controversy over rhyme erupted in england. this took place during the early modern english period, which had begun approximately a.d. this period was strongly influenced by the great vowel shift, which facilitated rhyming through the shifting of the seven long, or tense, vowels. susanne woods stated that the controversy over rhyme "is the first debate to enunciate certain assumptions about verse generally and english verse particularly...admiration of the classics and an attempt to 'overgo' foreign models, on the one hand, and patriotism on the other." - this debate was sparked by a publication by roger ascham ( - ) who was a fellow of st. john's college, cambridge, and a tutor to princess elizabeth. his book, the. scholemaster, was published in , two years after his death. in it, he denounced the use of rhyme and introduced england to the idea that rhyme was "brought first into italy by goths and huns, when all good learning too was destroyed by them, and after carried into france and germany, and at last received in england by men of excellent wit indeed, but of small learning and less judgement in that behalf.... in ascham's opinion, anything that stemmed from such a "barbarous" origin could not possibly contain any artistic merit. he believed that rhymeless quantitative verse based on classical culture was far superior to the popular rhyming system of english poetry. ascham's comments sparked the long and influential literary controversy over rhymeless verse (using the classics as models) versus rhymed poetry (english versemaking, using popular, contemporary, continental models). william webbe, also a member of st. john's college, cambridge, published in his pisurpe_pf_english poetrift. he was an important participant in the debate between the advocates and the non-advocates of rhyme. according to lanz, webbe was the first english prosodist who theoretically proclaimed "the union between rime and sense" and recommended in his rules for successful rhyming "not to make violence to grammatical order for the sake of rime./ he endorsed the regular forms found in classical metres and, like ascham, denounced rhyme as a "rude kinde of verse" and "brutish poetry" that had been introduced by the barbarians. webbe viewed rhyme as being of a rhythmical nature. he defined rhyme as "the falling out of verses together in one like sound," advocating aristotle's theory that stressed the acoustics rather than the printed image. george puttenham published the art of english poesie in . he maintained that: we make in th' ends of our verses a certaine tunable sound: which anon after with another verse reasonably distant we accord together in the last fall or cadence: the eare taking pleasure to heare the like tune reported, and to feele his returne. and for this purpose serve the monosillables of our english saxons excellently well.... puttenham expressed a distaste for classical versing. he recognized the power of the rhyme scheme and how rhyme could manipulate emotional effects. stephen gosson dedicated his puritanical diatribe against poetry in theaghoql_gf_ab.ut ( ) to sir philip sidney (without his permission), and this work probably prompted sir philip sidney to begin composing his defence poesje. this treatise was published in , seven years after sidney's death. sidney was also aware of the power of rhyme and linked it with memory: "now that verse far exceedeth prose, in the knitting up of the memorie, the reason is manifest, the words...being so set as one cannot be lost, but the whole woorke failes: which accusing it selfe, calleth the remembrance back to it selfe, and so most strongly confirmeth it....it must be in jest that any man can speak against it." thomas campion ( - ), in his observations in the art of english^poesie ( ), strongly objected to rhyme, labelling it a "childish titilation" and denouncing the "fatness of rhyme." he noted that it interfered with the reader's attention to the internal aspects of a line of poetry. however, campion's theories on quantitative verse and his expressed distaste of rhyme do not override the fact that he was a fine writer of rhymed verse. samuel daniel ( - ) responded to campion with the publication in of his defence^rhyme: "we could well have allowed of [campion] his numbers had he not disgraced our ryme: which bothe custome and nature doth most powerfully defend...." daniel argued strongly in favour of the virtues of the rhyming device: "ryme...is likewise number and harmonie of words, consisting of an agreeing sound in the last silables of severall verses, giving both to the eare an eccho of a delightful report & to the memorie a deeper impression of what is delivered therein."' however, daniel objected to the use of couplets, preferring instead stanzas of alternate rhyme. ben jonson ( - ) responded to this treatise with a fit of r̂hyme against rhyme and denounced both campion and daniel, especially the latter, as daniel had condemned jonson's beloved couplet. jonson enthusiastically described couplets as being "the bravest sort of verses" and spoke against "cross-rhymes and stanzas." in the concluding section of a fit of rhyme against rhyme, he inserted a sense of humour into this literary battle when he addressed rhyme's inventor: he that first invented thee may his joints tormented be, cramped forever; still may syllables jar with time, still may reason war with rhyme, resting never! may his sense when it would meet the cold tumor of his feet grow unsounder; and his title be long fool, that in rearing such a school was the founder." milton ( - ) referred to rhyme in "the verse," his opening advertisement to paradise_lost, as the "invention of a barbarous age to set off wretched matter and lame metre" and "a troublesome and modern bondage."" he felt that rhyme imposed literary chains on the writer. in a sense, milton rescued blank verse from the poetic turmoil that was raging at the time. dryden ( - ), in his essay op dramatic poesy ( ), reiterated jonson's viewpoints on the use of the couplet, and established the heroic couplet as the most important metre in english poetry. dryden was a major defender of rhyme, and attempted to justify it by suggesting that rhyme controlled the poet's imagination. in the dedication to tbe_rival.l oles, he stated that blank verse allowed the poet too much freedom; therefore: ...he is tempted to say many things which might better be omitted, or at least shut up in fewer words; but when the difficulty of artful rhyming is interposed, where the poet commonly confines his sense to the couplet...rhyme cuts off all unnecessary expenses...and is like to bring forth the richest and clearest thoughts. ° edward bysshe published the art of poetry in . although he did not fully deal with rhyme in this book, bysshe claimed that stanzas of "intermixed rhyme...are now wholly laid aside" and that shakespeare used blank verse to avoid "the tiresome constraint of rhyme." although bysshe appears to have been an obscure person, his viewpoints are considered to be representative of the eighteenth-century mind. - however, samuel johnson ( - ) was devoted to the rhyming couplet and disapproved of blank verse, preferring lines and rhymes to be regularly patterned. while this controversy over rhyme was raging, verse was being written for children in the traditional iambic trimeter or tetrameter, and invariably contained predictable end rhymes (in couplets or alternating unrhymed and rhymed lines). a verse by abraham chear appeared in in his publication a looking-glass for children, in which he used the common meter ( / / / metric arrangement) with a rhyming pattern of a-b-a-b: when by spectators i am told what beauty doth adorn me, or in a glass when i behold how sweetly god did form me-- hath god such comeliness bestowed and on me made to dwell. what pity such a pretty maid as i should go to he this verse reflected the puritan outlook on children: "young souls to be saved, or, more probably, damned." poetry written for children before the 's always stressed civilized conduct and good morals. however, in , john bunyan ( - ) published a book for boys and girls: or„ country_rhimes for children where he wrote about homely objects and familiar activities in a child's life. he used either couplets or the alternating rhyme scheme throughout this book. dr. isaac watts ( - ), according to john rowe townsend, can be identified as "the first children's poet." his book of divine songs attempted ^in easylanguage for the use of children was enormously popular in england and america, where six to seven hundred editions were produced between and . copies of his poems were to be found in every 'proper' eighteenth and nineteenth-century nursery. in his preface to the diyine_songs, watts emphasized the usefulness of learning through rhyme: there is a greater delight in the very learning of truths and duties this way. there is something so amusing and entertaining in rhymes and metre, that will incline children to make this part of their business a diversion....what is learnt in verse is longer retain'd in memory, and soon recollected. the like sounds and the like number of syllables exceedingly assist the remembrance. isaac watts, like milton, claimed to be sensitive to the monotony of the rhyming couplet (although frequently employed it in his poetry for children). watts is an important figure in the history of children's poetry. up until his time, most verse for the young was exhortation, but watts recommended that: ...authors should write for children, and that their verses should be 'flowing with cheerfulness, and without the solemnities of religion, or the sacred names of god and holy things; that children might find delight and profit together.' blake, who referred to rhyme as "modern bondage" and "poetry fetter'd fetters the human race," would certainly have been familiar with the poems of isaac watts. the lyrical joy heard in blake's songs of innocence is not only for children but for the innocence in all humanity. the death of blake in coincided with the approximate beginning of the late modern english period. a new sense of freedom entered children's poetry, perhaps as a reaction to the severity of puritanical restrictions. lear and carroll introduced nonsense verse to the victorian world. rossetti and stevenson were strong lyrical voices in the nineteenth century, as were de la mare, milne, and mccord for the early twentieth century. saitman states that "de la mare's roots go back to blake's intense lyricism, and a profound identification with children illuminates his work." an explosion of creative talent has appeared in the last forty years, and names such as ciardi, merriam, and worth leap forward. these innovative contemporary poets display enormous flexibility in their writing. an historical viewpoint and a clear understanding of the thought behind such ideas as the development of initial inflection in a word, the concept of accented line endings, the introduction of end rhyme, the increasing frequency of structural full rhyme, and the growing popularity of free verse help to explain the poetic experimentation in the twentieth century that has allowed readers to become accustomed to the sound of rhymes which do not follow traditional measures. the sound of rhymes will be analyzed in the following chapter through a close examination of a selection of poems by twelve of the children's writers mentioned in this overview. notes - john hollander, vision a d resonance (new haven: yale univ. press, ) . henry lanz, physical basis of rime (california: stanford univ. press, ) . w.k. wimsatt, the verbal icon (kentucky: univ. press of kentucky, ) . judith saltman, the riverside anthology of children's literature (boston: houghton mifflin, ) . joseph shipley, in praise of english (new york: times books, ) . arthur melville clark in the princeton encyclopedia of poetry_. and poeticq, ed. alex preminger (new jersey: princeton univ. press, ) . ' preminger . aristotle in henry lanz's the physical basis of rime (california: stanford univ. press, ) . lanz . ° lanz . quintilian, the institutio oratoria, trans. h.e. butler (london: william heinemann, ) iii, ix, . henry webb in preminger, . alexander m. witherspoon, ed. the college survey of english literature (new york: harcourt, brace and co., ) . geoffrey chaucer, "controlling the tongue," the oxford book of children's verse, ed. iona and peter opie (london: oxford univ. press, ) . preminger . opie . opie . le thomas newbery in john rowe townsend's written for children (harmondsworth, middlesex: kestrel books, ) . susanne woods, natural emphasis (san marino: the huntington library, ) . ascham in lanz, . zi webbe in lanz, . george puttenham, the arte of english poesie ( ; menston, england: scolar press, ) . sir philip sidney, the defence of poesie ( ; menston, england: scolar press ltd., ) - . campion in lanz, - . samuel daniel, a defence of ryme, ed. arthur colby sprague ( ; cambridge: harvard univ. press, ) . daniel . ben jonson in george saintsbury's historical manual of english prosody (london: macmillan and co., ) . jonson in lanz, . milton in witherspoon, . dryden in lanz, - . " saintsbury . chear in townsend, - . townsend . townsend . opie . blake in hollander, . saltman . analysis of rhyme patterns and line endings this chapter is devoted to the analysis of rhyme in children's poetry from the eighteenth century to the present. in this study, an effort has been made to adapt james bailey's investigative techniques of ten english poets' use of iambic tetrameter to an examination of twelve children's poets' use of rhyme. the verse of the twelve selected poets offers a random sampling of rhyme forms used in children's poetry over a span of three centuries. poems were considered in this study, totalling lines. an average of lines per poet was examined. poems were taken in the chronological order in which they appeared in single-author collections or anthologies. only a few poems of each of the twelve children's poets were analyzed, thus presenting only a sampling of the writings of an individual. there may be other uses of rhyme which an examination of the complete works of one poet would reveal. since all the poems of one writer are not being examined, there is a chance that some uses of rhyme will not be identified. the final conclusions are based on only the poems being considered in this study. the poems have been identified by numbers. the following aspects of rhyme will be considered: --frequency of rhyme patterns (couplet, triplet, quatrain, etc.) --the preferred stanzaic forms --frequency of each type of line ending (stressed or unstressed) the following poets have been selected because of the strong influence they have had on the development of children's poetry and the effect they have had on single authors (watts on blake, blake on de la mare, lear on ciardi, stevenson on mccord): the eighteenth century isaac watts ( - ) william blake ( - ) the nineteenth century (nonsense verse) edward lear ( - ) lewis carroll ( - ) the nineteenth century (lyric poetry) christina rossetti ( - ) robert louis stevenson ( - ) early twentieth century walter de la mare ( - ) a.a. milne ( - ) david mccord ( - ) last forty years john ciardi ( - ) eve merriam ( - ) valerie worth ( - ) summary of rhyme patterns used by: couplet triplet quatrain quintet sixain other watts . . -- -- blake . . . lear . . . . carroll . . . rossetti . . . . . stevenson . . . de la mare . . . milne . . . . . mccord . . . . ciardi . . . . merriam . . . . . . worth . . . . . . the quatrain is the major scheme employed by ciardi ( %), de la mare ( %), rossetti ( %), watts ( %), and milne ( %). the couplet is the favoured form for the following poets: stevenson ( %), blake ( %), and mccord ( %). except for ciardi ( %), free verse shows a significantly steady increase in popularity, beginning with rossetti ( %) through worth ( %). free verse was not employed by watts, blake, lear, and carroll. rossetti was the first to experiment with this form. rossetti also experimented widely with other verse forms, as did milne. free verse is the dominant rhyme pattern for merriam ( %) and worth ( %). however, their work reflects an interesting distribution throughout all forms, suggesting a desire to experiment with many different patterns. the random sampling of worth's poems ( in total), taken to ascertain her stanzaic preferences, was compared to a close examination of her complete works ( poems) in order to make a comparison between the random sampling of one poet's work and the complete writings of that individual. it revealed the following comparisons: most common rhyme forms in the complete works of worth couplet triplet quatrain quintet sixain other poems^ . ^ . ^ . ^ . ^ . ^ . poems^ . ^ . ^ . ^ . ^ . ^ . a strong similarity appeared in the two samplings. free verse was the dominant pattern in both, although it occurred slightly less frequently in the analysis of her complete works. the five-line scheme appeared infrequently in the random sampling of worth's poems ( %). all twelve poets in this study used the couplet and quatrain. the most preferred verse form among these poets was the quatrain ( lines out of a total of ; or %), followed by the couplet ( %), followed by the category defined as "other" ( %). "other" is predominantly free verse, but does include a few isolated examples of the septet (milne- ), the octet (rossetti- , de la mare- ), and the decima (de la mare- ). stanzaic forms in order of occurrence quatrain . % couplet^ . other^ . quintet^ . sixain^ . triplet^ . the quintet score ( %) was inflated by lear's prolific use of the limerick form. line endings line endings have been divided into two general categories according to the position of the final stress: a stressed ending has the stress on the last (or single) syllable and an unstressed ending has the final stress on the penultimate (or the antepenultimate) syllable. different degrees of stress are sometimes discriminated: strong, secondary, tertiary, and weak. only the terms stressed (strong) and unstressed (weak) are used here. percentage of each type of line ending stressed unstressed watts^ . . blake^ . . lear^ . . carroll^ . . rossetti^ . . stevenson^ . . de la mare^ . . milne^ . . mccord^ . . ciardi^ . . merriam^ . . worth^ . . stressed endings are more common ( to %) than unstressed endings.^a significant number of unstressed endings are used by milne^( %), de la mare ( %), merriam ( %), watts ( %), and rossetti ( %). there are three pairs of rhymes occurring at the ends of lines which have an uncertain number of syllables: watts^ "flower" : "hour" n ^ "brier" : "higher" blake^ "flower" : "bower" it is unclear whether watts and blake intended these words to be elided. poetic contractions occurred most often in verse written between the restoration period and the end of the eighteenth century. contractions were ...observed by the reader even if the word was printed in full, for the aesthetic of eighteenth century poetry assumes that each line will be syllabically regular....the contemporary reader of eighteenth century poetry derived much of his aesthetic delight from his deliberate and conscious 'regularizing,' through contraction, of normally irregular phonetic materials. therefore, if the contractions were considered even when the word appeared in full, "flower" : "hour" would be monosyllabic. all other end rhymes in this poem are clearly of one syllable, and the iambic rhyme is used throughout. it is not evident that "brier" : "higher" would be elided, although this pair of words is contained in a poem (watts- ) of anapestic tetrameter, which would indicate a monosyllabic ending. however, in this same poem watts included three other instances of the hypermetrical line (where an extra syllable has been added to the end of a line): watts^ "slumber" : "number" if ^ "drinking" : "thinking" ii ^ "breeding" : "reading" blake was explicit in indicating the number of syllables in the poem containing "flower" : "bower" (# ). in the final verse, he elided "wash'd" and "o'er," suggesting words without a marked contraction were to be read as disyllabic. most rhymes have a heavily stressed vowel related to the final ictus, but unstressed rhyme also occurs. in this study, there are many examples of the pairing of one unstressed rhyme with another unstressed rhyme. exameles.a)f.unstressed:-unstres.sed_rhyme: within this category, there were a number of cases in which only the final unstressed syllables created rhyme: blake^ ^ rossetti---- stevenson--- de la mare-- merriam^ ^ "blossom" : "bosom" "weary" : "merry" "blessing" : "ceasing" "dreadful" : "heedful" " meekness " : "sickness" "spirit" : "inherit" "wither" : "together" "river" : "ever" "whistling" : "knocking" "moonday" : "whensday" : "freeday" "living" : "dying" "standing" : "spouting" "hedges" : "plunges" "gently" : "happily"worth merriam used one stressed -unstressed-unstressed pair (the only example in this study): merriam "quote-throated" : "footnoted" near rhymes appeared in the following instances: "weary" : "merry"blake blake^ "robin" : "sobbing" rossetti---- "violet" : "twilight" milne^ "nurse's" : "percy's" nonsense rhyme also was used: lear^ "churtsey" : "curtsy" ^ "etna" : "gretna" ^ "sniffle-snuffle" : "ruffle" milne^ "dormouse" : "e-nor-mous" ciardi^ "yuma" : "puma" ^ "jingle-jangle" : "a-dangle" merriam^ "moonday" : "whensday" : "freeday" the placement of function words created rhymes with unstressed-unstressed endings: lear^ "bonnet" : "on it" ^ "fashion" : "sash on" carroll^ "suet" : "do it" rossetti---- "looked at" : "crooked a t" ---- "lambkin" : "shelter him" ciardi^ "popper" : "stop her" mccord^ "out of" : "doubt pt" exakples.of_stressed unstresup rhybe: there were a number of cases of stressed endings rhyming with unstressed endings with % of these instances occurring in poetry by merriam: lear^ "went" : "monument" ^ "size" : "sympathize" ^ stevenson^ "man" : "caravan" "star" : "malabar" --- "set" : "minaret" --- "nile" : "crocodile" de la mare-- "say" : "caraway" merriam^ "create" : "annihilate" ^ "sea" : "memory" ^ "tree" : "seriously" ^ "telephone" : "alone" ^ "go" : "radio" ^ "me" : "hesitancy" worth^ "tree" : "heavy" within this category of stressed-unstressed rhymes, the second part of a compound word makes up the unstressed syllable: blake^ stevenson^ if^--- mccord^ merriam^ "away" : "noonday" "night" : "candlelight" "plain" : "counterpane" "wing" : "wellearing" "sing" : "everything" gtressed=unetressed rhymes appeared in nonsense words: carroll "catch" : "bandersnatch" and a few near rhymes also occurred: stevenson---- "walla," : "festivals" milne^ "gpn." : "amazon" worth^ "stone : "hipbones". this chapter has attempted to gain an insight into how rhyme forms and line endings have been used by twelve children's poets. it seems possible to conclude that the preferences of twentieth century children's poets differ from those of the eighteenth century in the following respects: --wider experimentation with all forms of poetry --significant increase in free verse ( % to %) --greater usage of line endings containing near rhymes, as opposed to full rhymes --an increase in the use of polysyllabic "nonsense" words --fewer colloquial contractions. however, two similarities appeared throughout: --stable preference for stressed line endings (watts- . %; rossetti- . %; merriam- . %) --use of the couplet and quatrain by all poets. although free verse has increased in popularity in the last few decades, the couplet and quatrain continue to be well used by poets. the quatrain was the most common rhyme pattern for ciardi ( %). only a few poets and a limited number of lines have been examined in this study but the analysis offers quantitative evidence leading to the conclusion that poets' uses of rhyme forms have altered appreciably over the past three centuries. notes james bailey, t waxd a $_tatig_tical...artaly ig...at (lisse, netherlands: the peter de ridder press, ) - . alex preminger, ed., the princeton encyclopedia of poetry and poetics (new jersy: princeton univ. press, ) . poems.u s ed_in_the_study isaac watts, the oxford book of children's verse, iona and peter opie, ed. (london: oxford university press, ): ( ) "against quarrelling and fighting", ( ) "against idleness and mischief", ( ) "for the lord's day evening", ( ) "our saviour's golden rule", ( ) "the sluggard", ( ) "cradle hymn". william blake, songs of innocence (london: faber & faber, ): ( ) "introduction", ( ) "the echoing green", ( ) "infant joy", ( ) "the shepherd", ( ) "the blossom", ( ) "the lamb", ( ) "the little black boy", ( ) "laughing song", ( ) "spring", ( ) "night". edward lear, the_gxford pook_of_gbildre_pls_veisq: ( ) "there was an old man with a beard", ( ) "there was an old lady of chertsey", ( ) "there was an old man in a tree", ( ) "there was an old man who said, 'how...", ( ) "there was an old man who said, 'hush!...", ( ) "there was an old person of gretna", ( ) "there is a young lady, whose nose",( ) "there was an old man of dumbree", ( ) "the owl and the pussy-cat", ( ) "the duck and the kangaroo", ( ) "the jumblies", ( ) "mr. and mrs. spikky sparrow". lewis carroll, oxford book of children's verse: ( ) "you are old, father william", ( ) "the lobster quadrille", ( ) "the lobster", ( ) "jabberwocky", ( ) "the walrus and the carpenter", ( ) "humpty dumpty's song". christina rossetti, oxfprd book of children's verse: ( ) "a crown of windflowers", ( ) "comparisons", ( ) "ferry me across the water", ( ) "flint", ( ) "lady moon", ( ) "the wind", ( ) what are heavy?", ( ) "the rainbow", ( ) "what does the bee do?", ( ) "a riddle", ( ) "caterpillar", ( ) "hope and joy", ( ) "last rites", ( ) "what is pink?", doves and , pomegranates, david powell, ed. (london: the bodley head, ): ( ) "lambs at play", ( ) "the frog and the toad", ( ) "the city mouse and the garden mouse", ( ) "a motherless soft lambkin", ( ) "horses", ( ) "hurt no living thing", ( ) "the sound of the wind", ( ) "coral", ( ) "the moon". robert louis stevenson, a child's garden of verses (london: victor gollancz ltd, ): ( ) "bed in summer", ( ) "a thought", ( ) "at the seaside", ( ) "young night thought", ( ) "whole duty of children", ( ) "rain", ( ) "pirate story", ( ) "foreign lands", ( ) "windy nights", ( ) "travel", ( ) "singing", ( ) "looking forward", ( ) "a good play", ( ) "where go the boats?", ( ) "auntie's skirts", ( ) "the land of counterpane". walter de la mare, peacock pie (london: faber and faber, ):^( ) "the horseman", ( ) "alas, alacki", ( ) "tired tim", ( ) "mima", ( ) "the huntsmen", ( ) "the bandog", ( ) "i can't abear", ( ) "the dunce", ( ) "chicken", ( ) "some one", ( ) "bread and cherries", ( ) "old shellover", ( ) "hapless", ( ) "the little bird", ( ) "mr alacadacca", ( ) "not ii", ( ) "cake and sack", ( ) "groat nor tester". a.a. milne, the_world of_chrlatorber robin (new york: e.p. dutton, ): ( ) "corner-of-the-street", ( ) "buckingham palace", ( ) "happiness", ( ) "the christening", ( ) "puppy and i", ( ) "twinkletoes", ( ) "the four friends", ( ) "brownie", ( ) "independence", ( ) "nursery chairs", ( ) "lines and squares". john ciardi, mummy_took cooking_lessons (boston: houghton mifflin co., ): ( ) "mummy took cooking lessons and...", ( ) "in copenhagen by the sea", ( ) "hi", ( ) "betty bopper", ( ) "the milkman comes at four in the morning", ( ) "lemonade for sale", ( ) "who?", ( ) "the boy who knew he was good", ( ) "do you suppose?", ( ) "dirty dan ploof", ( ) "jerry", ( ) "mike (or joe)", ( ) "the flier", ( ) "ode", ( ) "the man with nothing to say". david mccord, one at a time (boston: little, brown and co., ): ( ) "joe", ( ) "five little bats", ( ) "five chants", ( ) "the rainbow", ( ) "the star in the pail", ( ) "at the garden gate", ( ) "the fisherman", ( ) "something better", ( ) "the newt", ( ) "tim", ( ) "father and i in the woods". eve merriam, finding a_poem (new york: atheneum, ): ( ) "the wholly family", ( ) "calendar", ( ) "sandwriting", ( ) "interview", ( ) "umbilical", ( ) "some little poems without the word love", ( ) "neuteronomy", ( ) "alarm clock", ( ) "witness", ( ) the measure of man", ( ) "fantasia", ( ) "cult", ( ) "word bird", ( ) "markings: the period", ( ) "markings: the exclamation", ( ) "markings: the comma", ( ) "markings: the semicolon". valerie worth, ll_the small_ppems. (farrar, straus and giroux, ): ( ) "porches", ( ) "cow", ( ) "zinnias", ( ) "chairs", ( ) "sun", ( ) "coins", ( ) "aquarium", ( ) "pig", ( ) "jewels", ( ) "tractor", ( ) "grass", ( ) "dog", ( ) "raw carrots", ( ) "marbles", ( ) "clock", ( ) "duck", ( ) "daisies", ( ) "pie", ( ), "frog". rhyme forms this chapter explains what the rhyme form is, what it can do, and how it has been used in children's poetry. the form is not what the poem is about, but the way in which it is written. it is the structure of the poem and has a variety of patterns. these patterns are derived from many different literary periods and cultures: "...greek and latin, early english, french, italian, german, and other modern european languages, and from japanese."- throughout this study, rhyme form is presumed to include the acrostic, ballad, ballade, blank verse, cinquain, clerihew, couplet, free verse, haiku, limerick, octet, quatrain, quintet, rhyme royal, sixain, septet, sonnet, triolet, triplet, and villanelle. acrostic acrostic comes from the greek word "akros" (at the end) and "stichos" (line or verse). the initial, middle, and/or final letters of each line are arranged in vertical order to comprise a word, phrase, or successive letters of the alphabet. ancient greek and latin writers frequently used this form, and it probably served as a mnemonic device. the initial letters are used in most acrostics. a "telestich" is when the final letters are used, and a "mesostich" is when the middle letters appear vertically in the center of the poem. acrostics belonging to the alphabetical type are called abecedarians. abecedarians (alphabet verse) date back to antiquity. this form has been used frequently in children's alphabet books. the letters of the alphabet are arranged in their correct order and form the initial letters of each line (and in the case of the following anonymous seventeenth century example, also the medial letters). a was an archer, and shot at a frog, b was a blindman, and led by a dog. c was a cutpurse, and lived in disgrace, d was a drunkard, and had a red face. e was an eater, a glutton was he, f was a fighter, and fought with a flea. g was a giant, and pulled down a house, h was a hunter, and hunted a mouse. i was an ill man, and hated by all, k was a knave, and he robbed great and small. l was a liar, and told many lies, m was a madman, and beat out his eyes. n was a nobleman, nobly born, o was an ostler, and stole horses' corn. p was a pedlar, and sold many pins, q was a quarreller, and broke both his shins. r was a rogue, and ran about town, s was a sailor, a man of renown. t was a tailor, and knavishly bent, u was a usurer, took ten per cent. w was a writer, and money he earned, x was one xenophon, prudent and learn'd. y was a yoeman, and worked for his bread, z was one zeno the great, but he's dead. this verse is the most well-known of children's rhyming alphabets and is written in the traditional couplet form. the letters "i" and "v" are not included, reflecting the early english tradition of using "i"--"j" and "u"--"v" as single letters. .allal documented evidence of the origin of the ballad has been in dispute for a long time, but most sources claim that its origins lie in the folk song. ballads were initially passed down orally through traditions that existed hundreds of years ago. ballads focus on a single dramatic event. the narrator's point of view is impersonal, whereas the folk song expresses the author's/composer's emotions. according to ethel eikel harvey "...the true ballad stanza is a quatrain, a four-line verse. the rhyme scheme is a-b-c-b. the first and third lines are tetrameter--four feet; the second and fourth lines are trimeter--three feet. there are no definite restrictions for the number of quatrains needed for any ballad. for this reason we have ballads of varying lengths." parallelism and repetition allow important facts to be clearly understood by the listener. assonance is frequently employed, as is demonstrated in the opening verse of the traditional ballad "sir patrick spens": the king sits in dumferling town, drinking the blood-red wine: " where will i get a good sailor, to sail this ship of mine?" ballade the ballade has a rigid rhyme scheme and is a complicated and exacting form of poetry. it is composed of three eight-line stanzas with a rhyming scheme of a-b-a-b-b- c-b-c, finishing with a four-line envoy (b-c-b-c). david mccord explains and illustrates this form in "ballade: an easy one": of course i find it fun to write ballades. some people don't, alas! the best ones gallop swift and light on anapestic feet. in class you'll learn that, like wind over grass, an anapest goes ta, ta, tee; or you can say it: trout, trout, bass. it doesn't matter much to me. in this ballade the line is tight and short and glitters some, like brass: iambic--four feet. let me bite it out / for you. / as clear / as glass, we're not deep down in some morass of verse; we're sailing smooth and free. if our next rhyme is sassafras, it doesn't matter much to me. and yet it should because, in spite of all your skill, you must amass a lot of rhyme words--sprite, might, kite-- and juicy ones like this--crevasse; and you can feel now, as i pass from class to grass to bass, i see the end in sight. but i am crass: it doesn't matter much to me. envoy prince, am i finished? lad or lass, ballades may run you up a tree. if my balloon is filled with gas, it doesn't matter much to me.' blank verse blank verse (blank implying that the end of the line is bare of rhyme) appeared in english poetry as early as the sixteenth century. louis untermeyer stated: although to most english readers the term has become synonymous with shakespeare's plays, blank verse is by no means confined to the long unrhymed line of ten syllables and five accents. any verse which is without end-rhyme and which usually is not divided into stanzas might be called blank verse--no matter how short the lines or how long the poem itself may be....the themes generally thought to be appropriate for the form are meditative and dramatic movements.° however, the most common definition of blank verse is by jaye giammarino: "blank verse is a very specific meter: iambic pentameter, unrhymed...with the caesure always appearing within the line...least often of all, at the end of the line."' next to free verse, blank verse most resembles the english speech stresses. it is not considered to be a popular form with contemporary poets, and is seldom used in poetry for children. but ralph waldo emerson, in his poem on "snow," employed it most effectively: announced by all the trumpets of the sky, arrives the snow, and, driving o'er the fields, seems nowhere to alight: the whited air hides hills and woods, the river and the heaven, and veils the farm-house at the garden's end. the sled and traveller stopped, the courier's feet delayed, all friends shut out, the housemates sit around the radiant fireplace, enclosed in a tumultuous privacy of storm.° cinquain the cinquain is a stanza composed of five lines, its origin probably dating back to medieval times. the precise, modern form of the cinquain was invented by an american, adelaide crapsey, in the early part of the twentieth century. "it is a product of the imagist movement whose roots are found in classical greek poetry, japanese haiku and 'vers libre' of french symbolists." this form is made up of five unrhymed lines and twenty- two syllables, with the following pattern of syllables per line: - - - - . david mccord's cinquain illustrates this pattern: who sees the redwoods for the first time won't forget their tallness^ageless look^saying always -° clerihew the oxford dictionary describes a clerihew as a "short, witty, comic, or nonsensical verse, usually in four lines of varying length." it was named after its inventor, edmund clerihew bentley ( - ) who wrote his first clerihew at age sixteen. the clerihew is made up of two couplets of unequal length with outrageous rhymes. it usually contains biographical notes about a famous personality, and the person's name should appear in the first line. "the humour consists in concentrating on the trivial, the fantastic, or the ridiculous and presenting it with dead-pan solemnity as the characteristic, the significant, or the essential." - - when a rooster crows everybody knows the dawn made him do it. that's all there is to it.- couplets over the centuries, the rhymed couplet has been a basic form in poetry, one from which many other forms have been generated. it is two linked lines of verse, usually with the same rhythm and rhyme, although not all couplets employ regular line length. the classical (heroic) form uses iambic pentameter. the line used most frequently in light and/or romantic verse is iambic tetrameter, as in harry behn's "adventure": it's not very far to the edge of town where trees look up and hills look down, we go there almost every day to climb and swing and paddle and play. it's not very far to the edge of town, just up one little hill and down, and through one gate, and over two stiles-- but coming home it's miles and miles.- free_ verse free verse has developed over the last hundred years to such an extent as to be thought of as the characteristic poetry form of the twentieth century. poets searched for ways to avoid rigid organization and regular rhythms. walt whitman ( - ) felt that rhyme was an inadequate vehicle for expressing logical and intellectual themes. in fact, he felt that it would be somewhat cynical and improper to use rhyme to attempt to "comprehend the size of the whole people...the modern, the busy nineteenth century...with steamships, railroads, factories, electric telegraphs, cylinder press...."'- whitman's attack on rhyme is taken from the notes-- complete works: if rhyme and those measurements continue to furnish the medium for inferior writers and themes (as there seems...something inevitably comic in rhyme), the truest and greatest poetry...can never again, in the english language, be expressed in arbitrary and rhyming meter...m free verse has no mechanical syllable count, but uses a unit called "the variable foot." its rhythm relies on cadence. jean r. jenkins states that "free verse is not lacking in form and discipline...free verse is really only freed verse." it treats the rhyming device and metrical patterning with a sense of freedom and irregularity, as seen in valerie worth's poem "magnet": this small flat horseshoe is sold for a toy: we are told that it will pick up pins and it does, time after time; later it lies about, getting chipped, being offered pins less often, until at last we leave it alone: then it leads its own life, trading secrets with the north pole, reading invisible messages from the sun. haiku haiku is a poem of japanese ancestry that in the japanese language consists of three lines with a total of seventeen syllables. the syllables are divided into a - - pattern although translations from japanese to english frequently do not retain this syllable pattern. the content of haiku is very closely linked to nature. it is delicate, tranquil, and perceptive poetry that describes the miracles of the natural world. always written in the present tense, haiku does not have to be grammatically perfect, nor does it rhyme. it is untitled, as a title is felt to impose the poet's interpretation upon the reader: wind ripples the grass, waves rock the boat, but clouds have to drag their shadows.- limerick no one is certain where or how the limerick began, but there are many theories as to its origin. a few examples are: -the war veterans in brought it back to ireland from france -it was popular with mother goose's melodies for children, published in -it began with an old irish habit of pub-crawling and shouting out lines in turn. after four lines were finished, everyone would yell, "will you all come up to limerick!" the limerick is a nonsense poem. it contains five anapestic lines with a rhyme scheme of a-a-b-b-a. the first, second, and fifth lines have three stresses, and the third and fourth have two. edward lear's bookpfnpnsense was published in and contained many limericks-- including the following--although he was anxious not to be known as the originator of this form: there was an old man with a beard, who said, "it is just as i feared!-- two owls and a hen, four larks and a wren, have all built their nests in my beard!" " octet the octet is an eight-line grouping of words. it can be a complete stanza, or a portion of a longer scheme, such as a sonnet. it appears as a complete stanza in rossetti's poem "a motherless soft lambkin": a motherless soft lambkin alone upon a hill; no mother's fleece to shelter him and wrap him from the cold:-- i'll run to him and comfort him, i'll fetch him, that i will; i'll care for him and feed him until he's strong and bold. ° quatrain the quatrain is thought to be the oldest (and still the most widely used) form of verse in the english language. there are four lines in each stanza. the metric foot is the poet's choice but, once chosen, is usually strictly followed and consistent throughout. quatrains may stand on their own, or they may be put together to create a longer poem. a variety of rhyming patterns may be used: . a-b-c-b (the most popular pattern, and used by rossetti in her poem "flint"): an emerald is as green as grass, a ruby red as blood; a sapphire shines as blue as heaven; a flint lies in the mud. a diamond is a brilliant stone, to catch the world's desire; an opal holds a fiery spark; but a flint holds fire. - . a-b-a-b (used by blake in his introductory poem to aongs_olinnoseace.): piping down the valleys wild, piping songs of pleasant glee, on a cloud i saw a child, and he laughing said to me... . a-a-a-b (used by newbery in "the great merchant, dives pragmaticus, cries his wares"): i have ornaments, implements, fit for the church, fine rods for children, of willow and birch; if i have not quick sale, i shall have a lurch, what do you lack, sir? come hither to me. quintet a quintet is composed of five lines. poets may devise any rhyme scheme (a-b-a-b-b is the most common pattern) or have no rhyme scheme at all. the meter and line length are not fixed. poets often combine short and long lines to create the desired effect. valerie worth employed this form in "toad": when the flowers turned clever, and earned wide tender red petals for themselves, when the birds learned about feathers, spread green tails, grew cockades on their heads, the toad said: someone has got to remember the mud, and i'm not proud. rhyme royal rhyme royal is a seven-line stanza of iambic pentameter. its rhyme scheme is a-b-a-b-b-c-c. chaucer used rhyme royal extensively and this form continued to flourish in the century after his death. john lydgate ( - ) used two stanzas of rhyme royal in his poem "the boy serving at table": my dear child, first thyself enable with all thine heart to virtuous discipline; afore thy sovereign, standing at the table, dispose thou thee after my doctrine to all nurture thy courage to incline. first, when thou speakest be not reckless, keep feet and finger still in peace. be simple of cheer, cast not thine eye aside, gaze not about, turning thy sight over all. against the post let not thy back abide, neither make thy mirror of the wall. pick not thy nose, and, most especial, be well ware, and set hereon thy thought, before thy sovereign scratch nor rub thee nought. septet the septet is a stanza composed of seven lines. its meter and rhyme pattern may vary. it was used in a.a. milne's poem "independence": i never did, i never did, i never did like "now take care, dear!" i never did, i never did, i never did want "hold-my-hand"; i never did, i never did, i never did think much of "not up there, dear!" it's no good saying it. they don't understand." sinin the six-line stanza is called a sixain, or sestet, although sestet usually refers to the final six lines of certain sonnet forms. blake's poem "infant joy" is composed of two sixains: "i have no name: i am but two days old." what shall i call thee? "i happy am, joy is my name." sweet joy befall thee! pretty joy! sweet joy, but two days old. sweet joy i call thee: thou dost smile, i sing the while, sweet joy befall thee! shakespearean sonnet a shakespearean sonnet has three quatrains and a couplet, or one octave and a sestet. its rhyme scheme is: a-b-a-b^c-d-c-d^e-f-e-f^g-g it is written in iambic pentameter. slight variations are permitted: -near rhyme ("come" : "home") -opening a line with a trochee and balancing it with an iamb -using a run-on line if needed -using unaccented syllables as end rhymes ("garden" : "harden"). triq bt a triolet is a popular french form that has been adopted by the english. it has eight lines and can be written in dimeter, trimeter, tetrameter, or pentameter. it is founded on a very strict rhyme scheme: -lines , , --identical^(but a slight variation in words may occur) -lines and --identical -lines -line and --must rhyme with ,^ , and must rhyme with and . phyllis mcginley used this form in "triolet against sisters": sisters are always drying their hair. locked into rooms, alone, they pose at the mirror, shoulders bare, trying this way and that with their hair, or fly importunate down the stair to answer a telephone. sisters are always drying their hair, locked into rooms, alone. tfi_plet the triplet developed as an extension and a variation of the couplet. it is composed of three successive lines, usually containing rhyme, and nearly always has the same rhythm throughout. langston hughes's "winter moon" illustrates the triplet: how thin and sharp is the moon tonight! how thin and sharp and ghostly white is the slim curved crook of the moon tonight! villanelle: a villanelle is a french verse form consisting of five tercets with a rhyming a-b-a pattern, rounded off by a quatrain (rhyming a-b-a-a). "the first line of the initial tercet serves as the last line of the second and fourth tercets and the third line of the initial tercet serves as the last line of the third and fifth tercets, these two refrain-lines follow each other to constitute the last two lines of the closing quatrain." ° david mccord demonstrates the villanelle form in "turtle": this turtle moved his house across the street. i met him here about an hour ago. it is so hot, i guess he feels the heat. outside, at least, his house looks very neat; but what goes on inside i do not know. this turtle moved his house across the street. no windows, just the four doors for his feet, two more for head and tail. now they don't show. it is so hot, i guess he feels the heat. he must be tired. i don't know what he'll eat. does he grow big? or does his house just grow? this turtle moved his house across the street. i'll put him near the pond. the grass is sweet. the dragonflies are fast, but he is slow. it is so hot! i guess he feels the heat. it's nice to have a house like that, complete to walk in, float in, sink in mud below. this turtle moved his house across the street. it is so hot! i guess he feels the heat. the examples included in this chapter show that poetic form is the manner in which the poem is written. any writer may create an original stanzaic form. form is the way a poem is composed as distinct from the poetic devices used within a poem. rhyming devices and how they have been employed in poetry for children are examined closely in the following chapter. notes frances stillman, the poet's. mapugl_and_rhyming dictionary (london: thames and hudson, ) . anonymous, "a was an archer," tbe.qn.fgrd_pq k_of children's verse, ed. iona and peter opie (london: oxford university press, ) - . wauneta hackleman, ed., the study. and writing. of poetry: american women poets discuss their craft (new york: whitson pub. co., ) . anonymous, "sir patrick spens," time for poetry, ed. may hill arbuthnot and shelton l root, jr. (illinois: scott, foresman and co., ) . david mccord, "ballade: an easy one," one at a time (boston: little, brown and co., ) - . louis untermeyer, the forms_of.poetry (new york: harcourt, brace and co., ) . hackleman . arbuthnot . hackleman . -° mccord . alex preminger, ed., theyrinceton_encyclopedaa_of poetry. and_poetics. (new jersy: princeton univ. press, ) . mccord . arbuthnot whitman in henry lanz's the_pilysilqa. _ a s.qt_rjpip (california: stanford univ. press, ) - . whitman in lanz . hackleman . valerie worth, "magnet," all the smalj.poems (u.s.a.: farrar, straus and giroux, ) - . - mccord . edward lear, the nonsense verse of edward lear (new york: harmony books, ) . christina rossetti, doves and pomegranates (london: bodley head, ) . opie . william blake, "introduction," blakes!s. innocence and experience, ed. joseph h. wicksteed (new york: e.p. dutton, ) - . opie . " worth . opie . a.a. milne, the world of christopher robin (new york: e.p. dutton, ) . blake - . phyllis mcginley, "triolet against sisters," the oxford book of children's verse in america, ed. donald hall (new york: oxford univ. press, ) . langston hughes, "winter moon," knock at a star, ed. x.j. kennedy (boston: little, brown and co., ) . preminger . mccord . the rhyming device the rhyming device, illustrated in this section through a series of selected passages by children's poets from the fourteenth century to the present, includes the following terms: alliteration (initial-consonantal, initial-vocalic, medial, final, parallel, suspended, submerged), anaphora, ascending rhyme, assonance, consonance, descending rhyme, end rhyme, eye rhyme, full rhyme, homoeoteleuton, internal rhyme, identical rhyme, medial rhyme, mosaic rhyme, near rhyme, ploce, and tame rhyme. all achieving a musical effect through alliteration is an ancient and persuasive technique. alliteration is the repetition of the same letters or sounds in two or more words. there are many different forms, the most common being initial-consonantal. it was used very persuasively by john lydgate, a friend of geoffrey chaucer's son. lydgate's "stans puer ad mensam" was published by caxton and was widely read in the fifteenth century. an example of initial-consonantal alliteration is found in his poem "the boy serving at table," containing advice for a young boy on how to conduct himself appropriately: neither make thy mirror of the wall, pick not thy nose, and, most especial, be well ware, and set hereon thy thought, before thy sovereign scratch nor rub thee nought.'- the following table indicates how frequently these initial-consonantal sounds were repeated within the four lines: line: "b" tiro "n" fist, "th" alliteration using single consonants, consonantal blends, and consonants with succeeding vowel repetition have all been included in the final three lines of valerie worth's "fireworks": breaks and billows into bloom, spilling down clear green sparks, gold apears, silent sliding silver waterfalls and stars. twelve of the eighteen words in this excerpt contain alliterative initial consonants, seven involving the fricative "s" and three involving the plosive "b." these are carefully chosen consonants that combine to evoke the sounds made by a rocket hissing and exploding in a fireworks display, just as the air in the mouth "explodes" when the "b" sound is released. effective use of the plosive "d" occurs in the opening lines of worth's poem "dinosaurs": dinosaurs do not count, because they are all dead. the "d" is also echoed in the last sound of "dead," giving a heavy finality to the whole verse. a less common type of alliteration is initial-vocalic. hilaire belloc combined it with initial-consonantal in the closing couplet of "jim, who ran away from his nurse, and was eaten by a lion": and always keep a-hold of nurse for fear of finding something worse. the acoustical effect is somewhat different with initial vowels, and this form is used less frequently. lewis carroll employed it in "you are old, father william": "in my youth," father william replied to his son, "i. feared it might injure the brain..." initial alliteration has coursed through innumerable children's alphabet books to the extent of being almost a vice, although some alphabet books have survived and endured, two well-known examples being edward lear's ar alphabet ( ) and kate greenaway's a-apple pie ( ). alliteration may occur in an internal position and is then referred to as medial-alliteration, as seen in christina rossetti's "comparisons": hope is like a harebell trembling from its birth.a and also in thomas newbery's "the great merchant, dives pragmaticus, cries his wares": i have fine gowns, cloaks, jackets and coats fine jerkins, doublets, and hose without motes.' the following example of final alliteration is from a poem by isaac watts entitled "the sluggard": as the door on its, hinges, so he on his bed turns his sides and his shoulder and his heavy head° alliteration in the medial and final position is also a form of consonance. consonant rhyme is especially effective in disyllabic end-rhyming, as found in theodore roethke's "my papa's waltz": the whiskey on your breath could make a small boy dizzy; but i hung on like death: such waltzing was not ga.sy. parallel or crossed alliteration is produced when alliterative sounds are intricately arranged throughout either a section or a whole poem creating a sound pattern. in the following example, geoffrey chaucer created a delicate interplay between the voiced nasal consonants m and in the first two lines, then formed a new design in the third line by alternating the y and t: my son, from a fiend men may them bless. my son, god of his endless goodness walled a tongue with teeth and lips eke... ° an unusual form of alliteration called suspended alliteration is where the consonant and the succeeding vowel are placed in reverse order, as in lewis carroll's "the white queen's riddle": for it holds it like glue-- holds the lid to the dish, while it lies in the middle: which is easiest to do, un-dish-cover the fish, or dishcover the riddle?'- ==:: alliteration is not necessarily restricted to the stressed syllables. when it appears on the unstressed syllables, it is referred to as submerged alliteration. a.a. milne used it in "us two": "i'm never afraid with you." so wherever i am, there's always pooh... - anaphora when successive sentences or sentence parts begin with the same word or words, it is called anaphora. "demetrius and virtually all post classical authorities treat anaphora as its exact synonym."- john ciardi's poem "wouldn't you?" contains an example of anaphora in the repetition of the "w" glide, where no obstruction of the airstream is produced and thus a "wind" effect is created: if i could go as high and low as the wind as the wind as the wind can blow-- i'd go! ascending rhyme ciardi's "wouldn't you?" is said to be written in ascending rhyme, which occurs when the lines are composed predominantly in iambic (unstressed/stressed) or anapestic (unstressed/unstressed/stressed). ascending rhyme is not thought to have any uplifting, symbolic meaning suggesting happiness, hope, or levity. consider the exquisite sadness of "poem" by langston hughes, also written in ascending rhyme: i loved my friend, he went away from me. there's nothing more to say. the poem ends, soft as it began-- i loved my friend. - ascending rhyme also appears in the iambic rhythm of r.l. stevenson's "my shadow": i have a little shadow that goes in and out with me, and what can be the use of him is more than i can see.l." and in the anapestic rhythm of "the sluggard" by isaac watts: 'tis the voice of the sluggard: i heard him complain, "you have waked me too soon, i must slumber again."- assonance assonance is also referred to as vowel or vocalic rhyme. it is usually echoed in the same line, but can appear in a different section of a poem. it occurs when vowels (usually stressed syllables) are repeated in words whose consonants are not the same, as in "the lamb" by william blake: gave thee life, and bid thee feed by the stream and o'er the mead. or, in a lighter vein, where eve merriam plays with the spelling of the first word in the english dictionary in her poem "aa couple of doublles": if the aardvark haad as caar aand went out aafter daark, he might find it haard to paark.." edward lear created parallel assonance when he wove an intricate "e" and "i" pattern throughout the opening lines of "the jumblies": they went to sea, in a sieve, they did, a sieve they went to sga; ° internal assonance occurs when the echoing vowels appear in the opening and the final words of a line, or are placed in close proximity. the long "o" is repeated in the last three lines of valerie worth's "hose", and this sound also reflects back on the poem's title: a silk rainbow halo over soft fog. - worth created a pleasing double assonance in the "rainbow" : "halo" combination, with both words suggesting curved, circular shapes. the final short "o" repetition enhances the quiet mood of the closing lines. another type of assonance serves as a link between lines or line parts. it is found at the end of lines (either successive of alternating) that do not contain a pure rhyme. this form sometimes acts in place of rhyme. three verses in valerie worth's poem "duck" end in words that are not pure rhymes, yet "feet" : "beak" : "keep" are linked together through the "ee" sound: when the neat white duck walks like a toy out of the water on yellow rubber-skinned feet, and speaks wet sounds, hardly opening his round-tipped wooden yellow-painted beak, • • • then we would like to pick him up, take him home with us, put him away, on a shelf, to keep. the opening line of each verse also contains this "ee" sound. "neat" : "speaks" : "we" creates an effective acoustical connection with the last word of each verse. another interesting link is found between "neat" : "feet" and "speaks" : "beak," as each rhyming vowel-pair has an identical succeeding consonant. consonance consonance or pararhyme is the similarity of partial or total consonants in syllables or words whose stressed vowels are not the same. an example of this form is found in "mother to son," a poem written by langston hughes: i's been. a-climbip' on, and reachin' landin's and turnip' corners and sometimes goin' the dark. rich consonance is total consonantal sound repetition between words where the corresponding vowels are different. thomas newbery used it in "the great merchant": i have ladles, skimmers, and irons and spits, dripping pans, pot hooks, old gatg and kttg. william blake also used rich consonance in "piping down the valleys wild": slag thy gongs of happy cheer so i sung the same again... sometimes consonance takes the place of end rhyme, creating an impure rhyme, as in walter de la mare's "some one": some one came knocking at my wee, small door.; some one came knocking, i'm sure - sure - sure." des.cending.rhynk descending rhyme, like ascending rhyme, carries no symbolic meaning. it is referred to as the falling rhyme when the trochaic and dactylic rhythms are used: (trochaic--stressed/unstressed) garden darkened, daisy shut, child in bed, they slumber-- glow-worm in the highway rut, mice among the lumber. (r.l. stevenson) (dactylic--stressed/unstressed/unstressed) what are you able to build with your blocks? castles and palaces, temples and docks. rain may keep raining, and others go roam, but i can be happy and building at home. (r.l. stevenson) end rhyme end rhyme is the most common position of rhymed words: ages and ages have fallen on me.-- on the wood and the pool and the elder tre.e. (walter de la mare) end rhyme that matches with a word in the middle of the next line (or vice versa) is called cross rhyme, an example being found in david mccord's "how to draw a monkey": to draw a monkey, don't begin with him, but what he's on or in, he's in a tree, he's on a umb... ° eye rhyme eye rhyme, also referred to as visual or sight rhyme, depends on spelling rather than pronunciation. the words look alike but are pronounced differently: "a little too well done? oh well, i'll have to start all over." that time what landed on my plate looked like a manhole cgver. - this excerpt was taken from john ciardi's "mommy slept late and daddy cooked breakfast," the poem rated as most popular by students in ann terry's national survey of children's poetry preferences. many of today's eye rhymes are classed as historical rhymes. alterations in the pronunciation of vowels resulted in pairs of words that once rhymed perfectly in the eighteenth century appearing as near rhymes, as found in "for the lord's day evening" by isaac watts: write upon my memory, lpid, the text and doctrines of thy ward. full_reume full rhyme is the same as perfect, exact, or true rhyme. it is the correspondence of vowel sounds in the accented syllables, which are followed by similar consonant sounds. the consonant sounds preceding the vowel are different. eve merriam employed full rhyme in "portmanteaux": ...so coin new words and spend and lend as syllables wander, waft and wend and blend and bend and never end. full rhyme can be monosyllabic (single), disyllabic (double), or trisyllabic (triple). when the rhyming syllables are monosyllabic, it is called single, male, or masculine rhyme. david mccord used it in "frog in a bog": give him a hot bright sun-- a june one, an august one, or any of july's. flies, are his prize.: any kind, any size. he is all eyes, for flles. when the rhyming sound-identities are disyllabic and the stress is not on the last syllable, it is referred to as double, unstressed, female, or feminine rhyme. the disyllabic rhyme has been used imaginatively in a.a. milne's "sneezles": they said, "if you teazle a sneezle or wheezje, a measle, may easily grow. but humour or pleazle. the wheezlg or sneezle, the measle will certainly go." trisyllabic rhyming involves three syllables and is called triple, treble, or sdrucciolo rhyme with the accented syllable followed by two unaccented syllables. an excellent example of this type of rhyming is david mccord's "mr. bidery's spidery garden" where this feeling of three is enhanced by having the poem written in triplets and having each line end in a trisyllabic rhyme: with cabbages so odory, snapdragon soon explodery, at twilight all is toadary. rhymes involving four syllables are extremely uncommon in english and have not been given special names. they mostly appear in nonsense verse. homoeoteleuton homoeoteleuton first appeared in aristotle's rhetoric-- book . . . it means "similarity of endings" and usually involves suffix repetition, where the same or similar case- endings are close together, as in geoffrey chaucer's "controlling the tongue": wost thou whereof a rakel tongue serveth? right as a sword forcutteth and forcarveth." identual rhyme identical rhyme, also called right rhyme, appears when two words have the same sound but are spelled differently: "piper, sit thee down and write in a book that all may read." so he vanished from my sight, and i plucked a hollow kee . ° (william blake) internal_rhyme rhyme is not restricted to just the final word of a line or half-line of poetry. a word echoing another anywhere in close proximity is called internal or inner rhyme. eve merriam created internal rhyme in her poem "serendipity": or if you are adam adamantly out to do your duty, and along your macadam route you encounter a beauty... ' medial rhyme medial or middle rhyme occurs when the word preceding the caesura rhymes with the end word. this device is called leonine rhyme when used in a pentameter or hexameter line. middle-and-end rhyme indicates the two halves of a line of poetry: a simple chime, that served to ttme., the rhythm of our rowing... (lewis carroll) mosaic rhyme when two or more words in the rhyming pair are used, it is referred to as mosaic rhyme. both of the lines may contain the mosaic rhyme, or only one, as in edward lear's "eclogue": what boots it that we orange trees or lemons see, if we must suffer from such vile inclempagy near rhyme near rhyme is a form of consonance. it is also called partial, half, off, oblique, slant, or imperfect rhyme. the final consonant-sound is repeated without a similar correspondence between preceding vowels or consonants. stephen l. mooney describes near rhyme: once considered an oddity in the work of such poets as emerson and emily dickinson, near rhyme is now accepted and used by nearly all th century poets, not to supplant perfect rhyme but to supplement it, so as to provide a greater range and freedom for the poet. in the poem entitled "bell," valerie worth has used the phonetic properties of the voiced nasal "ng" to recreate the sound of a bell ringing, and this near rhyme has echoed three times in each verse. by flat tink of tin, or thin copper tong, brass clang, bronze bong, the bell gives metal a tongue-- to sing in one sound its whole song. ploce most postclassical authorities apply the term anadiplosis to "only the word repetition that serves to link two units of discourse such as consecutive stanzas or sentences." ploce or anadiplosis is verbatim word repetition that links sections of poetry together: the dong!--the dong! the wandering dong through the forest goes! the dong! the dong! the dong with a luminous nose!" (edward lear) tame rhyme tame rhyme uses similar parts of speech in corresponding functions: "well, dogtooth violet, and how's that toot?" "it aches a bit, to tell the truth." now you heard that: he says it aches, let's ask wake-robin when robin wakes. in this poem "spring talk" by david mccord, the same parts of speech appear in the end rhymes: "tooth" : "truth" are both singular nouns and "aches" : "wakes" are both verbs (third person singular) in the present tense. the examples above reveal the complex variety of rhyming devices found in children's poetry. it is important to understand the technical resources of the poet's art. these linkages of rhyme help to "form a positive structure for the poetic act." notes_ john lydgate, "the boy serving at table," thp_pxfusi book.__ of.children's verse, ed. iona and peter opie (london: oxford university press, ) . valerie worth, all the small poems (farrar, straus and giroux, worth opie opie opie opie opie ) . . . . . . . theodore roethke, the riverside antholgay, of children'sjdterature, ed. saltman (boston: houghton mifflin, ) . ° opie . lewis carroll, "the white queen's riddle," jabberwockyand other poems (london: macmillan, ) . a.a. milne, "us two," thg_world_qt_ghx.iptqpher robin: now we are six (new york: e.p. dutton, ) . harold bloom, "anaphora," the_ghgycloppolg.o.f_ppgtry and poetic, ed. alex preminger (new jersy: princeton univ. press, ) . john ciardi, "wouldn't you?" you read to me, i'll read to you (philadelphia: j.b. lippincott, ) . saltman . r.l. stevenson, "my shadow," a child's garden of verses (london: victor gollancz ltd., ) . - opie . william blake, "the lamb," blake'a_spags_ot innocence and experience, ed. joseph h. wicksteed (new york: e.p. dutton, ) . eve merriam, "aa couple of doublles," chortles (new york: morrow junior books, ) . ° edward lear, "the jumblies," the nonsense verse of edward lear (new york: harmony books, ) . worth . worth . langston hughes, "mother to son," the_oxford_boojcof children's verse in america, ed. donald hall (new york: oxford university press, ) . opie . blake - . walter de la mare, "some one," peacock_ple . (london: faber and faber, ) . stevenson . stevenson . de la mare . ° david mccord, "how to draw a monkey," one at_a time (boston: little, brown and co., ) . ciardi . ann terry, children's poetry preferences (illinois: ncte, ). " opie . merriam . mccord . milne . mccord . opie . merriam . blake - . carroll . lear . mooney in preminger, . worth . preminger . lear . mccord . john hollander, vision and resonance (new haven: yale univ. press, ) . a study of poems by blake, lear, rossetti, and merriam in the introduction to how does a poem mean? john ciardi states that "to look technically at a poem, they [appreciators] argue, is like picking the wings off a butterfly. but what poem ever ceased to be good because someone had analyzed this chapter analyzes how four poets managed a particular aspect of their art--specifically, how blake, lear, rossetti, and merriam managed the technique of rhyme. the available wealth of children's poets made it somewhat difficult to narrow the selection down to only blake, lear, rossetti, and merriam. however, in the numerous anthologies and scholarly criticisms reviewed (opie, darton, hall, sutherland, saltman, and huck) these four poets consistently appeared as writers who have made, or are making, significant contributions to the world of children's poetry. the eighteenth century's emerging awareness of humanity appears in the work of blake; the early nineteenth century's reaction to didactic poetry surfaces in lear's nonsense verse; the victorian's sensitivity to the day-to-day interests of the child influences the lyrical poetry of rossetti; and the late twentieth century's desire to experiment with language emerges in the innovative poetry of merriam. william blake ( - ) very little imaginative poetry was written for children between the time of isaac watts's qivine_gongs.attemptgd.in easy language for the use of children ( ) and william blake's songs of innocence ( ). blake, the great imaginative writer and solitary genius, had "...broken into this narrow library that others were toiling so laboriously to fill for children." blake was well acquainted with the world of juvenile literature and lived in an environment which took this genre seriously. he did not agree with the theories upon which most of the children's books of his time were based, and so he produced his own "epoch-making" children's book: the deceptively simple and reassuring rhythms of nursery rhyme, folk-song, jingle, lullaby, ballad, and hymn, when combined with an equally child-like pictorial style (the primitiveness of which may have appealed to blake for other reasons as well), would lull the reader into expecting conventional themes--laziness, for instance, or disobedience-- to be conventionally treated. when expectations were then subtly undermined, the larger implications of the themes and conventions of traditional children's books would be thrown into relief. blake built his poetry on vision: the songs of innocence describe blake's vision of what is naturally good, and the songs of experience show how this innocence can be destroyed. blake was concerned over the loss of the "child- like vision of existence...which may still exist in maturity." the symbols in innocence offer a special meaning and represent a state of security found in the watched-over lamb and child. the link between the innocence and experaenge portions of the book is the need for humans to be tested in order to reach another necessary state of development. the image of children (imagination) allowed to run free, unfettered by conventional restrictions, reveals blake's passion for the "highest state of the active imagination which he calls eden." this passion is most evident in the poem "nurses's song": when the voices of children are heard on the green and laughing is heard on the hill, my heart is at rest within my breast and everything else is still then come home my children, the sun is gone down and the dews of night arise come come leave off play, and let us away till the morning appears in the skies no no let us play, for it is yet day and we cannot go to sleep besides in the sky, the little birds fly and the hills are all coverd with sheep well well go & play till the light fades away and then go home to bed the little ones leaped & shouted & laugh'd and all the hills ecchoed [this punctuation has been copied from blake's engraved edition, and it differs from most editions produced today.] blake's original manuscript version used the word "tongues" instead of "voices" in the first stanza. the plate for "nurses's song" reveals seven children dancing in a circle. they are moving in a clockwise motion, "always significant for blake of the passage through life- experience to beautitude." groupings of seven appear elsewhere in aongs_of_innocence. seven cherubs (five winged, two without) are depicted in "the blossom", and wicksteed referred to these as the seven angels on the title-page of the "job." wicksteed also suggested that in the poem immediately preceding "the blossom" ("infant joy"), the mother holds in her lap the second of the seven cherubs and that the seven spirits trace "the current of creation...the six days culminating in the sabbath or seventh day would then be represented by the cherubs." many of blake's principal symbols of innocence, according to f.w. bateson, appear in the "nurse's song": children (lines , , ) sheep (line ) wild birds (line ) green fields (line ) dew (line ) hills (line , , ) blake omitted any jarring voices throughout ongs_of innocence, but the "nurse's song" in experience offers a counterpart: when the voices of children, are heard on the green, and whisperings are in the dale: the days of my youth rise fresh in my mind, my face turns green and pale. then come home my children, the sun is gone down and the dews of night arise your spring & your day, are wasted in play and your winter and night in disguise. this is in contrast to the symbols introduced in the first "nurses's song." here, "laughing" becomes "whispering" (suggesting secrecy and deceit); "hill" becomes "dale" (suggesting shadow and darkness); " morning" becomes "winter and night" (suggesting oppression and loss of innocence). thus, experience darkens the second "nurse's song", and a contrasting situation is presented. anger and bitter resentment have entered the speaker, who now warns the children of the folly of play and the dangers of night. the vocabulary in these poems is purposely simple. blake's "childlikeness was partly self-imposed," resulting in poetry of childlike innocence. -° % of the words used in these two poems are monosyllabic. "ed" endings would have been sounded in blake's time unless they were elided. thus, "laugh'd" has been counted as monosyllabic, "leaped" and "shouted" as disyllabic, and "ecchoed" as trisyllabic-- (all examples of homoeoteleuton). the consonantal rhymes found in "bed" : "laugh'd" : "ecchoed" altered the rhyme scheme from a-b-c-b to a-b-b-b in the final stanza. "ecchoed" is an historical rhyme and provides a full rhyme for "bed." the three syllables of this word have a strange effect on the poem and suggest that the joyful sounds of the children will recede. echoes fade and die out as will the laughter and voices heard on the hill. these sounds echo in the nurse's thoughts, reminding her of her own lost youth and innocence. "ecchoed" hints at the voices to be heard in the later "nurse's song" where the tone of the poem has altered completely. blake frequently used ploce in his poems. words are repeated throughout the "nurse's song" and provide links between the lines and the stanzas: stanza vi /v i f i f if hear. on the green heard, on the hill then come cop.me leave off play let us ay go and alay come homg go home and laughing and laugh'd this repetition highlights the fact that these images are closely related. these four in pge.hcg and two experience stanzas are written in quatrain form. the rhyme scheme is a-b-c-b (with one previously mentioned exception), and includes an end rhyme linking consecutive stanzas: the first two with "green" : "down" and the last two with "day" : "away." in five out of the six stanzas, medial rhyme occurs in the third line : rest: breast (full rhyme) play: away (full) sky: fly (full) leaped: laugh'd (consonantal) day: play (full). the exception is found in the opening stanza ( rd line) of experience: the days of my youth rise fresh in my mind. this lack of an anticipated rhyme startles the ear and warns the reader that the tone has shifted and darkened and the nurses's voice is no longer that of a loving guardian, but of a bitter and jealous person. the use of anaphora in the opening word ("and") on the alternate lines (but one) gives the poem the regulated movement of a time-piece. each image passes by anew and yet swings back to connect with the poem as a whole. although the tone in the "nurse's song" is different from the tone in "spring," the former contains a reference to birds ("besides in the sky, the little birds fly") similar to references in the following poem "spring": sound the flute! now it's mute. birds delight day and night. nightingale in the_dale larilin_sky merrily merrily merrily to welcome in the year little boy full of joy. little girl sweet and small. cock does crow so do you. merry voice infant noise merrily merrily to welcome in the year little lamb here i am, come and lick my white neck. let me pull your soft wool. let me kiss your soft face. merrily merrily we welcome in the year these references act as links between the poems. other frequently recurring images in the songs of innocence are the child and lamb. the poems revolve around the initial stage of innocent love found in the lines from "spring": little lamb here i am... "spring" is the most high-spirited of all the poems. a lyrical quality echoes throughout, and many critics feel that blake especially intended this poem to be sung. the authentic child-like ring to the lines is partly a result of the unusual rhymes blake used. blake shared milton's views on rhyme as "a modern bondage." he was a verbal experimenter who broke away from the restrictions of the traditional rhymes of the purist. there are many examples of near rhyme in his poetry, especially in the poem "spring." two examples occur when an accented monosyllabic word is rhymed with an unaccented syllable of a trisyllabic word. it is not unusual to find a final consonant blend rhyming with a different consonant blend (or a single consonant). an analysis of the variety of end rhymes in these three verses reveals that a number of the rhymes are barely shadows of their original sound ("sky" : "merrily"; "kiss" : "face"; "crow" : "you") and yet a song-like quality still echoes throughout the poem: (monosyllabic--full) flute: mute boy: joy lamb: am pull: wool (disyllabic: monosyllabic--full) delight: night (trisyllabic: monosyllabic--full) nightingale: dale (monosyllabic: trisyllabic--near; vocalic) sky: merrily (monosyllabic--near; consonantal) girl: small lick: neck kiss: face blake often used auxiliaries such as "do" when they were not needed grammatically ("cock does crow"), and he also omitted articles ("lark in sky"). however, most readers "...will feel that he has a nearly infallible ear for the music of his verse." - his punctuation, especially the insertion of capitals, is unusual and indicates a desired emphasis. according to wicksteed, the fully written "and," if it appears in the middle of a line, suggests a slight pause on the preceding word: day and night sweet and small come and lick blake altered his texts many times before he approved of each final version. he completely omitted a fifth verse to "a cradle song" in songs_of_..innocence . , thus eliminating all suggestions that this state of innocence could be tainted or marred in any way: sweet dreams, form a shade o'er my lovely infant's head; sweet dreams of pleasant streams by happy, silent, moony beams. sweet sleep, with soft down weave thy brows an infant crown. sweet sleep, angel mild, hover o'er my happy child. sweet smiles, in the night hover over my delight; sweet smiles, mother's smiles, all the livelong night beguiles. sweet moans, dovelike sighs, chase not slumber from thy eyes. sweet moans, sweeter smiles, all the dovelike moans beguiles. ( , the cunning wiles that creep in thy little heart asleep. when thy little heart does wake, then the dreadful lightnings break.) there is a passion beyond analysis in the songs_gf innocence and experience, and, although blake was an obscure writer in his lifetime, he was also a visionary artist who knew that "poetry alone could make others share his central experience." his poetry reflected the emerging concern in the eighteenth century for the condition of the child. songs is a unique creation--written, illustrated, engraved, and hand-coloured by blake. in this poetry blake turned to the metres and rhymes of traditional hymns to give him the form needed for song. his words were deliberately simple and yet exquisitely lyrical. despite the intense emotion underlying the poems, particularly in experience, blake kept this form melodious. his influence on the shaping of children's poetry should not be underestimated. blake's voice is the precursor of lyrical poets such as rossetti, stevenson, de la mare and worth. note s . john ciardi, how does a poem mean? (boston: houghton mifflin, ) xx. f.j. harvey darton, children's books in england (cambridge: cambridge univ. press, ) . zachary leader, readins..blake!..s.songs (london: routledge and kegan paul ltd., ) . c.m. bowra in bottrall, william blake: songs of inucencg_and experience—a casebook (london: macmillan, ) . " bowra in bottrall, . joseph h. wicksteed, blake's innocence and experience (new york: e.p. dutton, ) . • wicksteed . • wicksteed . • wicksteed . -° wicksteed . wicksteed . bowra in bottrall, . edward lear ( - ) walter de la mare referred to nonsense verse as "this laughing heartsease." - nonsense verse emerged as an antidote to the predominantly didactic (and often morbid) poetry that had been written for children up until the 's. children delighted in the absurdities and lively rhymes found in nonsense poetry. "mischief...smashes the 'great folk' and the 'big folk' who are always sure of their responsibilities." edward lear was a true nonsense writer. he excelled in the invention of nonsense words. "this is no mean achievement, for the word must appear, to both the ear and the eye, to come of a long and legitimate lineage; it must seem authentic." lear began his professional career as an artist, not a writer, and, like william blake, illustrated books for other people. he earned the patronage of the derby family, and it was to the derby grandchildren, nieces and nephews, his first book of nonsense was dedicated. logical absurdity coursed through his writing. he produced word-inversions (later labelled spoonerisms) such as "mary squeen of cots"; portmanteau words-- "splendidoph- oropherostiphongious"; the joining of one letter with another word--"a noppertunity"; phonetic spellings-- "pollygise" (apologize); puns--a reference to the city of nice: "nice is so wonderfully dry....dryden is the only book read"; regional accent mispronunciations--"chimbly" (chimney); and nonsense spelling--"i gnoo how bizzy u were." lear laced his lines with alliteration, and the neologisms contained in his poetry created worlds where anything might happen, as in "the scroobious pip": the scroobious pip can sit under a tree by the silent shores of jellybolee or in "mr. and mrs. spikky sparrow," where mrs. sparrow will be made to feel "gallgobique when mr. sparrow buys her a " satin sash of cloxam blue." "mr. and mrs. spikky sparrow" is the only one of lear's longer poems where he created a loving domestic scene with father, mother, and children all living happily together (a situation unfamiliar to lear). critics have mixed views on this poem with its variations on the "ikky" refrain: twikky wikky wikky wee, wikky bikky twikky tee, spikky bikky bee! thomas byrom stated that it is "a bright, flinty poem, made of tough, trochaic, tetrameter couplets." ina rae hark noted that it is the only "lear poem that is cloying in the same way as much inferior victorian children's literature... the tetrameter couplets are technically uninspired." myra cohn livingston referred to the "marvellous choruses sung by mr. and mrs. spikky sparrow."' this poem touches on a favourite topic of lear's--a disapproval of what "they" consider to be socially proper. mr. and mrs. spikky sparrow must buy new clothes, not just to keep out the cold, but to dress according to fashion's conforming rules. their children are ecstatic over the change in their parents when they return "completely drest" (quite unlike lear's flamboyant characters found in other poems). said they, "we trust that cold or pain we shall never feel again! while, perched on tree, or house, or steeple, we now shall look like other people." there is an interesting shift in emphasis on the three "we" words so that each one will conform to the tetrameter. an effective vocalic echo sounds through these lines. lear made wonderful use of mosaic rhyme in the fourth and fifth stanzas of this poem: there they bought a hat and bonnet, and a gown with spots upon_it. which, completely in the fashion, you shall tie a sky-blue saph_pn. "bonnet" : "upon it" is an example of rich-consonance, where there is consonantal repetition but the corresponding vowels are not the same. his use of the plosives "b" and "p" are an added bonus to the "bonnet" : "upon it" pair. "tie" : "sky-blue" creates an internal rhyme. the "sh" blend is repeated three times in this couplet. the type of nonsense bird-talk lear utilized in the chorus of "mr. and mrs. spikky sparrow" also appeared in an alphabet poem. lear played with sound and meaning, thus creating imaginative rhymes. he used rhyming adjectives (adding the suffix-y to the chosen item) then completed each verse with a rhyming two-word phrase and a final apostrophe. this alphabet poem used chiming patterns common to nursery rhymes: a was once an apple-pie, pidy widy tidy pidy nice insidy apple-pie. like most nonsense writers, lear coined new words and employed the full potential of alliteration, as seen in his poem "the pelican chorus": ploffskin, pluffskin, pelican jee! we think no birds so happy as we! plumpskin, ploshkin, pelican fill! we think so then, and we thought so still! lear's interest in the limerick began when he discovered a volume entitled anecdotes and adventures of fifteen gentlemen (published in the early 's) which, among others, contained the following verse: as a little fat man of bombay was smoking one very hot day, a bird called a snipe flew away with his pipe, which vexed the fat man of bombay. the exact origins of this verse form are unclear but it came to be known as the limerick. lear described this verse as having "a form lending itself to limitless variety for rhymes and pictures." over his lifetime, lear produced hundreds of limericks and was the first poet to earn fame in the limerick field. a criticism of lear's limericks is that they "are thought by some to be feeble, on the grounds that the rhyming word in the last line repeats the rhyme in the first or second line." only a few of his limericks ( out of a total of in the book nonsense v̂erse of edward lear) used a different rhyme in the final word. it is quite unusual for the a-a-b-b-a rhyme pattern to contain three different rhyming "a" words, as in the following: there was an old man who made bold, to affirm that the weather was so he ran up and down, in his grandmother's gown which was woollen, and not very old. "the inevitability of lear's final rhymes fittingly complements the whole tendency of his versification in these poems."'-° this characteristic of word repetition may have been due to the fact that lear wrote the limerick with the intention that children would join in with a final rhyming word that was familiar to them. "the echoing effect of lear's repeated rhyme-words often maintains and enhances the feeling of non-sense, leaving the limerick subjects in a perpetual state of suspended animation."" lear apparently wrote many of his limericks in two or three lines, although published editions usually present these verses in stanzas of four lines (thus creating a medial rhyme in the third line). predictable forms are part of lear's limerick world. the nonsense element is contained in a tight rhyme pattern which seems to highlight the fantasy or comic absurdities of the verses. however, in spite of lear's brilliant success and acquired fame as the author of the "fantastic collection of rhymes-without-reason," he was seen as a wandering eccentric and considered by many to be a lonely man. - he suffered from frequent depressions which he termed "the morbids" or "knownothingatallaboutwhatoneisgoingtodo-ness." - this melancholy side of his personality appeared in his longer poems along with two recurrent themes--"wandering" and "loss." the underlying symbolism in "the courtship of the yonghy-bonghy-bo" reveals this sense of personal isolation: 'lady jingly! lady jingly! sitting where the pumpkins blow, will you come and be my wife?' said the yonghy-bonghy-bo. 'i am tired of living singly,-- on this coast so wild and shingly,-- i'm a-weary of my life: if you'll come and be my wife, quite serene would be my life!'-- said the yonghy-bonghy-bo, said the yonghy-bonghy-bo. lady jingly's refusal leaves the jilted author to wander, ever in search of his jumbly girl: lady jingly answered sadly, and her tears began to flow,-- 'your proposal comes too late, mr. yonghy-bonghy-bo! i would be your wife most gladly!' (here she twirled her fingers madly) 'but in england i've a mate! yes! you've asked me far too late, for in england i've a mate, mr. yonghy-bonghy-bo! mr. yonghy-bonghy-bo!' the name of her mate, "handel jones," is an alliterative pun on the possessions owned by mr. yonghy-bonghy-bo, namely his "old jug without a handle." the eleven lines in each of the ten verses of this poem are written in descending rhyme and follow an identical rhyme pattern (a b c b a a c c c b b) with three exceptions: in the sixth verse, lear used the abbreviation "co." to create an eye rhyme for "bo," in the seventh verse he divided the trisyllabic word "modify" to create the disyllabic "modi-" to rhyme with "body" and "doddy" (moving the last syllable ahead to the next line), and in the final verse he used a consonantal blend to create a near rhyme in "mourns-moans.": from the coast of coromandel, did that lady never go; on the heap of stones she mourns for the yonghy-bonghy-bo. on that coast of coromandel, in his jug without a handle still she weeps, and daily moans; on that little heap of stones. to her dorkling hens she moans, for the yonghy-bonghy-bo, for the yonghy-bonghy-bo. "mourns" is a significant example of near rhyme, as it is the only rhyme in the -line poem that is not a full one, and it is this word "mourns" that carries the mood of the poem. it is a word set apart from the others, just as the yonghy-bonghy-bo is set apart from his beloved lady jingly. there is also another aspect to be considered over lear's use of the near rhyme "mourns." near rhymes are sometimes associated with themes of sadness and mystery. susan miles believes near rhymes to be a way of suggesting "defeat, incongruity, suspense, failure, struggle, frustration, disillusion, thwarting, disruption, or escape." henry wells stated (in reference to emily dickinson's use of near rhyme) that "full rhyme may be compared to the musician's major mode, half rhyme to the minor mode. the latter connotes indecision, pensiveness, quiet grief, or spiritual numbness." although these statements can be readily disproved by poems containing near rhyme that express feelings of elevation or aspiration, the concept of major and minor modes is nevertheless an intriguing one, and is perhaps applicable to lear's single, lonely "mourns." to lear, moonlight "may suggest magic or melancholy." - it seems to suggest the former in "the owl and the pussy- cat." this poem appears to be free of trouble and sadness. the owl and the pussy-cat go on a magical journey, find a turkey to marry them and a pig to supply the ring: "dear pig, are you willing to sell for one shilling your ring?" said the piggy, "i wi. ." as the underlined examples illustrate, assonance and consonance are frequently employed. nine instances of medial rhyme occur in this three-verse narrative: honey: money owl: fowl married: tarried away: day ( ) wood: stood willing: shilling mince: quince hand: sand "since the sharing of food always cements loving relationships in lear..." they dined on mince, and slices of quince which they ate with a runcible spoon. ("runcible" is one of lear's most famous neologisms.) much has been published on the subject of the underlying meanings in the limericks and narrative poems of this english "laureate of nonsense," but quite apart from the interpretive aspects of his writing, lear's poetry continues to serve as an example of true nonsense. his book of nonsense was "one of the few children's books to start a tradition rather than follow one. like a towering old oak tree in a grove of saplings, it remains a most impressive landmark. notes walter de la mare, lewis carroll (london: faber and faber, ) . myra cohn livingston, climb into the bell tower (boston: harper and row, ) . judith saltman, ed., the riverside anthology of children's literature (boston: houghton mifflin, ) . holbrook jackson, the complete nonsense of edward lear (new york: dover pub., ) xxv-xxvi. thomas byrom, nonsense and wonder: the poems and cartoons of edward_lear (new york: dutton, ) . ina rae hark, edward lear (boston: twayne pub., ) . livingston . • john vernon lord, the nonsense verse of edward lear (new york: harmony books, ) xii. ' lord xv. ° hark . lord xvi. jackson ix. lord xii. susan miles in judy jo small's full as opera: emily dickinson's rhyme (university of n. carolina, ) . henry m. wells, introduction to emily dickinson (chicago: packard, ) . hark . hark . mark i. west in touchstones: reflections on the best in children's literature, ed. perry nodelman (west lafayette: children's literature assoc., ) . christina rossetti ( - ) comparisons have been made between william blake's songs of innocence and christina rossetti's .lag.. qag: rossetti, in the blake tradition, shows her love and veneration for innocence-- children, lambs, birds, dogs, cats, rabbits, caterpillars, flowers, and sea beasts. - when christina rossetti's sing:songi_a nursery_rhyme book was published in , it was received favourably by critics and reviewers, although most felt the poems were intended for children above nursery age. sing:song is considered to be historically significant. it reflected the new approach to children's poetry, as it included many nondidactic poems as well as the traditional, instructive verses. among the instructional rhymes aimed at teaching children such things as measurement, seasons, and colours, the poem "what is pink?" stands out: what is pink? a rose is pink by the fountain's brink. what is red? a poppy's red in its barley bed. what is blue? the sky is blue where the clouds float through. what is white? a swan is white sailing in the light. what is yellow? pears are yellow, rich and ripe and mellow. what is green? the grass is green, with small flowers between. what is violet? clouds are violet in the summer twilight. what is orange? why, an orange, just an orange! a certain cohesiveness is achieved in this poem by rossetti's use of anaphora. every other line begins with the question "what is...?" and this repetition effectively imitates the endless flow of questions a curious child might ask. rossetti is noted for her simple diction and brief statements, as seen in the above poem where % of the words are monosyllabic. one-syllable rhyming couplets are used throughout, with the exception of "yellow" : "mellow," "violet" : "twilight," and "orange." "violet" : "twilight" is a rhyme that matches a trisyllabic with a disyllabic ending. it is also an example of rich-consonance, where the consonantal repetition between words has different corresponding vowels ("violet" : "twilight"). perhaps this unusual rhyming couplet was placed near the end of the poem to prepare the ear for the musical irregularity of the final "just an orange!" orange is a word that cannot be rhymed at all in the english language, and the sudden insertion of this exclamatory couplet breaks the predicted rhythm and surprises the reader. though poets vary greatly in the number and kinds of easements they discover from rhyming rigor, they all "allow themselves more merely approximate rhymes than is generally realized." in contrast to "what is pink?" the poem "lullaby, oh lullaby!" does not have such a high proportion of clipped, one-syllable words. soft consonants and long, soothing vowels slow down the pace of the poem. the lines move easily with smooth, liquid " " sounds: lullaby, oh lullaby! flowers are closed and lambs are sleeping; lullaby, oh lullaby! stars are up, the moon is peeping; lullaby, oh lullaby! while the birds are silence keeping, (lullaby, oh lullaby!) sleep, my baby, fall a-sleeping, lullaby, oh lullaby! excluding the refrain, each line closes with an unstressed ending, which flows into the accented syllable of the following line. it is a carefully regulated tempo, composed to compliment the internal echoes within the poem and to create a soporific feeling. specific themes continued to capture rossetti's attention: "a preoccupation with death, a yearning for rest, a regret for the transience of beauty, and a sometimes consoling hope of salvation." these themes are exquisitely woven into the five short lines of her poem "last rites": dead in the cold, a song-singing thrush, dead at the foot of a snowberry bush-- weave him a coffin of rush, dig him a grave where the soft mosses grow, raise him a tombstone of snow. all but five words in the above poem are monosyllabic. arthur symons wrote in the london quarterly review ( ) that christina rossetti's "most haunting rhyme-effects are in words of one syllable." e.k. charles notes in chri.stina rossetti=critical_perspectiyes_ , that "the more serious she is, the less she decorates her verse, the fewer and more traditional her images, the more unpretentious her words." perhaps she was filled with her own sense of vulnerability and mortality when she penned "last rites." the year before this poem was published in skng sono, rossetti suffered a severe attack of graves' disease. the illness left her health permanently impaired, and it was undoubtedly a difficult time in her life. rossetti's sensitivity to the finality of the "d" sound in line with the initial and final consonants in "dead" is effectively repeated in line . the intensity of the poem is heightened by this repetition. rossetti played with the sounds of the language. of special note is her abundant use of initial, medial, and final alliteration in this five-line poem: initial consonance^song-singing dead medial alliteration snowherry hush coffin of him a tombstone final consonance^song-singing thrush, bush, rush. assonance^dig him soft-mosses assonance with suspended alliteration (where the alliterating consonant and the succeeding vowel are reversed) is also used: soft-mosses tombstone of snow these internal vocalic echoes give the poem a deep feeling of sadness. the functions of the last two rhymes "grow" : "snow" are not the same grammatically and are also different in the context of the poem. the hint of life and renewal in the verb "grow" is killed by the cold image in the noun "snow." living, vibrant images appear in the last words of the first four lines: song-sing thrush snowberry bush rush soft mosses grow and change suddenly to the cold silence of "a tombstone of snow" in the final line. although this poem is written in falling, dactylic rhyme, each line ends on an accented syllable. rossetti jolts the reader in the third line with her skilful use of rhyme counterpoint. the first two lines have been written in tetrameter and the reader is expecting a similar length in line . but this line is written in trimeter and is not the anticipated pattern. there is a parallelism in the first two lines: dead in the cold... dead at the foot... and also in the last three lines: weave him... dig him... raise him... reflecting perhaps on the burial rites of rossetti's own religious persuasions, and the christian "risen from the dead" belief. "thrush" and "rush" are full rhymes, and the insertion of the near rhyme "bush" comes as an acoustical surprise. it brings out a feeling of tension in the poem. it is unclear whether "bush" is an eye rhyme or an historical rhyme. many of today's consonantal rhymes were once considered to be full rhymes, but the vowel pronunciation has altered, and they now appear as near rhymes. shifting pronunciation is a very complex issue, especially in the matter of vowel analysis. consonant sounds have remained relatively stable over time, but such has not been the case with vowel sounds. henry lanz stated that "in the history of languages consonants reveal considerably more constancy than vowels; they form the solid skeleton of words which identically persists throughout the ages of evolution, while the vowels change from generation to generation, from one dialect to another." it is difficult to ascertain how the word "bush" would have been pronounced in rossetti's london area in . this word also occurred in the following poems by rossetti ("spring quiet"); blake ("the echoing green"); and lear ("there was an old man who said, 'hush!'"). in each of these examples it would appear that "bush" was intended as a full rhyme: where in the white-thorn singeth a thrush and a robin sings in the holly-blksh. (rossetti) the skylark and thrush. the birds of the latish sing louder around to the bells' cheerful sound. (blake) there was an old man who said, "hush! i perceive a young bird in the bush!" when they said, "is it small?" he replied, "not at all! it is four times as big as the bush!" (lear) rossetti pushed back poetical boundaries. john ruskin commented in that her poems were full of "quaintness and offences...irregular measure is the calamity of modern poetry." he suggested that she should "exercise herself in the severest commonplace of metre until she can write as the public like. then if she puts in her observation and passion all will become precious. but she must have the form first."' the poem "a crown of windflowers" parallels her own situation where "she continued to grieve over the emptiness in her life....there is always the melancholy note that cannot be suppressed of the unlikelihood of ever truly loving." "twist me a crown of windflowers that i may fly away to hear the singers at their song, and players at their play." "put on your crown of windflowers; but whither would you go?" "beyond the surging sea and the storms that blow." "alas! your crown of windflowers can never make you fly; i twist them in a crown today, and tonight they die." the sadness in the poem is heightened by her skilful use of ploce in the repetition of the phrase "a crown of windflowers." the windflower (lily-of-the-field) flourishes in shady areas, and its colourful bloom is very short-lived. this brief-bloom idea is subtly hinted at in her choice of the word "whither." "fly" : "die" are tame rhymes in that they both use similar parts of speech in corresponding functions. critics over the past century have not always agreed on their responses to rossetti's use of rhyme. green-armytage remarked in maids_of_honour ( ) that the reader will often find "'rhymes which can only be regarded as impossible--poetic freedom in the use of word-sounds which exceeds...poetic licence.' rossetti's lines he says, are not only 'imperfect,' but beyond all bounds of 'allowable- ness,' actually 'unscannable.'" in the regulated verse structure so predominant in the poetry of that period, perhaps rossetti's "caterpillar" would have seemed 'unscannable' to green-armytage: brown and furry caterpillar in a hurry, take your walk to the shady leaf, or stalk, or what not, which may be the chosen spot. no toad spy you, hovering bird of prey pass by you; spin and die, to live again a butterfly. a variety of end rhyme appears in these five couplets: furry : hurry (disyllabic) walk : stalk (monosyllabic) not : spot (monosyllabic) spy you : by you (mosaic) die : butterfly (monosyllabic--trisyllabic) this poem also contains a variety of rhythmic feet: line --trochee (strong-weak) line --trochee line --amphimacer (strong-weak-strong) line --trochee line --amphibrach (weak-strong-weak) line --trochee line --spondee (strong-strong) line --trochee (although it opens with a dactyl [strong-weak-weak] if "hovering" is not elided) line --amphimacer line -iamb (weak-strong) there is a clever, subtle switch in rhythm in the last line. this is the only line written in iambic (or ascending) rhythm, and it leaves the reader with the final image of a butterfly--delicately rising and breaking free. there are deeper connotations within this poem. the final two lines perhaps also reflect rossetti's religious belief that the soul rises to live again in heaven. c.m. bowra's description of her poetic use of words and phrases seems especially applicable to this poem: "but each word expresses exactly what she feels, and her sense of rhythm is so subtle that even in her darkest moments she can break into pure song." ° rossetti's name is secure in the historical survey of children's poetry. sing song was an extremely important contribution, for it looked back to traditional styles and ahead to progressive ones. her moralistic verse that was so attractive to nineteenth century readers is not appealing to modern tastes, but her experimental poems (where she moved away from the didactic) are "a link with the artistic masterpieces in songs of innocence by william blake and of those by walter de la mare and other modern authors whose poetry displays childlike gualities." - notes. fredegond shove in e.k. charles's cbristina • rossetti: critical perspectives - (london: associated univ. press, ) . arthur melville clark in the . ^encyclue.dia of poetry and poetics, ed. alex preminger (new jersy: princeton univ. press, ) . ralph a. bellas, christina_rossetti (boston: twayne pub., ) . arthur symons in charles, . charles . henry lanz, tie phisical_basf_rime (california: stanford univ. press, ) . ruskin in bellas, . bellas . a.j. green-armytage in charles, . ° c.m. bowra, the romantic imagination (new york: oxford univ. press, ) . bellas . eve merriam ( - ) poems by contemporary writers such as eve merriam explode with rich varieties of rhyme and form. she is one of the "practitioners of stylistic change whose work involves spontaneous improvisation of forms...she recognizes that children are not bound rigidly to neat, regular meter and rhyme...."'- the concept of shaped verse is demonstrated in her poem "the serpent's hiss" where the curves of a snake are recreated: slidtng over stones a silent spill sleek as silk iridescent appearing and disappearing slipping soundless out of sunlight to seek dark-wooded sanctuary sequestered surreptitious slithering round underground secretive roots narcissus spun in upon its sinuous self ancient synonym for sibylltne mystery merriam's use of onomatopoeia is obvious. the "s" sound appears thirty-five times. less noticeable is her use of the "i" vowel. it subtly works its way through the lines, creating an internal echo within the poem. although end rhymes do not occur, there are internal rhymes: sliding: appearing: disappearing: slipping sound: round: underground sleek: seek in: sinuous: synonym parallel alliteration creates a sound pattern by the intricate weaving of the "s" with " ," "e," or "i" sliding: stones: silent: sleek: silk: iridescent: disappearing: slipping: soundless: seek: sequestered: slithering: secretive: narcissus: sinuous: self: sibylline merriam also uses suspended alliteration, reversing the consonant and vowel: sliding: silent: silk: slipping spun: upon synonym sequestered submerged alliteration occurs in "silent" :"iridescent" where the unaccented syllables rhyme. consonance also is used: spun in upon sleek as silk dark-wooded: sequestered: round in much of her poetry, merriam makes frequent use of word repetition, but "the serpent's hiss" is unusual in that each word (even the articles and prepositions) appears only once. however, in the following poem, anaphora is employed throughout, as most lines begin with either "from" or "to." this verse demonstrates merriam's skill in using the stanzaic form to describe itself: descent come down from the moon from mountains from towers from treetops from crags from cliffs from slopes from hillocks from hummocks from mesas from knolls from plateaus from cobbles from rises from ridges from bushes from hedges to plains to valleys to trenches to ditches to marshes to swamps to fens to ponds to seaweed to plankton to coral to sponge exuding breathing breathing out bubbles round as the moon the closing line echoes the opening line: come down from the moon... round as the moon only one full rhyme occurs: "hillocks" : "hummocks," but a few near rhymes appear: treetops: slopes cobbles: knolls ridges: hedges trenches: ditches merriam again uses anaphora in her poem "the wholly family": baby's got a plastic bottle, plastic pacifier to chew; plastic pillows on the sofa, plastic curtains frame the view; plastic curlers do up mama, mama's hairdo plastic, too. junior plays with plastic modules, sister pins on plastic bows; plastic wallet made for papa, plastic credit cards in rows; plastic ivy in the planter greener than the real thing grows. plastic pumpkin for thanksgiving, plastic beach ball by the sea; plastic snow at christmastime, plastic manger, star and tree; plastic used so totally keeps us germproof and dirt-free. praise of plastic thus we sing, plastic over everything keeps us cool and safe and dry; it may not pain us much to die. the word "plastic" appears eighteen times in this poem (twelve of the twenty-two lines begin with it), and this repetition hammers home the fact that the readers themselves are almost "wholly" buried in plastic. in contrast to her free verse, merriam wrote this poem within a deliberately controlled stanzaic pattern. "the wholly family" is a tight, rigid form that reflects the tight, plastic forms surrounding the subjects in their daily lives. each line is regulated by the tetrameter, and each verse is contained in six lines--until the last one. the poem abruptly stops with the thought of death and the consistent rhyme scheme changes from alternating-rhyme to couplets. merriam employs anaphora for a different reason in the following poem. she repeats the phrase "is it..." to suggest the endless flow of questions an imaginative child might ask: is it robin o'clock? is it five after wing? is it quarter to leaf? is it nearly time for spring? is it grass to eleven? is it flower to eight? is it half-past snowflake? do we still have to wait? along with the basically anapestic rhythm, the echoing of the initial alliterative vowels creates a hurried, breathless effect throughout the poem. she also uses anaphora in the poem "windshield wiper," this time to demonstrate the actual rhythm of the wiper: fog smog tissue paper clear the blear fog more splat splat rubber scraper overshoes bumbershoot slosh through drying up fog smog tissue paper clear the smear fog more downpour rubber scraper macintosh muddle on slosh through drying up ^ sky lighter^sky lighter ^ nearly clear^nearly clear clearing clearing veer clear here clear although she has varied her choice of rhythmic foot from trochee (strong--weak; "fog more^fog more") to dactyl (strong--weak--weak; "overshoes^macintosh") to paean (strong--weak--weak--weak; "tissue paper tissue paper"), each phrase retains a built-in beat that matches the sound of a wiper. the stanzaic form itself illustrates the shape of the subject. merriam plays with words and symbols in her poetry. she shares with children "delight in the playful visual, aural, and intellectual concepts of shaped verse, concrete poetry, found poetry, and a host of collage and typographical verse forms." "showers, clearing later in the day" is composed entirely of exclamation marks and asterisks. in the following verse entitled "markings: the question" merriam matches up the shape of an object with the shape of a symbol: a scythe flailing away at the wandering field of why. who can cut down the mysterious grain that rises high again with secrets unrevealed? the physical appearance of a scythe resembles the question mark, and acoustically it contains an internal rhyme for the word "why." the lines are subtly linked together by merriam's full use of assonance, alliteration, and homoeoteleuton: initial vocalic alliteration a scythe flailing away at the wandering field consonantal alliteration can cut wandering: why mysterious: rises: secrets assonance scythe: why flailing away rises high grain: again (full rhyme) fiejd: unreve.aled (full rhyme) homoeoteleuton flailing.: wandering as a child, merriam stated that she was "captivated by their [words] musicality, and by the fact that you could have alliteration...that you could hear a whole orchestra in your voice." like edward lear, merriam excels in the invention of nonsense words. she created nonsense words, through a combination of alliteration and assonance, to simulate the sounds heard in a ping-pong game: ping -pong chitchat wigwag rickrack zigzag knickknack gewgaw riffraff seesaw crisscross flip-flop ding-dong tiptop singsong mishmash king kong bong. "landscape" is one of merriam's best known poems: what will you find at the edge of the world? a footprint, a feather, desert sand swirled? a tree of ice, a rain of stars, or a junkyard of cars? what will there be at the rim of the earth? a mollusc, a mammal, a new creature's birth? eternal sunrise, immortal sleep, or cars piled up in a rusty heap? this is a particularly interesting poem to study because merriam has documented her writing process. when she began composing it, she stated: "i felt i wanted a rhyme, a formal pattern to enclose the thought." later, she sensed some of the words were strained and were only there "for the rhyme's sake." her mind worked with "images and rhymes simultaneously." she had difficulty with "world" (trying "twirled, swirled, skirled") and even resorted to using the identical rhyme "whirled." she eventually chose "swirled" and discarded the lines: a crater a canyon a new creature's birth as being too alliterative--replacing them with: a mollusc a mammal a new creature's birth. in the conclusion of her article she stated that she was "still not altogether pleased; as 'desert sand swirled' is a little too sibilant to read aloud easily." eve merriam's concerns about today's issues are reflected in her themes and subjects. "a keen observer of contemporary life, she brings to her poetry a fresh outlook on all phases of the modern world, its delights as well as absurdities." she is extremely versatile and uses an astounding variety of rhymes and verse forms. merriam, like blake, lear, and rossetti, is a creative experimenter who has "managed the technique of rhyme." the question of how children respond to rhyme will be addressed in the following chapter. notes - judith saltman, ed., the_riverside_apthology of children's literature (boston: houghton mifflin, ) . saltman . eve merriam in tbe... . . cg.....ny_rgxd.u_p_tappaitts_eckx: wh t_poe:tg....q. .y_allt. n.d_thro_gab_their.wut., ed. paul b. janeczko (new york: bradbury press, ) . eve merriam, find a poem (new york: atheneum, ) - . myra cohn livingston, cltmb_tpto_the_aell_tower: essays on poetry (new york: harper and row, ) . conclusions what are children's reasons for liking a poem? how do children react to rhyme? judith saltman states that "a child's response to poetry is immediate; young children take delight in repetition, rhythm, and rhyme, and they seemingly respond with their very nerves, in confirmation of the widely held belief that poetry is the natural language of childhood."- the poet, john ciardi, commented that "the school system annually receives into its beginning classes an audience that overflows with the joy and immediacy of poetry. the same system annually graduates from its high schools a horde of adolescents who, with rare exceptions, are either wary of poetry or hostile to it." david booth supported this observation with the comment "for certain, something happens to many children, and the love of poetry as part of their life experience begins to wane. in adulthood, very, very, few people choose to read poems." earle birney made the statement that "virtually all human beings are born with the abilities needed to delight in and to make poetry, but unimaginative concepts of education can muffle and destroy these abilities."" children's "ability to delight in poetry" is reflected in their response to rhyme. key studies in poetry preferences indicate that rhyme has been, and continues to be, identified by children as the most popular poetic device. however, rhyme is a topic given relatively little attention in most critical studies on prosody. it is rarely discussed in any detail in the context of children's literature. sylvia avegno conducted a study in with intermediate students and concluded that rhyme was a major factor for children liking a poem.' her research also indicated there was only a slight difference in favour of modern poems. louise hofer researched the preferences of sixth graders, also in , and discovered that her pupils preferred humorous, rhyming poems that contained a beat. an extensive study was undertaken by george norvell and covered a span of twenty-five years. his findings were published in , and indicated, among other points, that nonsense poems and limericks were extremely popular with children in grades four to six.' ann terry's survey entitled childrep:s_ppetxy preferences_ indicated that the three poetic elements most preferred by children were rhyme, rhythm, and sound. an interesting conclusion from this study was that the students showed an overwhelming preference for contemporary poetry, rather than traditional poetry." this finding perhaps reflected the increased variety in poems available since avegno's study. carol j. fisher and margaret a. natarella conducted a study in where children indicated a strong preference for rhymed, metered poetry.' michael p. ford published a study in that revealed most young children had a very limited knowledge of poetry concepts. the most common concept identified was that poetry had to have some degree of rhyming. ° a recent study was published by philip m. anderson in . he examined the poetic conventions of diction, meter, and rhyme to find out if there were any discernible differences in students' responses to these conventions. response levels at all grades ( , , , ) showed a dislike for poetry that was lacking in rhyme or regular meter." anderson's research supports a pervasive finding in the studies of avegno, norvell, terry, fisher/natarella, and ford. these studies indicate that certain conventions of poetry such as rhyme and meter appear to positively influence preferences, and that these preferences have remained relatively unaltered over the years. the choice of poem is a crucial factor in determining children's appreciation in poetry and, therefore, it is vital that their initial experiences with poetry be enjoyable. this is not to suggest that children should be introduced to verse containing only traditional rhyme. it is important to increase their repertoire of well-liked poetry and to extend their tastes. children need to have as rich and wide an experience as possible. robert macneil notes that "unless we hear the language [of poetry] we will have no ear for it...a habit of listening to words has to be cultivated and it is best cultivated young." children's ability to respond to good poetry, rhymed or unrhymed, should not be underestimated. a poem is a shared event involving imagination, intellect, emotion, and memory. - "i," says the poem matter-of-factly, "i am a cloud, i am a tree. i am a city, i am the sea, i am a golden mystery." but, adds the poem silently, i cannot speak until you come. reader, come, come with me.'- poetry occurs when the child and the words connect, as this poem by eve merriam suggests. but the poem cannot " speak" without the child's willingness to participate. it is important for those involved in the selection and sharing of children's poetry to be aware of the delight children have in the taste and sound of words. poetry offers the reader new insights that may illuminate an everyday event and initiate intense response. ciardi states that children's sense of life is deepened by the experience of poetry--they become surer of their own emotions and wiser than they would have been without the experience. he also mentions that "no one need assume that technique defines a poem. something in every good work of art defies definition. yet close, specific discussion of the artist's technique is useful." - this thesis, through "close, specific discussion of the artist's technique," makes evident the extraordinary flexibility and diversity of rhyme in children's poetry. the study also illustrates how observant and scrupulous a good poet is when successfully employing the rhyming device. a detailed analysis of the words selected by these writers reveals that each word has been chosen purposefully for its acoustical effect as well as for its meaning. analysis of the rhyme patterns of selected poems for children used in this research demonstrates that a number of changes have taken place over the past three centuries. poetic boundaries have expanded considerably since "the first children's poet," isaac watts, wrote his piyine_pongs attempted_in easy language for the use of children in . free verse and experimentation with all forms of poetry have gained in popularity with poets during the latter part of this century. yet, in spite of the growth of free verse, the couplet and quatrain continue to be popular choices. although the preferences for stressed line endings over unstressed line endings have remained remarkably consistent through the centuries, greater use of endings containing near rhymes has increased appreciably over endings with full rhymes. the poets mentioned in this study have been important figures in the evolution of children's poetry. a close examination of their use of rhyme reveals the strong influence individual poets have had on subsequent writers. lear's profound impact on the world of nonsense verse influenced many poets, from carroll to merriam. writers such as blake and rossetti have been prophetic voices in the development of children's poetry. their experimentations with rhyme and meter helped shape the changes that have taken place in the twentieth century. contemporary writers such as merriam and worth have produced poems that are as lyrical and full of music as any of the past. creative experimentation in poetry that has taken place in the twentieth century has indeed "unfetter'd" rhyme. present- day readers are accustomed to the sound of innovative rhymes. children's poetry offers variety, richness, and experimentation. this wealth of diversity deserves to be explored. today's educator has the opportunity to select and share the finest from contemporary and traditional poetry. ciardi encourages those involved with children and poetry to develop a deeper understanding of how poets manage this art. he states that "the purpose of analysis is not to destroy beauty but to identify its sources...if one cares about the nature of the beautiful object...study necessarily demands a look at the artists' management of their art." - rhyme is a dynamic in poetry that has great attraction for the child and is an integral part of poetry's appeal and pleasure. fine shadings or dramatic turns in sound are clearer when the reader listens closely to the music of rhyme. such reverberations can echo through a lifetime. notes. . judith saltman, ed., the riverside anthology of children's literature (boston: houghton mifflin, ) . john ciardi, ciardk_hipself (fayetteville: the university of arkansas press, ) . david booth and bill moore, poems pleasel (ontario: pembroke pub. ltd., ) . earle birney, tbe_cowaumped_oyer_the_mppn:.the writing and reading_of poetry (minneapolis: holt, rinehart, and winston, ) . sylvia t. avegno, "intermediate-grade choices of poetry," elementary english nov. : xxxiii, - . louise b. hofer, "what do sixth graders really like in poetry?" elementary english nov. : xxxiii, - . george w. norvell, what boys and girls like to read (new york: silver burdett co., ) . ann terry, children's poetry preferences: a national survey of upper elementary grades (illinois: university of nebraska, ) , . carol j. fisher and margaret a. natarella, poetry preferences_of primary graders (georgia: university of georgia, ) . ° michael p. ford, young_children!s concepts and attitudes about poetry (wisconsin: the university of wisconsin, ) . - philip m. anderson, evaluative response to poetic convention at four grade levels (new york: queens college of the city university, ) . robert macneil, wordstr_uck (new york: viking penguin, ) . john ciardi, how does a poem mean? (boston: houghton mifflin, ) . eve merriam in children's literature in the elemen±ary_school, ed. charlotte huck (new york: holt, rinehart and winston, ) . ciardi xx. - ciardi xx. bibliography anderson, philip m. evakuative_re.uqns.e.to_poetic convention at four grade levels. diss. new york: queens college of the city university, . avegno, t. sylvia. "intermediate-grade choices of poetry." elementary english xxxiii (nov. ): - . bailey, james. toward a_statistical. analysis_of english verse. lisse, netherlands: the peter de ridder press, . bellas, ralph a. christina rossetti. boston: twayne pub., . birney, earle. the_gow_ji app. omer_tbe.mo_on:_the.writin and reading of poetry. minneapolis: holt, rinehart, and winston, . booth, david and bill moore. poems please! ontario: pembroke pub. ltd., . bottrall, margaret, ed. william blake: songs of innocence and experience--a casebook. london: macmillan, . bowra, c.m. the_romantic_imaqination. new york: oxford univ. press, . byrom, thomas. nonsense and wonder: the poems and cartoons of_edward.lear. new york: dutton, . carroll lewis. the annotated alice. ed. martin gardner. new york: bramhall house, . charles, e.k. christina_rossetti:_critical_pers_pectimes, - . london: associated univ. press, . ciardi, john. ciardijilmself. fayetteville: the university of arkansas press, . ciardi, john. how does a poem mean? boston: houghton mifflin, . daniel, samuel. a defe_nce_pf_ryme. ed. arthur colby sprague. cambridge: harvard univ. press, . darton, f.j. harvey. children's_books in england. cambridge: cambridge univ. press, . de la mare, walter.^is carroll. london: faber and faber, . fisher, carol j. and margaret a. natarella. poetry preferences_ of primary_ graders. diss. georgia: university of georgia, may, . ford, michael p. young_children's_concepts_and attttudes about poetry. diss. wisconsin: the university of wisconsin, may, . fraser, g.s. itetrerhyme_and.free_verss. london: methuen and co. ltd., . fraser, g.s. a short history of english poetry. somerset: open books ltd., . hackleman, wauneta, ed. tilg_s_tudy...andwritifig_of. . etry: american women poets discuss their craft. new york: whitson pub. co., . hall, donald. theoxford„ book_ot_childrenls_merse amertqq. new york: oxford univ. press, . hark, ina rae. edward lear. boston: twayne pub., . hollander, john. vision and resonance. new haven: yale univ. press, . huck, charlotte, et al., eds. chilaren!.s_litsraturejn_the elementary_school. new york: holt, rinehart and winston, inc., . jackson, holbrook. the complete nonsense of edward lear. new york: dover pub., . janeczko, paul b. the mplace_my words are_lookingepr:__what poets say about their work. new york: bradbury press, . keynes, geoffrey. blake_studies. oxford: clarendon press, . lanz, henry. the physical basis of rime. california: stanford univ. press, . larrick, nancy, ed. somebody_turned_on a_tar_in these_k_ids. new york: delacorte press, . leader, zachary. reading blake's^poems. london: routledge and kegan paul ltd., . livingston, myra cohn. climd_into_the.be_ tower. boston: harper and row, . macneil, robert. wordstruck. new york: viking penguin, . nodelman, perry, ed. touchstones: reflections on the best iii_cbildrqn_litat.p.x.p.. west lafayette: chla pub., . opie, iona and peter. the oxford book of children's verse. london: oxford univ. press, . pendlebury, b.j.the_art_of_the rhyme. new york: charles scribner's sons, . pickering, samuel. john locke and children's books in eighteenth century england. knoxville: univ. of tennessee press, . preminger, alex, ed. the_prjricetom eng...y.p. gpedja_of_ppy and poetics. new jersy: princeton univ. press, . puttenham, george. the arte of english poesie-- . menston, england: scolar press ltd., . quintilian. t . . qtitgijooratoria. trans. h.e. butler. london: william heinemann, . vol. iii. reeves, james. grderstanding_poetry. london: heinemann, . rosenfeld, alvin, ed. william blake. providence: brown univ. press, . saintsbury, george. gisiorjcal_manual_gf_edallail.f.x. .s.gdy. london: macmillan and co., . saintsbury, george. short_history.of_english_li&er.ature. london: macmillan and co., . saltman, judith, ed. the riverside anthology of children s uterature. boston: houghton mifflin, . shipley, joseph. in prajse of english. new york: times books, . sidney, sir philip. tkg_ fprage ot_pgesle= . menston, england: scolar press ltd., . small, judy jo. full as opera: emily_dickinson's_rhyme. north carolina: univ. of north carolina, . smith, lilian h. the unreluctant years. chicago: american library association, . stillman, frances. the poet's manual and rhyming djctionary. london: thames and hudson, . sutherland, zena, et al., eds. children and books. illinois: scott, foresman and co., . terry, ann. childrenlp_poqtr.l.p.kefpxeng@s_. illinois: national council of teachers of english, . townsend, john rowe. written_for_children. middlesex: kestrel books, . untermeyer, louis. the forms of_poetry. new york: harcourt, brace and co., . wells, henry m. introduction to emily. dickinson. chicago: packard, . wicksteed, joseph h. blake's innocence and experience. new york: e.p. dutton, . wimsatt, w.k. the verbal icon. kentucky: kentucky univ. press, . witherspoon, alexander m., ed. the college survey of friglish_bitfttature. new york: harcourt, brace and co., . woods, susanne. nat k .emosasi . san marino: the hungington library, . poetry books: arbuthnot, may hill, ed. time for_poetry. illinois: scott, foresman and co., . blake, william. spngs_of innoce.pqg arid.experi.ence. norwood editions, . blake, william. songs of innocence. london: faber and faber ltd., . carroll, lewis. jabberwocky and other poems. london: macmillan, . ciardi, john. mummy_took cooking lessons. boston: houghton mifflin, . ciardi, john. you read to me, i'll read to you. philadelphia: j.b. lippincott, . de la mare, walter. peacock pie. london: faber and faber, . kennedy, x.j., ed. knocjc. at a_star. boston: little, brown and co., . lear, edward. complete nonsense of edward lear. ed. holbrook jackson. new york: dover pub., . lear, edward. the nonsense verse of edward lear. ed. john vernon lord. new york: harmony books, . mccord, david. one at a time. boston: little, brown and co., . merriam, eve. blackbery_ink. new york: william morrow and co., . merriam, eve. chortles.. new york: morrow junior books, . merriam, eve. find_ poem. new york: atheneum, . merriam, eve. fresh paint. new york: macmillan pub. co., . merriam, eve. out_loud. new york: atheneum, . merriam, eve. a_pq.pm.far_. pickle_. new york: morrow junior books, . milne, a.a. the_world_ot_ghtiqt(vher.robint_noy.wq_at.p....§ .. new york: e.p. dutton, . rossetti, christina. doyes_and_pomegranate.s. london: bodley head, . stevenson, robert louis. a child's garden of verses. london: victor gollancz ltd., . stevenson, robert louis. collegted_ppems. london: rupert hart-davis, . worth, valerie. all the small poems. farrar, straus and giroux, . appendix: children's poets arnold adoff ( - ) make a circle, keep us in: poems for a good day big sister tells me that i'm black outside inside poems all the colors of the race eats: poems i am the running girl black is brown is tan tornado! under the early morning trees friend dog birds the cabbages are chasing rabbits sports pages flamboyan greens conrad aiken ( - ) tom, sue, and the clock a little who's zoo of mild animals cats and bats and things with wings joan aiken ( - ) the skin spinners: poems lucy aiken ( - ) poetry for children: consisting of short pieces to be committed to memory dorothy aldis ( - ) all together: a child's treasury of verse quick as a wink hello day is anybody hungry? richard armour ( - ) all sizes and shapes of monkeys and apes a dozen dinosaurs odd old mammals: animals after the dinosaurs harry behn ( - ) the golden hive the little hill all kinds of time windy morning crickets and bullfrogs and whispers of thunder the wizard in the well what a beautiful noise the house beyond the meadows hilaire belloc ( - ) the bad child's book of beasts more beasts for worse children cautionary tales for children new cautionary tales a moral alphabet cautionary verses selected cautionary verses rosemary carr benet ( - ) and stephen vincent benet ( - ) a book of americans william blake ( - ) songs of innocence n.m. bodecker ( - ) let's marry said the cherry and other nonsense poems hurry, hurry, mary dear! and other nonsense poems snowman sniffles, and other verse a person from britain and other limericks pigeon cubes and other verse leslie l. brooke ( - ) crow's garden johnny crow's new garden johnny crow's party ring o' roses gwendolyn brooks ( - ) bronzeville boys and girls margaret wise brown ( - ) big dog, little dog the little island wait till the moon is full nibble nibble the dark wood of the golden birds a child's good morning where have you been? robert browning ( - ) pied piper of hamelin john bunyan ( - ) a book for boys and girls: or, country rhimes for children lewis carroll ( - ) poems from: alice's adventures in wonderland through the looking glass charles causley ( - ) figgie hobbin hill of the fairy calf the tail of the trinosaur bring in the holly early in the morning: a collection of new poems here we go round the round house jack the treacle eater and other poems as i went down zig zag abraham chear (died ) a looking-glass for children john ciardi ( - ) the man who sang the sillies you read to me, i'll read to you fast and slow i met a man the reason for the pelican monster den or look what happened at my house and to it scrappy the pup doodle soup the hopeful trout and other limericks john j. plenty and the fiddler dan you know who the king who saved himself from being saved mommy took cooking lessons lucille clifton ( - ) the black bc's some of the days of everett anderson good, says jerome everett anderson's year everett anderson's goodbye everett anderson's friend elizabeth coatsworth ( - ) the sparrow bush down half the world night and the cat mouse chorus the peaceable kingdom and other poems the children come running sara coleridge ( - ) pretty lessons in verse for good children nathaniel cotton ( - ) visions in verse, for the entertainment and instruction of younger minds roald dahl ( - ) revolting rhymes dirty beasts walter de la mare ( - ) songs of childhood peacock pie come hither rhymes and verses a child's day stuff and nonsense and so on down-adown-derry bells and grass poems for children this year, next year the voice beatrice schenk de regniers ( - ) a bunch of poems and verses may i bring a friend? something special so many cats! circus was it a good trade? cats cats cats cats cats it does not say meow, and other animal riddle rhymes a week in the life of best friends the way i feel, sometimes emily dickinson ( - ) letter to the world poems poems for youth catherine ann dorset ( - ) the peacock 'at home' barbara juster esbensen ( - ) words with wrinkled knees cold stars and fireflies: poems of the four seasons norma farber ( - ) small wonders never say ugh to a bug as i was crossing boston common how does it feel to be old? did you know it was the narwhale? where's gomer? a ship in a storm on the way to tarshish how to ride a tiger eleanor farjeon ( - )--numerous publications, including: nursery rhymes of london town tunes of a penny piper the new books of days cherrystones then there were three the mulberry bush the starry floor the children's bells kings and queens poems for children heroes and heroines over the garden wall mrs. malone silver-sand and snow morning has broken invitation to a mouse something i remember eugene field ( - ) wynken, blynken and nod, and other child verses rachel field ( - ) poems the pointed people taxis and toadstools an alphabet for boys and girls poems for children a little book of days a circus garland aileen fisher ( - ) feathered ones and furry out in the dark and daylight cricket in a thicket i like weather in one door and out the other in the middle of the night in the woods, in the meadow, in the sky like nothing at all listen, rabbit where does everyone go? do bears have mothers, too? up the windy hill we went looking the coffee-pot face sing little mouse the house of a mouse best little house anybody home? rabbits, rabbits in summer paul fleishman ( - ) i am phoenix: poems for two voices joyful noise: poems for two voices siv cedering fox ( - ) blue horse and other night poems robert froman ( - ) seeing things: a book of poems street poems robert frost ( - ) stopping by woods on a snowy evening you come too complete poems in the clearing a swinger of birches rose amy fyleman ( - ) fairies and chimneys the fairy green the fairy flute the sunny book joy street poems runabout rhymes rhyme book for adam nikki giovanni ( - ) spin a soft black song: poems for children ego-tripping and other poems for young people vacation time: poems for children robert graves ( - ) the penny fiddle: poems for children ann at highwood hall: poems for children kate greenaway ( - ) marigold garden under the window eloise greenfield ( - ) honey, i love and other love poems under the honey tree robert heidbreder ( - ) don't eat spiders margaret hillert ( - ) farther than far i like to live in the city who comes to your house? the sleeptime book what is it? i'm special...so are you! doing things fun days rabbits and rainbows russel hoban ( - ) goodnight the pedaling man, and other poems egg thoughts and other frances songs mary ann hoberman ( - ) bugs a house is a house for me yellow butter purple jelly red jam black bread hello and good-by not enough beds for the babies all my shoes come in two's heinrich hoffman ( - ) the english struwwelpeter felice holman ( - ) at the top of my voice: and other poems i hear you smiling and other poems the song in my head and other poems lee bennett hopkins ( - ) the street's for me faces and places: poems for you when i am all alone: a book of poems charlie's world: a book of poems kim's place and other poems mary howitt ( - ) sketches of natural history patricia hubbell ( - ) catch me a wind langston hughes ( - ) don't you turn back black misery fields of wonder selected poems of langston hughes ted hughes ( - ) season songs moon-bells and other poems under the north star moon-whales and other moon poems meet my folks! nessie, the mannerless monster what is truth?: a farmyard fable for the young peter idley (died ?) peter idley's instructions to his son randall jarrell ( - ) the bat poet bobbi katz ( - ) bedtime bear's book of bedtime poems birthday bear's book of birthday poems x.j. kennedy ( - ) one winter night in august and other nonsense jingles the forgetful wishing well: poems for young people the phanton ice cream man brats did adam name the vinegarroon? ghastlies, goops, and pincushions: nonsense verse rudyard kipling ( - ) rewards and fairies kipling stories and poems every child should know rudyard kipling's verse: definitive edition karla kuskin ( - ) dogs & dragons trees & dreams: a collection of poems near the window tree: poems and notes alexander soames, his poems any me i want to be in the middle of the trees the rose on my cake something sleeping in the hall the bear who saw the spring night again herbert hated being small roar and more james and the rain square as a house all sizes of noises how do you get from here to there? sand and snow in the flaky frosty morning a boy had a mother who bought him a hat mary ( - ) and charles ( - ) lamb poetry for children, entirely original edward lear ( - ) book of nonsense more nonsense nonsense songs, stories, botany, and alphabets laughable lyrics dennis lee ( - ) alligator pie nicholas knock and other people: poems garbage delight jelly belly wiggle to the laundromat lizzy's lion vachel lindsay ( - ) johnny appleseed, and other poems going-to-the-stars collected poems jean little ( - ) it's a wonderful world (printed privately, ) when the pie was opened hey world, here i am! myra cohn livingston ( - ) whispers and other poems wide awake and other poems i'm hiding happy birthday! the moon and a star and other poems celebrations a circle of seasons -way stop and other poems lollygag of limericks the malibu and other poems monkey puzzle and other poems a sliver of liver a song i sang to you: a selection of poems sky songs the way things are and other poems a crazy flight and other poems see what i found i'm not me i'm waiting! worlds i know and other poems earth songs sea songs poems for mother space songs up in the air there was a place and other poems remembering and other poems my head is red and other riddle rhymes arnold lobel ( - ) the book of pigericks: pig limericks martha, the movie mouse the ice-cream cone coot and other rare birds the man who took the indoors out the rose in my garden whiskers and rhymes the turnaround wind henry wadsworth longfellow ( - ) hiawatha evangeline paul revere's ride john lydgate ( - ) stans puer ad mensam john marchant (fl. ) puerilia; or, amusements for the young lusus juveniles; or, youth's recreation david mccord ( - ) far and few, rhymes of never was and always is take sky all day long every time i climb a tree for me to say pen, paper, and poem mr. bidery's spidery garden away and ago the star in the pail one at a time eve merriam ( - ) it doesn't always have to rhyme there is no rhyme for silver catch a little rhyme out loud rainbow writing a word or two with you blackberry ink finding a poem fresh paint i am a man: ode to martin luther king, jr. independent voices jamboree: rhymes for all times a poem for a pickle funny town if only i could tell you don't think about a white bear a sky full of poems a book of wishes for you chortles: new and selected wordplay poems edna st. vincent millay ( - ) collected poems thomas miller ( - ) original poems for my children alan alexander milne ( - ) when we were very young now we are six clarke clement moore ( - ) a visit from st. nicholas (the night before christmas) lilian moore ( - ) see my lovely poison ivy i feel the same way i thought i heard the city sam's place: poems from the country go with the poem something new begins lillian morrison ( - ) sprints and distances the sidewalk racer and other poems of sports and motion who would marry a mineral? overheard in a bubble chamber the break dance kids rhythm road: an anthology of poems to move to ogden nash ( - ) the new nutcracker suite and other innocent verses custard & company thomas newbery (fl. ) a booke in englysh metre, of the great marchaunt man called dives pragmataicus, very preaty for children alfred noyes ( - ) the highwayman sean o'huigin ( - ) atmosfear the ghost horse of the mounties scary poems for rotten kids poe-tree: a simple introduction to experimental poetry pickles, street dog of windsor pickles and the dog napper mary o'neill ( - ) hailstones and halibut bones: adventures in color what is that sound! take a number fingers are always bringing me news words words words jack prelutsky ( - ) the queen of eeene nightmares: poems to trouble your sleep the baby uggs are hatching the headless horseman rides tonight it's halloween it's snowing! it's snowing! the new kid on the block rainy, rainy saturday the snopp on the sidewalk and other poems what i did last summer the sheriff of rottenshot a gopher in the garden: and other animal poems ride a purple pelican tyrannosaurus was a beast the mean old mean hyena rolling harvey down the hill my parents think i'm sleeping james reeves ( - ) the blackbird in the lilac: verses the wandering moon the story of jackie thimble complete poems for children prefabulous animiles more prefabulous animiles ragged robin laura richards ( - ) tirra lirra: rhymes old and new jolly jingles sketches and scraps tell-tale from hill and dale in my nursery sundown songs the hurdy-gurdy the piccolo i have a song to sing to you merry-go-round: new rhymes and old james whitcomb riley ( - ) joyful poems for children selected poems the best loved poems of james whitcomb riley the complete poetical works of james whitcomb riley elizabeth madox roberts ( - ) under the tree theodore roethke ( - ) i am! says the lamb dirty dinky and other creatures: poems for children the collected poems of theodore roethke william roscoe ( - ) the butterfly's ball michael rosen ( - ) you can't catch me! quick, let's get out of here mind your own business wouldn't you like to know you tell me we're going on a bear hunt a spider bought a bicycle and other poems the hypnotiser christina georgina rossetti ( - ) sing-song: a nursery rhyme book susan russo ( - ) the moon's the north wind's cooky: night poems cynthia rylant ( - ) waiting to waltz: a childhood carl sandburg ( - ) wind song early moon the sandburg treasury rainbows are made the people, yes dr. seuss (theodore seuss geisel) ( - )--numerous publications illustrated by the author, including: and to think that i saw it on mulberry street the cat in the hat yertle the turtle green eggs and ham if i ran the zoo fox in socks the sneetches and other stories frank dempster sherman ( - ) little-folk lyrics shel silverstein ( - ) where the sidewalk ends a light in the attic uncle shelby's zoo: don't bump the glump! uncle shelby's a giraffe and a half lois simmie ( - ) auntie's knitting a baby an armadillo is not a pillow what holds up the moon? charlotte smith ( - ) conversations introducing poetry, for the use of children william jay smith ( - ) mr. smith and other nonsense laughing time: nonsense poems ho for a hat! if i had a boat boy blue's book of beasts puptents and pebbles: a nonsense abc typewriter town what did i see? around my room and other poems kaye starbird ( - ) a snail's a failure socially and other poems speaking of cows and other poems don't ever cross a crocodile the pheasant on route seven the covered bridge house robert louis stevenson ( - ) a child's garden of verses george swede ( - ) tick bird holes in my cage may swenson ( - ) poems to solve more poems to solve new and selected things taking place ann taylor ( - ) and jane taylor ( - ) original poems for infant minds rhymes for the nursery sara teasdale ( - ) stars to-night: verses new and old for boys and girls collected poems celia thaxter ( - ) poems poems for children ernest lawrence thayer ( - ) casey at the bat judith thurman ( - ) flashlight and other poems putting my coat on elizabeth turner ( - ) the daisy; or, cautionary stories in verse the cowslip the pink the blue-bell the crocus john updike ( - ) a child's calendar judith viorst ( - ) if i were in charge of the world and other worries isaac watts ( - ) divine songs attempted in easy language for the use of children charles wesley ( - ) hymns for children walt whitman ( - ) leaves of grass valerie worth ( - ) small poems more small poems still more small poems small poems again all the small poems jane yolen ( - ) dinosaur dance bird watch best witches all in the woodland early: an abc book how beastly! a menagerie of nonsense poems dragon night and other lullabies ring of earth: a child's book of seasons see this little line? it all depends an invitation to the butterfly ball: a counting rhyme charlotte zolotow ( - ) all that sunlight some things go together river winding wake up and goodnight everything glistens and everything sings page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page page microsoft word - test_obj - tobi chemical looping reactor system design double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) thesis for the degree of philosophiae doctor trondheim, may norwegian university of science and technology faculty of engineering science and technology department of energy and process engineering aldo bischi ntnu norwegian university of science and technology thesis for the degree of philosophiae doctor faculty of engineering science and technology department of energy and process engineering © aldo bischi isbn - - - - (printed ver.) isbn - - - - (electronic ver.) issn - doctoral theses at ntnu, : printed by ntnu-trykk i preface the thesis is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of philosophiae doctor (ph.d.) at the norwegian university of science and technology (ntnu). the work was carried out at the department of energy and process engineering at the faculty of engineering science and technology. professor olav bolland has been the academic supervisor. the ph.d. thesis forms a part of the bigco project, performed under the strategic norwegian research program climit. it was founded by the partners: statoil, ge global research, statkraft, aker clean carbon, shell, total, conocophillips, alstom, the research council of norway ( /i and /i ) and gassnova ( ). ii abstract chemical looping combustion (clc) is continuously gaining more importance among the carbon capture and storage (ccs) technologies. it is an unmixed combustion process which takes place in two steps. an effective way to realize clc is to use two interconnected fluidized beds and a metallic powder circulating among them, acting as oxygen carrier. the metallic powder oxidizes at high temperature in one of the two reactors, the air reactor (ar). it reacts in a highly exothermic reaction with the oxygen of the injected fluidizing air. afterwards the particles are sent to the other reactor where the fuel is injected, the fuel reactor (fr). there, they transport heat and oxygen necessary for the reaction with the injected fuel to take place. at high temperatures, the particle’s oxygen reacts with the fuel producing co and steam, and the particles are ready to start the loop again. the overall reaction, the sum of the enthalpy changes of the oxygen carrier oxidation and reduction reactions, is the same as for the conventional combustion. two are the key features, which make clc promising both for costs and capture efficiency. first, the high inherent irreversibility of the conventional combustion is avoided because the energy is utilized stepwise. second, the co is intrinsically separated within the process; so there is in principle no need either of extra carbon capture devices or of expensive air separation units to produce oxygen for oxy-combustion. a lot of effort is taking place worldwide on the development of new chemical looping oxygen carrier particles, reactor systems and processes. the current work is focused on the reactor system: a new design is presented, for the construction of an atmospheric kwth prototype working with gaseous fuel and possibly with inexpensive oxygen carriers derived from industrial by-products or natural minerals. it consists of two circulating fluidized beds capable to operate in fast fluidization regime; this will increase the particles concentration in the upper section of the reactors, thus the gas solids contact. they are interconnected by means of two pneumatically controlled divided loop-seals and a bottom extraction/lift. the system is designed to be as compact as possible, to help up-scaling and enclosure into a pressurized vessel, aiming pressurization in a second phase. in addition several industrial solutions have been utilized, from highly loaded cyclones to several levels of secondary air injections. iii the divided loop-seals are capable to internally re-circulate part of the entrained solids, uncoupling the solids entrainment from the solids exchange. this will provide a better control on the process increasing its flexibility and helping to fulfil downstream requirements. no mechanical valves are utilized, but gas injections. the bottom extraction compensates the lower entrainment of the fr which has less fluidizing gas availability and smaller cross section than the ar. the lift allows adjusting the reactors bottom inventories, thus the pressures in the bottom sections of the reactors. in this way the divided loop-seals are not exposed to large pressure unbalances and the whole system is hydrodynamically more robust. the proposed design was finally validated by means of a full scale cold flow model (cfm), without chemical reactions. a thorough evaluation of the scaling state-of-the-art in fluidization engineering has been done; two are the approaches. one consists of building a small scale model which resembles the hydrodynamics of the bigger hot setup, by keeping constant a set of dimensionless numbers. the other is based on the construction of a full scale model, being careful to be in the same fluidization regime and to utilize particles with the same fluidization properties as the hot setup. in this way the surface to volume ratio is kept the same as that one of the hot rig. the idea presented in this work combines those two strategies, building a full scale cfm. in this way, it can be used for the hot rig design debugging and it is at the same time the hydrodynamic small scale model of a ten times larger industrial application. the adopted scaling strategy and design brought to the construction of one of the world biggest and more complex fluidized bed cold flow model reactor systems. the air and fuel reactor have a height of m and a diameter of respectively . and . m. the selected particles are fine and heavy being classifiable as high density geldart a; there is almost no published literature regarding those particles utilization in circulating fluidized beds. extensive test campaigns have been performed to hydrodynamically validate the proposed designs. it was possible to understand and evaluate the operational window, the sensitivity to the input parameters and the key design details performance. control strategies were qualitatively developed. the presented double loop architecture design showed good stability and flexibility at the same time, so that can also suit the requirements of other chemical processes based on two complementary reactions taking place simultaneously and continuously. v a mia nonna maria. vi acknowledgments first of all, i would like to thank my supervisor prof. olav bolland giving me the opportunity to work with such interesting and challenging topic, to advise me along the whole ph.d. and to believe in me. i would like to express my gratitude to prof. gernot krammer, dr. rahul anantharaman, dr. lars olof nord, mr. jean xavier morin and mr. Øyvind langørgen. each of these gentlemen has de facto co-supervised a phase of my work. many of the ph.d. fellows that i got to know have been very important for me, as well as the master and bachelor students that i had the chance to supervise. we shared our challenges, we learnt from each other and supported each-other. i also would like to thank the administrative staff at the department of energy and process engineering of ntnu to provide me excellent working conditions. the tu wien “chemical process engineering and energy technology” research division in austria deserves my gratitude, they hosted me for some months in the more complex time of my ph.d. and they introduced me to chemical engineering. i would like to thank all the friends i made during this “travel”; people coming from all over the word in such welcoming country, norway. i got to know so many cultures and things and i had really good time. i thank my family and my friends in italy, they have always been present. the ph.d. thesis forms a part of the bigco project, performed under the strategic norwegian research program climit. the author acknowledges the partners: statoil, ge global research, statkraft, aker clean carbon, shell, total, conocophillips, alstom, the research council of norway ( /i and /i ) and gassnova ( ) for their support. vii contents nomenclature…………………………………………………………………………….. ix . ph.d. thesis organization…………………………………………………………….. . . project overview………………………………………………………………. . . ph.d. thesis objectives.......................................................................... . . structure and contents summary…………………………………………….. . . papers list…………….………………………………………………………... . . scientific contribution………….……………………………………………... . chemical looping technologies and fluidization engineering………………………. . . global warming and energy scenario………………………………………. . . carbon dioxide capture and storage……………………………………….. . . chemical looping processes…………………………………………………. . . chemical looping technologies……………………………………………… . . oxygen carrier and particles characterization……………………………. . . chemical looping fluidized bed reactor systems…………………………. . kwth chemical looping reactor system design and cold flow model validation.. . . preliminary reactor system design………………………………………….. . . double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) reactor system…….….. . . cold flow model scaling strategy and design……………………………… . . health safety and environmental evaluation of the cold flow model, with focus on the utilized particles………………………………………….. . . cold flow model commissioning…………………………………………….. . . hydrodynamic validation of chemical looping processes……………….. viii . . procedure to operate the cold flow model according to the hot process requirements.…………………………………………....................…………. . double loop circulating fluidized bed design evaluation and finalization………… . . design evaluation and improvement suggestions…………………………. . . improved design performance……………………………………………….. . conclusions & future work…………………………………………………………... . . conclusions…………………………………………………………………..... . . future work…………………………………………………………………….. references………………………………………………………………………………... paper i paper ii paper iii paper iv ix nomenclature roman letters d [ m] mass median particle diameter d [m] reactor diameter gs [kg·m- ·s- ] solids flux g [m·s- ] gravitational acceleration h [w·m- ·k- ] heat transfer coefficient l [m] reactor height meo oxidized metal oxide meo - reduced metal oxide p [pa], [mbar] pressure pm all the particles having a d of m or less pm all the particles having a d of m or less ppmv parts per million by volume r [kg·kg- ] theoretical amount of oxygen that the oxygen carrier can take up r [-] coefficient of determination t [ºc] temperature toe tonne of oil equivalent u [m·s- ] superficial gas velocity umf [m·s- ] particles minimum fluidization velocity ut [m·s- ] particles terminal velocity vcyc_entr [m·s- ] gas velocity at the cyclone entrance, at the inlet duct exit wt% [-] weight per cent x [-] degree of oxidation or conversion y year greek letters p [mbar] pressure variation x [-] conversion difference or exploitation of the maximum oxygen capacity [-] excess air ratio [pa·s] dynamic viscosity [kg·m- ] density [-] particles sphericity x subscripts g gas p particles dimensionless numbers ar [-] archimedes number d · g·( p- g)·g· - fr [-] froude number u ·g- ·d- rep [-] particles reynolds number g·u ·d · - [-] density ratio p g- [-] dimensionless flux gs· p- ·u - [-] geometric similarity l d- [-] superficial gas velocity/ minimum fluidization velocity ratio uo·umf- xi acronyms ad anno domini ar air reactor arls air reactor loop-seal astm american society of testing materials asu air separation units cad computer aided design ccs carbon capture and storage cfb circulating fluidized bed cfd computational fluid dynamics cfm cold flow model clc chemical looping combustion clg chemical looping gasification clou chemical looping with oxygen uncoupling clr chemical looping reforming csic consejo superior de investigaciones científicas dlcfb double loop circulating fluidized bed epica european project for ice coring in antarctica fcc fluidized catalytic cracking fr fuel reactor frls fuel reactor loop-seal gdp gross domestic product gt gas turbine hse health safety environment iea international energy agency igcc integrated gasification combined cycle ipcc intergovernmental panel on climate change kier korean institute of energy research ntnu norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet oc oxygen carrier oel occupational exposure limit r&d research and development pdu process development unit psd particle size distribution sem scanning electron microscope tga thermogravimetric analysis tsi total solids inventory vdi verein deutscher ingenieure "o frati", dissi, "che per cento milia perigli siete giunti a l’occidente, a questa tanto picciola vigilia d’i nostri sensi ch’è del rimanente non vogliate negar l’esperïenza, di retro al sol, del mondo sanza gente. considerate la vostra semenza: fatti non foste a viver come bruti, ma per seguir virtute e canoscenza". (dante alighieri, divina commedia - inferno, canto xxvi, vv - ) “o brothers, who amid a hundred thousand perils,” i said, “have come unto the west, to this so inconsiderable vigil which is remaining of your senses still be ye unwilling to deny the knowledge, following the sun, of the unpeopled world. consider ye the seed from which ye sprang; ye were not made to live like unto brutes, but for pursuit of virtue and of knowledge.” (translated by henry wadsworth longfellow) . ph.d. thesis organization . . project overview the ph.d. thesis is part of a project called bigclc, which was a subproject related to the bigco research and development (r&d) platform. since the bigclc project was included in the bigccs research centre. the kwth chemical looping combustion (clc) reactor system design, object of the ph.d. thesis, has been developed within the bigco r&d platform. bigccs will provide the funding to build and commission the kwth clc setup in - . the bigclc project consists of several working packages. the main focus is on the construction and commissioning of an innovative reactor system design and the development of new oxygen carriers (oc). in addition, effort is invested also on system simulation and process control, power cycles integration and technological, economical and environmental benchmarking. bigclc wanted the reactor system to make a step forward concerning the clc state of the art, focusing on thermal load, pressurization and utilization of cheap oxygen carriers based on norwegian ores or industrial by-products. the design presented in the ph.d. thesis tries to address the above-mentioned project objectives. it has been developed in a cooperation between sintef energy and research, the norwegian university of science and technology (ntnu) and the consulting company co -h eurl. a thermal load of kw has been chosen, because at the time the project started ( ) there were no existing setups of that size. it was decided to develop the project in three steps. first, a design suitable for a kwth atmospheric reactor system was defined. operational flexibility and compactness have been a design priority as well as the utilization of industrial solutions. the oc particles considered in the design phase are those ones under development within the bigclc project. sintef materials and chemistry is in charge of this task and the work is still ongoing; for this reason just preliminary results were utilized to finalize the reactors design, in parallel with published literature from other research groups. the hydrodynamic validation of the design was done by means of the full-scale cold flow model (cfm) test campaigns. the second step consists of the construction, commissioning and testing of the hot kwth rig, possibly utilizing the oc developed within the bigclc project. the third step consists of re-engineering the presented design to upgrade it for pressurized conditions and test it. several pressurization issues have been considered during the reactor system design phase. one of those is the compactness, to be capable to enclose the reactor into a pressurized vessel. others are the flexibility and robustness of the hydrodynamics, so that the system can better handle pressure unbalances which are bigger than those ones experienced at atmospheric conditions. the ph.d. thesis work represents the first of the above-mentioned three steps: the kwth design development and the cfm reactor system design, construction and testing; fundamental for the kwth design validation and improvement. the work has been carried out in cooperation with sintef energy and research scientists and a co -h eurl consultant. in addition ntnu master students and laboratory technicians have been involved; the first in the execution of the cfm sensitivity tests, the latter in the reactor system maintenance, modifications, control and measurement (both with the national instrument corporation system design software labview and hardware installation and calibration). the polycarbonate cfm has been built by the french company concept plast sarl and the powder provided by the south african company dms powders. the ntnu panel for mineral production and health safety and environment, has been involved in all the aspects related to the particles handling: from the particles sieving, representative sampling and size distribution measurement to the health safety and environment (hse) evaluations. the powder explosivity tests have been carried out by the norwegian company gexcon. . . ph.d. thesis objectives consistently with the above-mentioned bigclc project objectives, the ph.d. thesis aims to develop a reactor system design which can represent a step forward with respect to the state of the art for clc of gaseous fuels. this is especially related to the reactor system operational flexibility and hydrodynamic robustness in order to better integrate it into a power system, including off-design operation and fuel conversion optimization. in addition, the development of a design leading towards chemical looping industrialization has been a thesis objective. towards this respect the design compactness has been always kept into consideration together with a scaling strategy aiming for bigger sizes, as well as the usage of industrial solutions, whenever possible. these design characteristics have also the long term objective to serve as a basis for other chemical looping and fluidized beds based technologies which deal with similar issues as well as for pressurized clc. . . structure and contents summary the ph.d. thesis is structured as a paper collection. chapter presents the background where the thesis is inserted. first the global warming and the world energy scenario are described, to introduce the importance of carbon capture and storage as greenhouse effect mitigation tool. afterwards the chemical looping processes are discussed, with main focus on combustion. currently, chemical looping technologies rely mainly on fluidization engineering, as the presented design does. for this reason, an overview of the oc particles and fluidized bed reactor systems state of the art is provided. afterwards an overview of the ph.d. work has been provided in chapter . it starts from the design and cold flow setup existing before the ph.d. project began and tested during its first phase. the work behind the four papers is summarized together with the achieved results. in chapter the suggested design improvements, when it comes to design and particle size distribution, have been summarized and experimental results of the improved design are presented. finally the thesis conclusions are drawn in chapter , together with the recommended future work. an overview of the four papers constituting the ph.d. thesis is provided, figure . . paper i defines the double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) design of the proposed kwth chemical looping combustion reactor system. a cfm without chemical reactions has been built and commissioned to debug the hot rig design. it is a full-scale model to reduce the figure . : summary of the four papers presented in the thesis with a list of the main issues addressed in each of them. double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system design study • chemical looping combustion state of the art improvement • addressing industrialization issues (flexibility, compactness, etc.) • design methodology cold flow model • commissioning • measurement techniques • stable operation hydrodynamic validation of chemical looping processes: • scaling strategy • hydrodynamic bases in accordance with thermodynamic needs (qualitatively): off-design, chemical looping reforming, gas turbine combustion chamber key features development • pneumatically controlled divided loop-seals • bottom extraction/lift • solids entrainment dependencies paper i paper ii paper iii paper iv wall effects. the debugging, from the flux measurement techniques to the separated and coupled operation , is presented in paper ii. paper iii is focused on the adopted scaling strategy as well as on the hydrodynamic viability of large-scale chemical looping processes. finally paper iv presents a deep analysis of the reactor system operational window as a function of the independent inputs. it assesses the reactors key features performance and suggests improvements which need to be implemented to improve the design presented in paper i. the ph.d. thesis summarizes a wide work, which major focus has been on the cold flow model construction, operation and improvement. its main achievements, listed in section . , have been thoroughly addressed and presented. on the other hand the work has been multidisciplinary, touching many of the engineering aspects related to the experimental setup: from carbon capture and storage to the large amount of existing chemical looping processes, from the reactor system integration into power generation processes to its potential application in fluidized beds based technologies other than clc, from semi-empirical mathematical modelling to fluidization engineering fundamentals, from project management issues to fine powder handling with its health safety and environment impact understanding. . . papers list paper i: “design study of a kwth double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system for chemical looping combustion with focus on industrial applicability and pressurization”, international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ), vol. , no. , pp. - . doi: . /j.ijggc. . . . lab-scale feasibility of the chemical looping combustion technology has been proven. research now is mainly focused on the development of innovative chemical looping processes, on a continuous improvement of the oxygen carriers and on the technology industrialization. a design for a kwth chemical looping combustion reactor system is proposed, trying to address design requirements that need to be fulfilled to make this technology applicable at industrial scale. in the base case it is supposed to work with gaseous fuels and inexpensive oxygen carriers derived from industrial by-products or natural minerals. it is a double loop circulating fluidized in the cfm, the air and fuel reactor can be operated separately, by re-circulating internally the solids that each of them entrains (e.g. for debugging purposes), or can be coupled exchanging mass between each other as it should be for the hot reactor system. bed where both the air reactor and the fuel reactor are capable to work in the fast fluidization regime in order to increase the gas solids contact along the whole reactor body. they are interconnected by means of divided loop-seals, capable to re-circulate back to the reactor of origin the entrained solids, and a bottom extraction/lift, bringing solids from the fuel reactor to the air reactor. high operational flexibility is aimed, in this way it will be possible to run with different fuels and oxygen carriers as well as in different operating conditions. compactness is a major goal in order to reduce the required solid material and possibly to enclose the reactor body into a pressurized vessel to investigate the chemical looping combustion under pressurized conditions. the design methodology summarizing all the key decisions taken during the process is presented. author contribution: aldo bischi is one of the contributors to the proposed kwth chemical looping combustion design led by sintef. aldo bischi contributed to the cold flow model construction and commissioning and he performed the majority of the cold flow model experimental tests and made the result data processing and analysis. aldo bischi conceived and wrote the paper with input and comments from other authors. paper ii: “performance analysis of the cold flow model of a second generation chemical looping combustion reactor system”, energy procedia ( ), vol. , pp. - . doi: . /j.egypro. . . . a scaled cold flow model of the proposed design has been constructed and commissioned to validate the hydrodynamics of the design solutions. first the nozzles design and the share of gas kinetic losses were verified, as well as the solids inventory control and its influence on the reactor performance. solids flow/flux measurement techniques, a direct and an indirect one, were defined and their reliability evaluated. the air reactor and fuel reactor were first tested separately monitoring their entrainment capabilities and pressure/particles distribution, with main focus on finding the best way of operating the divided loop-seals and testing the protruding cooling panel effect on hydrodynamics. the overall reactor system, combining air and fuel reactor, was also tested. it gave satisfactory results, but the internal return legs of the divided loop-seals were sealed off to avoid back-flow of gas coming from the high pressure reactors bottom sections. some encouraging results were also achieved reducing primary air and increasing the secondary air height, to reduce the pressure at the reactors bottom sections. author contribution: aldo bischi is one of the contributors to the cold flow model setup construction. he had a main role in the cold flow model commissioning; including auxiliary devices, health, safety and environmental evaluation and powder handling. aldo bischi planned the experimental tests in co-operation with other authors and he led the test execution (done by master students) on a daily basis. aldo bischi made all the data analysis and interpreted the results. he made the conclusions in co-operation with other authors. aldo bischi conceived and wrote the paper with input and comments from other authors. paper iii: “hydrodynamic viability of chemical looping processes by means of cold flow model investigation”, applied energy ( ), article in press. doi: . /j.apenergy. . . . the cold flow model already built and commissioned, can be considered as a platform to study the hydrodynamics of chemical looping processes. a state-of-the-art evaluation within cold flow model testing and scaling criteria was done. the choice of having a full-scale (i.e. : ) cold model of the kwth hot rig design was done, on one hand, to reduce the wall-effects which have considerably larger influence at smaller reactor diameters than on larger ones. on the other hand it can be considered the small scale hydrodynamic copy of an industrial prototype about times bigger. the cold flow model was extensively tested and experimental results are presented. the aimed design condition, mirroring a chemical looping combustion process adapted to steam generation, was achieved successfully and in a stable way. the performance of the reactor system was further tested in off-design conditions to define operational guidelines for the hot operation. in addition, attempts were done to resemble other chemical looping processes (e.g. gas turbine combustion and chemical looping reforming), to get some understanding of how the actual reactor system may behave and consequently provide solid hydrodynamic basis to improve the design for those applications. in all cases, it was possible to find operational conditions capable to satisfy the cold flow model hydrodynamic requirements consistently with the actual high temperature processes. author contribution: aldo bischi planned the experimental tests in co-operation with other authors and he led the test execution (done by master students) on a daily basis. aldo bischi made all the data analysis. he interpreted the results and made conclusions and suggestions for new tests in co-operation with other authors. aldo bischi conceived and wrote the paper with input and comments from other authors. paper iv: “double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system for two reactions processes based on pneumatically controlled divided loop-seals and bottom extraction/lift”, powder technology (submitted). many industrial processes are based on two reactions: a primary one related to the achievement of the main process objective and a secondary one which is necessary to continuously run the process. those can be performed simultaneously and continuously by means of two interconnected fluidized beds; the design object of this study is a possible answer to the needs of those processes, especially compactness, flexibility and higher particles concentration in the upper section. the key components of the reactor system are the pneumatically controlled divided loop-seals and the bottom extraction/lift. the divided loop-seals can re-circulate back to the reactor of origin part of the entrained solids. this means that the solids flow that one reactor exchanges with the other one can be smaller than the solids flow entrained by the reactor. the lift compensates the lower entrainment capability of that one of the reactors with less fluidizing gas available and smaller cross-section. those two features allow to uncouple the solids exchange from the solids entrainment, thus from the reactor fluidization regime. the aim of this paper is to further improve the presented design by means of an intensive test campaign finalized to better understand its operational window size and limits. it was concluded that the design can be further improved by reducing the cyclones’ pressure drop due to too high gas velocity at their inlet. another option towards this respect, is the particle size distribution reduction, this allows going down in gas velocity without reducing the solids entrainment. an increase of the loop-seal overflow height is required to increase its bottom section pressure and improve its stability. the return legs heights can be lifted up to reduce the pressure the loop-seals are exposed to. finally some interesting dependencies of the entrained solids flux have been found (e.g. cyclone pressure drop), looking at an indirect way to monitor it on-line. author contribution: aldo bischi planned the experimental tests in co-operation with other authors and he led the test execution (done by master students) on a daily basis. aldo bischi made all the data analysis. he interpreted the results and made conclusions and suggestions for design improvements in co-operation with other authors. aldo bischi conceived and wrote the paper with input and comments from other authors. . . scientific contribution development of a chemical looping reactor system design aiming to address open issues such as conversion optimization, operational flexibility, industrialization and compactness. hydrodynamic validation and performance analysis of double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) reactor system based on pneumatically controlled divided loop-seals and bottom extraction/lift. state-of-the-art comprehensive overview of cold flow modelling scaling strategies. subsequent synthesis of the two most common scaling approaches strengths into one. construction, commissioning and operation of one of the world biggest cold flow models finalized to the hydrodynamic study of two interconnected fluidized beds. usage of high density fine particles (high density geldart a) in circulating fluidized bed reactors. finding of promising dependencies of the entrained solids flux from cyclones pressure drop and inlet gas velocities, in order to monitor the solids flux indirectly. . chemical looping technologies and fluidization engineering . . global warming and energy scenario at the beginning of the th century, joseph fourier understood the role played by the gases present in the atmosphere with respect to the thermal equilibrium of the planet [ ]; nowadays this role is known as atmospheric greenhouse effect. at the end of the century, svante arrhenius [ ] saw that an increase of carbon dioxide concentration, including the manmade one due to fossil fuel combustion, may lead to an increase of the average global temperature. the global average temperatures of air and ocean have unequivocally increased since mid th century. it is confirmed by observational climate data as shown for example in figure . , where a multi proxy calibrated reconstruction of the temperature in the northern hemisphere is presented (red and blues) together with measured data (green) [ ]. at the same time also the concentration of anthropogenic greenhouse gases in the atmosphere has been increasing. those gases are mainly four: carbon dioxide (co ), methane (ch ), nitrous oxide (n o) and the halocarbons. all those gases have increased their atmospheric concentration during the industrial era, but carbon dioxide has, by far, the strongest impact, comparing all of them in terms of co equivalent [ ]. the analysis of air bubbles trapped in ice, allowed to evaluate the co concentration in the far past back to years ago; in figure . the measurements of the ice cores sampled at the antarctic stations of vostok and epica (european project for ice coring in antarctica) [ ]. the direct measurements of co concentrations during the last decades are shown in the last part of the graph, whose dramatic increase is represented by the quasi-vertical temperature anomaly is calculated with respect to the - average. co -eq describes, given a greenhouse gas, the amount of co that would have the same effect towards global warming. figure . : multi proxy reconstruction (red and blues) and instrumental measurements (green) of the northern hemisphere mean temperature variation [ ]. t em pe ra tu re a no m al y [° c ] year [ad] t em pe ra tu re a no m al y [° c ] year [ad] red line. co concentration went from the pre industrial value of ppmv up to an average value of about ppmv, measured at in the observatory of mauna loa, hawaii (usa) [ ]. nowadays the scientific community widely agrees on the fact that the temperatures increases are very likely a consequence of the observed increase of anthropogenic green house gases concentration in the atmosphere. in addition it acknowledges that the anthropogenic warming is likely to have a discernible influence on many physical and biological systems. this means that there will be a strong impact on the frequencies and intensities of extreme weather, climate and sea-level events and they are expected to have mostly adverse consequences on natural and human systems. for those reasons it will be of utmost importance to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in order to avoid their effects and whether not possible to mitigate it [ ]. the path of the world primary energy demand, in mtoe , by fuel and region, for the last years up to is shown in figure . [ ]. those data give an idea of the fossil fuels share of the total energy needs (a). looking at the regional perspectives, the share of the coal intensive economies of united states and china (b) is impressive. when it comes to the co emissions by economic sector, about % of the total comes from the power sector, % from the transport, % from the industry and % from residential and services. about % of the current man made emissions are coming from large stationary co sources like power plants, refineries or cement and iron industries [ ]. in addition there are other values to keep into consideration for each region, like the population growth, gross domestic product (gdp), debt accumulation, energy intensity trends. parts per million by volume. on this time scale, the years of measurements span is less than the thickness of the line, so it appears vertical. very likely and likely assess a probability of occurrence respectively above the % and % [ ]. toe is tonne of oil equivalent. energy intensity is a way of measuring the economy energy efficiency. it is calculated as units of energy per unit of gross domestic product (gdp). figure . : co concentrations derived from epica and vostok ice cores [ ]. the red bar at the side indicates the evolution of the mauna loa measurements . year [ky before present] c on ce nt ra tio n [p pm v] epica vostok mauna loa, year [ky before present] c on ce nt ra tio n [p pm v] epica vostok mauna loa, data about future scenarios are intentionally not presented, because they may differ rather much depending on the underlying assumptions. anyhow looking at the actual energy scenario it is possible to understand that in the forthcoming years the fossil fuels will still be the predominant world source of primary energy. the international energy agency (iea), in its world energy outlook [ ] presented updated possible scenarios for the upcoming decades. the fossil fuels are well above % of the world primary fuel mix by for all of them, including the “best case scenario”. the iea presents such a kind of study on yearly bases and gives analogous outlooks with respect to fossil fuels. all the factors affecting the primary energy demand are carefully addressed for each different country, from the global economical situation to the technology state of the art, including deployment of technologies that are now approaching the commercialization phase e.g. carbon capture and storage, concentrating solar power and smart grids. it should be mentioned in addition that no completely new technologies, beyond those already known today, are assumed deployable before the end of the projection period. a) b) figure . : world primary energy demand by fuel a) and by region b), updated at , according to the international energy agency (iea) [ ]. . . carbon dioxide capture and storage “carbon dioxide capture and storage (ccs) or carbon sequestration is a family of methods for capturing and permanently isolating co that otherwise would be emitted to the atmosphere and could contribute to global climate change” [ ]. ccs implementation in correspondence of the big stationary emission sources, can have a crucial role in the next decades m to e m to e m to e m to e mitigation strategies. it can act as bridging technology, “gaining time” to allow renewable energies development up to total fulfilment of the world energy requirements. this is especially true considering the above-mentioned role of coal in the world primary energy demand: coal is responsible for no less than % of global co emissions, and each year gw of new coal- fired power capacity is built [ ]. in addition the combination of ccs and biomass combustion, can contribute to negative emissions, reducing the co concentration in the atmosphere. once captured, the co has to be compressed up to a high pressure and relatively low temperatures. the aim is to have it as a supercritical liquid, in order to transport it and inject it into an underground long term storage site. it can be stored into depleted oil and gas reservoirs, coal formations and saline formations; the last one has by far the largest capacity potential. according to the intergovernmental panel on climate changes (ipcc) [ ], it is likely that % or more of such stored co will be retained for years. the aim of this work is neither to find an answer to the sustainable development nor to understand to which extent carbon capture and storage is one of the solutions to global warming. those are among the most complex challenges humanity is facing and for sure there will not be just one solution. the intention here is to develop further one of the most promising ccs technologies. in this way an additional piece of information is provided to the scientific community and consequently to policy makers, to help taking more aware strategic decisions. when it comes to the costs of ccs there is still a lot of uncertainty, but they are by far related to the capture, while the transport and storage are minor ones. for this reason the ongoing research activities are mainly aiming to achieve a substantial capture cost reduction and energy penalty reduction. the capture technologies are normally classified in three families: post- combustion, pre-combustion and oxy-fuel combustion. the post-combustion is applied to conventional power generation, it is based on processing the exhaust gases in order to chemically or physically remove the co . it is attractive for the existing power plants, as long as it is the best option when it comes to retrofitting. its main drawback is related to the energy penalty of processing large amounts of flue gases at almost ambient pressure. in fact, the co is diluted, mainly in the air n , being about the % of the processed gas with natural gas and % with coal combustion. the pre-combustion consists of a first reforming step or gasification step aiming the production of synthesis gas (syngas) ideally made of co, h , h o and co . the reforming reactions options are several e.g. auto-thermal reforming obtained with a partial combustion of the fuel or steam reforming decomposing the methane by steam and external heat. afterwards a water gas shift reaction may convert the residual co in h and co , and the gas flow can be processed to capture the co and having pure h to use in the combustion process as fuel. in this case the amount of gas flow that needs to be processed is reduced, co rich and pressurized. in addition some power cycles based on solid fuels gasification, like the integrated gasification combined cycle (igcc), are already intrinsically realizing part of the pre-combustion capture process. it is expected to be more expensive than the post-combustion techniques because of its complexity and the necessity of dedicated gas turbines. in addition, the combustion of h rich fuel is more exposed to the risk of nox formation. the third carbon capture family is the oxy-fuel one. it utilizes pure oxygen instead of air in the combustion process, giving ideally just co and water vapour as exhausts. the h o can be easily separated by condensation and the carbon dioxide needs just to be compressed to be sent to storage. one of the drawbacks is the high temperature of such kind of combustion, thus energy losses and nox emission, which is handled by means of co re-circulation (up to %) or steam/water injection. the costs of producing such high quantities of oxygen are high. the required amount is about three times more than that one required by pre-combustion techniques. it is done either by means of expensive cryogenic air separation units (asu) or by means of complex chemical, adsorption or membrane processes. each of the above-mentioned carbon dioxide capture methods is capable to reach high capture efficiencies and all their components are currently utilized in some commercial process [ ]. the high costs represent the major drawback for all of them to be deployed at gigaton scale. they require high investments and especially the high energy penalties related to operation contribute to high costs. the thermal efficiency penalty for co capture is about % points, few points more or less depending on the technology. this implies the need of focusing in research and development to propose breakthrough technologies aiming to less energy penalty [ ]. one of these promising technologies is the chemical looping combustion (clc). . . chemical looping processes all the above-mentioned “conventional” ways of controlling greenhouse gases emissions by capturing co are inherently related to direct combustion processes, where about / of the chemical energy of the fuel is destroyed while producing thermal energy [ ]. conventional fossil fuel combustion is highly irreversible because its thermodynamic equilibrium is reached at temperatures much higher than those ones that the materials enclosing the reaction can withstand [ ]. the high difference between the energy donor and acceptor will persist even if the combustor and gas turbine (gt) will be improved, making them capable to handle higher temperatures [ ]. on the top of it there is the above-mentioned energy penalty related to the capture technology. those two are the fundamental reasons of the high energetic, thus economic, penalty of the ccs technologies. the above-mentioned issues can be tackled following new chemical routes which innovate the combustion process in a way that utilizes stepwise the fuel chemical energy no matter the carbon capture, but in addition it separates intrinsically the combustion products streams [ ]. these combustion requirements can be fulfilled by means of chemical looping processes. a chemical looping process occurs when its underlying chemical reaction takes place following a reacting scheme consisting of multiple sub-reactions. these sub-reactions make use of chemical intermediates which react and regenerate in a cyclic manner. this allows designing the chemical looping processes sub-reactions to reduce the exergy losses as well as to produce co in a different stream, easy to separate [ ]. several processes can be developed relying on this principle: from the chemical looping combustion which is the core interest of this work to the chemical looping reforming (clr) and gasification (clg) respectively focused on power generation and on hydrogen and syngas production. chemical looping conversion of carbonaceous fuels was considered first to produce syngas or pure carbon dioxide [ and ], then to reduce the exergy loss of a conventional combustion process [ and ]. the combination of these two features makes chemical looping processes of strategic importance with respect to ccs. chemical looping combustion takes place in two steps (figure . ), where a metal working as oxygen carrier (oc), gets oxidized and reduced in a cyclic manner, carrying the oxygen from one reactor to the other. first the oc has a strong exothermic reaction with the oxygen of the air injected in the air reactor (ar), from meo to meo . the air heated up and depleted of the oxygen can be utilized for example to produce steam or to expand in a turbine if the above-mentioned reaction takes place in a pressurized environment. afterwards the oxidized oc is sent into the fuel reactor (fr) and its oxygen reacts with the fuel, being reduced from meo to meo . the reduction reaction is endothermic or slightly exothermic, depending on the oc material and fuel used, and it generates an almost pure stream of co and steam. the heat required by the endothermic reaction is carried by the oc, which can determine almost the same temperature in the two reactors when high circulation is achieved. the water vapour can be removed by condensation leaving the co available for storage, after being cooled and pressurized up to supercritical conditions. the overall reaction obtained summing the oxidation and reduction of the oc is equivalent to the conventional combustion of the fuel and releases exactly the same amount of energy. these are the oxidation and reduction reactions for a generic oc defined as meo - reacting with a generic hydrocarbon cxhy: meo o meo , ( . ) x y y y y c h x meo xco h o x meo . ( . ) the overall reaction obtained summing the above-mentioned ones is equivalent to the conventional combustion one and produces exactly the same amount of energy: x y y y c h x o xco h o . ( . ) auto-thermal reforming can be executed with the same system. this happen whether the amount of oxidized oxygen carrier sent to the fuel reactor is reduced down to a level where the carried oxygen is below the stoichiometric one, required having complete fuel combustion. it also figure . : schema of the chemical looping combustion (clc). the oxygen carrier meo /meo - is oxidized exothermically in the air reactor (ar) and reduced endothermically or slightly exothermically in the fuel reactor (fr). air fuel oxygen depleted air co + h o ar fr meo meo - air fuel oxygen depleted air co + h o ar fr meo meo - ar frar fr meo meo - brings heat and acts as catalyst; in those cases it is important that the selected oc has good catalytic properties towards steam reforming of natural gas like the ni-based ones [ ]. in this case the reaction in the ar is the same as in the combustion case, while in the fr the partially oxidized fuel generates synthesis gas (co and h ): x y y c h xmeo xco h xmeo . ( . ) syngas is also generated by the strongly endothermic steam methane reforming reaction injecting also steam in the fr: x y y c h xh o xco x h . ( . ) obviously the amount of heat generated in the ar, which needs to be extracted from the system to keep the thermal balance, reduces in correspondence of oxygen transport reduction and steam injection. in this way it can be reduced down to a level where the process is auto-thermal. it has been proven that chemical looping combustion is one of the most promising technologies when it comes to net power efficiencies [ , and ] and capture costs [ ]. the best performance is expected when integrated into a combined cycle, with the clc reactor system tacking the place of the gas turbine combustor. in this way it can drive a gt with the depleted air and the hot exhausts can be used to generate steam for a bottoming rankine cycle. in some configurations additional integration is proposed. a co turbine can be added to the process as well as another gas turbine after a post combustion process of the depleted air. in fact the oxygen depleted air still contains enough oxygen to combust extra fuel, but some co emission has to be tolerated in this case. several are the first and second law studies showing the high efficiencies [ , and ] that can be reached in this way with gaseous fuel; some studies also highlight low costs in addition to the high efficiencies [ ]. the main challenges are substantially the feasibility of a pressurized system and the capability of the oxygen carrier to withstand red-ox cycles at a temperature going above °c. the chemical looping reforming of gaseous fuels has been evaluated promising as well; a thorough evaluation of the advantages in comparison to methane steam reforming has been done by pröll et al. [ ]. in addition it is especially competitive whether pressurized, in this way the energy penalty of the h pressurization after production is avoided [ and ]. atmospheric chemical looping combustion of gaseous fuels is a promising option for heat generation (e.g. steam production for industrial processes) with co capture. up to a certain size, this is an interesting option as well for combined heat and power generation and for power generation with co capture. whether not pressurized, the chemical looping combustion of gaseous fuels for large-scale power generation has to compete with the high efficiencies of combined cycles, which compensate the efficiency losses induced by the introduction of “conventional” capture technologies. for those reasons many of the clc research activities, at this stage of technology development, are related to solid fuels combustion, like coal [ , ]. those cheaper fuels are utilized for steam cycles without being capable to reach the combined cycles high temperatures and efficiencies, not even for the more efficient ultra-supercritical steam cycles. another option to utilize solid fuels is using a gasification process which provides gaseous fuel to utilize in combined cycles, like in the igcc process. the lower efficiencies, compared to combined cycles, and the energy penalty of the “conventional” carbon dioxide capture technologies integration, make atmospheric clc potentially competitive for solid fuels both in combustion and gasification processes. focus of the current work is on the chemical looping combustion of gaseous fuels. the experimental device is designed to validate an atmospheric clc design for steam generation. some reforming issues are also addressed as well as some of the needs of pressurization/gt application have been considered. the long term objective is to develop a design architecture that can be hydrodynamically flexible and stable, so suitable also for other chemical looping processes. the setup object of this work is designed for combustion, as shown in figure . , by keeping stationary the reactors and circulating the oc: ar and fr are two fluidized bed reactors exchanging metallic particles acting as oxygen and heat carriers. . . chemical looping technologies a brief overview of the approaches proposed worldwide to realize the chemical looping processes is provided in this section. the use of interconnected fluidized beds is by far the most common, it has already been tested on experimental basis and it is the chosen approach for the work presented in this thesis. in section . and . it will be carefully addressed from particles and reactor system side, respectively. another option consists of alternating the gas streams and keeping stationary the reactor containing the metal oxide. it is based on packed bed technology where several reactors are operated dynamically. in this way the reactors are alternatively exposed to reducing and oxidizing conditions in a frequency that allows continuous feeding of the downstream apparatus e.g. heat exchangers or gas turbine for pressurized conditions. the main advantage is to avoid the challenge of separating particles and gas. this is especially important to avoid gas turbines blades damages. in addition it is aiming higher compactness and better utilization of the oc, optimizing its degree of oxidation. such packed bed chemical looping reactors still present challenges for large-scale deployment. the necessity to deal with high temperature and high flow rate in a gas switching system is problematic. at the same time the bed particles replacement can be costly, so they need to be mechanically, chemically and thermally stable [ and ]. for the time being, the principle has been proved experimentally in a lab-scale device by noorman et al. [ ]. also onboard hydrogen production for cars based on micro packed bed reactors has been proposed. its goal is to tackle the hydrogen storage problem either with the possibility to regenerate the spent particles in external fuel stations fuelling the engine with water [ ] or absorb on board the co generated fuelling the engine with methane [ ]. a further concept which has been proposed to realize chemical looping combustion is the rotating reactor. it consists of a doughnut-shaped fixed bed rotating between the two gas streams: air and fuel. it is interesting because of compactness and higher flexibility compared to the stationary fixed beds mentioned previously. it does not require complex valving systems and the gas exits from the system radially, in a way that the increasing reactor volume can fit, expanding it, the gas volumetric flow which increase due to reactions and heating. in addition, large-scale experience comes from rotating heat exchangers used to preheat air streams e.g. ljungström® regenerative air preheaters [ ]. the particle fragmentation can be an issue here as well as in the above-mentioned case. the main challenge for the time being seems to be the gas mixing between the two separate gas streams. the concept has been widely tested on a lab-scale experimental set up by sintef material and chemistry [ ] and important information has been collected to improve the design. other interesting chemical looping innovative ideas have been proposed. one is the usage of coal particles both as fuel and oxygen carriers from fuel to air reactor without the need of an intermediate oc. it uses the coal property of up taking oxygen atoms at its surface (chemisorption) at moderate temperatures, about °c, and desorbe it at higher temperatures, about °c, in an oxygen-free atmosphere. it has been tested in a thermogravimetric discontinuous process [ ]. also the usage of direct combustion of liquid metal has been proposed and thoroughly studied in its thermodynamics. the purpose is to use different metals in liquid and gas phases both as ocs and turbine working fluid [ ]. . . oxygen carrier and particle characterization the oxygen carrier is playing a crucial role in the chemical looping processes performance. r&d activities for improved oc are fundamental in order to achieve commercial success of clc. the chemical looping reactor proposed in the thesis is a fluidized bed system, consequently the oxygen carrier is a powder which will circulate between the air and fuel reactor, being continuously oxidized and reduced. the particles used for such kind of interconnected fluidized bed system usually have a density and size distribution which make them belong to group b or a of the geldart classification [ ], figure . . in this work, group a particles were selected, which means fine particles like for the well known and mature fluid catalytic cracking (fcc) processes. fcc was the first fine powder application in fluidization engineering [ ]. the geldart group and more specifically the density and particles size distribution (psd) within the same group are chosen in order to fulfil the design requirements. fine a particles means higher surface available for the reactions to take place. this is beneficial also for the heat transfer coefficient, which is larger for smaller particles. at the same time the heat transfer coefficient increases with the particles suspension density, which depends on the fluidization regime; an example of both the dependencies is shown in figure . [ ]. also the fluidization regimes hydrodynamics depend rather much on the particles size and material density. as shown in this thesis, those particles properties have to be selected consistently with the required hydrodynamic performance and design constraints e.g. finer or lighter particles bring more entrainment for the same superficial gas velocity. on the other hand, particles should not be too small, because it will lead to geldart group c particles which means cohesive and difficult to fluidize because of interparticle forces. too small particles will also be more difficult to handle within the process (e.g. cyclone efficiency) and from the health safety and environment (hse) point of view. the oc production methods are several and they affect the oxygen carrier performance. for solid fuel combustion, minerals and industrial wastes have been tested as oc. usually after a preliminary screening the most promising candidates are carefully characterized by means of thermogravimetric analysis (tga). a second step is testing the particles, in a cyclic manner, in batch fluidized bed reactors. in both cases the particles are exposed alternatively to air and fuel, the aim is to study their reactivity, conversion and mechanical strength. afterwards they are tested continuously in fluidized bed systems, to resemble the same kind of environment as in a clc reactor, like in chalmers university of technology and instituto de carboquímica-csic of zaragoza, where small reactor systems are used extensively to accomplish this task [ and ]. the oxygen carrier composition is usually based on a transition metal, such as fe, mn, cu and ni. this is setting the theoretical amount of oxygen that the oxygen carrier can take up (r ). the addition of an inert material is required to gain mechanical strength; it is also believed to increase the porosity and reactivity of the particles. this means also that the share of active material will be less; the amount of inert is a parameter that can be varied, within certain limits, while designing the oc for a certain process. actually, part of the active material content can change during operation either because of changes in the particles structure or because located too deep in the particle structure to be capable to participate to the reactions; kolbitsch et al. [ ], figure . : geldart particles classification [ ]. points characterizing the particles utilized later on in the thesis are shown in the graph: the cfm design particles and available particles and the kwth hot rig particles. figure . : comparison of heat transfer coefficients, h, as function of the suspension density, and particles diameter, dp [ ]. particles concentration [kg/m ] h ea t t ra ns fe r co ef fic ie nt [ w /m k ] d en si ty d iff er en ce , ( p- g) [k g/ m ] mean particle size, d [ m] kwth rig cold flow model (cfm) design available d en si ty d iff er en ce , ( p- g) [k g/ m ] mean particle size, d [ m] kwth rig cold flow model (cfm) design available during experiments, found about wt% of active material in an oc having a theoretical value of active material equal to wt%. the material reactivity is important to fully characterize the oc performance. it provides an understanding of how much of the transport capability of the material can be actually used. an example is shown in figure . ; it is a zoom of the reduction and oxidation curves, once stabilized, presented by fossdal et al [ ]. those tests were done by s oxidation and s reduction, with s of flushing with nitrogen in between. this mn ore is that one originally utilized for the design of the presented set up. the tests were done in a thermogravimetric balance, but in the interconnected fluidized bed system, the particles will not have so much time available to complete the reactions, which means that just part of the theoretical r will be exploited. such kind of experimental data help to gain an understanding of the exploitation of the oxygen capacity ( x) and take a qualified guess in order to design the reactor in a conservative way. figure . shows also how the oxidation reaction is faster compared to the reduction one, this is a typical issue related to clc. the reduction reaction actually continues during the flushing. the reaction rate usually depends also on the ocs conversion during the oxidation and reduction reaction, being quicker at the beginning of the reactions when the oc is fully reduced, for the oxidation reaction, or fully oxidized, for the reduction reaction. this can be noticed looking at the gradients of the reduction oxidation curves of the batch-wise tests like the presented ones. the reason is that the gas reacts first with those parts of solid particles easier to access while afterwards it is increasingly more difficult with respect to mass transfer. studies have been done on oc samples taken from continuously operating systems, to understand more figure . : behaviour of the measured oxygen capacity, in weight percentage, during cyclic reduction and oxidation of mn ore at ºc, those are the data utilized for the design [ ]. - - - - - - time [ s] a va ila bl e ox yg en [w t% ] oxidation reduction time [s] - - - - - - time [ s] a va ila bl e ox yg en [w t% ] oxidation reduction time [s] realistically the impact of this phenomenon. those have proven that, no matter which is the oxidation state of the particles entering the reduction reactor, they will behave as fully oxidized, in terms of reaction rate. this means a faster reaction rate which helps to achieve a better fuel conversion [ ]. the amount of oxygen the oxygen carrier can take and its oxidation and reduction rate are used to conservatively estimate the required solids circulation and required residence time necessary to have full fuel conversion. depending on the kind of fuel utilized it is necessary to know how the oc behaves with respect to the presence of impurities, like sulphur compounds. the knowledge of mechanical properties of the particles is important in order to make life and cost estimates and to set the maximum temperature the oc can operate without sintering. the temperature will change the kinetics which usually improves for higher temperatures. as already mentioned, also the particles size influences the reactions rate, which gets higher for smaller particles. up to more than materials have been produced and tested. interesting and comprehensive overviews have been given by professor lyngfelt [ and ] and professor adánez [ ] in their keynote lectures at the “ st international conference on chemical looping”. table . , is summarizing the most important characteristics of the materials. ni- based materials are the more reactive and having high oxygen transport capability, but at the same time those ones which cannot give full conversion of the fuel, maximum - . % with methane because of thermodynamic restriction. ni-based ocs are the more expensive and also the more harmful, but there is a lot of large-scale experience because of the importance of ni in catalysis. cu- based materials have a high reactivity and can reach full methane conversion. they have both the reactions exothermic; also the reduction reaction is slightly exothermic, leading to a more uniform heat distribution between the reactors. it has the drawback of having lower melting temperature compared to the other materials. in addition it should be mentioned that some mn- and cu- fe mn cu ni oxygen transport capability (r ) - - + + reactivity with ch * - + + + purity co + + + - melting point + + - + cost + + + - health and environment + + + - *significantly higher reactivity with co and h . table . : summary of the most important characteristics of different oxygen carrier materials [ ]. based oxygen carriers have the property to release gaseous oxygen at high temperature. this means that the released oxygen will react directly with the fuel giving better combustion, which is especially important in the case of solid fuels. ideally the need of a carbon stripper step separating the unreacted char particles from the oc may be avoided, thus avoiding the char going from fr to ar. this phenomenon has been called the clou effect, chemical looping with oxygen uncoupling [ ]. some experimental studies have been performed to evaluate the oc behaviour under pressurization. garcía-labiano et al. [ ] and abad et al. [ ] assessed by thermogravimetric analysis that pressurization had a negative effect on the reaction rate for all the materials (cu-, fe- and ni- based) tested. co and h were used as fuels. they speculate that it may be a consequence of changes in the internal structure of oc at high pressures. siriwardane et al. [ ] tested under pressure a packed bed of ni- based material. in this case, there was a performance improvement with a significant reduction of the time required for conversion. ortiz et al. [ ] tested a ni- based material under chemical looping reforming conditions, semicontinuously in a fluidized bed. tests were done for different reaction temperatures and oc to fuel molar ratios, without giving negative effects when it comes to the distribution of the process gas product. xiao et al. [ ] studied coal combustion and found an improvement of the reduction reaction of their iron ore based material, both with respect to fuel conversion and oc reduction rate. this was the consequence of an improvement of the gasification rate of the coal as first step which led to the combustion reaction rate improvement accordingly. the performance peak is at about bar, while it is worsening going higher in pressure. summarizing, on one hand the pressure effects are very much depending on several case specific factors like the type of oxygen carrier, fuel and pressure range. this means that specific tests need to be carried on the selected material at the same pressure the reactor will be operated. on the other hand it is possible to conclude that it will have important consequences from a reactor system point of view. in fact, x times higher pressure brings about x times higher density of gas, in case of ideal gas assumption. this means that, keeping the same thermal load, the volume flow of gas available to fluidize the reactors will be x times smaller, while the mass of reactants in the reactors will be the same. so the challenge is to provide the same amount of solids exchange between the reactors in order to accomplish the reactions with just /x of the volumetric gas flow available. in fact, in many fluidized bed systems the volumetric gas available is also utilized to control the solids exchange, as partially done in the design presented in this thesis. in this way, it will not be possible to simply keep the same design as the atmospheric case and just increase x times the mass flows of gases to have the same volumetric flow as before, thus the same gas velocities. this will most likely provide the same solids exchange as in the atmospheric case, but the solids capacity of transporting and releasing oxygen, as we have seen, will not be enough to react with the higher amount of fuel because the oxygen carrier performance does not necessary improve for high pressures. the issues highlighted in this paragraph need to be kept in mind while designing chemical looping processes for pressurized applications. . . chemical looping fluidized bed reactor systems fluidized beds systems have been applied for decades in a wide range of industrial processes [ ], from combustion or gasification of solid fuels [ and ] to hydrocarbon cracking with more than units in operation worldwide [ ]. they operate continuously, provide a homogeneous temperature inside the reactors and tolerate a wide spectrum of psd. in addition some of those deal with complex processes consisting of two reactions taking place simultaneously. the fcc is a good example; one reactor is cracking endothermically heavy hydrocarbons by means of catalytic metallic particles used also as heat carrier, while the other reactor regenerates the metallic particles from carbon deposition and produces the heat required by the process. the usage of fluidized beds systems is, for the time being, the best option for the industrial development of chemical looping technologies. above h of operational experience for clc have been achieved all over the world, utilizing different fuels, oxygen carriers and fluidized bed systems. more than materials based on ni, co, fe, cu and mn have been used in several facilities with a thermal load in the range of . and kw. this proved that almost % conversion can be reached together with % of co capture as summarized by prof. anders lyngfelt in a wide overview [ ]. looking at those clc setups it is possible to notice how the reactors design has evolved. the main objective of the first clc reactors, such as the kwth units, developed at chalmers university of technology [ ] and at the instituto de carboquímica - csic [ ] was to demonstrate the feasibility of this technology and it was done with natural gas. after this first step, research started to be focused towards the solution of other more specific problems. the kwth prototype built and operated by ifp energies nouvelles and total, has among its main objectives a good control of the solids flow exchanged between the reactors. this is realized by means of bottom extraction/lifts utilized to exchange the solids among air and fuel reactors, both bubbling beds [ ]. a second kwth reactor has been built and operated at chalmers university of technology to utilize solid fuel: petroleum coke and bituminous coal. the solid fuel clc concept was proved and the separation of unreacted coal particles from the oxygen carrier was addressed by means of a carbon stripper after the bubbling bed fr [ ]. the kwth reactor of southeast university tested coal and biomass as fuel, having a spouted bed as fr [ ]. the alstom kwth prototype has a high integrated design which utilizes loop-seals with double exits to be capable to re- circulate part of the solids back to the reactor of origin, reaching % of methane conversion with ni based oxygen carrier [ ]. the korean institute of energy research (kier) had an earlier kwth prototype with a bubbling bed fr connected to the circulating fluidized bed (cfb) ar with a slide valve [ ]. recently kier presented a new design with the same thermal load; here both the reactors are bubbling beds and act as well as loop-seal because the downcomers are immersed in the beds. the aim of this setup is to be pressurized up to bar [ ]. other small sized setups exist like the chalmers w [ ] and the instituto de carboquímica - csic [ ] w ones. those are usually utilized to validate, with continuous reduction/oxidation operation, the performance of the ocs resulted more promising during the batch-wise tests (section . ). the / kwth reactor system of vienna university of technology [ , and ] is the experimental set up which reached, for the time being, the biggest thermal load and addressed the most scale-up issues. it is compact, because it utilizes a turbulent circulating fluidized bed as fr instead of a bubbling bed. bubbling beds require big dimensions and inventory to go up in scale, in this way the gas velocities can be low and gas slip is avoided. this design, shown in figure . a), has proven to be intrinsically stable from hydrodynamic point of view. the bottom loop-seal creates a hydraulic link between the two reactors, therefore a variation of solids entrainment from the ar is automatically compensated by the mass, thus weight, accumulating in the fr which pushes as a consequence more or less solids back to the ar. this design has proven to be capable to reach high solids exchange and to control the solids circulation, while at the same time the fr operation can be tuned to optimize the fuel conversion utilizing the fr internal re-circulation. this flexibility, including part load, is fundamental to integrate the reactor system into a power cycle [ ]. in addition this setup was also used as auto-thermal reformer, reducing the solids, thus oxygen, exchange [ ]. the compactness, stability and flexibility of this configuration are a milestone for the chemical loping reactor system development and scalability. in fact, as an example, it is currently used as basis to develop a fr capable to combust solid fuels by means of some fr modifications, figure . b). the fr is divided into several vertical sections after cross section reductions and its fluidization velocity is reduced, this implies counter-current flow inside the reactor body as well as high particles density for each of the above-mentioned vertical sections [ ]. in addition also an up-scaling of the original design, for gaseous fuels, up to mwth demonstration plant is ongoing. the project has been presented and a scaled model without chemical reactions is under construction to validate it [ ]. as mentioned in the chemical looping processes section . , pressurization has a primary importance. it is essential to make the chemical looping combustion and reforming of gaseous fuels competitive. up to now, no experimental fluidized beds reactor systems for pressurized chemical looping processes have been built and operated successfully. just batch-wise tests were a) b) figure . : principle setup of the dual circulating fluidized bed reactor system of vienna university of technology [ ] a). on the right, b), a zoom is shown of the fuel reactor body after internals were added. qualitative pressure drop, pressure gradient and solids volume fraction are illustrated [ ]. done under pressurization; section . provided a short overview of the results which have shown to be case specific, anyhow big kinetics improvement should not be expected. when it comes to the reactor system, just few authors tried to address the challenges that can be expected. in fact, pressurized circulating fluidized bed is not a mature technology; there were a lot of research activities going on early nineties which led to construction of some pilot plants in order to integrate coal combustion with gas turbines [ ]. their problematic performance together with the higher efficiency of supercritical steam boilers, reduced rather much the interest for that technology. one of the main concerns related to pressurized cfbs, was the low availability of the plant both because of the higher incidence of breakages due to complexity and longer procedure to shut down and depressurize the system in order to do maintenance [ ]. few are the studies about how the pressure increase will affect the solids flow patterns inside the reactor body. according to richtberg et al. [ ] it will actually lead to a more homogenous axial and radial solids distribution. while the gases will increase their density linearly with the pressure, the particles concentration in the reactors and their oxygen uptake will not change so much. in addition the chemical looping processes consist of two reactors whose difference in pressure may create a challenge to the overall reactor system operability. at pressurized conditions the pressure unbalance will be amplified, making bigger the challenges faced at atmospheric conditions, like those ones described in the thesis (paper ii, iii and iv). all these facts do not make the atmospheric clc designs directly utilizable under pressurized conditions, but a re-engineering is required. the research groups previously mentioned as well as other ones are increasing their effort in chemical looping combustion, presenting new reactor systems and configurations. many of them have focus on coal combustion [ and ] as well as liquid fuels [ ], gasification [ ] and hydrogen production [ ]. some of them combine, for gasification and h production purposes, the chemical looping process based on metallic oxygen carriers either with their capability of having more than two oxidation levels or with the co capture capability of limestone typical of post-combustion carbonation/calcination loops [ , and ]. there are also other ongoing industrial projects aiming to go up in scale, reaching the mw size, like alberta innovates- technology futures [ ], bertsch energy together with vienna university of technology [ and ], total together with ifp energies nouvelles [ ] and alstom [ ]. the latter is now commissioning a mwth coal-based setup at the darmstadt university of technology [ ] as well as a mwth limestone unit. the calcium is used instead of the metallic oc because of its capability of reacting with co and o , thus carrying them. ca and cas give caco and caso , respectively, with the exothermic reactions. . kwth chemical looping reactor system design and cold flow model validation several experimental setups worldwide have successfully proven the lab-scale feasibility of atmospheric chemical looping combustion (clc). the aim, at this stage, is to bring the chemical looping combustion stepwise towards commercialization being capable to develop configurations suitable for industrial applications. at the same time, processes with a higher degree of complexity are under development for hydrogen production, liquid and solid fuels combustion, gasification as well as pressurized applications for combined cycles. the majority of the ongoing studies, existing setups and up-scaling plans, are based on fluidized bed systems, with special focus both on oxygen carriers and reactor system development. the overview provided in the previous chapter represents the chemical looping state-of- the-art where this thesis is put into a context. the aim here is to develop a reactor system design which can be at the same time hydrodynamically flexible and robust, in a way that can manage high fuel conversion and good off-design performance while fulfilling the system downstream requirements. considering that such kind of fluidized bed processes cannot be scaled linearly [ , and ], also a step forward with respect to reactor size is aimed. . . preliminary reactor system design. a small-scale cold flow model (cfm) was built by sintef energy and research in order to verify the hydrodynamics of a proposed clc design with kw of thermal load. a drawing and a picture of the lexan® model are shown respectively in figure . a) and b). the air reactor (ar) was made of a wider bottom section and an upper riser with smaller cross section. the fuel reactor (fr) was a bubbling bed in order to get lower superficial gas velocities because of the slower oxygen carrier (oc) reduction kinetics. this was the same design architecture of the first successful chemical looping combustion setup, the chalmers university of technology kwth [ ], but linearly extended at a larger size. the utilized particles were based on polystyrene having a density of about kg·m- and a mass median diameter, d , of m; they belong to the geldart group a. the cfm design was meant to be a smaller scale of the hot setup, without following any specific scaling strategy. linear scaling refers to the same design architecture re-proposition at a bigger size. it does not mean that the kwth prototype dimensions or design solutions have been taken and linearly increased by a scale of up to kwth. many of the preliminary design solutions are not suitable for industrial applications. for example the usage of perforated plates instead of nozzles may determine uneven fluidization and increase the back-sifting risk. in addition the selected seal pots and especially their return legs are not capable to circulate and control high solids flows e.g. they have a too small cross section and too long horizontal extension, which does not allow operational flexibility. the cyclone, a conventional air cleaning one, is not capable to handle high ar solids entrainment and the inlet duct is too long which implies the formation of particles dunes. in addition the fr will need a filter system or a cyclone to collect the elutriated fines. a preliminary test campaign with this device was done facing many challenges. a thorough analysis of all those challenges was carried on, component by component, together with a deep analysis of the chemical looping and fluidization literature to understand the experienced a) b) figure . : drawing a) and picture b) of the cold flow model (cfm) utilized to validate the hydrodynamics of a preliminary design of the chemical looping combustion reactor system object of the presented work. air cyclone distributor plate air reactor bottom section air distributor plate air reactor riser section fuel reactor gas lock gas lock air outlet air outlet phenomena and the chemical looping technologies needs. it was concluded to radically modify the single components and the reactor system architecture as well as the adopted scaling strategy. . . double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) reactor system. the proposed design architecture is based on two circulating fluidized beds interconnected by means of pneumatically controlled divided loop-seals and bottom extraction/lift, figure . . it is compact compared to the existing chemical looping setups and many design solutions are taken from industry. one of the most promising manganese-based oxygen carriers developed by sintef materials and chemistry was utilized as design basis for the presented design. an example of its oxidation-reduction curves has already been shown in section . , figure . [ ]. the design is sized to be used with gaseous fuel and work as steam boiler; methane in the specific case. anyhow such kind of architecture is meant to be flexible with respect to ocs and to be extrapolated to other chemical looping applications. the thermal load, kw, was chosen to go higher in size compare to the state of the art at the project start up. the reactor system is meant to be cooled by means of the insertion of protruding cooling panels in the ar body and eventually also in the fr. the double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) design features are described in paper i [ ]. figure . shows that both the air reactor and the fuel reactor are circulating fluidized beds (cfb), capable to work in the fast fluidization regime in order to increase the gas solids contact along the whole reactor body. high operational flexibility is aimed at utilizing the above-mentioned divided loop-seals and bottom extraction/lift. both the air and fuel reactor divided loop-seals (arls and frls) are fluidized by means of three bubble caps (central, external and internal) to exert a control over the solids direction. in this way it will be possible to re-circulate back to the reactor of origin part of the solids each reactor is entraining. in addition, there is a lateral injection in the downcomer to avoid particle de-fluidization; deep geldart a particles beds are more exposed to the risk of partial defluidization and consequent gas bypassing. the above-mentioned divided loop-seal details are shown in figure . , where an example of air reactor loop-seal operation is presented. the ar loop-seal is there circulating solids just through the external return leg without any internal re- circulation of solids; in this specific case the internal return leg is not in use . in the loop-seal the term return leg “not in use”, is not referred to a specific loop-seal return leg, but to that one, if any, of each loop-seal return legs which is not utilized during a specific test. this happen whenever a loop-seal is utilized to circulate the solids % on one side (figure . ), the return leg facing the other side is “not in use”. f ig ur e . : t he d ou bl e lo op c ir cu la ti ng f lu id iz ed b ed r ea ct or s ys te m d es ig n. t he b lu e ar ro w s re pr es en t th e ga s in je ct io ns . t he lo ca ti on is s ho w n, o f th e d if fe re nt ia l pr es su re t ra ns m it te rs u ti liz ed i n th e co ld f lo w m od el , as w el l as t he l oc at io n of t he p ro tr ud in g co ol in g pa ne ls a nd t he l oc at io n of t he fl an ge s w he re r ub be r se al s ca n be in se rt ed t o bl oc k it in a n ai rt ig ht w ay . o n th e ri gh t, a zo om o f th e ai r re ac to r lo op -s ea l i s sh ow n, it s im ul at es s ol id s ci rc ul at io n % o n th e ex te rn al r et ur n le g. b o tto m ex tr ac tio n /li ft a r fr a r ls fr ls p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p ro tr ud in g co o lin g p an el s f re q ue nc y co nt ro lle d f an f la p v al ve s p rim ar y ai r i nj ec tio n p rim ar y ai r i nj ec tio n p rim ar y ai r i nj ec tio n s ec o nd ar y ai r i nj ec tio n s ec o nd ar y ai r i nj ec tio n o ne s ec o nd ar y ai r i nj ec tio n tw o s ec o nd ar y ai r i nj ec tio n tw o s ec o nd ar y ai r i nj ec tio n o ne f la ng es f o r ru b b er s ea l in se rt io n r et ur n p o in t f o r t he f r lo o p -s ea l i nt er na l re tu rn l eg r et ur n p o in t f o r t he a r lo o p -s ea l e xt er na l r et ur n le g (p + p ) / , r et ur n p o in t f o r b o th th e: a r lo o p -s ea l i nt er na l re tu rn l eg f r lo o p -s ea l e xt er na l re tu rn l eg p p re ss ur e fa ce d b y th e re tu rn le g in u se (s o lid s ci rc ul at io n) o ve rf lo w he ig ht downcomer solids height b ub b le c ap n o zz le la te ra l in je ct io n in te rn al c en tr al e xt er na l s o lid s ci rc ul at io n p re ss ur e fa ce d b y th e re tu rn le g n ot in u se (n o s o lid s ci rc ul at io n) f la ng es f o r ru b b er s ea l in se rt io n r ec yc le ch am b er s a r lo op -s ea lz oo m , % s o lid s ex ch an g e zoom is also highlighted the overflow height of the recycle chamber which has shown to have a big impact on the maximum pressure achievable in the bottom section of the loop-seal (chapter ). the lift is utilized to shift mass from the reactor with less entrainment capability, the fr, to the other one, ar. in fact in the hot process the volumetric flow of gas available to fluidize the fr is less than that one available for the ar, so the fr was designed with a smaller cross section in order to have superficial gas velocities capable to give fast fluidization regime. the less gas available and the smaller cross section make the fr entraining less solids compare to the ar. in this way, the lift allows fulfilling the overall mass balance requirements maintaining steady-state operation and allows controlling the inventory, thus bottom pressure, inside the reactors. the latter is very important to fulfil the reactor system pressure balance and to not expose the divided loop-seals to high pressure unbalances. further solids entrainment control is exerted by means of the availability of three gas injection points each reactor, primary, secondary one and secondary two, highlighted in figure . . these features should allow running with different fuels and oxygen carriers as well as different operating conditions such as variation in air excess, complying with the downstream requirements. compactness is also a major goal in order to reduce the required solids inventory and possibly to enclose the reactor body into a pressurized vessel (highlighted in figure . , b) to investigate the chemical looping combustion under pressurized conditions. all the main actions and decisions undertaken along the design path have been summarized in paper i. first, input parameters needed to be established according to the project requirements and resources available. mass and heat balances, design and hydrodynamic calculations were performed. all the missing parameters were assessed iteratively in order to achieve a reactor with the above-mentioned characteristics. a key step of the design procedure has been the hydrodynamic validation; it is necessary before constructing any hot setup in order to tackle eventual shortcomings and find the best operational window. according to the chosen strategy, first a preliminary evaluation was done of the fluidization regime, both by means of comparison to similar cases in the published literature and by means of the empirical grace classification [ ]. j.r. grace developed an empirical diagram where it is possible to have an understanding whether the selected superficial gas velocity and particles are giving the desired reactor fluidization regime. afterwards, the proposed design hydrodynamics have been validated by means of the construction of a scaled polycarbonate model, whose scaling strategy is described in the upcoming section . . the cold flow model construction, commissioning and deep test campaign are described in the thesis, being the core of the work. another option could have been the kwth design validation by means of mathematical modelling. anyhow, the scientific community still does not feel confident of using modelling alone, to scale up a new process [ and ]. the existing mathematical models can be roughly divided into two categories, the empirical models and the computational fluid dynamics (cfd) models. the empirical models are more engineering oriented and they utilize experimental results by means of data fitting in order to overcome the discrepancies between theory and real reactors performance [ ]. the cfd tries to keep into account all the physical correlations down to micro-scale phenomena. it is acknowledged to have a great potential, but still it is not considered reliable as the basis for construction of an experimental fluidized bed-type setup [ ]. anyhow, some attempts were done to investigate more thoroughly the reactors hydrodynamics by means of simulations. this was done in an early stage before the construction of the cold flow model in order to preliminarily verify the feasibility of the required values of solids entrainment and reactors exit concentration. it was also possible to carry out evaluations of the particles concentration along the reactors height and estimate the mass of particles present in the ar and fr. the simulations were performed just for the reactor bodies without developing a model for the whole reactor system. several design solutions are innovative, like the bottom extraction, the pneumatically controlled divided loop-seals, the three injection points in the reactors and the heavy loaded cyclones which adopt more than one specific solution e.g. sharp inlet duct cross section restriction, eccentric and diverging vortex finder. for this reason, it is not possible to find in published literature mathematical models or correlations describing exactly those features. the development of a mathematical model including those solutions would have cost a big effort and, at the same time, it is not sure that it would have predicted with sufficient accuracy the hot rig performance. for the above-mentioned reasons the levenspiel [ ] “$ approach” was followed: it means that to predict/interpret such complex phenomena it is worth to start always with the simplest model and then adding complexity on it according to the requirements. some reactors hydrodynamic studies were done relying on the models of kunii-levenspiel [ and ], adanez et al. [ ], davison [ ] and pallares et al. [ ]. all those models are based on the solids concentration exponential decay. the missing parameters which are necessary to describe the concentration decay were “borrowed” from literature cases; anyhow none of those was precisely fulfilling the reactor specific features. in addition the same job was done by means of the commercial software ergun [ ] which utilizes the empirical flow pattern models of berruti [ ] and horio [ ]. figure . shows the pressure profiles obtained with the latter models, directly validated with the experimental results measured after the cfm commissioning. the presented test is a design case with air and fuel reactor operated separately. the inventories and superficial gas velocities were respectively kg and . m·s- for the ar and kg and . m·s- for the fr. it is possible to see that the two empirical models can tackle the reactor behaviour from order of magnitude and trend point of view, but there are big discrepancies especially in the bottom section, which has fundamental importance in order to understand the pressure unbalance faced by the two divided loop-seals return legs. this figure is interesting to show how it may be misleading to rely just on such kind of models for complex fluidized bed reactor system design. in addition those tests were done with separated reactors, considerably reducing the possible inputs and interdependencies. the design test cases presented in figure . are the same presented in paper i for the reactors separate operation. a) b) figure . : the solid lines show the reactors pressure measurements for design case separate operation. the two dotted lines represent the simulations results obtained with the berruti [ ] and horio [ ] empirical models. with a) and b) are labelled respectively the air and fuel reactor. pressure relative to ambient pressure [mbar] r ea ct or h ei gh t [ m ] experimental berruti simulation horio simulation pressure relative to ambient pressure [mbar] r ea ct or h ei gh t [ m ] experimental berruti simulation horio simulation it was concluded necessary to validate the design hydrodynamics by means of a cold flow model. anyhow, such kind of modelling has big importance in a second phase when the experimental setup already exists and works, to describe its behaviour and interpret the physics behind it. . . cold flow model scaling strategy and design the hydrodynamic validation is a key step in order to finalize the proposed design. in fluidization engineering this is usually done by means of the construction of a scaled model of the actual reactor system, without chemical reactions: cold flow model. a successful cold flow modelling validation with deep understanding of hydrodynamics is necessary before moving further on and constructing a hot rig. the scaling strategy adopted to design the cfm of the presented reactor system is thoroughly addressed in paper iii; it tries to combine two existing scaling approaches. the first scaling strategy is more academic and consists of building a small scale atmospheric copy of the hot reactor system keeping constant a set of dimensionless numbers derived by non-dimensionalizing the equations of motion for particles and fluid. the most known sets of scaling relationships are that of glicksman, full [ ] and simplified sets [ ]. this strategy has several limitations, like the risk of ending up into a fluidization regime different from that one under investigation and the utilization of particles belonging to a different geldart group (figure . ), with different fluidization properties. in addition, the inter-particle forces are not considered. often it is not even possible to achieve a full match of the dimensionless numbers, because of practical limitations. the other approach consists of building a full-scale cfm, keeping the same particles size and density as would be the case with chemical reactions and high temperatures. this is common approach within the industrial world. in this way the difference in surface to volume ratio between the cfm and the hot setup will be reduced, thus the wall effect. a larger model leads to a smaller surface to volume ratio reducing the wall friction effects, which play a big role in the hydrodynamics of fluidized bed systems. in fact, it is proven that over a certain reactor diameter size, the rate of change of hydrodynamic parameters as function of the reactor diameter reduces its value levelling off to an almost constant value (figure . ). this means that for bigger reactor sizes, hydrodynamic parameters, like the solids hold up, will change less and in an almost linear way with the reactor diameter [ ]. summarizing, the scaling strategy of the current work tried to combine the above-mentioned two approaches. on one hand the model is built at full-scale, having the same dimension as the kwth reactor system; this helps trouble shooting the actual hot rig, developing process control methodologies and understanding the sensitivity of the reactor system to several design and operational parameters. ideally the particle size distribution (psd) and density, p, are kept the same as the hot rig, but it was not possible in the case under investigation because the cyclone designs have been frozen for finer psd, thus smaller superficial gas velocities. anyhow the particles were selected belonging to the same geldart group a (shown in figure . , the upper blue points represent the two sets of particles utilized in the cfm and the lower red point represents the hot rig particles) and also the fluidization regime of the reactors was the same according to the grace [ ] empirical classification. on the other hand the superficial gas velocity, the particle size and density were selected in order to fulfil the simplified glicksman criteria of similarity with an industrial application/prototype plant of about mw thermal load. the cyclones were sized according to those values, so that a radical change in gas velocity and particles determines the need of cyclone re-design. in this way the cfm can be also used to resemble the hydrodynamics of a reactor system about times bigger. concluding the hot kwth rig, once built, can be utilized as a process development unit (pdu) for the industrial application/prototype plant in order to address some industrial concerns. this means that in this way the cold and hot models can provide together a solid basis to scale up the proposed design. figure . is summarizing the scaling strategy highlighting the reasons behind each connection. figure . . hydrodynamic parameter variation (e.g. bubble size, solids hold-up) as function of the reactor diameter, for different particles groups [ ]. the full-scale cold flow model was built according to the design presented in paper i and according to the scaling strategy summarized in this section and carefully addressed in paper iii. the setup is shown in figure . , a) with a picture and b) with the computer aided design (cad) drawing. both the reactors have m height and a diameter of . and . m, respectively for the air and fuel reactor. the downcomers, return legs and the bottom extraction/lift have the same size of . m. the fluidizing air is injected in independent injection points highlighted in figure . and controlled by means of brooks® smart mass flow controllers, model . those provide the injected air flow in normal conditions which correspond to atmospheric pressure and °c, for this reason also the temperature of the injected air is measured in order to derive each time the actual air flow. a filter box located on a scale in the basement below the rig is utilized to collect and quantify the particle losses on-line. this allows keeping track of the total solids inventory (tsi) which needs to be systematically refilled in order to do not affect the system performance, as shown in paper ii. it also allows making an evaluation of the cyclones performance, by means of rough collection efficiency estimations. in addition, a frequency controlled fan in the filter box is utilized together with two flap valves located downstream each figure . : schema summarizing the correlations between the cold flow model (cfm), the large-scale industrial application/prototype plant and the kwth hot rig/ process development unit (pdu). resemble ind. app. hydrodynamics: • residence time studies (solids & gases) • pressure/particles concentration profile • solids exchange • gas bypassing hot rig/pdufull scale cfm industrial application/prototype plant • trouble shooting, operating guidelines & operators training • process control methodologies • reliable ways to predict the gas/solid behaviour • operational sensitivity to the design (system & components) and psd address industrial concerns: • start-up & shutdown procedures, • long period operation and equipment reliability • particles attritiond ~ m p~ kg/m d ~ m p~ kg/m resemble ind. app. hydrodynamics: • residence time studies (solids & gases) • pressure/particles concentration profile • solids exchange • gas bypassing hot rig/pdufull scale cfm industrial application/prototype plant • trouble shooting, operating guidelines & operators training • process control methodologies • reliable ways to predict the gas/solid behaviour • operational sensitivity to the design (system & components) and psd address industrial concerns: • start-up & shutdown procedures, • long period operation and equipment reliability • particles attritiond ~ m p~ kg/m d ~ m p~ kg/m a) b) f ig ur e . : t he c ol d fl ow m od el o bj ec t (c f m ) of t hi s st ud y is s ho w n w it h a pi ct ur e a) a nd w it h a co m pu te r ai de d de si gn ( c a d ) dr aw in g b) . t he se f ig ur es h el p to u nd er st an d ho w h ig h an d co m pa ct is t he r ea ct or s ys te m . t hr ee a re t he le ve ls : gr ou nd w it h th e bo tt om s ec ti on a nd t he co nt ro l st at io n ba se d on t he n at io na l in st ru m en t c or po ra ti on s ys te m d es ig n so ft w ar e l ab v ie w , i nt er m ed ia te w it h th e lo op -s ea ls , r ef ill in g an d en tr ai nm en t m ea su re m en t po in ts , u pp er w it h th e cy cl on es . t he c a d d es ig n b) h ig hl ig ht s ho w t he r ea ct or s ys te m c an id ea lly b e en cl os ed in a c yl in de r w it h th e di am et er s lig ht ly a bo ve m . cyclone to set the required backpressure, usually kept equal to zero. the pressure is monitored on-line by means of differential pressure transmitters. those are fuji fcx-aii having an accuracy of ± . % of the calibrated span ( mbar). the conventional location of the pressure transmitters is shown in figure . . plastic hoses connect the transmitters to the taps on the reactor system walls; they are inclined downwards and periodically flushed with air in order to avoid particles back-flow, this have shown to affect the pressure measurements in several circumstances, giving values higher than the actual ones. the air and fuel reactor transmitters are differential: the air reactor ones are referenced to the ar exit pressure p , while this is referenced to the atmospheric pressure. the fr pressure transmitters are referenced to p , which is referenced to the atmospheric pressure. this way of measuring the static pressure is expected to better buffer the impact of hydrodynamic perturbations propagating through the reactor bodies. . . health safety and environmental evaluation of the cold flow model, with focus on the utilized particles. once the reactor system has been designed, an important task before starting with the cfm test campaigns was to assess the health, safety and environmental risks (hse). main hse focus has been on the air quality and dust explosion risk; both are consequences of the fine particles utilized. the adopted scaling strategy guided towards particles with a mass median diameter, d , of about m and density of about kg·m- . such high density can be achieved with a metal which has also the advantage of reducing the static electricity usually generated in cold flow models. a fe-si alloy with about % iron was chosen. it was not possible to find in open literature circulating fluidized beds utilizing such fine and heavy particles in order to gain knowledge about their behaviour and benchmark the results of the experimental campaign, but just some fluidization studies which labelled it as high density geldart a [ ]. this combination of density and psd in first instance was not found, so the adopted particles size was bigger compared to the above-mentioned m. atomized ferrosilicon powder with a d of m was utilized; it is produced by the company dms powders [ ]. psd is shown in figure . and about ten percent of it is below m. on one hand, during operation the powder may fraction and get even finer. this has to be kept in mind for hse reasons as long as fines are the easier to lose through the cyclones and will concentrate in the filter box. on the other hand this process of fines losses will imply bigger psd inside the reactor system as shown in paper iv. the samples to measure the psd were taken according to the american society for testing and materials (astm) standards b [ ] and measured by means of a laser diffraction particle size analyzer beckman coulter ls [ ] which provides a volume based psd. figure . is a picture taken with the scanning electron microscope (sem); it shows the rounded irregular shape of the particles. the particles sphericity, , was estimated to be about . , relying on two-dimensional studies performed on the same dms powders particles by de vos et al. [ ]. the calculated minimum fluidization velocity, umf, and terminal velocity, ut, are respectively . m·s- and . m·s- for the particles having a d of m. the m ones have higher values of umf and ut respectively equal to . m·s- and . m·s- . the presented values have been calculated by means of empirical correlations [ ]. this shows how finer particles are easier to fluidize. in fact the fluidization onset achievement requires smaller velocity, umf. also the particles shape irregularity plays a role: lower sphericity implies a smaller umf because the particles are easier to fluidize and a smaller ut because of the bigger drag. figure . : particle size distribution (psd) of the fe-si powder used in the cold flow model (cfm) experiments (without any sieving to obtain the design psd). figure . : image of the fe-si sample (unsieved), taken in a scanning electron microscope (sem). . particle size ( m) c um ul at iv e v ol um e (% ) v ol um e f re qu en cy ( % ) cumulative volume volume frequency m m the psd influence on the circulating fluidized beds (cfb) solids entrainment has been confirmed by experimental studies. mastellone et al. [ ] had a clear increase of solids entrainment with finer particles. the same study evaluated also the influence of the particles density showing how high density particles determine higher solids concentration in correspondence of the reactor bottom section; this is consistent with the high bottom densities experienced for the high density geldart a particles utilized in the present work. basu et al. [ ] in addition to the entrainment increase, showed how a finer psd determines higher pressure in correspondence of the loop-seal bottom section; this fact will improve the divided loop-seal stability with respect to pressure unbalances. considering the air quality, studies were done to evaluate continuously the particle concentration in several points at the experimental setup [ ]. measurements were done together with the ntnu panel for mineral production and health, safety and environment by means of a light-scattering laser photometer that provides real-time aerosol mass readings: dusttraktm drx aerosol monitor, model [ ]. the sampling points were located where usually the operators are, during a period corresponding to a full working day. each of the measured concentrations was utilized together with the chemical composition of the fe-si alloy to be compared with the substance exposure limits. the measured concentrations of particles from pm up to pm showed a risk classified as low. the average particles concentration was about one tenth of the norwegian occupational exposure limit (oel) [ ], which is equal to one fourth of the value provided by the manufacturer in the safety data sheet, mg·m- , which means . mg·m- . the concentration measured during the procedure of inventory refilling was higher than that one measured during standard operation, it increased for a period of about minutes reaching pikes from . mg·m- of the pm up to . mg·m- of the pm . for this reason it was decided to install two suction arms that can be placed just above the emission points, during particle handling. those are connected directly with a dedicated filter box as long as the finest particles were not retained, by “conventional” vacuum cleaners utilized in first instance for this scope. after a preliminary evaluation of the dust explosion risk it was not possible to exclude the likelihood that an accident could happen. fine metallic particles can theoretically oxidise exothermically reacting with the oxygen present in the air. the finer the psd is, the bigger the pm are all the particles measuring m or less and pm are all the particles measuring m or less. surface area for unit of mass is: this means that the particles offer a wider surface to the contact with o and the hazard is bigger. the free energy of formation of the iron oxides and silicon oxides is negative therefore the oxidation reaction is spontaneous from a thermodynamically point of view. the particles and oxidant are for sure well mixed in the reactor system; the particle concentration may be too high to be explosive. anyhow, the different particles/oxidant combinations within the reactor are many, depending on the fluidization regime under testing. this means that the explosible concentration range is likely to be achieved. in addition, it happens in a confined environment, the reactor system, so that it may determine a smaller primary explosion. the blast wave of the primary explosion can for example entrain the particles lying on the floor around the reactor, disperse and ignite the larger quantity of dust into a dramatic secondary explosion. the static electricity generated due to the contact between particles and reactor body is partially reduced using metallic particles and reactor system metallic components connected with some copper wires to the ground. some static electricity is still present. the finest particles stick to the walls of polycarbonate and sometimes electric sparks are generated. those sparks provide the potential ignition source to dust explosions [ - ]. for those reasons a particle sample was sieved, to have a finer size approaching the original d requirements slightly above m. this was sent to the company gexcon as, which performed an explosibility test trying to ignite the sample according to the association of german engineers (vdi) standard procedure [ ]. the powder was found not explosive. both the air quality and the dust explosion risk have been carefully evaluated and excluded. those issues are a direct consequence of the fineness of the psd adopted together with the large size of the experimental setup. this implies the usage of large amounts of fine particles (hundreds of kg) with all the difficulties to handle it safely. . . cold flow model commissioning the operational and measurement procedures definition has been the first commissioning step. in this paragraph some of the most important procedures are listed. safe start-up and shut down procedures were defined as well as the way to systematically collect, quantify and refill the mass losses in order to keep the total solids inventory constant and do not affect the reactor system performance. it was defined how to take reliable direct measurements of entrained solids flux and how to place and flush the pressure transmitters in order to avoid dust plugging. those issues have been continuously updated during the whole test campaign period. in this way it has been possible to improve the procedures both to better accomplish the demanded tasks and to fit to the changes in design or operation. before operation, the nozzles design was verified with empty reactor computing their pressure loss. the mass inventory was quantified in two ways. one way was to measure the solids level in the reactor system when it was shut down, thus calculating the volume occupied by the particles. the density of a packed bed of particles was evaluated separately, just putting the particles into a known volume and weighting it, obtaining about kg·m- . the other way consists of deriving the mass present inside the reactors during operation by pressure measurements [ ]. it is called active mass because it is that one actively participating at the reactions in the hot case vs. the parasitic which is that one in the downcomers, loop-seals, and lift. the solids flow/flux measurement techniques reliability was object of studies as well. the conventional direct technique consists of measuring the height of the column of particles accumulated in the downcomer after a sharp loop-seal fluidization shut down. an indirect technique was also tested, it consists of closing a perforated flap valve placed in the downcomer [ ]. in this way, the gas coming from below fluidizes the amount of powder which accumulates on the flap-valve, once closed. the entrained solids flux value is proportional to the gradient of the pressure drop measured across the flap valve/fluidized bed as function of the time. this is true if minimum fluidization conditions are achieved for the particles above the flap valve. several tests were done to understand the reliability of the solids flow/flux measurements together with a simplified error assessment [ ]. these operations have been described in paper ii. the air reactor and fuel reactor were then operated separately monitoring their entrainment capabilities and pressure/particles distribution (paper i). they were isolated from each other by means of a rubber seals in the interconnection pipes; the cold flow model pipes have five flanges where it is possible to insert the rubber seals whether required (figure . ). air and fuel reactors were tested for different inventories, exit superficial gas velocities and primary/secondary air injection combinations. also the divided loop-seal performance was studied thoroughly (paper ii), to understand the best way of operating it with respect to solids superficial gas velocity at the reactor exit; in this way the superficial gas velocity value depends neither on the primary/secondary air combination nor on the reactor geometry which has constant diameter at the exit. all the reactor superficial gas velocities in the thesis refer to the exit velocity unless specified otherwise. flow/flux circulation increase. during the separate operation just the internal return leg was utilized being the loop-seal fluidized with the central and internal bubble cap nozzles (loop-seal described in section . , figure . ). the lateral air injection was utilized as well, in order to keep fluidized the particles in the downcomer; this is especially useful in case of high columns of geldart a particles. the possible combinations were explored to find the highest solids circulation together with a stable fluidization regime in the loop-seal, avoiding large pressure fluctuations and a slugging fluidization regime. it was concluded that the solids circulation increases with the increase of each of the above-mentioned gas injections. this is true up to a certain volumetric gas flow injection rate in the central bubble cap nozzle; above this value the system is not sensitive any more to the gas fluidization and the solids fluctuations get bigger together with the measured pressure fluctuations. the loop-seal has always been capable to adjust the pressure in correspondence of its bottom section to the pressure of the reactor in correspondence of the point where the return leg in use merges. p adjusts to (p +p )/ and p adjusts to p (figure . ), being this the case of internal re-circulation of solids. this means that the pressure drop across the solids accumulated in the downcomer varied according to the pressure faced by the return leg in use. this is both a consequence of the amount of solids accumulated in the downcomer and of the velocity of the gas relative to the solids flowing downwards. the last one has always to be directed upwards and can be adjusted by tuning the loop-seal fluidization [ ]. the solids circulation upper limit for reactors separate operation was achieved as consequence of reactors inventory and/or superficial gas velocity increases. the average downcomer particle level increased with the solids entrainment up to a point where the accumulated solids were abruptly reducing their level and then increasing it again in a cyclic manner. this affects the active inventory inside the reactor body and the pressure measured in the bottom section of the loop-seal increases its fluctuations up to the unusual values of ± mbar. in addition, also the insertion of dummy panels was tested (figure . ), they represent the kwth reactor system cooling devices, necessary to fulfill the heat balance. the insertion of heat transfer surfaces is also utilized in industrial boilers to better control the furnace temperature. the boilers height usually is not increased above m due to economic considerations; this means that high thermal loads can be handled with the help of cooling panels insertion [ ]. here it is tested how those insertions influence the reactor hydrodynamics testing different configuration. no big change was experienced looking at the solids entrainment. figure . shows how the particles concentration behaves in the air reactor upper section ( m) for the different cooling panels combinations; the set of tests is that one described in paper ii and the cooling panes location is shown qualitatively in figure . . the concentration increases in correspondence of the panels insertion; this happen also for the upper panel, but with a smaller magnitude. the concentration is directly derived from the pressure measurements neglecting friction and acceleration, especially because those are located in the upper m above the end of the conical bottom section, where the flow is fully developed. the higher pressure drop being measured may also depend on the turbulences and friction induced on the flow by the panels rather than being the consequence of solids concentration increase. further tests need to be done in order to measure the local concentration by means of non-isokinetic suction probes [ - ]. a) b) c) d) figure . : solids concentration in the upper section (upper meters) of the air reactor in correspondence of four different combinations of the dummy cooling panels insertion. those are the cases studied and described inside paper ii [ ]. cases a), b) and c) represent tests done with one cooling panel inserted in the bottom, middle and upper position of the reactor upper section, while two cooling panels are inserted for the case d). , , , , , , , , , , , , r ea ct or h ei gh t [ m ] solids concentration [m sol/m tot] cooling panel cooling panel, bottom , , , , , , , , , , , , r ea ct or h ei gh t [m ] solids concentration [m sol/m tot] cooling panel cooling panel, middle , , , , , , , , , , , , r ea ct or h ei gh t [ m ] solids concentration [m sol/m tot] cooling panel cooling panel, upper , , , , , , , , , , , , r ea ct or h ei gh t [m ] solids concentration [m sol/m tot] cooling panel cooling panels, bottom & middle this will help to understand if the pressure increase is effectively determined by a solids concentration increase. it was not possible to assess it by visual observation, because of finer particles sticking to the reactor walls due to static electricity and because the phenomenon is not so big. afterwards the rubber seals between air and fuel reactor were removed and the overall reactor system was tested in coupled operation, with the solids being exchanged among the reactors through the external loop-seals return legs, fluidized by the external bubble cap nozzles (as in the ar loop-seal zoom of figure . ). the divided loop-seals also in this case automatically adjusted their bottom pressure to the pressure of the point where their return leg in use merges, the external one for these tests. the air reactor loop-seal was adjusting its pressure to the point of the fuel reactor where its external return leg merges (p adjusts to p , figure . ). at the same time the fuel reactor loop-seal adjusted its bottom pressure in order to be capable to be higher than the pressure at the point where its external return leg merges with the air reactor (p adjusts to (p +p )/ , figure . ). the challenge of the system operation has been related to the high pressure unbalance that the divided loop-seal may experience between its two return legs. this is especially true for the above-mentioned cases of full solids exchange between the two reactors. it may happen that the pressure which the return leg not in use faces is higher than the pressure experienced by the return leg in use. as previously said, the pressure in correspondence of the bottom section of the loop-seal, has proven to fit to the pressure of the return leg in use, reaching values somehow higher than this in order to ensure solids circulation. this means that one of the loop-seals may be exposed, through the return leg not in use, to a pressure higher than the pressure reached at its bottom section. in this case there is a gas back-flow through the downcomer, which determines a dramatic loss of particles through the cyclone. for the actual design, this phenomenon usually happened for the fuel reactor loop-seal where p automatically adjusts its value above that one of (p +p )/ , when the fuel reactor exchanges % of the entrained solids with the air reactor. p is the pressure experienced by the fr loop-seal internal return leg, when it is not sealed off by means of the rubber seal insertion, and it can be higher than p . this is also the consequence of the internal fr loop-seal return leg merging the very bottom section of the fr and facing p where the pressure is the maximum the fr can reach, instead of p . at the same time the other loop-seal is operating safely because it faces the high pressure with the return leg in use, so the pressure of its bottom section adjusts to it (p , figure . ) and the low pressure of the return leg not in use is not creating any problem. with the actual design, it was possible to operate the reactor system inserting a valve in the return legs not in use. seals were introduced, as if it was a cone valve fully closed, and smooth performance was achieved according to design needs of kg·s- exchange. if no valves are used, it is required to carefully control the bottom pressures of the reactors and avoid a big difference between them. ideally, according to the measured values, a difference of mbar between the two return points of air and fuel reactor for each loop-seal should not be exceeded to be sure to operate safely. those points are located in correspondence of (p +p )/ and p for the fr loop-seal and (p +p )/ and p for the ar loop-seal, figure . . in this way the divided loop-seal facing a high pressure with the not in use return leg, will not be harmed. the options to control the bottom pressures without reactor system design modifications are several. for example the total solids inventory can be reduced, the primary air injection can be reduced or the secondary air height can be increased . those ways of controlling the bottom pressure impose limitations to the maximum amount of solids which is possible to circulate. the bottom extraction/lift usage has proven to be the best operational way to equalize the bottom pressures. the lift can compensate the higher solids entrainment arriving from the air reactor to the fuel reactor. in addition it can reduce the fr inventory down to a level where its bottom pressure is not determining back-flow risks. in fact the internal return leg of the fuel reactor in the actual design is the critical one because it merges the reactor body in the very bottom (figure . ), thus encountering the highest pressure. this is obtained utilizing the lift as turbulent bed while it was previously utilized as bubbling bed just relying on the gravity, to transport the particles from fr to ar. its overflow height is too high so it cannot be used as a loop-seal, in that way immobilizes a high amount of mass and determines a too high pressure in the fr bottom. all those issues are described in paper ii, paper iv and partly in paper iii. the secondary air heights presented in figure . are those ones utilized for the majority of the tests. tests were also performed with the fuel reactor secondary one air injection located at a higher position in the reactor, . m vs. the . m qualitatively shown in the figure. . . hydrodynamic validation of chemical looping processes a good understanding about how to reach stabile operation with the actual design has been achieved in the commissioning phase, section . . the share of total solids inventory inside each reactor body can be controlled by means of the lift fluidization. this means controlling the pressure in the reactors bottom section, thus the pressure difference between the divided loop- seals return legs. once this knowledge was achieved, the targeted design conditions were reached; their performance was stable and repeatable in terms of solids exchange and fluidization regimes. afterwards, the reactor system has been object of an experimental campaign to verify and to study its hydrodynamics while resembling off-design conditions and other chemical looping processes conditions. all the results of this experimental campaign have been summarized in this section and carefully presented in paper iii. as already mentioned the reactor system at design conditions resembles the hydrodynamics of an atmospheric boiler utilized for steam production. the example shown in figure . , a) shows the general arrangement for a typical circulating fluidized bed boiler [ ]. at industrial scale, the clc reactor system is supposed to replace it, being integrated in the steam cycle in a similar manner according to the case specific circumstances. the cold flow model was operated to resemble the steam boiler hydrodynamics at off-design conditions. attempts were done to increase the fuel reactor solids concentration, in the upper section. the idea was to increase the gas particles contact all-over the reactor body having less mass in the bottom section and more in the upper one; at the same time a big share of the entrained solids was re-circulated internally to increase the fr solids residence time. this should help to improve the fuel conversion and more in general to have more options to control the fr fluidization regime according to the oxygen carrier and the fuel. part-load conditions were successfully tested; resembling the hydrodynamics of a hot rig with a fuel input down to about % and % compared to the design case. the load was also increased up to an input of about % of the design case. the last step was to try to address the hydrodynamic viability of other kind of chemical looping processes: the gas turbine (gt) combustion and the chemical looping reforming. in the gas turbine case the chemical looping combustion hot rig would go to take the place of the combustion chamber of a gas turbine, as shown in figure . , b), being inserted into a pressurized vessel as already suggested by xiao et al. [ ] and wolf [ ]. pressurization is a) b) figure . : examples of chemical looping combustion reactor system integration. figure a), taken from basu [ ], shows the typical arrangement for a circulating fluidized bed steam boiler. figure b) shows the usage of the clc as a combined cycle gas turbine combustor [ ]. challenging, especially for the system availability and control of two interconnected pressurized reactors. looking at the hot process as a whole, two main changes are expected in the gt case: a higher overall excess air ratio, , and a high pressure. the first will determine an increase of air reactor volumetric gas flow keeping constant the fr one. this will also imply a reduction of the cooling duties in favour of the higher exhaust stream exiting from the ar. the second, as explained in section . , determines a gas density increase linearly with the pressure increase, while the density and most likely the performance of the solids oc will be the same. keeping the same design implies that fuel injection increase (as the pressure increase) is required to keep the same volumetric flow as before. this implies the need of more oc circulation, roughly it increases linearly with the pressure increase, unless part of the required fuel to keep the same volumetric gas flow is compensated with co re-circulation or the oxygen needs are partially compensated with o injection directly in the fr. for the cfm, this means an increase of ar fluidization and solids entrainment/exchange, while keeping the fr with the same superficial gas velocity or less and balancing with the bottom extraction. in this way it is possible to explore to which extent the actual, atmospheric, design can handle the pressurized requirements. chemical looping reforming (clr) resembles the hydrodynamics of a hot rig used to produce a syngas by supplying less oxidized solids to the fr, less than the stoichiometric amount. in the cfm tests this was done in two ways; either reducing the ar solids entrainment or increasing the ar internal re-circulation while reducing the external exchange. also in this process, as for the gas turbine case, it would be beneficial to pressurize the reactor system to increase the net plant efficiency. the availability and control challenges of pressurized processes are the same as in the chemical looping combustion case. as explained in the last paragraph of section . , the oc may not be capable to fulfil the fr oxygen requirements for a full combustion under pressurized conditions. in fact, the oc performance may be about the same as the oc performance for the atmospheric combustion or slightly better, while the amount of fuel injected will need to be increased in order to keep the same volumetric gas flow as in the atmospheric case. same volumetric gas flow allows to keep the same fluidization regime in the reactor without radically changing the reactor system design. this “incomplete combustion” is beneficial for the reforming reaction, instead of being a challenge as for the pressurized combustion. it goes towards the process requirements direction; in fact the goal of clr is a partial combustion. . . procedure to operate the cold flow model according to the hot process requirements. the procedure followed to operate the cold flow model is presented in this section. the aim is to have the cfm working both in a stable manner and consistently with the expected hot process requirements from a qualitative point of view. it is summarized in the flow-sheet of figure . and it was utilized for the cases presented in the previous section . . first of all, the reactor system design has to be defined. in the above-mentioned cases no design changes are considered; anyhow in the gas turbine case a smaller fuel reactor cross section can be an option to achieve the aimed fast fluidization regime reducing the requirements of fuel injection increase and exhaust re-circulation. the oxygen carrier performance is as well defined at a design stage; this is important because it is used to determine the amount of solids exchange theoretically required for a specific application. together with the oc performance, also the thermal load of the case studied is fundamental: to determine the oxygen, thus the solids exchange, required, to determine the system cooling duties and consequently design the cooling system and to know the amount of fluidizing gas available in the fuel reactor. finally it is required to know how the reactor is integrated within the system; in fact it is necessary to design the heat exchangers and determine the exhaust gas flow rates and temperature requirements for downstream applications. with those inputs it is possible to determine the amount of gas which can be utilized to fluidize the fr. in addition it is possible to play with the primary/secondary fuel injection, steam injection and re-circulate part of the exhaust co to be capable to tune the solids concentration within the fr body and solids entrainment in order to find the best fluidization regime according to the process objectives. a further degree of freedom is given by the divided loop-seal which allows to internally re-circulate part or all the entrained solids. this is important both to tune the reactor fluidization regime and, together with the usage of the lift, to uncouple the solids entrainment from the solids exchange. in this way downstream requirements can be met. this can also be done utilizing the bottom lift to exchange the solids while the reactor and loop-seal operation can be focused on the desired fluidization regime or vice versa exchanging solids by the loop-seal and reducing the lift exchange to vary the fluidization regime; it will affect rather this term and other ones like steam, excess air ratio, co re-circulation etc. refer to the hot process. the variations of these parameters mentioned along in the section correspond to variations of air injection in the cold flow model operation. much the bottom inventory in first instance. the loop-seal has to be properly fluidized avoiding circumstances like particles defluidization in the downcomer or like slugging fluidization regime which determines pressure fluctuations and gas leakages, and possibly maximizing the pressure drop across the solids column in the downcomer exerting a control over the gas velocity [ ]. based on the system input, it is possible to determine the amount of solids to circulate in order to provide the necessary oxygen to the fr. afterwards it is possible to determine the amount of fluidizing air to utilize for the ar fluidization, this has to be capable to entrain the required amount of solids consistently with the excess air ratio appropriated for the application. the solids entrainment is the first process requirement. it is especially important to be capable to fulfil the upper limit, the ar has to be capable to entrain at least as many solids as required to be exchanged. as well as for the previous case the primary/secondary share can be used to tune the solids concentration and entrainment. the entrainment can be uncoupled from the solids exchange by means of the divided loop-seal usage. this will offer a degree of freedom more to have sharp control over the solids exchange according to the process requirements. in addition it will also allow exerting some control over the solids distribution in the reactor body for heat exchange needs as well as some control over the volumetric flow and temperature of the exhaust gasses according to downstream needs. this is especially true for the ar rather than the fr, because here the highly exothermic reaction takes place. the idea is to set the priority among these options according to the process integration requirements, which are case specific. an example to clarify the idea is whether lowering the solids exchange by entrainment reduction or by internal re-circulation; the latter means higher gas flow with its impact on the reactor system heat balance. the oxidation reaction for chemical looping processes has quick kinetics, so that the ar fluidization regime has secondary importance in comparison with the required entrainment, fundamental for the fr fuel conversion. finally the lift fluidization has to be utilized firstly to balance the reactors bottom pressures and avoid that a too big pressure unbalance may damage the loop-seal performance. the pressure difference allowed is not an absolute value, for the actual design it will be better to have it below mbar, anyhow it depends on the loop-seal design, on the height where the return legs merge with the reactors (thus the pressure they face in the reactors) and on the operational conditions e.g. pressure fluctuations have proven to be higher for higher solids circulation. in addition the lift has to fulfil the mass balance being capable to transport, together with the solids going through the fr loop-seal to the ar the same amount of solids coming from the ar loop- seal to the fr, to reach steady state conditions. finally if possible it can be utilized to help the achievement of the required fluidization regimes in the reactors as well. last step consists of the achievement of an overall equilibrium of all these parallel operations, of fr tuning to achieve the best fluidization regime, ar tuning to exchange the required amount of solids exchange with possibly the downstream requirements fulfilment and lift tuning to be capable to balance the situation. the tested chemical looping configurations provided useful information, especially from qualitative point of view both to improve the actual design and to understand how to combine the hydrodynamic and thermodynamic reactor system needs. the reactor system has been modified to address design limitations found out during the test campaign and to widen its operational window, those modifications have been presented in the following chapter. anyhow the defined procedure about how to operate such double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system design is methodologically valuable also for the final design. process simulations of the industrial application/prototype plant, including heat and mass balances, should be carried on in the future to be capable to provide also some quantitative figures of the hot process requirements. those can be hydrodynamically validated while working in parallel with the improved rector system cfm according to the presented procedure. f ig ur e . : f lo w s he et r ep re se nt in g th e pr oc ed ur e fo llo w ed t o op er at e th e co ld f lo w m od el i n a w ay i t co ul d w or k bo th i n a st ab le m an ne r an d be co ns is te nt w it h th e ho t p ro ce ss r eq ui re m en ts k ee pi ng it s ne ed s in to c on si de ra ti on fr om q ua lit at iv e po in t o f v ie w . n o y es n o y es y es n o . double loop circulating fluidized bed design evaluation and finalization . . design evaluation and improvement suggestions in addition to the above-mentioned chemical looping processes of combustion and reforming, many are the industrial processes based on two reactions that can be performed continuously by means of two interconnected fluidized beds. examples are: the fluidized catalytic cracking, biomass gasification, gasification with selective transport of co , the carbonation/calcination post-combustion co capture and the sorption-enhanced reforming. all those processes have a primary reaction related to the achievement of the main process objective and a secondary one which is necessary to continuously run the process. the proposed design is sized for a kwth atmospheric chemical looping combustion reactor system for steam generation (paper i). the double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) reactor system idea can be utilized also to fulfil the requirements of such kind of processes, especially when it comes to compactness for scale-up purposes and increase of gas-solids contact in the reactor upper section [ ]. a cold flow model (cfm), without chemical reactions, has been dimensioned utilizing the scaling laws described in section . , built and tested to validate the hot rig hydrodynamics before construction. the performance of the dlcfb cold flow model during the experimental campaign has been studied in order to find its operational window and limits, to understand the key input parameters and to propose design improvements which will get it intrinsically more stable. those results, summarized in this section are presented in the paper iv of the thesis. long term operational stability tests as well as repeatability tests have been successfully performed, with the system showing good robustness to external perturbations. in this way it was possible to define a design condition based both on the hot rig design requirements and on the achievement of cold flow model hydrodynamic stability. once the design condition was set, the superficial gas velocity has been varied separately in each of the two reactors, air and fuel reactor, and in the bottom extraction/lift (figure . ). this was done without taking any compensating action, to re-equilibrate the reactor system hydrodynamics. in this way, it was possible to monitor how the reactor system reacts to each of these superficial gas velocity changes and to which extent it is capable to keep on working before instability onset. the reactor system showed a bigger equilibrium margin towards the fuel reactor (fr) superficial gas velocity sensitivity; in fact the fr has a smaller section than the air reactor (ar). on the other hand, an ar superficial gas velocity increase of few decimals of meters per second (e.g. from . to . m·s- ) determines a large increase of solids flux entrainment from the ar (e.g. from to kg·m- ·s- ). this obliges to take action in the rest of the system to continue running it and to avoid all the mass shifting from the ar to the fr. the lift limitation is related to the lower superficial gas velocity limit. as mentioned in the commissioning section . , a too small value of lift superficial gas velocity gives mass accumulation in the fr body leading to a too high pressure in the fr bottom section. this reduces the margin of the divided loop-seals pneumatic control; it can be reduced down to the point where gas back-flows from the fr through the fr loop-seal return leg which is not in use, causing large mass losses through the cyclone. the same problem was encountered increasing the total solids inventory with the same reactor system fluidization conditions. a too high inventory gives a too high pressure in the fr bottom section with gas back-flow through the divided loop-seal return leg not in use and causes cyclone efficiency collapse. a deep understanding of the divided loop-seal was achieved by means of the above- mentioned experiments, analyzing its behaviour in each of the operating conditions tested. in this way, it was possible to identify which operating conditions are critical for the loop-seal performance, determining an exposure to a large pressure unbalance till gas back-flow onset. dedicated tests were done to better evaluate those critical operating conditions, just operating the air reactor alone, internally re-circulating the entrained flux of solids (figure . ). in this way the solids were passing through the internal return leg of the air reactor loop-seal, which merges in the ar body. air was not injected through the external bubble cap nozzle of the air reactor loop- seal, so that the external return leg merging the fuel reactor body was not in use. the other reactor was utilized as a pressure chamber to set an increasing pressure in correspondence of p which is faced by the return leg not in use. in this manner it has been possible to test the divided loop-seal keeping the same conditions on one side, with the return leg in use facing the pressure (p +p )/ , and varying the pressure on the other side, with the return leg not in use facing pressure p . the results tell that, with the actual design, it was possible to reach safely in the return leg not in use an average pressure of mbar lower than that one of the loop-seal bottom section. when this difference has been reduced to zero, the particles losses become about the triple; this is due to the pressure fluctuations in correspondence of the loop-seal bottom section which, in this specific case, reached the value of maximum ± mbar, because of the lower solids circulation compared to design case conditions. going higher in value with the pressure of the return leg not in use, the mass losses increased exponentially. keeping the pressure in correspondence of the loop-seal bottom section (p in the example of figure . ) at least mbar higher than that one of the return leg not in use (p ) seems a safe solution. in this way to mbar are kept as safety margin, based on the usual pressure fluctuations in correspondence of the bottom section of the loop-seal from ± to mbar. all the pressure measurements presented are average values. the pressure values fluctuate across the average value with amplitude depending on the value itself and depending on the fluidization regime. the fluctuations of the pressure measured in correspondence of the loop-seal bottom sections are among the highest and can easily reach values between ± and ± mbar during stable operation. the higher values are usually reached for higher solids fluxes being processed by the loop-seals, so usually the ar loop-seal has somehow higher pressure fluctuations. those ones in correspondence of the reactor bottom sections are among the smallest. paper iv brings examples of pressure fluctuations (figure , figure and figure , a ) and b ). figure . : configuration of the dedicated tests aiming to study the air reactor loop-seal critical operation due to pressure unbalance. bottom extraction/lift ar fr arls frls p p p p slight air injection to control p rubber seals inserted bubble cap nozzles external central internal solids circulationarls internal return leg (in use) flap valve partially closed to control p arls external return leg (not in use) overflow height loop-seal pressure unbalance potential gas leakages going up to the cyclone ideally the reactors bottom pressure can be controlled also by reactors fluidization, one way of doing it, is to increase the superficial gas velocity, which will reduce the mass in the reactor body, thus the pressure in the bottom section. anyhow, this fact gives an increase of the cyclones pressure drop which shifts the pressure measured inside the fuel reactor body towards higher values (figure of paper iv), somehow neutralizing the effect of the mass reduction with respect to the pressure value measured at the reactor bottom. the reactors cyclones were designed to have a certain inlet gas velocity between ÷ m·s- , to be achieved with superficial gas velocities lower than those ones utilized in the test campaign: below m·s- . the available solids inventory particles size was bigger than the design one, with a d from to about m. bigger size of the available particles means that higher velocities were necessary to entrain the aimed solids flow. this information tells how important is the cyclone design, not only to have high efficiency and low erosion, but also towards the pressure balance of the overall system. superficial gas velocities and particle size distributions (psd) different respect to the design ones can determine a different cyclone pressure drop which affects rather much the overall system performance. for this reason the actual cold flow model should be operated with a finer psd, as planned during the design phase. in figure . the required psd is shown; the d is about m and the distribution is narrower compared to the original coarser powder provided by dms powders [ ] (figure . ). the latter was sieved obtaining the volume based values presented in figure . which were also measure a by means of a laser diffraction particle size analyzer beckman coulter ls [ ]. this has been a demanding procedure because hundreds of kilograms are required. few tests were done with the finer particles and are presented in section . . the pressure measured in correspondence of the loop- seals bottom section (pb, figure . . particle size distribution (psd), of the fe-si powder batch which was sieved to obtain a smaller mass median diameter, d , of about m and narrower distribution. figure . ) has proven to easily fit to the pressure of the point where the return leg in use is merging with the reactor (pa, figure . ). if both the return legs are in use, the bottom section value (pb) is fitting to the higher of the two pressure experienced. during the experimental campaign, the pressure measured in the bottom section of the loop-seals (pb) has reached a value which is usually at least mbar higher than that one in the return point (pa). this pressure difference depends on the operating conditions and has reached the maximum value of about mbar in the ar loop-seal during the highest solids circulation achieved. those values of the bottom section of the loop-seals are average values, because the measured pressure can easily fluctuate up to about ÷ mbar across the average value, depending on the solids flux circulating through the divided loop-seal. the return leg not in use faces a value pc depending on pressure in correspondence of the reactor point where it merges, which has proven to fluctuate maximum about ± mbar. unless an automatic feedback control system is developed relying on this information, it is recommended, for the actual design, to keep the two return point pressures at maximum about mbar of difference between each other, |pa-pc|. this is assessed considering the minimum pressure difference experienced, pb-pa, of about mbar, which determines the pressure in correspondence of the bottom section of the loop-seal (pb), and considering its fluctuations which can easily reach ± ÷ mbar. in this way, it is possible to be confident that there will be a safety margin between the lowest values reached by pb during its fluctuations and the value of pc. figure . . schema of a divided loop-seal exchanging % of solids on one return leg (in use), with overview of the pressures experienced during stable reactor system operation and their interdependencies. bubble cap nozzle internal central external overflow height solids circulation (a) pa pressure faced by the return leg in use, (depending on the merging point) (c) pc pressure faced by the return leg not in use, up to a value which does not have overlaps with the lowest pb fluctuation pikes (depending on the merging point, fluctuations up to about ± mbar) (b) pressure in the bottom section of the loop-seal pb ÷ mbar above pa (fluctuations up to about ± ÷ mbar, during stable system operation) downcomer recycle chamber two design modifications were proposed, in order to increase the system stability without the need to rely so much on the bottom lift capability of shifting the mass from one reactor to the other. the first is related to the internal return leg of the fr divided loop-seal, which needs to merge the fuel reactor body at a higher level than the very bottom (figure . ). . m is enough to experience big pressure reductions inside the reactor body, so in correspondence of the point where the loop-seal return leg merges. about mbar is a typical value for the actual design conditions of total solids inventory ( kg) and fluidization velocities (about . m·s- ). the bottom section of the reactor system is shown in figure . . on the left side, the air and fuel reactor are represented together with the bottom extraction, after the modification implementation. in light blue, the return leg position is shown, before the modification of having it . m higher. on the right side there is a picture taken at the same bottom section before modifications. it is possible to distinguish clearly just the fuel reactor and the lift, while the air reactor is behind and difficult to see. the blue arrows represent all the potential gas flows coming from injection points and the main gas streams directions. the height increase of the point where the return leg merges, reduces the risk of gas back-flow because the pressure experienced at higher height is much lower, for the same solids inventory and fluidization regime. the previous return leg location was about doubling the reactor cross section at that height, which results in a big reduction ( %) of the actual superficial gas velocity, thus entrainment capabilities. in addition the primary bubble cap nozzle and the lower location of the “secondary air injection one” nozzles were just facing the return leg section. this increased the risk of having gas back- flow because the nozzles were injecting straight into the return leg opening. second of the proposed modifications is the increase of the air and fuel reactor loop-seal recycle chamber overflow height, for both the return legs of the two loop-seals (shown in figure . ). this determines an increase of the solids columns accumulated in the return leg recycle chambers. an increase of . m was implemented; this value is almost doubling the overflow height with an expected doubling of the pressure drop between the loop-seal bottom section and the point where the return leg in use merges (pb-pa, figure . ). f ig ur e . : s ch em a (l ef t si de ) an d pi ct ur e (r ig ht s id e) o f th e re ac to r sy st em b ot to m s ec ti on , sh ow in g th e fu el r ea ct or ( f r ), ai r re ac to r (a r ), bo tt om ex tr ac ti on /li ft , ai r in je ct io ns a nd r et ur n le g lo ca ti on s be fo re ( lig ht b lu e on t he l ef t dr aw in g, b la ck x o n th e ri gh t pi ct ur e) a nd a ft er t he d es ig n im pr ov em en t. a r ls p rim ar y ai r in je ct io n p rim ar y ai r in je ct io n s ec on da ry a ir in je ct io n s ec on da ry a ir in je ct io n on e, lo w er lo ca tio n (u su al ly u til iz ed ) s ec on da ry a ir in je ct io n on e, h ig h er lo ca tio n (u su al ly n ot u til iz ed ) s ec on da ry a ir in je ct io n tw o ~ . m , f r ls in te rn al re tu rn le g h ei gh t i n cr ea se li ft flu id iz at io n le ak in g to th e a r li ft flu id iz at io n le ak in g to th e f r (m in or s h ar e) fr ls fr a r a r ls b ot to m e xt ra ct io n/ li ft p rim ar y ai r in je ct io n s ec on da ry a ir in je ct io n tw o s ec on da ry a ir in je ct io n on e fr ls fr a ir ex pa n di n g in th e vo lu m e of th e or ig in al re tu rn le g: • v el oc ity re du ct io n to a bo u t h al f • a ir le ak ag es to th e f r ls re tu rn le g b ot to m e xt ra ct io n/ li ft a r ls fr ls in figure . the new loop-seal design is shown, on the left side with a schema while on the right side a cad drawing shows the old one. the first one represents with purple arrows the solids circulation and with the light blue arrows the gas flow paths. the case shown is that one with full solids exchange and no internal re-circulation of solids, in fact the internal bubble cap nozzle is not fluidized. the fluidization regime in the loop-seal downcomer and in the recycle chambers have to be better understood, especially because it depends very much on the operating conditions which determine the overall pressure balance. as an example the gas direction in the downcomer is not known, and it has fundamental importance influencing the pressure drop across the downcomer particles together with the particles column height, as mentioned in section . [ ]. the gas dragged down with the solids circulating is going downwards while the gas injected from the nozzles goes partially upwards. these uncertainties related to the gas flows, thus the superficial gas velocities for each loop-seal section, have been the biggest obstacle to a deep characterization of the fluidization regimes for each loop-seal component. this is especially true because during the test campaign presented in this thesis a good understanding of the reactor system and the divided loop-seals operation had to be achieved and their design, thus hydrodynamic robustness, had to be improved. a sensitivity analysis with the usage of tracer gas figure . : schema (left side) showing the divided loop seal after the design improvement and cad drawing showing it before the design improvement. the first one is also showing the solids flow and the air injections and stream directions during design case operation, without solids re-circulation in the internal return leg, which is not in use. recycle chamber bubble cap nozzle lateral injection internal central external ? ? recycle chamber solids flow solids flow return leg not in use (no solids circulation) return leg in use (solids circulation) overflow height increase . m overflow height increase . m injections needs to be done, now that those issues have been addressed. it will provide a complete understanding of the loop-seals fluidization regimes. the successful tests involving the whole reactor system, coupling air and fuel reactor, were collected and analyzed to find possible dependencies between the reactors solids entrainment and other parameters: both measured parameters and input parameters like the superficial gas velocity at the reactor exit, the primary/secondary air share, the total solids inventory. for each reactor, a clear dependency of the solids entrainment was found, both from the superficial gas velocity at the reactor exit and from the pressure drop measured at the reactor upper section. the key has been to look for components or regions of the reactor system which pressure drops are sensitive to small changes in solids flux and gas velocities, as suggested by patience et al. [ ]. the pressure drop in the cyclones has proved to be very much depending on both the superficial gas velocity (vcyc_entr) and the solids flux (gs), achieving a fit with a coefficient of determination, r , of about . . the air and fuel reactors cyclones’ pressure drop correspond respectively to p -p and p -p looking at the numbering of figure . . those dependencies are shown in figure . a) and b). all the utilized tests were originally performed to understand the reactor system behaviour and design limitations. this means that they were not systematically carried out to map those dependencies; in fact the operational conditions were differing rather much. nevertheless, it was possible to find such high fit, isolating the entrained solids flux as function of the pressure drop that it generates through the cyclone. in addition, the results tell that also the superficial gas velocity entering the cyclone should be kept into account because it contributes to generate the cyclone pressure drop; both directly due to gas pressure losses and indirectly influencing the entrainment increase. in fact this is the reason why in figure . , a) the fr cyclone pressure drop is much higher than the ar one. looking at figure . , b) it is possible to see how the fr velocities are higher than the ar ones and how much this affects the pressure drop. the intention is to develop a correlation that can be utilized to monitor on-line the entrained solids flux also for hot conditions. this indirect solids entrainment evaluation will ease the control of the overall system and especially in off-design conditions, when the amount of solids exchanged has to be varied according to the process requirements as explained in section . . now that a good understanding of the way to operate the reactor system has been reached and the design has been improved, the promising dependencies of the cyclone pressure drop both on the solids entrainment and on the gas velocity at the exit of the inlet duct will have to be systematically studied, as a further work, and combined together to derive an accurate gs prediction. . . improved design performance the design improvements proposed in the previous section have been implemented. the fuel reactor loop-seal internal return leg has been lifted of . m and now it merges in the fr body at the same height as the return leg coming from the air reactor loop-seal, according to the drawing of figure . . both the loop-seals overflow heights were lifted of . m as in figure . . so it was possible to perform a few tests to make an evaluation of how they affect the reactor system performance. in addition a particle size distribution according to figure . was utilized; in this way the superficial gas velocity required to exchange the same solids flow as with the coarser particles is lower. information regarding the performance of the reactor system design case before the design modification and particles change is presented in paper iii and paper iv. figure . represents the pressure profile of a test performed after all the modifications were implemented and protruding cooling panes were inserted both in the air and fuel reactor, in a) b) figure . : overall cyclones pressure drop ( p) dependency on the entrained solids flux, gs, a) and on the superficial gas velocity at the cyclones entrance, just after the inlet duct acceleration vcyc_entr b). pfr = . gs . r = . par = . gs . r = . solids flux, gs [kg/m s] o ve ra ll cy cl on e p [m ba r] ar fr pfr = . vcyc_entr . r = . par = . vcyc_entr . r = . gas velocity at cyclone entrance, vcyc_entr [m/s] o ve ra ll cy cl on e p [m ba r] ar fr the way shown in figure . . the cooling panels, three in the ar and two in the fr, were located at the heights shown in figure . a) and b) and qualitatively in figure . . the improved design showed a higher stability allowing the achievement of a solids circulation of almost kg·s- (almost kg·m- ·s- ). it was done with a superficial gas velocity in the ar of just . m·s- , including the air injected in the lift. the kg·s- entrained from the ar were all sent to the fuel reactor, which was capable to entrain back . kg·s- (about kg·m- ·s- ) with a superficial gas velocity of . m·s- basically doubling the maximum fr solids flow achieved with the previous design. the higher solids entrainments are the consequence of the finer particles, easier to fluidize, and the increase in total solids inventory (tsi) up to kg (vs. kg). the higher solids inventory was in first place required to fill the higher overflow heights of the loop-seals, which allow gaining in system stability, but contribute to reduce the inventory share inside the reactors. the latter corresponds to the inventory that would actively participate in figure . : pressure profile measured in the reactor system, after reactor improvement operated with finer particles and cooling panels inserted. secondary air location and return points height to the air reactor (ar) and fuel reactor (fr) are highlighted. figure . : protruding cooling panel zoom. - . . . . . . . - pressure relative to ambient pressure [mbar] r ea ct or h ei gh t [ m ] ar reactor body ~ . kg/s ( ~kg/m s) fr reactor body ~ . kg/s ( ~kg/m s) ar cyclone & loop-seal fr cyclone & loop-seal bottom extraction/lift return point fr ar bottom loop-seal sec. air the reactions in a hot setup. the active inventories estimated in the reactor bodies by means of pressure measurements, are lower compared to those estimated before the design change: about kg for the ar and for the fr vs. and kg of the design case condition before modification. they are slightly lower looking at the absolute number, but considering the tsi increase from to kg they correspond to a large active mass reduction. the smaller active inventory (from % to % of the tsi) is mainly due to a big reduction of the mass in the reactors bottom sections, as confirmed by the concentration curves of figure . . at the same time the shift towards faster fluidization regimes determined a concentration increase in the upper section. the solids concentration in the reactors upper section is equal to about % of the reactor volume and sometimes even above this value till the reactor exit. before the modification, it was dropping dramatically from the height of m till the reactor exit (figure in paper iii). this is especially true for the fr, which in fact entrains a higher solids flux of about kg·m- ·s- vs. kg·m- ·s- of the ar. as a consequence of the reactors faster fluidization regimes and higher entrainment, the solids fluxes through the connecting ducts are much higher: the fluxes in the ar and fr a) b) figure . : concentration profile in the air reactor a), and fuel reactor b) bodies for the improved design test, with finer particles. the cooling panels and secondary air injections location are provided. . . . . . . . . . solids concentration [m sol/m tot] r ea ct or h ei gh t [ m ] . . secondary air . . . . . . . . . solids concentration [m sol/m tot] r ea ct or h ei gh t [ m ] . . secondary air downcomers are about and kg·m- ·s- , respectively about % and % increase compared to the design case before modification. the moving packed bed solids level height in the ar downcomer slightly increased up to about . m and the fr one increased up to . m, compared to the previous design values of about . and slightly above . m, respectively for air and fuel reactor. no clogging was noticed and the loop-seal appeared smoothly fluidized with eventually small bubbles rising from the bottom nozzles. the fluidizing air injected was about the same as before the modifications, despite the higher solids circulation to deal with: it was , and nl·min- for the lateral, central and external air injections respectively for both the reactors. as long as the downcomers solids level heights were measured to be about the same, the loop-seal fluidization was kept the same for those few tests. the lift gas velocity was kept at . m·s- , as for the design case before modification. this shifted anyhow the lift fluidization regime towards faster fluidization, thus entrainment, because of the finer psd. the higher lift entrainment is therefore another reason of the high solids circulation. the pressure drop of both the cyclones did not vary so much, because the smaller superficial gas velocities reduced it, but the higher solids flows increased it. the solids flows almost doubled for the fr and increased of % for the ar. the gas velocities at cyclones inlet were about and m·s- , respectively for the air and fuel reactor. the cyclones efficiencies were measured to be about . %, it is slightly below the value of . % reached before the modifications discussed in this section. to this respect, it has to be considered that the cyclones inlet velocities should have been somehow higher, typical values for circulating fluidized beds are above m·s- [ ]. this means that the psd reduction, down to such fine d , did not affect so much the cyclones performance confirming the good quality of their design whose key features are mentioned in paper i. it was not possible to find similar high density geldart a particles to benchmark the cyclone performance. it was compared with the efficiency of high loaded cyclones operating with geldart a fluid catalytic cracking (fcc) particles, showing to be promisingly higher [ ]. a secondary cyclone to take care of this . % of fine losses needs to be installed, even if it will cost in terms of extra pressure drop and extra components. especially in hot conditions, it will help to reduce the refilling frequency, to avoid damaging the downstream equipments and it will also be important for health safety and environment (hse) reasons. a systematic test campaign should be performed to map the cyclones efficiency according to the operating conditions and possibly each of them should be connected to a separated filter box and scale. in this way it will be possible both to monitor the cyclones’ efficiency on-line and also to analyze the psd of the losses. in addition also the erosion problems need to be addressed; it hurt the design , especially in correspondence of the points where the particles stream was impacting the fr cylindrical body. it has to be understood if it is enough to reduce the superficial gas velocity at cyclone inlet, as it has been done with the finer psd. another option is to re-think the cyclone design, which has a tangential inlet, going to a volute inlet [ ]. the latter is supposed to provide more space to the particles, which enter the cyclone already with an angle after having experienced the centrifugal force. this means that they take a circular trajectory before impacting the cyclone wall, reducing the risk of hitting it straight at their maximum velocity. the vortex finder was saved from the erosion problem by its eccentricity; in this way it was not in the particle trajectory. the insertion of dummy cooling panels, did not affect so much the reactor performance. the panels have been tested already in the ar during the separate operation/debugging phase confirming this impression, as discussed in paper ii and in section . . the main cooling panels influence on the reactor system performance was a slight solids concentration increase in correspondence of their presence (figure . , a) and b). it happened also in other circumstances, especially for higher solids concentrations, to experience a concentration increase which was not the consequence of cooling panels insertion. anyhow, this concentration increase is located exactly in correspondence of the panels location and is also confirmed by the above-mentioned ar tests done in the debugging phase, figure . . the panels presence is creating an obstacle to the flow resulting in a local pressure drop. part of it is just the consequence of higher friction due to local turbulences and gas acceleration. the panels induce a cross-section area reduction which increases locally the superficial gas velocity from . m·s- and . m·s- up to . m·s- and . m·s- , respectively for air and fuel reactor. what needs to be understood is, how much of the measured pressure drop is really due to the higher solids concentration. it can be done, as further work, sampling the particles concentration inside the reactor by means of non-isokinetic suction probes [ - ] or more advanced systems like optical and capacitance probes [ and ]. the pressure difference between the loop-seals bottom sections (pb, figure . ) and the reactors points where the return legs in use merge (pa, figure . ), had a big increase as a design before the change in psd, when it comes to the finer particles, too little tests have been performed in order to evaluate erosion phenomena. consequence of the . m increase of the recycle chamber overflow height. the pressure difference pb-pa, (figure . ) in this case is about mbar, slightly higher for the ar loop-seal and slightly lower for the fr one. the pressure difference experienced in the ar loop-seal was higher than the fr one before the design modifications as well; it could reach maximum values of about mbar for the higher solids fluxes, while the fr was at about mbar (paper iv describes these issues for the design before the modifications were implemented). this was most likely a consequence of the higher solids flux passing through the ar downcomer and loop-seal, usually more than the double that of the fr one. the new pressure values can be noticed in figure . and are clearly shown in figure . a) and b), where the pressures in correspondence of the loop-seals bottom sections (p and p for air and fuel reactor respectively, figure . ) are plotted together with the pressures measured in correspondence of the return points. those are, for this operational conditions: p , faced by the return leg in use of the ar loop-seal and by the return leg not in use for the fr loop-seal, and (p +p )/ , faced by the return leg in use of the fr loop-seal and by the return leg not in use of the ar loop-seal. the presented case study cannot be directly compared with the results of the previous test campaign, because two crucial components have been modified and the psd have been changed. in addition the protruding cooling panels have been inserted and several inputs have been changed like the tsi increase and superficial gas velocity reduction. ideally would have been a) b) figure . : continuous pressure measurements of the air reactor (ar), a), and fuel reactor (fr), b), loop- seals bottom pressures. those are compared with the pressure measurements in correspondence of the points of the reactor bodies where the return legs merge: (p +p )/ and p (figure . ). time [ s] p re ss ur e [m ba r] ar loop-seal bottom (p +p )/ p time [ s] p re ss ur e [m ba r] fr loop-seal bottom (p +p )/ p interesting to implement the design modifications separately to better isolate their influence on the whole system performance. the great impact of the psd reduction is evident because of the large increase of reactors solids entrainment, which has also the consequence of reducing the pressure at the reactors bottom section. at the same time the higher loop-seals recycle chambers overflow heights gave more stability to the system. this determined the achievement of much higher pressures in the bottom section of the loop-seals, up to above mbar. it made the circulation of higher amounts of solids smoother and reduced the back-flow risk, both reducing the pressure fluctuations in correspondence of the bottom section of the loop-seals, pb (figure . ), and increasing the pressure unbalance that can be achieved safely between the two loop-seal return legs, |pa-pc| (figure . ). according to those preliminary tests the pressure fluctuations went to about ± ÷ mbar to ± mbar (figure . ) and the |pa-pc| value can be estimated to be at least about ÷ mbar, from the previous . those facts also indirectly helped to increase the solids circulation. in addition, such high pressure (pb, figure . ) makes easier to pneumatically control the re-circulation of entrained particles, because it is easier to win the resistance of the return point pressure were the return leg in use is merging (pa, figure . ), gaining in flexibility. the increased height of the return leg is an important improvement, but its contribution was in essence not utilized because of such high loop-seals bottom pressure and because of the reduction of the pressure at the lower section of the reactors. the increase in solids entrainment and the improvement of solids distribution control is fundamental to be capable to run the reactor system with a high variety of oxygen carriers and off-design according to the methodology presented in section . . in addition this will help the fulfillment of higher oxygen requirements, thus solids circulation e.g. partly addressing the pressurized conditions challenges. . conclusions & future work . . conclusions the design for a kwth chemical looping combustion reactor system has been proposed and its hydrodynamics validated by means of a full scale, non-reactive, cold flow model (cfm). it consists of a double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb), meant to address several issues which are still open with respect to the technology state-of-the-art. both the air and fuel reactor are capable to operate in fast fluidization regime increasing the gas solids contact, especially to improve the reactions taking place in the fuel reactor, thus fuel conversion. industrial solutions are used e.g. heavy loaded cyclones, bubble cap nozzles, two levels of secondary air injection and protruding cooling panels. operation flexibility is aimed in order to have accurate control of the solids exchanged between the reactors and to better control the reactor performance according to the specific application requirements in terms of reactors fluidization regimes, solids exchange and gas streams flow and temperature. compactness has also been a priority both for design up-scaling and future upgrading to pressurized conditions; this way it can be easily inserted into a pressurized vessel. the key features of the actual design can in general be utilized for fluidized bed processes based on two reactions taking place simultaneously in two different reactors which continuously exchange the bed material, thus reactants and heat, being interconnected. these have been validated from hydrodynamic point of view: an understanding of their performance as well as the best way to operate the reactor system has been reached. one is the pneumatically controlled divided loop-seal, which allows re-circulating back to the reactor of origin part of the entrained solids, uncoupling the solids exchange from the solids entrainment. this represents a solids exchange control parameter in addition to the “conventional” ones: superficial gas velocity, primary/secondary air injection shares and solids inventory. it increases the freedom to operate the reactors just focusing on the fluidization regime, which is ideal for the reactions and/or for the downstream needs in terms of heat load. from a fluidization engineering point of view the loop-seal design presents several unique features. each of its two return legs is connected to a different reactor, one to the air reactor and the other to the fuel reactor. this means that each of the two return legs faces a different pressure in correspondence of the points where it merges with the reactors. the conventional pneumatically controlled loop-seals have just one return leg or two merging at the same height of the same reactor, thus facing the same pressure. the control over the solids split and over the above-mentioned pressure unbalance, due to the different pressures experienced by the two return legs, is not exerted using mechanical valves, but utilizing gas injections in a number of points. the other key feature is the usage of the bottom extraction/lift, which has a great potential in such kind of two-reactor configuration. it allows controlling the inventory distribution among the reactors, shifting mass from one to the other. this is a quick and effective way to control the reactors bottom pressures, which is the place where the above- mentioned loop-seals return legs merge. for this reason, it means pneumatic control over the pressure unbalance which the divided loop-seals are exposed to. this also exerts an extra control over the reactors fluidization regimes and solids entrainment. finally, it is necessary to fulfil the mass balance especially if one reactor has smaller cross-section and/or have less fluidizing gas availability, than the other. the method to better combine the above-mentioned two design features has been found and the reactor system has shown to be flexible and stable. they have to be operated in a way that the pressure unbalance across the loop-seals does not go above the maximum value allowed by its design: by the loop-seal recycle chamber overflow height. this task becomes more challenging when the return legs are facing higher pressures both because of reactors operation and design constraints. reactor operation means that the aimed reactors fluidization regimes imply high pressure or means a high total solids inventory. design constraints are related to a too high cyclone pressure drop for certain superficial gas velocities and/or a too low height of the point where the return legs merge into the reactor bodies. an overview of the two most common cold flow modelling scaling strategies is provided: the small scale models resembling the hot rig hydrodynamics and the full-scale models, keeping the same surface to volume ratios. the first being common in academia and the second in the industry. the innovative idea was to combine those two into a triangular correlation. the full- scale cold flow model is used to debug the kwth hot rig design as the industry does, but at the same time the particle size distribution and superficial gas velocity are selected in a way that the cold flow model represents the small scale hydrodynamic model of an industrial application. the usage of such fine particle size distribution of a so high density material represents a solution which is not easy to find in published fluidization literature, in particular for circulating fluidized beds. in the present work a high density geldart group a powder with a d of about m and density of kg·m- was used. the handling of such fine particles is complex both for health, safety and environment point of view and also from a process point of view. the latter is an issue when it comes to the cyclone performance. the highly load cyclones showed a good performance, managing to have an efficiency of above . %, even for the smaller particle size distribution tested of about m. the usage of such finer d of m compare to the first one of m, allowed to reach the same solids entrainment with smaller superficial gas velocity. the evaluation of its impact on such complex reactor system showed how the usage of different particle size distributions can be used as effective control factor for the overall system performance and equilibrium. promising correlations linking the solids entrainment to the cyclone pressure drop and inlet gas velocity have been found. those can be utilized as a starting point to develop a way to estimate on-line the solids entrainment. an indirect estimation, without the need for direct measurements, has fundamental importance in the overall system control, especially to control the off-design operation and the transients. . . future work as discussed in section . , an innovative design for chemical looping processes has been presented in the ph.d. thesis; afterwards it has been validated by means of cold flow modelling and improved after an analysis of its key components performance. those issues which deserve a further investigation are: the improved design has shown promising preliminary results; though a more comprehensive test campaign is needed. the superficial gas velocities of air and fuel reactor and bottom extraction need to be varied as well as the loop-seals fluidization. this has to be done for several total solids inventories. in this way it will be possible to find the reactor system best operational conditions and more accurately the operational window, understanding its flexibility margins with main focus on the circulation capability and pressure unbalance the loop-seal can withstand. the design improvements should be investigated one by one. their separate implementation will provide important information to understand to which extent they affect the overall system performance. further variations of those design details can be tested increasing more the return leg height and the loop-seal recycle chamber overflow height. at the same time new design changes can be implemented like other internals insertions to study different cooling configurations or devices (e.g. bayonet) as well as cyclones design modifications impact or secondary cyclones insertion downstream and their impact on the overall pressure drop. promising dependencies of reactors solids entrainment with input and measured parameters have been found. the most promising is the dependency of the cyclone pressure drop both on the solids entrainment and on the cyclone inlet gas velocity. dedicated tests should be done, with the improved design following a test matrix to define according to the acquired understanding. the objective should be to map those dependencies accurately and derive empirical mathematical correlations. this will allow on-line indirect quantification of the solids entrainment, fundamental for the reactor system control. a more accurate analysis of the hydrodynamic phenomena will be of utmost importance. as an example, local measurements of the particles concentration by means of non- isokinetic suction probes can be cited. those will help to verify the assumptions done to derive the solids concentration profiles from the pressure measurements and will also help to evaluate the local impact of internals and primary/secondary air injection shares on the particles concentration. the understanding of the fluidization regime inside the divided loop-seals is another open question. the unknown downcomer gas velocity and direction has big impact on its behaviour, so that gas tracer tests for different operational conditions will help to address it. more in general also gas tracer experiments will be fundamental to understand if there are gas leakages from one reactor to the exhausts of the other one. this is a kind of test that should be performed for each of the reactor system case studies. a control strategy needs to be further developed, with main focus on operational transients. first the off-design cases as well as other kind of chemical looping applications, need to be simulated by means of process design software. in this way it will be possible to have an accurate evaluation of the cycle requirements to fulfil in terms of mass and heat flows, both between the reactor system and the overall process up and down-stream requirements and between the air and fuel reactor to optimize the reactions. second step consists of verifying if the design can fulfil those requirements from hydrodynamic point of view. this can be done starting from the hydrodynamic lessons learnt and presented in this work. among those identified as key control parameters there are: the pressure differences between the loop-seals bottom sections and the points where their return legs merge in the reactors, including the pressure fluctuations, the two reactors and lift pressure drops, thus inventories and the solids entrainment to monitor the exchanged mass. this kind of job has been done qualitatively in the thesis because it was in parallel with the ongoing design development. now that the design has been finalized and is more robust hydrodynamically those studies need to be done also quantitatively: first at steady state and afterwards in transient conditions. the latter will help the understanding the details of how the reactor system reacts to operational changes until new equilibrium conditions achievement. all these points represent a further evaluation of the performance of the cold flow model improved design, continuing with the work done in the ph.d. thesis. the reactor system design has already proved to be robust, but those tests will provide a deeper knowledge especially with respect to the reactor system operation optimization and physics understanding. this will help to face unexpected situations in hot operation and eventually to further improve the design especially for operational sets located on the border of the operational window. once these points will be addressed the hot kwth design will be ready to be built. in addition to the above-mentioned further cold flow model testing, the future work to do in a longer term period, once also the hot kwth reactor system will be built, commissioned and evaluated is: the possibility of pressurizing the chemical looping reactor is of utmost importance both for natural gas combustion and reforming. the actual work tried to figure out some of the challenges and address them: the possibility to increase the excess air ratio up to gas turbine cycles requirements, the compactness to enclose the reactor system into a pressurized vessel and the high flexibility and stability in operation, especially for high solids circulation. the next step should be to reengineer the actual design to tackle the pressurization open questions. one is the accurate pressure control at reactors gas stream exit; a pressure unbalance there will strongly affect the divided loop-seals operation. the pressurized conditions may easily generate a pressure unbalance which cannot be tackled simply by increasing the overflow height of the loop-seals recycle chambers. another open issue is consequence of the fact that under pressurized conditions the gas density increases linearly with the pressure while the solids density and performance of the oxygen carrier are about the same. the reactor system design has to be modified in the direction of higher solids circulation to provide the required oxygen with the same fluidizing gas availability. the fuel reactor design can be modified to be capable to still have a circulating fluidized bed regime with less fluidizing gas availability e.g. cross- section reduction. the oxygen requirements of the fuel reactor can be reduced utilizing co re-circulation instead of part of the fuel to keep the same fluidization regime. all those ideas may be necessary at the same time, being careful to the way they affect the heat balance. simulation work can be done especially regarding computational fluid dynamics (cfd) utilizing the measured results to validate the developed models. the cold 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[ ] van ommen j.r., mudde r.f., . “measuring the gas-solids distribution in fluidized beds–a review”, int. j. chem. react. eng.,vol. , review . paper i “design study of a kwth double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system for chemical looping combustion with focus on industrial applicability and pressurization”, international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ), vol. , no. , pp. - . doi: . /j.ijggc. . . . international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ) – contents lists available at sciencedirect international journal of greenhouse gas control j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / i j g g c design study of a kwth double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system for chemical looping combustion with focus on industrial applicability and pressurization a. bischia,∗, Ø. langørgenb, i. saanumb, j. bakkenb, m. seljeskogb, m. bysveenb, j.-x. morinc, o. bollanda a department of energy and process engineering, norwegian university of science and technology, no- trondheim, norway b sintef energy research, no- trondheim, norway c co -h eurl, neuville aux bois, france a r t i c l e i n f o article history: received october received in revised form september accepted september available online november keywords: co capture chemical looping combustion double loop circulating fluidized bed industrial solution pressurization a b s t r a c t nowadays the lab scale feasibility of the chemical looping combustion technology has been proved. this article deals with many of the design requirements that need to be fulfilled to make this technology applicable at industrial scale. a design for a kwth chemical looping combustion reactor system is proposed. in the base case it is supposed to work with gaseous fuels and inexpensive oxygen carriers derived from industrial by-products or natural minerals. more specifically the fuel will be methane and a manganese ore will be the basis for the oxygen carrier. it is a double loop circulating fluidized bed where both the air reactor and the fuel reactor are capable to work in the fast fluidization regime in order to increase the gas solids contact along the reactor body. high operational flexibility is aimed, in this way it will be possible to run with different fuels and oxygen carriers as well as different operating conditionssuchasvariationinairexcess.compactnessisamajorgoalinordertoreducetherequiredsolid material and possibly to enclose the reactor body into a pressurized vessel to investigate the chemical looping combustion under pressurized conditions. the mass and heat balance are described, as well as the hydrodynamic investigations performed. most design solutions presented are taken from industrial standards as one main objective is to meet commercial requirements. © elsevier ltd. all rights reserved. . introduction . . chemical looping combustion chemical looping combustion (clc) is one of the most promis- ing co capture technologies when it comes to capture costs and netpowergenerationefficiencies(encap, ).theideastanding behind clc was first introduced by lewis and gilliland ( ) in a patenttoproduceagasmixtureofhydrogenandcarbonmonoxide. later richter and knoche ( ) and ishida et al. ( ) proposed the clc principle to reduce the exergy loss of a conventional com- bustion process. clc has since then revealed to be interesting also when it comes to co capture. in fact it is an unmixed combus- tion process intrinsically capable of separating the co from the exhaust. nowadays the most effective way to realize the clc is done in two separate steps that take place in two distinct flu- idizedbedsreactors interconnectedbymeansofametallicpowder actingasoxygencarrier(oc).theprinciplethatdescribestheafore- ∗ corresponding author. tel.: + ; fax: + . e-mail address: aldo.bischi@ntnu.no (a. bischi). mentioned system is shown in fig. . in the air reactor (ar) the oxygen of the air is strongly exothermically reacting with the oc (from meo˛− to meo˛). the air heated up and depleted of the oxygen can be utilized either to produce steam or to expand in a turbineiftheabovementionedreactiontakesplaceinapressurized environment. the metal oxide generated is then transported into thefuelreactor(fr).hereitreactswiththefuelbeingreducedfrom meo˛ tomeo˛− inanendothermicorslightlyexothermicreaction depending on the type of fuel and the type of oc material (adánez, ). the reaction between fuel and oxygen produces an exhaust stream consisting principally of only co and water vapour. the water vapour can be removed by condensation leaving the co available for storage. the overall reaction obtained summing the oxidation and reduction of the oc is equivalent to the conven- tionalcombustionofthefuelandreleasesexactlythesameamount of energy. the clc acts as an oxy-combustion capture technique without the need for the expensive cryogenic air separation unit. . . clc reactor systems lookingatthedevelopmentoftheclctechnologyfromitsearly beginning until now it is possible to notice how the design of the - /$ – see front matter © elsevier ltd. all rights reserved. doi: . /j.ijggc. . . a. bischi et al. / international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ) – nomenclature ar air reactor cfb circulating fluidized bed cfm cold flow model clc chemical looping combustion clg chemical looping gasification clr chemical looping reforming cp cooling panels dlcfb double loop circulating fluidized bed fr fuel reactor gt gas turbine hse health, safety and environment lhv lower heating value ls loop-seal oc oxygen carrier tga thermo gravimetric analysis tsi total solids inventory ar archimedes number [−] d mass median particle diameter [�m] gs solids flux [kgm − s− ] �h enthalpy change of a chemical reaction [kjmol− ] meo˛ oxidized metal oxide meo˛− reduced metal oxide moc molar mass of the oxygen carrier [gmol − ] r oxygen ratio [−] re reynolds number [−] �g·u ·d ·�− u superficial gas velocity [ms − ] x degree of oxidation [−] �x conversion difference or exploitation of the maxi- mum oxygen capacity [−] bottom actual actual value in entering the reactor out exiting the reactor ox oxidized red reduced p particle g gas greek letters � excess air ratio [−] � density [kgm− ] � dynamic viscosity [pas] reactors has changed. the main objective of the first clc reactors, suchasthe kwth onesdevelopedatchalmersuniversityoftech- nology (lyngfelt et al., ) and at the instituto de carboquímica (csic) (adánez et al., ; de diego et al., ) was to demon- stratethefeasibilityofthistechnology.ontheothersidethedesign ofthemostrecentclcreactor,the kwth ofviennauniversityof technology(kolbitschetal., ), facedmanyscale-upissues like the requirement of a cooling system for the ar and the difficulty in using a bubbling bed as fr because of dimensional constraints. followingthispath sintef energyresearch and the norwegian university of science and technology (ntnu) have worked on the design of a new kwth clc reactor. it has among its main goals theuseofindustrialsolutionsmakingeasierthestepfromlab-scale to industrial prototype and commercialization. in this respect fuel conversion efficiency is important and needs to be high (lyngfelt, ).thusthedesignchoicesarebasedonthepossibilitytohavea homogeneous oc concentration throughout the reactor volume as wellasahighoccirculationratewiththeoptionofinternalrecircu- air fuel oxygen depleted air co + h o ar fr meoα meoα- ar fr - ar frar fr fig. . the principle of chemical looping combustion. the oxygen carrier meo˛/meo˛− is oxidized exothermically in the air reactor (ar) and reduced endothermically or slightly exothermically in the fuel reactor (fr). lation within each reactor. the arrangement should be as compact as possible to export the system into an industrial context. high compactness results in less “parasitic” oc in the connecting ducts i.e. material not actively participating in the reactions. it means a reduction in the oc costs, both the amount of material required and its handling. furthermore it is easier to place the arrangement into a vessel for pressurized operation to integrate the clc reactor intoagasturbine(gt)powercycle,aprocessexpectedtoreachthe highest efficiencies (naqvi and bolland, ). auto-thermal reforming can be realized by means of a chemi- cal looping process reducing the amount of oxygen, thus excess air ratio (�), to a value smaller than stoichiometric. such a chemical looping reforming (clr) system will have its higher efficiency val- ues in a pressurized process (rydén and lyngfelt, ) and the same is expected for the chemical looping gasification (clg) as mentioned by xiao et al. ( ). for these reasons much stress is posed on the compactness, even if the clc reactor system design proposed in this paper is atmospheric. overview figures of excess airandpressurefordifferentapplicationsofclc/clr/clgprocesses are depicted in fig. . . mass and heat balance one of the main challenges of the clc technology is the development of the oxygen carriers (oc). in fact it must provide appropriate oxygen transport and reaction kinetics on which the reactor design is based. the ideal oc will depend on the type of excess air ratio, λ [-] pressure [atm] ~ ÷ clc steam cycle clc combined cycle clr/clg fig. . overviewofoperationalpressureandexcessair (�) forsomepossiblechem- ical looping applications: chemical looping combustion, reforming and gasification (clc/clr/clg). a. bischi et al. / international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ) – fuel used. moreover the material must show good performance for a high number of reduction/oxidation cycles without substantial mechanical or chemical degradation in order to avoid fragmenta- tion, agglomeration and loss of reactivity. in order for clc to reach an industrial scale the oc needs to be inexpensive, available in large quantities and to meet stringent health, safety and environ- ment (hse) standards (johansson et al., ). for these reasons fossdal et al. ( ) at sintef materials and chemistry have performed a survey on industrial tailings and by-products as basis for producing a suitable reference oc for the clc reactor system object of this study. from an initial screening of oxygen capacity and oxidation/reduction kinetics by means of thermo gravimetric analysis (tga) a specific manganese ore was selected as the most promising material. the reduction and oxidation reactions for manganese oxide at the design temperature of ◦c will be between mno and mn o , while for lower temperature they will be between mno and mn o . using methane as the reference fuel for the mno/mn o equilibrium, the oxidation reaction within the ar and the reduction reaction in the fr are, respectively, o + mno = mn o (�h = − . kj per mol o ) ( ) and ch + mn o = h o+ co + mno (�h = . kj per mol o ) ( ) where �h is the enthalpy change of the reaction calculated using the chemical thermodynamic software factsage (bale et al., ). the overall reaction, as in a conventional combustion, is equal to: o + ch = h o+ co (�h = − . kj per mol o ) ( ) according to lyngfelt et al. ( ) the oc can be characterized by means of two properties; firstly the oxygen ratio, r , defined as the ratio of the mass of oxygen in the fully oxidized carrier to its total mass: r = moc,ox − moc,red moc,ox ( ) moc,ox and moc,red are respectively the molar mass of the fully oxidized and fully reduced oc. this parameter quantifies the max- imumamountofoxygenthattheoctheoreticallycantakeupfrom the air. for the pure mno/mn o reaction r has a value of . [−].frommechanicalstrengthconsiderationsthemanganeseoxide willbemixedwithaninertsupportmaterialsuchasaluminaal o . the amount of active manganese oxide is considered to be about – % on a weight basis, thus reducing the oxygen ratio to about . [−]. thesecondparametercharacterizingtheocisthedegreeofoxi- dation,orconversion x, of theoc.this isdefinedastheactualmass of oxygen in the oc divided by the maximum amount of oxygen in the fully oxidized state: x = moc,actual − moc,red moc,ox − moc,red ( ) the degree of oxidation can be used to describe the difference between the conversion at the entrance of one reactor and at its exit, �x, which becomes a measure of the exploitation of the max- imum oxygen capacity. from tga cycling tests by fossdal et al. ( ) the oc reduction process in the fr is shown to be the lim- iting step, being slower than the oc oxidation reaction in the ar. theexploitationof theoxygencapacity inthefrcanbewrittenas: �xfr = xin,fr − xout,fr ( ) in this case �x is estimated to be about . [−], based on the mea- sured reversible oxygen capacity of the manganese ore (without table main design parameters of the clc reactor system. design parameters value unit fuel thermal input [kwth] excess air ratio (�) . [−] fuel lhv (methane) . [mjkg− ] reactors design temperature [◦c] oxygen carrier oxygen ratio r . [−] oxygen carrier conversion �xfr . [−] oxygen carrier circulation rate [kgs− ] heat release ar (eq. ( )) kw heat release fr (eq. ( )) − kw any inert support) and on the residence time of the oc particles in thefr.thelastoneisconservativelyassessedtobeabout swhich has been confirmed by cold flow model (cfm) results (see section . ). the r and the �x fix the needed oc mass flow between the reactors at a given fuel input. at kwth ( gs − methane, based on lhv), gs− of oxygen are needed to fully oxidize the fuel. exploiting % of the maximum oxygen ratio r of %, the oc mass flow needed is kgs− . a heat balance was performed to be able to dimension the heat exchangers needed to control the process. at a reactors tempera- ture of ◦c and with the enthalpy changes of the oxidation and reduction reactions (eqs. ( ) and ( )), the heat release is . kw inthearand− . kwinthefrasthereductionreaction(eq. ( )) is slightly endothermic. however, the cooling effect of the colder inlet gases compared to the reactor temperature will reduce these values of about kw and kw for the ar and fr, respectively. themaindesignparametersrelatedtothemassandenergybalance are summarized in table . it should be noted that the phase transition between mno/mn o willcauseadiscretedensitychangeof . %thatmay cause stress and a brittle material. addition of calcium in order to obtain perovskite phases will improve mechanical stability. such calcium manganite materials were prepared and tested by fossdal etal. ( ).eventhoughthetheoreticaloxygenratio r isreduced to . the reversible cyclic capacity and the kinetics as obtained by tga are still almost equal to the pure manganese ore. the ar oxidationat ◦cwillbesomewhatlessexothermicthantheref- erenceineq.( )(�h =− kjmol− o )andthefrwillbeslightly exothermic (�h =− kjmol− o with methane as fuel). to gain a better understanding of the oc candidates behaviour it is important to test them, in addition to the tga analysis, with multicyclesinbatchfluidizedbedreactorsaswellaswithacontin- uous clc unit (abad et al., ; gayán et al., ). on the other hand vienna university of technology (kolbitsch, ) tested the performance of the ocs in the kwth clc unit, finding higher reaction rates than that ones predicted from the batch tests. it means that the oxygen capacity exploitation, assumed relying on the tga analysis can be considered conservative, thus the kgs− ofmassexchangebetweenreactors.suchamassflowwillalsopro- vide the required heat at the reduction reaction, if endothermic as in the mno/mn o case, and ensure a temperature in the fr with almost the same value of the ar one. . results and discussions . . reactor concept the concept for the clc reactor system developed by sintef energy research/ntnu in trondheim is schematically represented in fig. . both the ar and fr are circulating fluidized beds (cfb) and the system is therefore called a double loop circulating flu- idized bed reactor system (dlcfb). it is adopting a configuration a. bischi et al. / international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ) – steamair cooling flow cooling flow co and steam cp cp fuelair steam steam steam depleted air ls ls ar fr bottom extraction p r e s s u r i z e d v e s s e l steamair cooling flow cooling flow co and steam cp cp fuelair steam steam steam depleted air ls ls ar fr bottom extraction p r e s s u r i z e d v e s s e l steamair cooling flow cooling flow co and steam cp cp fuelair steam steam steam depleted air ls ls ar fr bottom extraction p r e s s u r i z e d v e s e l fig. . process diagram of the double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system concept. the fluid streams for both the air reactor (ar) and fuel reactor (fr) are represented as well as the pressurized vessel, the cooling panels (cp) and divided loop-seals (ls). with two loops architecture realized with divided loop-seals (ls) and with the fr meant to operate in fast fluidization regime. the fastfluidizationregimeinthefrhastheobjectiveofraisingthefuel conversion with a better utilization of the upper part of the reactor increasing the gas–solids contact, despite the reduction of particle and gas residence time due to the increase of superficial gas veloc- ity and particles entrainment. in the fast fluidization regime there is a higher particle concentration in the upper part of the reactor andasmallerbottomzonecomparedtoaturbulentbed, indicating a more homogeneous particle distribution (kunii and levenspiel, ). the goal is to maximize the fuel conversion and the solids concentration at the reactor exit as well as to reduce the particles concentration in the bottom zone having a steep, but not a vertical concentrationprofile(whichbecomespneumaticconveying)along thefr.thisobjectivecanbereachedutilizingafastreactorforboth the fr and ar playing with the mass inventory, the secondary air injections and the loop-seals. in this way it will be possible to tune the solids concentration versus reactor height toward the desired one. grace ( ) proved that this factor affects pretty much the conversion for fast reactions. pröll et al. ( a) came to the very sameconclusionswiththeirclcset-up:theyincreasedtheconver- sionofmethaneincreasingthefrfuelload.thiswaytheyincreased the fluidizing velocity of the turbulent cfb towards fast fluidiza- tion regime. anyhow these results were reached with ni-based oc which has high reactivity; while they experienced better conver- sion at lower loads utilizing natural ilmenite (low reactivity oc), concluding that the optimal fr fluidization regime depends on the oc reactivity. the two lss in fig. will have the conventional tasks of closing thepressure loopandavoidinggasmixingbetweenthereactors. in addition, their divided configuration will allow recirculating part of theentrainedparticles intothereactoroforiginenablingcontrol of the mass exchange and the particle residence time (two loops architecture).thereisalsoabottomextraction/liftinthefrtobring part of the solids flow to the ar through this connection. this is required to achieve the full design circulation rate and give higher degree of operational flexibility, e.g. it will allow operating the rig with the fr in turbulent regime. in the fr a minimum amount of steamwillbe introducedinthebottomtoguaranteefluidization in case of emergency, during shut down and to tune the fluidization regime. table main particle and reactor dimensions. design parameters value unit particle diameter, d [�m] particle density [kgm− ] particle sphericity ∼ [−] ar diameter . [m] fr diameter . [m] reactor height [m] the value of � at design conditions is between . and . as for industrial cfb boilers. on the other hand, the reactor system is intendedtohavetheneededflexibilitytooperateatreducedexcess air (reforming conditions), as well as higher excess air with � up to and above as this would be necessary for gt applications (fig. ). thiswillgiveasaconsequenceahighersolidsentrainmentwhichis planned to be compensated by means of the internal recirculation in the ar through the divided loop-seal. . . hydrodynamics the main reactor dimensions must fit the requirements given by the chosen fluidization regime discussed in section . and the mass and heat balances from section . particles size, density and sphericity are fundamental parameters with respect to flu- idization regime. the particles selected for the reference case are approximatelysphericalwitha d equal to �mandadensityof kgm− . a powder with such characteristics is in the group a of the geldart ( ) classification, i.e. a typical catalyst standard, it will eventually ease the oc production. the ar must reach a fast cfb regime entraining the required amount of kgs− of oc by means of the gas flow of air. the main calculated figures for the ar are given in table . they lead to the aimed cfb flow regime according to the dimensionless grace diagramasqualitativelyshowninfig. (limetal., ).thesolids flux, gs, to reach at the ar exit is equal to almost kgm − s− and the particle concentration that will allow such high particles entrainment is at least around kgm− . a similar approach was followedfor thedesignof thefr;oncetheamountoffluidizinggas available from the kwth of thermal load was calculated, the dimensions were set to have fast cfb regime in design conditions. tra ns po rt bu bb lin g cfb tu rbu len t - tra ns po rt bu bb lin g - - cfb tu rbu len t r e · a r - / ar kwth fr kwth ar / fig. . qualitative representation of the fluidization regimes of the air reactor (ar) and fuel reactor (fr) according to the classification of grace (lim et al., ). a. bischi et al. / international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ) – ascanbeseenfromfig. alsothesodimensionedfrisintheaimed regime. it should give a solids flux of almost kgm− s− and a concentration of at least kgm− in the upper part of the reactor. inthiswayabouthalfof the kgs− solidsflowisexchangedwhile the rest will be handled by means of the bottom extraction/lift. thesearevaluescalculatedconsideringthepresenceof thecooling panels(cp)andwithouttakinginaccounttheparticlesbackflow.in the literature it is proven that such exit particles flux values can be easily reached, in fact flux values even higher than kgm− s− were reached in the work performed by nicolai ( ). the same can be stated for the particles suspension in the upper part of the reactor: according to basu ( ) concentration values up to kgm− can be reached. the reactors hydrodynamics were investigated more thor- oughly by means of simulations in order to verify the feasibility of the required values of entrained oc and reactors exit con- centrations. it was also possible to carry out evaluation of the pressure/particlesconcentrationbehaviouralongthereactorsbod- ies as well as of the total particle mass in the ar and fr. the simulations were performed with the commercial software ergun ( ) utilizing both the berruti’s flow pattern model (pugsley and berruti, )andthehorioone(leiandhorio, ).suchkindsof models are characterized by an empirical nature. this fact in addi- tion to the complexity and peculiarity of the reactor system made the authorsopt for the cfm testing described in section . further below. . . system design the goals of the present clc reactor system have already been explained, as well as the concept developed for their achievement. some of the design requirements and solutions adopted for their fulfilment are described here more thoroughly. thegasfeedsystemcontrolsthefluidizationandhydrodynamic behaviour once the oc particles and reactor dimensions have been chosen. the main intention is the achievement of a cfb mode hav- ing as much control as possible on the behaviour of the particles along the reactor body as described in section . . it is done by a balanced use of the primary bottom injection plus two levels of secondary ones along the bottom part of the reactor. the volume flow of fluidizing gas injected in the fr (ch ) will triple inside the reactor body because of the reaction described in eq. ( ). a tapered sectionwillsmooththeassociatedvelocity increaseandreducethe friction losses. it will increase the gas velocity in the bottom of the reactors, both ar and fr, helping to prevent the agglomeration of particles (grace, ; legros et al., ). it will also give a uni- form superficial gas velocity (u ) profile across the secondary air injections (basu, ) allowing a more even acceleration of the solids up to the conditions of fully developed flow. the bottom gas injection of the ar and fr is done by means of bubble cap nozzles designedaccordingtovgbpowertech( ).thenozzleshape,the distance towards the reactor walls and suitable velocities of the air jets were chosen relying also on the good performance shown by thesolutionsexperimentedinthecompanyrheinbraun(lambertz et al., ). thereactorcooling isan important issue,especially forreactors being as compact as possible. the adopted solution is industrial withcoolingpanels(cp)asshowninfig. .foraproperfluidization theyshouldnotbeallocatedtoolowinthereactorheighttoachieve a full development of the solid flux. at the same time they should not be located too close to the reactor exit disturbing the particles entrainment. furthermore their presence will reduce the section available for the gas flow, thus increasing the gas velocity. the cal- culatednumberofpanelsisbasedonthenecessarycoolingdutyand a heat transfer coefficient estimated to wm− k− . among the values presented by basu ( ) this is considered realistic on the conservative side in order to match the solids suspension densities expected in the design case. the performance of the loop-seals will be crucial for the over- all system behaviour as mentioned in section . . in the present reactor design it is intended to control the oc flux, with possibil- ity of internal recycle, without the use of mechanical valves such as a cone valve. the industrial solution according to an ahlstrom patent(kostamoandpuhakka, )meetsthisrequirement.even though a mechanical valve is not a part of the proposed design it is planned for possible installation in case the external and inter- nal circulation is not easily controlled without. the fluidization of the loop-seal is executed by means of nozzles in principle equal to the primary nozzles of the ar and fr. this solution reduces the complexity by standardizing the nozzles. to help the fluidization lateral air injections are placed in the bottom part of the down- comers, just above the loop-seals. it has proved to be effective as a meanstoenhanceloop-sealsolidcirculationrate(kimetal., ). the last reactor component that deserves special care in the design phase is the heavy load cyclone. its performance has funda- mental importance to avoid particle losses. high cyclone efficiency is necessary to help satisfy particle emissions requirements and to reduce the oc refilling and the related costs. furthermore it is essential for gt applications in which the gt working fluid must fulfil strict requirements with respect to particle concentration and particle size (lippert and newby, ; loud and slaterpryce, ). in addition the cyclones required in this case have to handle efficiently a high flux of particles in a very compact configuration. it is proven that the heavy loaded cyclones reach the best effi- ciency by means of a downward inclined inlet duct that intensifies the cluster formation (hugi and reh, , ) and a converg- ing section that increases the inlet gas velocity (muschelknautz and muschelknautz, ). a sharp cross section reduction may improvetheperformanceasshowninresults fromtheboilerof the coal power station of goldenberg (krohmer et al., ). accord- ing to muschelknautz and muschelknautz ( ) the gas exit tube should be placed eccentric in the cyclone in order to raise the sep- aration efficiency. this solution was also proven in large scale, as well as the downward declination of the inlet duct, in the boiler in zeran,poland(lalaketal., ).thevortexfindermaybearranged with an increase of its cross section in the direction of the gas flow exiting the cyclone. such a diverging vortex finder is an industrial solution used by the electricité de france (edf) coal power plant in gardanne (france) (frydrychwski-horvatin and vostan, ). based on the above considerations, a detailed system and com- ponentdesignhasbeencarriedout. inordertohaveamostrealistic verificationoftheperformanceofall thesesolutions, togetherwith the reactors hydrodynamics as already mentioned, a full scale cfm has been built and is in operation as described in the next section. . . cold flow model verification cold flow model (cfm) validation is a common approach for testingthereactordesignbeforebuildingahotrig.thiskindofval- idation has been used, e.g. by chalmers (kronberger et al., ) and vienna (pröll et al., b) universities of technology operat- ing cfms that are smaller down-scaled versions of the intended hot rig. however, in the present work a full scale ( : ) cfm of the kwth rig design has been built as in the industrial practice in order to reduce wall effects and establish even more realistic design verification. the cfm is built in transparent polycarbon- ate material and all component details are equal to the hot rig design. the values of gas velocity and particles characteristics (d equal to �m and material density equal to kgm− ) were selected in order to end up in the same fluidization regime. the complete cfm results and related mapping of the overall stable operational window of the reactor system is out of scope of this a. bischi et al. / international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ) – . . air flow [nl/min] ( air velocity at ºc [m/s]) )]s² m/ gk[ x ul f s dil o s( ]s/ gk[ w ol f s dil o s kg ( %- %- %) kg ( %- %- %) kg ( %- %- %) kg ( %- %- %) ( ) ( . ) . ( . ) ( . ) . ( ) ( . ) ( . ) ( . ) ( . ) tsi (prim-sec -sec ) fig. . solids flow (flux) achieved in the cold flow model of the air reactor (ar) as a function of the fluidizing air flow for two different total solids inventory (tsi) and different air staging between primary, secondary and secondary . paper and still under investigation. here some key results will be shown, related to the performance of the ar and fr operated sep- arately. fig. shows how the solids flow experienced in the ar loop increases with the air flow and the total solids inventory (tsi) up to the achievement of almost kgs− entrainment. at the same time it is possible also to tune the entrained flux with the air stag- ing: increasing the secondary air share will reduce it. the same behaviour isshownbythefrinfig. uptoaflowof . kgs− .the results obtained with the lower fr inventory of kg are shown for sake of completeness, but these tests were performed before gaining full control on the inventory in the reactor system which then was not always the same. in addition the pressure behaviour along the ar body corresponding to the kgs− flow exchange, for atsiof kgandsuperficialgasvelocity u of . ms − isshownby the continuous line in fig. . the ar pressure profile confirms the fast cfb behaviour and it was used to derive the amount of mass present in the reactor, neglecting friction and acceleration forces as done by issangya et al. ( ) and pröll et al. ( a). the cal- culated active mass in the ar was almost kg which divided by the flux of kgs− gives a conservative estimation of the oc resi- dence time in the ar equal to s. in addition it is also shown, in the same figure, the sensitivity of the pressure to the tsi and air staging keeping constant the superficial gas velocity. a reduction . . air flow [nl/min] ( air velocity at ºc [m/s]) )]s² m/ gk[ x ul f s dil o s( ]s/ gk[ w ol f s dil o s kg ( %- %) kg ( %- %) kg ( %- %) kg ( %- %) ( ) ( . ) . ( . ) ( . ) . ( . ) ( . ) ( . ) ( . ) tsi (prim-sec) fig. . solids flow (flux) achieved in the cold flow model of the fuel reactor (fr) as a function of the fluidizing air flow for two different total solids inventory (tsi) and different air staging between primary and secondary. pressure relative to ambient pressure [mbar] r e a ct o r h e ig h t [m ] %primary, tsi= kg %primary, %secondary , %secondary , tsi= kg %primary, tsi= kg fig. . pressure profiles along the air reactor (ar) for a fixed amount of fluidizing air giving . ms− of superficial gas velocity. three different cases are analyzed: a total solids inventory (tsi) of kg and all the fluidization air introduced at the primary level, the same tsi introducing just % of the air at the primary level and an inventory of kg with all the air at primary level. of the primary air down to % keeping the tsi constant (dotted line with triangles) shifts the pressure curve down to lower values and decreases the entrained flow (fig. ). the dotted line with cir- clesshowshowthepressureprofileisaffectedbyareductionofthe tsi:thebottompressure/inventoryisreducedandtheoverallcurve is shifted towards smaller values. in a similar manner fig. shows withthecontinuouslinethepressurealongthefrbodyforaveloc- ity of . ms− and an inventory of kg. it leads to . kgs− of solids entrainment and a calculated kg inventory of active mass inside the fr. it means a particles residence time of about s tak- ing into account also the mass that should be transported through the bottom extraction/lift to achieve, at steady state, a total solids exchangeof kgs− .theexperimentalresultsconfirmthattheflu- pressure relative to ambient pressure [mbar] r e a ct o r h e ig h t [m ] %primary, tsi= kg %primary, %secondary, tsi= kg %primary, tsi= kg fig. . pressure profiles along the fuel reactor (fr) for a fixed amount of fluidizing air giving . ms− of superficial gas velocity. three different cases are analyzed: a total solids inventory (tsi) of kg and all the fluidization air introduced at the primary level, the same tsi introducing just % of the air at the primary level and an inventory of kg with all the air at primary level. a. bischi et al. / international journal of greenhouse gas control ( ) – thermal input, excess air ratio (λ), fuel & oc composition mass and heat balance required solids exchange available gases flows hydrodynamic investigation mathematical and/or cold flow model appropriate dlcfb reactor system final design reactors & oc characteristics yes oxidation/reduction kinetics fluidization regime (pressure profiles/solids concentration, achieved solids exchange, particles residence time) design solution (heavy load cyclones, return legs, divided loop- seals, fluidizing nozzles) oc conversion (Δx) assesment no fig. . flow-sheet of the design methodology used/developed to achieve the actual design of the double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) chemical looping com- bustion atmospheric pilot rig of sintef energy research/ntnu in trondheim. idizationregime, thesolidsentrainmentandthepressure/particles concentration behaviour are affected, and thus can be regulated, by the pre-set particles inventory and by the fluidizing gas staging as well as by other factors, e.g. the fluidization of the loop-seals andthereactorsbackpressure.furtherextensivecfmstudiesneed to be done in order to find the best way to couple the reactors togetherandoperateaccordingtothedifferentoperationalmodes, and to generate results in order to derive correlations that can be used to fit the semi-empirical mathematical models to the actual set-up. . conclusions the design of a chemical looping combustion reactor system of kwth fuel input is presented. it consists of two intercon- nectedcirculatingfluidizedbedoperatinginfastfluidizationmode, in design case, and interconnected by means of a “two loops archi- tecture”(dlcfb).togetherwiththemultipleinjectionsfluidization system it will increase the operational flexibility. in this way the reactor system is expected to be operated in the way that will bring higher fuel conversion efficiency according to the selected fuel and oxides. the overall system is compact in order to reduce theamountofsolidmaterialandtohavethepossibilitytobeintro- ducedintoapressurizedvessel. inadditionthedesignismakinguse of many industrial solutions which will lead the chemical looping technologies further towards possible commercialization. among the achievements of this paper there is also the devel- opment of a design methodology which is shown in fig. . it starts establishing some parameters according to the project require- ments and resources available. mass and heat balances, design and hydrodynamic calculations are performed. the hydrodynam- icstogetherwiththeproposeddesignsolutionsarecurrentlybeing tested in a cold flow model mirroring the actual reactor system. in this way it will be possible to tackle eventual shortcomings and find the best operational window. all the missing parameters are assessed iteratively in order to achieve a reactor with the above- mentioned characteristics. concluding, this design methodology summarizes all the main actions and decisions undertaken along the design path and presents them in a modular way. acknowledgments this publication forms a part of the bigco project, per- formed under the strategic norwegian research program climit. theauthorsacknowledgethepartners:statoil,geglobalresearch, statkraft,akercleancarbon,shell,total,conocophillips,alstom, the research council of norway ( /i and /i ) and gassnova ( ) for their support. in addition the valuable help of mr. s. tjøstheim during the cold flow model experimental cam- paign is acknowledged. references abad, a., mattisson, t., lyngfelt, a., rydén, m., . chemical-looping combustion in a w continuously operating reactor system using a manganese-based oxygen carrier. fuel ( ), – . adánez, j., gayan, p., celaya, j., de diego, l.f., garcia-labiano, f., abad, a., . 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( ), – . lyngfelt, a., kronberger, b., adánez, j., morin, j.x., hurst, p., . the grace project: development of oxygen carrier particles for chemical-looping combustion. design and operation of a kw chemical-looping combustor. in: greenhouse gas control technologies . elsevier science ltd., oxford, pp. – . lyngfelt, a., . oxygen-carriers for chemical-looping combustion-operational experience. in: st international conference on chemical looping, lyon, france, http://www.ifp.com/actualites/evenements/congres-et-conferences/ organises-par-ifp-energies-nouvelles/rs-chemical-looping. muschelknautz, u., muschelknautz, e., . special design of inserts and short entrance ducts to recirculating cyclones. in: kwauk, m., li, j. (eds.), cir- culating fluidized bed technology v. people’s republic of china, beijing, pp. – . naqvi, r., bolland, o., . multi-stage chemical looping combustion (clc) for combined cycles with co capture. int. greenhouse gas control. ( ), – . nicolai, r., . experimentelle untersuchungen zur strömungsmechanik in einer hochexpandiertenzirkulierendengas/feststoff-wirbelschicht.ph.d.thesis,eid- genössischen technischen hochschule (eth), zürich, switzerland. pugsley, t.s., berruti, f., . a predictive hydrodynamic model for circulating fluidized bed risers. powder technol. ( ), – . pröll, t., kolbitsch, p., bolhàr-nordenkampf, j., hofbauer, h., a. a novel dual circulatingfluidizedbedsystemforchemical loopingprocesses.aichej. ( ), – . pröll, t., ruspanovits, k., kolbitsch, p., bolhàr-nordenkampf, j., hofbauer, h., b. cold flow model study on a dual circulating fluidized bed system for chemical looping processes. chem. eng. technol. ( ), – . richter, h.j., knoche, k.f., . reversibility of combustion processes. in: gaggioli, r.a. (ed.), a. c. s. symposium series . washington, dc, usa, pp. – . rydén, m., lyngfelt, a., . hydrogen and power production with integrated car- bondioxidecapturebychemical-loopingreforming.in:greenhousegascontrol technologies . elsevier science ltd., oxford, pp. – . vgbpowertech, .gasdistributorplates influidizedbedsystems. in:vgbpow- ertech service gmbh. essen, germany. xiao, r., song, q., song, m., lu, z., zhang, s., shen, l., . pressurized chemical- looping combustion of coal with an iron ore-based oxygen carrier. combust. flame ( ), – . paper ii “performance analysis of the cold flow model of a second generation chemical looping combustion reactor system”, energy procedia ( ), vol. , pp. - . doi: . /j.egypro. . . . available online at www.sciencedirect.com energy procedia ( ) – energy procedia www.elsevier.com/locate/xxx ghgt- performance analysis of the cold flow model of a second generation chemical looping combustion reactor system aldo bischi a, , Øyvind langørgen b , jean-xavier morin c , jørn bakken b , masoud ghorbaniyan a , marie bysveen b , olav bolland a adepartment of energy and process engineering, ntnu, kolbjørn hejes vei a, trondheim no- , norway bsintef energy research, sem saelends vei , trondheim no- , norway cco -h eurl, rue du cas rouge marchandon, neuville aux bois , france elsevier use only: received date here; revised date here; accepted date here abstract a kwth second generation chemical looping combustion reactor system has been designed. it is a double loop circulating fluidized bed meant to achieve high solids circulation and be flexible in operation. attention was also focused on the usage of industrial solutions and compactness, to go towards commercialization and pressurization as a further step. both its hydrodynamic behaviour and design solutions were investigated by means of a full scale cold flow model. first the design of the nozzles and the share of kinetic losses were verified, together with the solids flow/flux measurements reliability. the air reactor and fuel reactor were then tested separately monitoring their entrainment capabilities and pressure/particles distribution, with main focus on finding the best way of operating the loop-seals and cooling panel configuration. the overall reactor system (combining air and fuel reactor) was tested achieving results close to the design values. finally, some solutions to further improve its performance are proposed. © elsevier ltd. all rights reserved keywords: chemical looping combustion, double loop circulating fluidized bed, cold flow model, industrial solution, pressurization . introduction within the co capture technologies the chemical looping combustion (clc) is one of the most promising both for costs and net efficiencies [ ]. it is an unmixed combustion process with inherent co separation, commonly realized by means of two interconnected fluidized bed reactors. it takes place in two steps where a metal powder, working as a solid oxygen carrier (oc), gets cyclically oxidized and reduced carrying the oxygen from one reactor to the other. first the oc has a strong exothermic reaction with the oxygen of the fluidizing air in the air reactor (ar). afterwards the oxidized oc is sent into the fuel reactor (fr) and its oxygen reacts with the fuel, endothermically or slightly exothermically, depending on the oc material and fuel used, generating an almost pure stream of co and steam. sintef energy research and the norwegian university of science and technology (ntnu) have designed a kwth atmospheric clc reactor system. the chosen design solutions are aiming at high operational flexibility and fuel conversion as well as compactness for the prospective of pressurizing the reactor as a further step. it consists of corresponding author. tel.: + ; fax: + . e-mail address: aldo.bischi@ntnu.no c© published by elsevier ltd. energy procedia ( ) – www.elsevier.com/locate/procedia doi: . /j.egypro. . . two circulating fluidized beds (cfb) interconnected by means of a bottom extraction/lift and divided loop-seals (ls) in a two loops architecture: double loop cfb (dlcfb) shown in figure . the ar is meant to operate in fast fluidization regime while the fr both in turbulent and fast fluidization. the abovementioned loop-seals are designed as double loop-seals. the purpose is both to avoid the gas mixing between the two reactors and to lead the flow of solids entrained by one reactor into the other one or re- circulate it back to the reactor of origin. they are fluidized by means of three bubble cap nozzles: one below the downcomer (central), one just below the internal return leg (to lead the mass back to the reactor of origin) and one below the external return leg (to lead the entrained mass to the other reactor). in addition there will be lateral steam injections in the downcomers, just above the loop-seals (figure ). because of the smaller amount of fluidizing gas available in the fr, compared to the ar, the bottom extraction will compensate the fact that the fr is not capable to entrain the same amount of solids as the ar. the system is cooled by means of lateral protruding cooling panels (cp) inserted into the ar body. the dlcfb design and the way it faces industrial and scale up issues, as the latest (second) generation of clc reactors does, has already been described in a detailed way by bischi et al. [ ]. in order to achieve the aforementioned objectives, the hydrodynamics as well as many of the design solutions of such clc reactor system, need to be qualitatively tested in a cold flow model (cfm) without chemical reactions [ ]. . experimental set up and procedure a polycarbonate cfm has been built and commissioned. it is a full scale ( : ) exact copy of the kwth hot rig design. in this way it was possible to reduce the wall effects to get more reliable design verification [ ]. the two reactors are meters high; the ar has a diameter of . m while the fr . m. in addition the powder characteristics as well as the operating conditions were chosen in order to end up in the same fluidization regime as the hot rig, i.e. fast cfb regime according to the empirical classification of grace [ ]. the selected material representing the oxygen carrier is a ferro-silicon alloy with a density of almost kg m - and a d of micrometers and rounded irregular shape. these particles end up in the group a of the geldart diagram and because of their high density are very close to the boundary with the group b [ ]. an important share (above %) of the particle size distribution used in the tests has a diameter smaller than the foreseen critical one where the van der waals cohesion forces start to play a decisive role into fluidization properties [ , ]. anyhow, as long as the main interest for such fine particles is in the catalyst applications (thus lighter) it is quite rare to find information about high density geldart a particles in open literature. the fluidizing gas is air and the nominal flows are selected to give a velocity of . m s - in the reactor bodies. details of the scaling strategy can be found in bischi et al. [ ]. the rig is equipped with differential pressure transmitters distributed along the reactor bodies, cyclones and bottom of the loop-seals. at the reactor exit there is one common filter box with a frequency controlled fan so it is possible to obtain the desired backpressure, which will be the same for both the ar and the fr unless the valves at the cyclones exit are used to differentiate them. the filter box is also used to collect the powder losses and in this way monitor the cyclones efficiency and the inventory in the system. the solids entrainment is measured in two ways: a visual and an indirect way. the first one is relying on a visual measurement of the mass accumulation in the downcomer once the loop-seal fluidization is shut down. the indirect measurement is based on a perforated flap figure . process diagram of the double loop circulating fluidized bed (dlcfb) reactor system concept [ ]. cooling flow steamair co and steam cp fuelair steam steam steam depleted air ls ls ar fr bottom extraction/ lift p r e s s u r i z e d v e s s e l cooling flow steamair co and steam cp fuelair steam steam steam depleted air ls ls ar fr bottom extraction/ lift p r e s s u r i z e d v e s s e l cooling flow steamair co and steam cp fuelair steam steam steam depleted air ls ls ar fr bottom extraction/ lift p r e s s u r i z e d v e s s e l steamair co and steam cp fuelair steam steam steam depleted air ls ls ar fr bottom extraction/ lift p r e s s u r i z e d v e s s e l a. bischi et al. / energy procedia ( ) – valve located in the downcomer. this way the gas coming from below fluidizes the amount of powder accumulating on the flap valve, when closed. if the minimum fluidization condition is reached, the entrained solids flux, thus flow, can be derived from the gradient of the pressure drop (�p) across the flap valve due to the mass accumulated [ ]: downcomer s riser ad p g dt g a � � � � . ( ) all the pressure measurements used to evaluate the reactors performance are an average value of ten minutes steady state operation. in addition the pressure in the more sensitive points (e.g. bottom loop-seal) was constantly monitored and experiments with too high pressure fluctuations (above mbar) were labelled as unstable. the solids flows/fluxes were measured at least two times and an average value was presented. in case of a standard deviation of the measurements bigger than the % of the average a third measurement was taken. . results and discussion the cfm was first tested without particles to check the fluidizing nozzles design and the share of kinetic pressure losses. the pressure losses across the nozzles were measured as a function of the gas flow injected through the nozzles. in this way it was possible to evaluate if the �p of each nozzle is in the proper range: above % [ ] of the respective overall reactor body pressure drop in the operational design point. these values were compared with the overall reactor �p measured during actual operation, with solids, showing a satisfactory match both for ar and fr. the recorded pressure values along the empty reactor bodies were small due to the low design velocities (up to . m s - ). the maximum values of pressure difference between the bottom of the reactors and their top was found to be in the order of magnitude of mbar. this means that the kinetic pressure losses have little influence on the pressure measured along the reactor bodies during operation. anyhow it needs to be kept in mind that the lower pressure transmitter is placed at a height of cm from the reactor bottom; the bottom pressure is expected to be higher. another preliminary test campaign was finalized to check the reliability of the indirect solids flow/flux calculation realized by means of the pressure gradient measurements (eq. ). the so determined solids flux was compared with the visual measurements of mass accumulation. it was of great interest for the project, in order to be capable to make use of this technique also in the kwth hot rig, where it will not be so straightforward to have a visual measurement. the two measurement techniques matched when an auxiliary air injection below the perforated flap valve was tuned on purpose in order to achieve minimum fluidization conditions of the accumulated mass of particles. in addition, the agreement was mainly for the lower part of the solids flux range tested. in fact the momentum of the free falling solids was proven to affect strongly the fluidization of the accumulated powder in the downcomer [ ]. a wide range of solids fluxes are going to be tested and they can’t be foreseen in detail because of their dependency on many independent parameters. it means that we can’t know in advance what the exact amount of auxiliary air will be. from these findings, and supported by literature [ ], it was possible to deduct that this approach is very much depending on the operator ability of reaching the right fluidization conditions above the perforated flap valve. thus it can’t be used by itself for the hot rig and another solution applicable to high temperature conditions needs to be found. it was noticed that it is difficult to obtain exactly the same solids flow/flux when the same experiments are not performed continuously; while they are very much consistent when executed continuously without changing settings and stopping the system. this fact shows that the “roughness” of the experimental technique used to measure the solids flow can not be the main reason for the variations in the results. the way the solids inventory distributes in the system in order to achieve steady state conditions do also play a role. a third issue affecting the solid flow is the total solids inventory (tsi) control. it is closely related to the cyclones efficiency, evaluated to be very high and often above . %. this is a good performance for such fine powder as can be seen in fluid catalytic cracking (fcc) literature which is dealing with this kind of particle size distribution, but much lighter material [ ]. nevertheless it is worth to mention that for example in the case of a solid flow of kg s - a cyclone efficiency of “just” . % will mean . kg of losses in one hour. such loss of mass will substantially affect the tsi and consequently the reactor performance. this information is of fundamental importance for the interpretation of the experimental results. the same set of tests was repeated twice for the ar with a tsi of kg and different refilling time of the lost mass. the results show that the minutes refilling gave in average about % higher solids flow a. bischi et al. / energy procedia ( ) – than the minutes one (for a set of data of points of which are shown in figure ). also, the consistent behaviour of the larger downcomer height confirms the indication that the solids flow difference is caused by an actual change in the reactor overall mass and mass distribution. next, the ar was run alone re-circulating internally through the divided loop-seal all the entrained solids. it was tested from part load, turbulent fluidization regime, up to an air flow corresponding to the fast cfb design flow regime. the solids flow/flux and the pressure profile along the reactor body were measured and the cyclone efficiency estimated. the tsi within the reactor system was varied as well as the combinations of primary and secondary air. the measured flow of solids was found to be clearly dependent on the tsi and the air flow, increasing with them up to kg s - (flux of kg m - s - ). at the same time also the pressure behaviour showed its dependency from the tsi and air staging, shifting towards higher values for higher amount of solids and higher primary air share. in addition higher values of pressure gradient, thus mass, in the lower part of the reactor body are recorded, as expected [ ], for turbulent regime, while the particle concentration in the upper part of the reactor increases when increasing the fluidization velocities. the same set of experiments was performed for the fr showing the same behaviour when it comes to solids entrainment and pressure behaviour. it was possible to entrain in a stable way a flow of particles up to almost half of the ar one, which is in accordance with the design. in average the bottom pressures of the two reactors running separately were shown to be on the same order of magnitude, slightly higher for the fr, picking the right operational conditions. this is an important parameter for the coupled operation control because this is the pressure where the return legs of the divided loop-seals merge into the reactor bodies. more details about the performance of the reactors operated separately can be found in bischi et al. [ and ]. the way the loop-seal is operated affects quite a lot the performance of a cfb, and especially the solids entrainment [ and ]. for this reason the effect of the loop-seal fluidization was thoroughly investigated, varying the amount of fluidizing air injected in the central and internal nozzles for several lateral injections (that ones located in the downcomer just above the loop-seal). the aim was to understand the best way to operate the loop-seal for the actual reactor design. it means achieving high solids circulation with a stable fluidization regime in the downcomer (between minimum fluidization and minimum bubbling). for economical reasons this has to be done using a small amount of fluidizing gas because it will be steam in the hot rig. figure shows one detailed test matrix executed for a constant tsi of kg in the ar operated separately (internal recirculation) and with a fluidizing air flow of nl min - , equivalent to a superficial gas velocity of . m s - , and with an air split of % primary air, % secondary air and % secondary air . the ar loop-seal will be the more heavily loaded according to the design. each group of four points in the graph corresponds to a different value of the central nozzle fluidization ( to nl min - ) and for each of the groups the four points go from the value of nl min - up to nl min - of internal nozzle fluidization. each different symbol (diamond, circle, and asterisk) refers to a different value of lateral air injection from . nl min - up to nl min - . the blue points show (scale on the left) the measured solids flow/flux, while the red points show the measured height of solids in the downcomer. this is an important parameter to monitor in order to know how much of the mass is in the loop-seal downcomer rather than in the reactor body. it is possible to notice that the entrained flow of solids is appreciably increasing with the internal nozzle fluidization for the lower central fluidizations while above nl min - of central fluidization it stabilizes loosing its dependencies on the internal and central nozzles. for central nozzle fluidizations above nl min - it is not possible to distinguish clear trends, not even dependency from the lateral air injection amount. the downcomer height is consistently reduced with the increase of solids flow because, for a fixed tsi and reactor fluidization, a smoother loop-seal fluidization provides better solids circulation, thus more mass inside the reactor body, thus higher �p . . s ol id s f lo w [k g s- ] ( s ol id s f lu x [k g m - s - ]) d ow nc om er h ei gh t [ cm ] ' refilling ' refilling ' refilling ' refilling ( . ) ( . ) ( ) ( . ) ( ) figure . set of tests performed twice with the same conditions, but with ’ and ’ refilling. a. bischi et al. / energy procedia ( ) – across the reactor and higher entrainment. on the other hand the higher pressure fluctuations experienced in the bottom of the loop-seal in correspondence with higher fluidizing air, e.g. central nozzle above nl min - , means that the reactor is exposed to higher risks of gas leakages and cyclone perturbations. a similar set of experiments was performed for the ar keeping the same air flows in the reactor and loop-seal, but increasing the tsi up to kg. the increase of mass reduced the dependencies highlighted previously as well as increased the solids flow together with the amount of mass in the downcomer. the increase of the downcomer solids height is necessary in order to close the pressure loop; because more mass in the system gives a higher value of pressure in the reactor bottom exactly where the return leg is merging, thus higher pressure in the loop-seal is required to balance it. the loop-seal results are not following clear trends as in the cited literature [ and ] most likely because both the high density geldart a particles and the fluidizing nozzles of the present set-up represent solutions differing from the majority of the published laboratory loop-seal studies. therefore modifications of the loop-seal fluidizing system are under investigation in order to gain better control on the solids circulation, especially to tackle circumstances where the two solids streams exiting from the loop-seal are facing different pressures, as in the coupled operation. . . s ol id s flo w [k g s- ] ( s ol id s flu x [k g m - s - ]) d ow nc om er h ei gh t [ cm ] . nl/min lateral injection nl/min lateral injection nl/min lateral injection . nl/min lateral injection nl/min lateral injection nl/min lateral injection internal nozzle: , , , [nl min- ] central nozzle: nl/min nl/min nl/min nl/min nl/min ( . ) ( . ) ( ) ( . ) ( ) figure . set of experiments finalized to understand the air reactor dependency on the loop-seal operation (internal, central and lateral air injection) for a total solids inventory of kg and air flow of nl min - . in this experimental campaign also the cooling panels influence on the ar performance was evaluated. figure shows the results of a test campaign conduced with a tsi of kg, a total air flow going from to nl min - and constant loop-seal fluidization. tests were done with no cooling panels, with the lower (bott.), the middle (mid.) and the upper (up) panel separately and with the lower and middle together. the solids flow/flux was not significantly affected by panel insertion, location and number. the same applies for the measured average pressure values in the reactor body, while the pressure oscillations measured in the loop-seal bottom were in general higher for the two-panel configuration, e.g. above mbar vs. mbar. the test done with % of flow in the primary air ( %- %- %) showed a higher solids flow entrainment compared to the use of secondary air for the same amount of fluidizing air ( %- %- %). the use of only primary air was limited to nl min - because further increase of flow generated pressure pulsations that made the system vibrating too much to operate it safely (test done just in a. bischi et al. / energy procedia ( ) – the two panels case). it may be related to the inventory which needs to be reduced for such operational mode; further tests to proof it need to be carried out. all the abovementioned tests were executed running the ar and fr separately. in this way it was possible to have an accurate mapping of their operational window and choose the best way to couple them together as a dlcfb reactor system. a test campaign with the two reactors coupled was performed but the results were not as expected. a high difference of pressure between the lower sections of the reactors was experienced: the fr bottom pressure ended up being much higher. it means that each divided loop-seal was exposed to a pressure unbalance having one return leg facing a pressure much higher than the other one. this fact sums up to the abovementioned loop-seal solids flux control challenges. the combination of these two circumstances created a disturbance because of gas flowing through the internal leg of the fr loop-seal, which is not in use during coupled operation with % solids exchange. it also generated a high pressure in the ar loop-seal external return leg, thus a high accumulation of particles in the ar downcomer capable to push the powder flow from the ar to the fr and very likely causing unwanted gas leakages from the fr to the ar. in addition it affected the cyclones efficiency causing mass losses and resulted in a loss of control of the system performance. an attempt to operate the system was done sealing the internal return legs of the loop-seals, without exposing them to the mentioned pressure unbalance. in this way the dlcfb reactor system reached automatically a stable configuration, showing good margins of operability. afterwards the fr fluidizing system was modified, shifting the secondary air injections to a higher position. in this way the fr bottom pressure was reduced making the overall system more easily operable and the sealing of the internal return legs of the loops-seals could be removed. an example of the obtained pressure profiles are shown in figure and are between turbulent and fast cfb fluidization regimes. in the test shown in figure the tsi in the system was approximately kg while the mass inventories in the ar and fr were kg and kg, respectively. the mass in the reactor bodies was estimated by means of the measured pressure profiles, neglecting frictional and acceleration losses [ ]. a solids flow of . kg s - (corresponding to a flux of kg m - s - ) was entrained by the ar with a superficial gas velocity of . m s - while the fr entrained . kg s - (corresponding to a flux of kg m - s - ) with a superficial gas velocity of . m s - . the remaining . kg s - of particles flow necessary to achieve steady state were sent to the ar by means of the bottom lift/extraction operated with turbulent fluidization at m s - of superficial gas velocity and a solids flux corresponding to kg m - s - . more experiments to partially equilibrate . . . . . . . cooling panels s ol id s f lo w [k g s- ] ( s ol id s f lu x [k g m s- ] ) nl/min ( %- %- %) nl/min ( %- %- %) nl/min ( %- %- %) nl/min ( %- %- %) (bott.) (mid.) (up) (bott.+mid.) ( ) . ( . ) ( . ) . ( . ) . ( . ) . ( . ) . ( . ) . ( . ) . ( . ) - pressure relative to ambient pressure [mbar] r ea ct or h ei gh t [ m ] ar, ~ . kg/s fr, ~ . kg/s figure . solids flow/flux measurements with cooling panels insertions in different configurations. figure . pressure profiles measurement, coupled operation of air reactor (ar) and fuel reactor (fr). a. bischi et al. / energy procedia ( ) – the pressures between the lower sections of the reactors are on going. one of them is a reduction of the tsi which will decrease the pressures in the lower sections of the reactors. another one is the utilization of the backpressure valves located at the cyclones exit in order to increase the ar backpressure, thus the pressure at the ar bottom. this solution will not be so straightforward because of all the interconnections between the ar and fr bodies, thus the pressure changes in one of them will affect to some extent also the other. among the possible modifications of the loop-seals the introduction of a cone valve in each of their internal leg has proven to be an effective solution in order to face pressure difference between reactors. in fact the operation with a sealing can be considered equivalent to a cone valve fully closed. on the other hand, operating the dlcfb reactor system in a way which doesn’t rely too much on active control (e.g. backpressure valves or cone valves) is more in line with the original design basis of the reactor system. therefore the height where the loop-seals return legs, both the internal and external, are merging with the reactors can be lifted to a value where the pressure in the reactor bodies is decreased enough to make the system more easily operable with a wider stable operational window. this may cause residence time reduction and increase the risk of leakages of gas carried by the entrained solids from one reactor to the other [ ], but will for sure increase the intrinsic stability of the system. conclusions and outlook the full scale cold flow model of a second generation chemical looping combustion reactor system was commissioned and its performance with high density geldart a particles was tested at a wide range of operating conditions. the fluidizing system design was verified as well as the fraction of the kinetic losses on the overall reactor pressure drop. the suitability of an indirect measurement technique of the solids flow/flux entrainment was evaluated and compared to a more conventional direct one based on visual measurement of mass accumulation. a simplified error assessment of the direct solids flow/flux measurement was done, and the influence of the total solids inventory control and distribution on the measured values was highlighted. the cyclone efficiency was also estimated together with its influence on the abovementioned solids inventory control. a comprehensive understanding of the stable operational window of the air and fuel reactor systems tested separately was obtained. the solids flow/flux entrainment and the pressure profiles along the air reactor and the fuel reactor were analyzed as well as their sensitivity to the parameters: superficial gas velocity, secondary air injection, solids inventory and loop-seal fluidization. especially the way the loop-seal affects the reactors performance was systematically analyzed in order to find the best combination of air flow to the central, internal and lateral air injections. the loop-seals showed the capability of circulating the required solid flow, even if a clear trend was not found on how they ideally should be operated in order to attain a sharp and exact control. therefore the fluidizing system of the loop-seals needs to be improved. furthermore, the overall double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system performance was verified. a pressure difference was experienced between the lower sections of the two reactors, thus between the two loop-seals return legs. this made the operation of the overall system difficult. better control was obtained sealing the internal legs of the divided loop-seals, as if a cone valve, % closed, was inserted. finally, by modifying the fr secondary fluidization positions and changing the fluidizing air distribution it was possible to reduce the pressure unbalance and establish a stable solids exchange between the reactors. to that respect the system showed to be flexible and automatically adjusted the amount of solids in the downcomers to fulfil the overall pressure balance requirements. acknowledgments this publication forms a part of the bigco project, performed under the strategic norwegian research program climit. the authors acknowledge the partners: statoil, ge global research, statkraft, aker clean carbon, shell, total, conocophillips, alstom, the research council of norway ( /i and /i ) and gassnova ( ) for their support. a. bischi et al. / energy procedia ( ) – references [ ] encap deliverable d . . , . power systems evaluation and benchmarking – public version, url: www.encapco .org. [ ] bischi, a., langørgen, Ø, saanum, i., bakken, j., seljeskog, m., bysveen, m., morin, j.-x., bolland, o., . design study of a kwth double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system for chemical looping combustion with focus on industrial applicability and pressurization. int. j. greenhouse gas control., doi: . /j.ijggc. . . . [ ] pröll, t., ruspanovits, k., kolbitsch, p., bolhàr-nordenkampf, j., hofbauer, h., . cold flow model study on a dual circulating fluidized bed system for chemical looping processes. chem. eng. technol. ( ), - . [ ] knowlton, t.m., karri, s.b.r., issangya, a., . scale-up of fluidized-bed hydrodynamics. powder technol. ( ), - . [ ] lim, k.s., zhu, j.x., grace, j.r., . hydrodynamics of gas-solid fluidization. int. j. multiphase flow. (suppl. ), - . [ ] geldart, d., . types of gas fluidization. powder technol. ( ), - . [ ] baeyens, j., geldart, d., wu, s.y., . elutriation of fines from gas fluidized beds of geldart a-type powders – effect of adding superfines. powder technol. ( ), - . [ ] de vos, w., nicol, w., du toit, e., . entrainment behaviour of high-density geldart a powders with different shapes. powder technol. ( ), - . [ ] bischi, a., langørgen, Ø., morin, j.-x., bakken, j., bysveen, m., bolland, o., . design and performance of a full scale cold flow model of an innovative chemical looping combustion reactor system. in: st international conference on chemical looping, lyon, france, http://www.ifp.com/actualites/evenements/congres-et-conferences/organises-par-ifp-energies nouvelles/rs- chemical-looping. [ ] nicolai, r., . experimentelle untersuchungen zur strömungsmechanik in einer hochexpandierten zirkulierenden gas/feststoff-wirbelschicht. ph.d. thesis, eidigenössischen technischen hochschule (eth), zürich, switzerland. [ ] vgb powertech, . gas distributor plates in fluidized bed systems. in: vgb powertech service gmbh. essen, germany. [ ] shi, d., . fluiddynamik und wärmeübergang in einer zirkulierenden wirbeschicht. ph.d. thesis, eidigenössischen technischen hochschule (eth), zürich, switzerland. [ ] goedicke, f., . strömungsmechanik und wärmeübergang in zirkulierenden wirbeschichten. ph.d. thesis. eidigenössischen technischen hochschule (eth), zürich, switzerland. [ ] fassani, f.l., goldstain, l.j., . a study of the effect of high inlet solids loading on a cyclone separator pressure drop and collection efficiency. powder technol. ( - ), - . [ ] kunii, d., levenspiel, o., . circulating fluidized-bed reactors. chem. eng. sci. ( ), - . [ ] basu, p., butler, j., . studies on the operation of loop-seal in circulating fluidized bed boilers. applied energy. ( ), - . [ ] kim, s.w., namkung, w., kim, s.d., . solid recycle characteristics of loop-seals in a circulating fluidized bed. chem. eng. technol. ( ), - . [ ] issangya, a.s., bai, d., bi, h.t., lim, k.s., zhu, j., grace, j.r., . suspension densities in a high-density circulating fluidized bed riser. chem. eng science. ( ), - . [ ] geldart, d., broodryk, n., kerdoncuff, a., . studies on the flow of solids down cyclone diplegs. powder technol. ( ), - . a. bischi et al. / energy procedia ( ) – paper iii “hydrodynamic viability of chemical looping processes by means of cold flow model investigation”, applied energy ( ), article in press. doi: . /j.apenergy. . . . is not included due to copyright paper iv “double loop circulating fluidized bed reactor system for two reactions processes based on pneumatically controlled divided loop-seals and bottom extraction/lift”, powder technology (submitted). is not included due to copyright "lady teachers" and the genteel roots of teacher organization in gilded age cities history of education society "lady teachers" and the genteel roots of teacher organization in gilded age cities author(s): karen leroux source: history of education quarterly, vol. , no. (summer, ), pp. - published by: history of education society stable url: http://www.jstor.org/stable/ . accessed: / / : your use of the jstor archive indicates your acceptance of the terms & conditions of use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . jstor is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. we use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. for more information about jstor, please contact support@jstor.org. . history of education society is collaborating with jstor to digitize, preserve and extend access to history of education quarterly. http://www.jstor.org this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublisher?publishercode=hes http://www.jstor.org/stable/ ?origin=jstor-pdf http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp "lady teachers" and the genteel roots of teacher organization in gilded age cities karen leroux may the work of the l.t.a. go on ever upward and onward-gaining ground year by year; so that in future it will have its voice in the community, not low & sweet-but clear and resonant showing power and strength; may it gain that strength by increased membership, held together by strong bonds of love. let us then be up and doing, with a heart for any fate; still achieving, still pursuing learn to labor and to wait.' miss ophelia s. newell believed that teachers occupied a public office of unappreciated responsibility. as the secretary of the lady teachers' association (lta) in boston, she penned these hopeful remarks as a coda to her annual report, borrowing the last stanza of a popular henry wadsworth longfellow poem. for newell and her fellow teachers, "learn to labor and to wait" underscored their steadfast commitment to the schools. they founded the association attempting to bring womewteachers "nearer together in sympathy and friendship and also for a mutual benefit in debate and parliamentary rules." frustrated with being "accused of a lack of enthusiasm in our profession," they hoped such criticism could "be remedied by an organization of this kind." honing their debating skills represented one of karen leroux is an assistant professor of history at drake university. she received a ph.d. in history from northwestern university in . she would like to thank nancy k. maclean and stacey m. robertson for their encouragement and suggestions. financial support for this research was provided by the massachusetts historical society, the board of alumnae of northwestern university, and the spencer foundation. this essay won the history of education society's henry barnard prize as the best essay by a graduate student. february secretary's report, volume i, box , [boston] lady teachers' association [hereafter lta] records, massachusetts historical society. -'minutes of first meeting [undated], volume i, box , lta. study of parliamentary rules was common in early teachers' organizations, see marjorie murphy, "from artisan to semi-professional: white collar unionism among chicago public school teachers, ," (ph.d. diss., university of california-davis, ), . history of education quarterly vol. no. summer this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp the genteel roots of teacher organization the women's objectives, but they aspired to do more than polish their chances for professional advancement. through association, these women hoped to provide each other with the professional and social security they needed. the drumbeat of demands for teachers' selfless service to the public presupposed access to resources that most women teachers lacked. most were unmarried or widowed; they did not enjoy the family support that enabled middle-class women to work for community betterment without concern about remuneration. school boards employed men with the presumption that they supported themselves and sometimes others, but they did not extend that recognition to women, regardless of their family status. obtaining school employment required some education and social graces, marking women who taught as socially privileged while masking their financial plight. to protect their precarious independence in the wage-based urban economy, women organized among themselves to replace the kinds of family support they had foregone. like many other nineteenth-century americans, teachers looked to voluntary organization to fulfill needs unmet by either family or state. they enlisted the "sympathy and friendship" of other teachers as a substitute safety net. most narratives of teacher activism begin at the turn of the twentieth century. though historians acknowledge the formation of earlier local associations, they tend to dismiss them as merely "social organizations." the clubs that teachers formed between the s and s were indeed social, but i argue that their social character did not preclude serious occupational concerns. this research reveals urban women appropriating elements of educator associations, women's self-improvement societies, and fraternal orders to protect themselves against loss of income due to illness and infirmity, while attempting to strengthen their position as female professionals in the service of the public. gilded-age "lady teachers" began to develop a collective identity, construct networks to protect themselves from dependency, and formulate a critique of their peculiar employment relationship with the state. "it is a high crime and misdemeanor," one teacher wrote in , "for the state to ask teachers to expend their best energies in the instruction of her youth, and then require them to use the balance in solving the problem of how to make the week's wages meet the week's necessary expenses." how could a self-supporting teacher labor selflessly and still fulfill obligations to her landlord and other creditors? like professionals, women teachers viewed their skilled service to others as part of an exchange that ought to make possible the self-sufficiency required by good citizenship. yet they were tor one example, see wayne j. urban, why teachers organized (detroit: wayne state university press, ), . "the teacher's profession," journal of education, may , . this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp histowy of edutcation quarterly not like professionals; they were women obliged to sacrifice themselves in the service of the schools. confronting this untenable dilemma, boston teachers dubbed themselves "inexperienced citoyennes" and attempted to reconstruct genteel public service as a basis for their claims on the state and a means to their empowerment. embracing the moral distinction between serving the public and working merely for wages, they hoped their public service would translate into desired professional privileges. from the s until the turn of the century, teachers' clubs formed in cities small and large, including boston, buffalo, chicago, cincinnati, minneapolis, and st. paul. these organizations, typically local, sometimes represented a single neighborhood. highly attuned to hierarchy, they often defined themselves by their gender or rank in the schools. status consciousness had implications for organization: by , the city of boston (not including its suburbs) had at least eleven different teachers' organizations and st. paul had at least four. most of these organizations either kept poor records or failed to preserve them, but two associations-one in boston and one in st. paul-kept detailed minutes of meetings which form the basis of this study. seemingly unexplored by previous historians, these sources show strikingly similar concerns about teachers' income security and comparable strategies taken to address them. indeed, teachers' clubs in different parts of the country shared advice on programs, organization, and membership. this essay peers into these local associations, where teachers began to trace the practical difficulties they experienced to their vulnerable status as professionals, women, and citizens. the boston women who founded the lta sought self-culture, friendship, and mutual aid-opportunities unavailable to them in the m.p. colburn, "lady teachers' associations," journal of education, december , . the lady teachers' association in boston formed in , the women teachers' association in buffalo in ; the chicago teachers' club in , and the st. paul grade teachers' association in . minneapolis teachers organized sometime before ; and teachers in chicago formed the school mistresses' club sometime in the s. see "teachers' organizations in buffalo," education (may ), ; julia e. sullivan, "the boston teachers club: - ," boston teachers'newsletter : (december ), ; michael j. mcdonough, "st. paul federation of teachers, fifty years of service, - ," in folder , box , series v, st. paul federation of teachers collection, [hereafter stptf collection] walter reuther library; financial secretary to mr. thos. mclachlan, november , folder: sept-dec , box , chicago teachers' federation papers, (hereafter ctf) chicago historical society; john t. mcmanis, ella flagg young and a half-century of the chicago public schools (chicago: a.c. mcclurg & co, ), ; ella f. young, "women in education in illinois," journal of proceedings of the th annual meeting of the illinois state teachers association and sections (carbondale: ista, ), - . the lady teachers' association in boston recorded inquiries from teachers in distant cities like louisville ky, as did chicago teachers. see minutes of meetings, march entry, volume i, box , lta; j.e. mckean to catharine goggin, december , folder: , box , ctf. they also made inquiries with other associations, see minutes of meetings, march entry, volume i, box , lta; sullivan, "boston teachers club," . this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp the genteel roots of teacher organization wor-kplace or from existing educator associations or women's clubs. all unmarried or widowed, they described yearning to create between them "a nearer bond than that which exists." country schoolteachers endured long separations from friends and family, but even those in city schools complained of feeling isolated in their classrooms. progressive educator ella flagg young explained how teachers' working conditions left them feeling detached, powerless, and lonely in her book, isolation in the schools. teaching in the chicago area since the s, young synthesized the problems she had seen throughout her career. by "establishing a means of mutual improvement and culture in teachers, and assistance as friends," these boston teachers hoped to alleviate the sense of alienation young would eventually address. state and national teachers' associations did not offer women a sense of belonging either. quite the opposite, they kept women at the margins of membership. dominated by men, annual meetings of the national education association (nea) brought a few high-achieving women to the attention of the profession. but the nea made no effort to develop local branches and thus held limited appeal for women whose small salaries left little to pay membership fees and travel to annual meetings. moreover, the nea downplayed problems of teacher pay and welfare, issues far more important to women than comparatively well-paid men. though female teachers had outnumbered males since the civil war, nea meetings continued to attract more men until , when organizers made an effort to appeal to female delegates as a "penance for past shortcomings."'" larger numbers of women attended state association meetings. yet even when the numbers of women exceeded the men, few women joined in discussions. in massachusetts, well-known and accomplished teachers like electa walton and annie e. johnson might decry "the injustice which every woman teacher suffers in this commonwealth," but the women for whom they claimed to speak often preferred to keep silent. many urged the "necessity for both local and general organizations among lady teachers ... to accustom ... members to speaking on the various questions of the day, constitutions and , minutes of meetings february and march , volume i, box , lta. on feelings of isolation, see december , december , january and february entries, louise bailey diaries ( microfilm edition, ) state historical society of wisconsin; katherine reddington morgan, ed., my ever dear daughter, my own dear mother: the correspondence of julia stone towne and mary julia towne, - (iowa city: university of iowa press, ); and "a fit of the blues," western journal of education, (august ): - . ella flagg young, isolation in the schools (chicago: university of chicago press, ); jackie m. blount, destined to rule the schools: women and the superintendent, - (albany: state university of new york press, ), ; minutes of meetings february , volume i, box , lta. "a word from a country teacher," woman's journal, november , ; edgar b. wesley, nea: the first hundred years, the building of the teaching profession (new york: harper & brothers, ), , quotation is from . this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp history of edication quarterly and for systematizing plans for the improvement of their position." i lack of practice in public speaking, however, was not the only problem women teachers needed to overcome. when male superintendents and principals controlled meetings, female teachers weighed carefully the costs and benefits of participation. some teachers' meetings did not invite discussion. male supervisors used the guise of voluntary association to bring teachers to administrative meetings, often on saturdays, without having to pay for their time. teachers were not invited to meetings like these to engage in discussions of interest to them but to receive instructions from their supervisors. although deemed "voluntary" meetings, the men presiding often determined teachers' reemployment each year. decades later, american federation of teachers activist ruth gillette hardy labeled these male-led teachers' associations as "company unions," observing that they operated in the interest of school authorities, not teachers. the didactic nature of these meetings often carried over to state and national association meetings, suggesting why many women teachers chose not to attend and why the men leading them complained about women's lack of enthusiasm and commitment to teaching. in a session on primary teaching at a state association meeting, one woman observed that of the hundred or more women in attendance, only three joined in the discussion. in contrast, she noted that "every gentleman present spoke, some more than once, though probably, with [one] exception ..., not one of them had ever actually taught a primary school."'' women comprised the majority of teachers, but male educators' power inhibited their participation. gilded-age women's clubs offered teachers only slightly more of a sense of inclusion. in boston, the new england women's club (newc) and the woman's education association (wea) sponsored public meetings on education, occasionally inviting teachers to speak. strong supporters of self-improvement and community betterment initiatives, these elite groups also organized lectures to help teachers supplement their knowledge of ""massachusetts teachers convention," woman's journal, january , . annie e. johnson became the first woman principal of a state normal school in massachusetts in . she quit in for a higher paying position. electa walton also taught in several massachusetts state normal schools, serving temporarily as principal in when cyrus pierce became ill. she was passed over for the permanent appointment, which went to a man. see "gov. bullock's remarks," thirtieth annual report of the board of education [massachusetts] (boston: wright & potter, ), - ; "framingham," thirty-ninth annual report of the board of education [massachusetts] (boston: wright & potter, ), - ; and historical sketches of the framingham state normal school (framingham: alumnae association, ), , , - . "the teachers meeting yesterday," st. paul daily press, october , roll , frame , annals of minnesota microfilm, minnesota historical society (hereafter annals). for another example see minute books, box , folder , atlanta normal schools, georgia department of archives and history. ruth gillette hardy, "historical setting of the american federation of teachers," folder , box , stpft; "massachusetts teachers convention," woman's journal, january , . this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp the genteel roots of teacher organization advanced subjects like chemistry, geology, and rhetoric." perhaps most importantly, women's clubs in cities around the nation organized to place members on school and library boards, hoping to bring their influence to bear on public education in ways that teachers could not. focusing on shared educational attainments and moral values, many americans regarded teachers and club women as natural allies, despite their class differences." at best, however, club women treated teachers as junior partners in educational reform. the wea boasted that club work placed members "en rapport with the actual practical work of teaching," but the organization tended to treat teachers as objects of reform or as gatekeepers whose support was needed for reform initiatives to succeed. even ednah dow cheney, a newc member and long-time champion of gender alliances between reformers and teachers, thought teachers could benefit from the "advice and guidance" of club women but failed to consider how much club women could learn from teachers as well. the wea claimed to seek teachers as members, even waiving membership fees for them, but like most elite women's clubs, it did not even schedule meetings so that working teachers could attend. though it could count most of the city's female school officers among the membership, few public school teachers joined. still, lta members invited club women, as well as male educators, to their meetings as honored guests and speakers. teachers cultivated these relationships for the social and professional advantages they might bring but always with the knowledge that economic necessity and lack of political influence rendered them "a group apart."" "report of the committee on education," woman's journal, july , ; "women and public schools: a report to n.e. woman's club," woman's journal, august , ; third annual report of the woman's education association of boston, (boston: alfred mudge & son, ), - ; annualreport ofthe woman's educational association (boston: alfred mudge & son, ), ; polly welts kaufman, boston women and city school politics, - (new york: garland, ), - . on similar developments between club women and teachers in chicago, see maureen flanagan, seeing with their hearts: chicago women and the vision of the good city, - (princeton: princeton university press, ), . julia a. sprague, a history of the new england women's club from to (boston: lee & shepard, ), ; kaufman, boston women; flanagan, seeing with their hearts, . the minneapolis woman's school and library organization worked to place women on school and library boards. see box , volumes and , political equality club of minneapolis records, minnesota historical society. atlanta women undertook similar initiatives in the s. see scrapbook ( ), atlanta women's club collection, atlanta history center. xs second annual report of the woman's education association of boston, - (boston: alfred mudge & son, ), , - . see also first annual report of the woman's education association for the year ending january , (boston: w.l. deland, ), , ; third annual report of the woman's education association of boston, . (boston: alfred mudge & son, ), , - ; and annual report ofthe woman's education association for the year ending january , (boston: alfred mudge & son, ), ; ednah dow cheney, "place of women in our public schools," woman's journal, october , , ; sprague, history of the new england women's club, ; kaufman, boston women, ; "st. paul federation of women teachers," p.l in folder: , box: , series ii, stpft. this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp history of edlucation quarter-ly the source of women teachers' marginalization was the simple fact that most women who taught were unmarried or widowed and needed to earn their living. the antebellum practice of hiring young women to spell off the men who taught winter schools paved the way for school boards to replace higher-paid male teachers with women in need of income."f the civil war and western migration contributed to rising numbers of widows and spinsters seeking employment, casting new attention on the inequalities of a market economy which presumed "all men supported all women." the oversupply of unmarried women needing employment became the stock explanation for why women teachers were so poorly paid, but women's rights activists like mary livermore, a former teacher who became an honorary member of the lta, countered that it was not the quantity of women seeking employment but the few lines of work open to them that fostered the excess of women workers and depressed their wages. in a narrow field of options, teaching became especially sought-after work because it conferred the respectability of motherhood on self-supporting women.' teachers could take pride that their work served the nation's children and remained at a distance from the market. women's work in schools set them apart from other wage-earning women, creating a new and growing category of economically needy but morally deserving single women. some women taught until they married, but others saw in teaching a potential alternative to marriage and family life. after the civil war, the prospect of living apart from family was becoming a real, though difficult, life choice for women. changes in attitudes towards matrimony led the journal the nation to ask "why is the single life becoming more general?" the answer described singlehood as a personal choice, not merely the result of a demographic shift: "men and women can less easily find anyone whom they are willing to. take as a partner for life; their requirements are more exacting; their standards of excellence higher; they are less able to find any who satisfy their own ideal and less able to satisfy anybody else's ideal."' lfiantebellum schools often employed a male teacher in the winter and a female teacher in the summer, when the older boys were likely to be working. schools replaced male teachers with women to economize on labor costs. kathryn kish sklar, "the schooling of girls and changing community values in massachusetts towns, - ," history of education quarterly (winter ): - . lee virginia chambers-schiller, liberty, a better husband. single women in america: the generations of - (new haven: yale university press, ), . quotation is from mary a. livermore, what shall we do with our daughters? (boston: lee & shepard, ), , also . see also caroline h. dall, "woman's right to labor, " or, low wages and hard work (boston: walker, wise & co., ), esp. - ; and virginia penny, the employments of women: a cyclopedia of woman's work (boston: walker, wise, & co, ), - ; "too respectable!" journal of education, october , - ; hiram orcutt, "a circular letter to public school teachers," journal of education, january , . l the nation, march , quoted in zsuzsa berend, "the best or none! spinsterhood in nineteenth-century new england," journal of social history (summer ): . this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp the genteel roots of teacher organization teachers' responses to marriage confirm the article's thesis. when members of the lta announced nuptials, their colleagues celebrated their good fortune to find a man worthy of matrimony. though marriage and motherhood were idealized, those who did not find a man were not pitied. far better not to marry than to make a bad match or risk a "degrading alliance." no longer simply a temporary condition of women in their youth, singlehood became understood as a perfectly respectable decision not to settle for an unworthy man. nineteenth-century spinsterhood, as historian zsuzsa berend has shown, signified a woman's "uncompromising morality," and came to represent "a respectable variation on motherhood rather than its antithesis." calls for professionalizing the work of teachers reinforced the development of teaching as unmarried women's work. harvard university president charles w. eliot denied women's potential as professional teachers because marriage prevented them from devoting their lives to work beyond the family circle. putting eliot's views into practice, one school superintendent explained: "[j]n every contract with a teacher there is an implied stipulation that he shall put his whole being into his work .... this is a service which admits no divided empire .... it must have the whole heart or it is nothing." while a man could marry and still "put his whole being" into his school or profession, few believed a woman could do both. the growing emphasis on affective labor in teaching and the rising respectability of spinsterhood, however, led the reverend a.d. mayo to spearhead arguments for single women as lifelong professionals in the service of the schools. he preached that "public instruction in america cannot be conducted by teachers who come to it with half a mind, regard it a hateful drudgery, and toil with mechanical stolidity while the soul is far away. it demands the complete consecration of human powers. it is a thing to work up to, to pray over, to purify one's self for." alluding to male teachers who aspired to more lucrative and prestigious employment, mayo envisioned a professional corps of spinster teachers wholly devoted to the vocation of teaching. coupled with the assumption that respectable women had families to support them, mayo's arguments helped shape postbellum education as a low-paying branch of public service employing mostly single women. "the matrimony clause," brooklyn eagle, february , ; minutes of meetings: february entry; also see june entry, volume i, box , and annual report of secretary for sept , p. , volume ii, box , lta; berend, "best or none," . also on positive views of spinsterhood, see ruth freeman and patricia klaus, "blessed or not: the spinster in england and the united states in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries," journal of family history (october ), . charles w. eliot, "wise and unwise economy in the schools," journal of 'education, may , ; "school committees' reports," thirty-ninth annual report of the board of education [massachusetts] (boston: wright & potter, ), ; "american teachers," minnesota teacher (september ): . this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp histo;y of education quarterly regarding teachers as models of purity and patriotism, northern school boards continued to hire teachers with the image of white republican motherhood in mind. the teaching corps in nineteenth-century city public schools remained far more segregated and ethnically homogeneous than their classrooms. school boards seldom hired women who were not native born and english-speaking. even as late as , one source reported nearly three-quarters of teachers were native-born, though growing numbers had one foreign-born parent. only the daughters of irish immigrants made significant inroads into teaching, comprising about one-quarter of the teachers in several northern cities in the early twentieth century. yet even in boston, where irish families had settled for decades, school board preferences for hiring yankee protestants kept the numbers of irish-american teachers low until the turn of the century. ' very few black women found employment in northern public schools. though a number attended state normal schools in massachusetts-charlotte forten and olivia davidson among them-one black normal graduate who applied for a position in the boston public schools was reportedly told, "go down south among your own people." while some states willingly trained blacks as teachers, blacks stood little chance of teaching in public schools that were not strictly segregated. some light-skinned black women probably worked in public schools while passing as white, but nineteenth-century northern school boards seldom knowingly employed blacks, unless they were hired to teach in all-black schools. urban, why teachers organized, ; lotus d. coffman, the social composition of the teaching population (new york: teachers college, columbia university, ), - , . irish-american women comprised about percent of teachers in boston and san francisco and about percent in chicago and new york by the s. see janet nolan, servants of the poor: teachers and mobility in ireland and irish america (university of notre dame press, ); john l. rury, education and social change: themes in the history of american schooling (mahwah nj: lawrence erlbaum, ), ; kaufman, boston women, - , n , . "before , boston public schools reportedly employed only one black teacher full time, as well as one substitute and three evening teachers who were black. elizabeth hafkin pleck, black migration and poverty: boston - (new york: academic press, ), . sarah deutsch found four black women teaching in "greater boston's public schools" by ; they included miss maria l. baldwin, miss hattie smith, and miss gertrude mabel baker. see women and the city: gender, space and power in boston, - (new york: oxford university press, ), , n . baldwin was principal of an interracial cambridge, massachusetts public school from until . see dorothy porter wesley, "maria louise baldwin," in black women in america: an historical encyclopedia, darlene clark hine, elsa barkley brown, and rosalyn terborg-penn, eds. (bloomington: indiana university press, ), - . forten attended the state normal school at salem. see brenda stevenson, ed. the journals of charlotte forten grimk? (new york: oxford university press, ). davidson attended the state normal school at framingham. see olivia a. davidson to ednah cheney, august , folder # , ednah dow cheney papers, boston public library. john b. reid found a few black teachers in nineteenth-century detroit and chicago; nearly all taught in segregated schools located in black neighborhoods. see john b. reid, "a this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp the genteel roots of teacher organization school boards' preference for hiring white spinsters of respectability was inextricably tied to the women's race, class, and marital status. they assumed that without families in need of their labor, unmarried white women could choose to devote themselves to the public schools. the boston school committee regarded normal school graduates as the "daughters of our citizens," presupposing their family dependency. school boards across the nation defended low salaries paid to women, contending that they lived in comfortable homes, had no dependents to support, and needed no more than a token wage for a few years until they found a husband who could provide as their father had. even the massachusetts bureau of labor statistics acknowledged that women teachers did not earn enough to support themselves-sometimes less than needlewomen and factory operatives but justified their low pay arguing that teachers, unlike other working women, could rely on relatives and friends to meet living expenses. while school boards continued to imagine that teachers' families supported them, teachers' difficulties supporting themselves proved all too real. the lure of higher-paying work in city schools separated women from their homes. in minneapolis teachers reported only percent could live with family members if they chose; percent had come to the city on their own. newspapers poked fun at the things teachers did to supplement their earnings: "schoolma'ams run reapers during vacation in dougals county" sneered the minneapolis tribune. the image of refined city teachers running heavy farming equipment made for humorous headlines, but it spoke directly to the inability of women teachers to support themselves. former teacher and suffrage lecturer mary f. eastman charged the nation treated teachers like half-paupers, denying them wages for two months of the year. even teachers expert enough to lead state teachers' institutes, like career to build, a people to serve, a purpose to accomplish: race, class, gender and detroit's first black women teachers, - ," in "we specialize in the wholly impossible": a reader in black women's history, darlene clark hine, wilma king, linda reed, eds. (brooklyn: carlson, ), ; and "race, class, gender and the teaching profession: african american schoolteachers of the urban midwest, - ," (ph.d. diss., michigan state university, ), . on black women's mostly private school teaching, see stephanie j. shaw, what a woman ought to be and to do: black professional women workers during the jim crow era (chicago: university of chicago press, ). on passing, james weldon johnson, the autobiography of an ex-coloured man ( ; new york: vintage, ); nella larsen, passing ( ; new york: collier, ). "reportof the board," thirtieth annual report of the board of education [massachusetts] (boston: wright & potter, ), , ; "report of the committee on normal school, march ," box: , boston school committee records, boston public library (hereafter bsc); "report of visitors of the normal schools-bridgewater," thirty-ninth annual report of the board of education [massachusetts] (boston: wright & potter, ), ; "teachers' salaries," journal ofeducation june , . for the criticism of massachusetts bureau of labor statistics see "new england woman suffrage association: address of mary f. eastman," woman's journal, may , . this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp history, of education qzarterly may church, had trouble piecing together a living. emphasizing her plight as a widowed mother, she appealed to a new female county superintendent for help locating summer employment: "my wages amount to only three hundred and twenty dollars here and you know that will not with closest economy last twelve months when one has a family of four and board to pay. " teachers' wage dependency became impossible to ignore after the depression of the s, when numerous cities slashed women teachers' salaries while preserving other public employees' pay. widespread retrenchments exposed the fallacy that women teachers enjoyed family support, but instead of placing them on an equal footing with other wage earners, revelations of their dependency put teachers in the ironic position of needing to defend their moral fitness to teach. women's prowess as teachers had long been assumed to be rooted in domesticity, but neither the overcrowded classrooms of city schools nor the rough-hewn surroundings of country schoolhouses shared much in common with the fictive sanctuary of the middle-class home. women perceived to work for material rather than spiritual rewards ran the risk of being dismissed as unfit to teach. in her pursuit of more money, may church attempted to preempt criticism by emphasizing her tragic, "unprotected" status and all the professional institutes she had led. she also addressed her appeals to a superintendent who was a former teacher and had experienced her own share of financial troubles. other educators proved less sympathetic. addressing primary teachers in boston, reformer and future school supervisor louisa hopkins acknowledged that teachers' pay ought to be better, but she blithely advised, "in the meantime you must bear up as best you may." infusing feminine benevolence and middle-class morality into the definition of teacher professionalism, she insisted teaching was "too noble a work and too near your heart to be measured by money." discounting women teachers' financial needs, hopkins called for their sacrifices as proof of their fitness for the privilege of teaching. "if you merely jurgen herbst, and sadly teach: teacher education and professionalization in american culture (madison: university of wisconsin press, ), ; "teachers' salaries: what the teachers of minneapolis have to ̂y," journal of education, june , ; minneapolis tribune, august , roll , frame , annals; "new england woman suffrage association: address of mary f. eastman," woman's journal, may , ; may church to sarah christie stevens, february , folder feb-mar , box , james c. christie and family papers(hereafter jcc), minnesota historical society. on depleted city treasuries and subsequent retrenchments, see murphy, "from artisan to semi-pro fessional," - ; david b. tyack, the one best system: a history of american urban education (cambridge: harvard university press, ), - ; kaufman, boston women, ; "women teachers," woman's journal, december : ; annual report of the school committee of boston, (boston: rockwell and churchill, ), - ; "teachers' salaries," journal of 'education, march : . this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp the genteel roots of teacher organization want high wages, and teach only because you can get your living by it, you are not a teacher in any high sense of the term." by organizing, women teachers attempted to defend themselves as female professionals. lta founders agonized over the public image they conveyed. they considered calling themselves the teachers' club but decided that "club" had masculine connotations and might be perceived as a challenge to the existing principals' club. their concerns had a precedent in boston. six years earlier newc founders had the same debate, some members shying away from the word "club" and others insisting that it would mark their organization with a "combination of sociability and freedom" and "a degree of exclusiveness." while the elite women of the newc decided the gamble worthwhile, teachers were unwilling to risk reproach for not knowing their place. they settled on calling themselves an "association," only to confront fears that a women teachers' association would be confused with a women's suffrage association. ultimately they arrived at the name lady teachers' association, a prudent choice they thought would reflect their genteel, not strident, pursuit of professionalism. teachers in other cities likely went through the same process, for that name was not unique to boston. but prudence failed the boston teachers. male principals mounted a "strenuous opposition" to their proposed organization, attempting to discredit the women as agitators. but as lta president lucy c. bartlett explained, the lta did not seek to be associated with either the woman question or the labor question, but rather to "be a teacher's union in the highest sense of that term." they worried that even the perception of political ambitions might hinder their occupational aspirations. instead lta members pursued an agenda of reform and self-help, emphasizing their ladyhood in an attempt to make it commensurate with professionalism and wage earning. karen halttunen, confidence men and painted women: a study of middle-class culture, - (new haven: yale university press, ), - ; may church to sarah christie stevens, february , folder feb-mar , box , jcc; jean christie, "sarah christie stevens, schoolwoman," minnesota history (summer ): - ; louisa p. hopkins, "an address to primary school teachers," journal of education, ( november ): . see also rev. e.a. rand, "the teachers high privilege," journal of education, september : . minutes of first meeting [undated], volume i, box , lta; sprague, ; "lady teachers' association," woman's journal, november : . for another women's club, sorosis, with similar concerns about their name, see karen j. blair, the clubwoman as feminist: true womanhood redefined, - (new york: holmes & meier, ), - . isabella l. bissett, "fifty years of the l.t.a.," boston teachers' newsletter n.d. [ ?], , massachusetts historical society. the formation of the chicago teachers' club in also incited opposition from male principals. see financial secretary to mr. thos. mclachlan, november , folder: sept-dec , box , ctf papers. minutes of meetings, february , volume i, box , lta. also quoted in bissett, "fifty years," . on concerns about being labeled as suffragists, see "school-teachers," this content downloaded from . . . on tue, aug : : pm all use subject to jstor terms and conditions http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp history of education quarter