Untitled http://pps.sagepub.com/ Science Perspectives on Psychological http://pps.sagepub.com/content/8/5/521 The online version of this article can be found at: DOI: 10.1177/1745691613497965 2013 8: 521Perspectives on Psychological Science David J. Lick, Laura E. Durso and Kerri L. Johnson Minority Stress and Physical Health Among Sexual Minorities Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Association For Psychological Science can be found at:Perspectives on Psychological ScienceAdditional services and information for http://pps.sagepub.com/cgi/alertsEmail Alerts: http://pps.sagepub.com/subscriptionsSubscriptions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.navReprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navPermissions: by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Perspectives on Psychological Science 8(5) 521 –548 © The Author(s) 2013 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/1745691613497965 pps.sagepub.com In recent years, lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) civil rights have become a topic of intense sociopolitical debate. These debates have resulted in notable improve- ments for LGB individuals around the world, including the extension of partner benefits to same-sex couples and legal protections for LGB individuals who face hate crimes. In stark contrast to these legal successes is con- tinued social prejudice against LGB individuals, evi- denced by high suicide rates among LGB adolescents and social policies that espouse the death penalty for LGB adults (e.g., the Ugandan Anti-Homosexuality Bill). Although these incidents bring much-needed attention to LGB suicide and homicide, public and academic dis- courses have paid surprisingly little attention to the fact many LGB individuals also suffer disparities in everyday physical health relative to their heterosexual peers. These health difficulties are more common than suicide or homicide and incur serious costs to personal well-being and global public health, yet their determinants remain largely unstudied. In this review, we summarize the growing literature on LGB physical health disparities, outline the social determinants of those disparities, and provide a detailed agenda for future research on these important topics.1 LGB Lives in Public and Scientific Discourse Recent political debates have brought LGB people to the forefront of public sentiment, and their frequent experi- ences with prejudice and discrimination have received careful attention. Indeed, numerous scholarly reports have detailed high rates of antigay victimization, with one meta-analysis estimating that as many as 80% of LGB individuals experience some form of harassment through- out their lives (Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2012; see also Balsam, Rothblum, & Beauchaine, 2005; Berrill, 1992; Herek, Cogan, & Gillis, 2002). The public is increasingly aware of these sobering statistics: In the past several years, Internet users have posted over 50,000 It Gets Better vid- eos describing instances of violence against LGB indi- viduals, and viewers have watched these videos more than 50 million times (Savage & Miller, 2012). 497965PPSXXX10.1177/1745691613497965Lick et al.Sexual Minority Health research-article2013 Corresponding Author: David J. Lick, UCLA Department of Psychology, 1285 Franz Hall, Box 951563, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1563 E-mail: david.lick@ucla.edu Minority Stress and Physical Health Among Sexual Minorities David J. Lick1, Laura E. Durso2, and Kerri L. Johnson1,3 1Department of Psychology, University of California, Los Angeles; 2The Williams Institute, University of California, Los Angeles; and 3Department of Communication Studies, University of California, Los Angeles Abstract Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals suffer serious mental health disparities relative to their heterosexual peers, and researchers have linked these disparities to difficult social experiences (e.g., antigay victimization) and internalized biases (e.g., internalized homophobia) that arouse stress. A recent and growing body of evidence suggests that LGB individuals also suffer physical health disparities relative to heterosexuals, ranging from poor general health status to increased risk for cancer and heightened diagnoses of cardiovascular disease, asthma, diabetes, and other chronic conditions. Despite recent advances in this literature, the causes of LGB physical health problems remain relatively opaque. In this article, we review empirical findings related to LGB physical health disparities and argue that such disparities are related to the experience of minority stress—that is, stress caused by experiences with antigay stigma. In light of this minority stress model, we highlight gaps in the current literature and outline five research steps necessary for developing a comprehensive knowledge of the social determinants of LGB physical health. Keywords minority stress; health disparities; lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) health; sexual minority health by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 522 Lick et al. LGB victimization has become such a prominent topic in part because it is associated with significant functional impairment. Indeed, an extensive literature on minority stress suggests that LGB individuals face mental health disparities due to their frequent experiences with antigay stigma (Hatzenbuehler, 2009; Meyer, 2003). These dis- parities range from heightened odds of major depression and generalized anxiety (Cochran, Sullivan, & Mays, 2003; Gilman, Cochran, Mays, Ostrow, & Kessler, 2001) to disproportionate alcohol, tobacco, and illicit drug use (Burgard, Cochran, & Mays, 2005; Cochran, Keenan, Schober, & Mays, 2000) and heightened risk for both attempting (Cochran & Mays, 2000; Garofalo, Wolf, Wissow, Woods, & Goodman, 1999; Hatzenbuehler, 2011) and completing suicide (Richardson, 1995) relative to population averages. Despite strong evidence of mental health difficulties in LGB communities, studies of physical health have lagged behind. Of nearly 4 million studies about physical health published in English between 1980 and 1999, only 0.1% reported effects for LGB participants (Boehmer, 2002), and few explored LGB health outcomes unrelated to HIV/AIDS (Harcourt, 2006). By the year 2000, research on LGB physical health was so sparse that the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services identified LGB health as a primary focus of its Healthy People ini- tiative through the year 2020 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2010). In the wake of the Healthy People initiatives, nearly two dozen rigorous empirical studies have compared non-HIV-related physical health outcomes between LGB and heterosexual adults. Although knowledge of LGB physical health outcomes has begun to coalesce, extant findings span disciplines ranging from epidemiology to health psychology, medi- cine, and public health. Consequently, syntheses of rele- vant literature are lacking. Furthermore, comprehensive theories that incorporate previous findings about the causes and correlates of such disparities are practically nonexistent (Meads, Carmona, & Kelly, 2012). In this article, we offer a detailed review highlighting both the existence of LGB physical health disparities and their social determinants. We situate our review within a minority stress framework, arguing that difficult social experiences arouse stress for LGB people, in turn altering psychological processes, health behaviors, and physio- logical functioning, which ultimately compromise physi- cal health. We should note at the outset that there has been one other major effort to review the literature on LGB health, which documented mental as well as physi- cal health problems in LGB communities, including those related to HIV/AIDS (Institute of Medicine, 2011). In con- trast, our review focuses on physical health disparities that are not directly related to sexual activity, highlighting LGB health problems that have received limited attention in previous work. Our review also includes research pub- lished after the Institute of Medicine report, and therefore incorporates the most current evidence in this burgeon- ing field. Perhaps most importantly, the Institute of Medicine report listed minority stress as one of four frameworks for understanding LGB physical health, but its breadth precluded a detailed analysis of the ways in which minority stress gets under the skin to affect long- term physical health for LGB individuals. Our research pinpoints specific processes that may uniquely and inter- actively link social experiences to LGB physical health. As such, we view this article as an extension of previous work and an answer to recent calls for more detailed theorizing about the causes of physical health disparities related to sexual orientation (Harcourt, 2006; Institute of Medicine, 2011; Meads et al., 2012). LGB Physical Health Despite early inattention, research on LGB physical health has recently gained momentum. At present, there are a sufficient number of studies to reach preliminary conclu- sions about physical health difficulties in LGB communi- ties. We briefly synthesize these findings below, limiting our analysis to research published in English that describes health outcomes unrelated to sexually transmitted infec- tions, which have already received considerable attention. At times, we do discuss studies that reveal damaging phys- iological effects of minority stress for HIV-positive gay men; however, HIV infection was not the outcome of interest in these studies. Rather, they addressed basic ques- tions about the physiological correlates of minority stress, which are relevant to the LGB community at large and therefore important for our review. Evidence of LGB physical health disparities A growing body of research indicates that LGB people are at risk for a wide array of physical health difficulties, ranging from poor overall health status to heightened incidence of specific diseases (see Table 1 for summaries of results). The findings reveal that, relative to hetero- sexuals, sexual minority individuals generally rate their own health to be poor (Fredriksen-Goldsen, Kim, & Barkan, 2012; Frost, Lehavot, & Meyer, 2011), report a higher number of acute physical symptoms and chronic health conditions (Sandfort, Bakker, Schellevis, & Vanwesenbeeck, 2006), report that their health status cur- tails their ability to engage in everyday physical activities (Conron, Mimiaga, & Landers, 2010; Fredriksen-Goldsen, Kim, et al., 2012; Kim & Fredriksen-Goldsen, 2012), and exhibit a higher prevalence and younger onset of disabilities such as use of a walking assistant (e.g., cane, (text continues on p. 7) by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 523 T ab le 1 . Su m m ar y o f P re vi o u s St u d ie s D em o n st ra ti n g P h ys ic al H ea lt h D is p ar it ie s B et w ee n L G B a n d H et er o se xu al I n d iv id u al s St u d y C o u n tr y Sa m p lin g M et h o d Sa m p le S iz e Fi n d in gs K o b lin e t al . (1 99 6) U SA C o n ve n ie n ce 15 ,5 65 g ay m en G ay m en h ad h ei gh te n ed r at es o f n o n -H o d gk in 's l ym p h o m a, H o d gk in ’s d is ea se , an d a n al c an ce r. R at es o f an al c an ce r w er e u n re la te d t o H IV d ia gn o se s. Lo ck & S te in er (1 99 9) U SA C o m m u n it y sa m p le o f C al if o rn ia h ig h sc h o o ls 1, 43 9 h et er o se xu al 10 6 LG B 22 4 u n su re LG B p ar ti ci p an ts h ad m o re e at in g an d d ie ti n g p ro b le m s, as w el l as m o re g en er al h ea lt h p ro b le m s th an d id h et er o se xu al s. K av an au gh -L yn ch , W h it e, D al in g, & B o w en ( 20 02 ) U SA P o p u la ti o n -b as ed ca se -c o n tr o l 91 2 h et er o se xu al 59 l es b ia n N o te : Sa m p le s iz e va ri ed d ep en d in g o n t h e d ef in it io n o f se xu al o ri en ta ti o n ( e. g. , b eh av io r vs . se lf -i d en ti fi ca ti o n ). O n av er ag e, t h e sa m p le s in cl u d ed 91 2 h et er o se xu al a n d 5 9 le sb ia n w o m en . W o m en d ef in ed a s le sb ia n s b as ed o n t h ei r m ar it al s ta tu s an d n u m b er o f se xu al p ar tn er s h ad i n cr ea se d r is k o f in va si ve b re as t ca n ce r co m p ar ed t o h et er o se xu al s. W o m en d ef in ed as l es b ia n s b as ed o n c o n tr ac ep ti ve u se h ad n o d if fe re n ce s in in va si ve b re as t ca n ce r co m p ar ed t o h et er o se xu al s. D ia m an t & W o ld (2 00 3) U SA Lo ca l p ro b ab ili ty (C al if o rn ia ) 4, 02 3 h et er o se xu al 69 b is ex u al 43 l es b ia n Le sb ia n /b is ex u al w o m en h ad h ig h er r at es o f h ea rt d is ea se th an d id h et er o se xu al s. B is ex u al w o m en h ad m o re d ay s o f p o o r p h ys ic al h ea lt h i n t h e p as t m o n th t h an d id h et er o se xu al s. L es b ia n s w er e le ss l ik el y th an h et er o se xu al s to r ep o rt e xc el le n t h ea lt h . R o b er ts , D ib b le , N u ss ey , & C as ey (2 00 3) U SA C o n ve n ie n ce w it h m at ch ed c o n tr o ls (s is te rs ) 32 4 h et er o se xu al 32 4 le sb ia n Le sb ia n w o m en w er e at h ig h er r is k f o r ca rd io va sc u la r d is ea se th an w er e h et er o se xu al s d u e to g re at er a b d o m in al /v is ce ra l ad ip o si ty . C as e et a l. (2 00 4) U SA N at io n al c o h o rt 89 ,8 12 h et er o se xu al 31 7 b is ex u al 69 4 le sb ia n Le sb ia n /b is ex u al w o m en w er e at h ig h er r is k f o r b re as t ca n ce r an d c ar d io va sc u la r d is ea se t h an w er e h et er o se xu al s. D ib b le , R o b er ts , & N u ss ey ( 20 04 ) U SA C o n ve n ie n ce w it h m at ch ed c o n tr o ls (s is te rs ) 32 4 h et er o se xu al 32 4 le sb ia n Le sb ia n s w er e at h ig h er r is k f o r 5- ye ar a n d l if et im e b re as t ca n ce r th an w er e h et er o se xu al s, d es p it e n o d if fe re n ce s in o ve ra ll ra te s o f b re as t ca n ce r sc re en in g. H ec k & J ac o b so n (2 00 6) U SA N at io n al p ro b ab ili ty 12 8, 67 7 h et er o se xu al 43 0 m en i n s am e- se x re la ti o n sh ip 38 7 w o m en i n s am e- se x re la ti o n sh ip B o th m en a n d w o m en i n s am e- se x re la ti o n sh ip s h ad m o re lif et im e d ia gn o se s o f as th m a th an d id p eo p le i n d if fe re n t- se x re la ti o n sh ip s. W o m en a n d m en i n s am e- se x re la ti o n sh ip s w er e m o re l ik el y to e xp er ie n ce a st h m a w it h in t h e p as t 12 m o n th s th an w er e th o se i n d if fe re n t- se x re la ti o n sh ip s. (c on ti n u ed ) by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 524 St u d y C o u n tr y Sa m p lin g M et h o d Sa m p le S iz e Fi n d in gs Sa n d fo rt , B ak k er , Sc h el le vi s, & V an w es en b ee ck (2 00 6) N et h er la n d s N at io n al p ro b ab ili ty 9, 27 8 h et er o se xu al 90 b is ex u al 14 3 le sb ia n /g ay Le sb ia n /g ay p ar ti ci p an ts r ep o rt ed m o re a cu te p h ys ic al sy m p to m s in t h e p as t 2 w ee k s an d m o re c h ro n ic co n d it io n s th an d id h et er o se xu al s, i n cl u d in g m o re re sp ir at o ry p ro b le m s, i tc h in g, p ai n i n n ec k /s h o u ld er s, d iz zi n es s fo llo w ed b y fa lli n g, o st eo ar th ri ti s in t h e h ip o r k n ee , in te st in al p ro b le m s, s ev er e h ea d ac h es , an d u ri n ar y in co n ti n en ce . B is ex u al m en r ep o rt ed f ew er c h ro n ic co n d it io n s th an d id h et er o se xu al m en , b u t th ey r ep o rt ed n o d if fe re n ce s in s p ec if ic c h ro n ic h ea lt h c o n d it io n s. C o ch ra n & M ay s (2 00 7) U SA Lo ca l p ro b ab ili ty ( C A ) 1, 99 9 h et er o se xu al 67 b is ex u al 15 8 le sb ia n /g ay 51 h o m o se xu al ly e xp er ie n ce d h et er o se xu al B is ex u al w o m en r ep o rt ed m o re h ea lt h c o n d it io n s th an d id h et er o se xu al s, i n cl u d in g d ig es ti ve p ro b le m s, b ac k p ro b le m s, ch ro n ic f at ig u e, f u n ct io n al h ea lt h l im it at io n s, a n d p o o r o ve ra ll h ea lt h . Le sb ia n s w er e m o re l ik el y to r ep o rt a rt h ri ti s th an w er e h et er o se xu al s, a n d b o th l es b ia n a n d b is ex u al w o m en w er e m o re l ik el y to r ec ei ve d is ab ili ty i n co m e th an w er e h et er o se xu al s. H o m o se xu al ly e xp er ie n ce d h et er o se xu al w o m en w er e m o re l ik el y th an h et er o se xu al s to r ep o rt a st h m a an d b ac k p ro b le m s. A ft er c o n tr o lli n g fo r H IV s ta tu s, g ay m en w er e m o re l ik el y th an h et er o se xu al s to re p o rt h ea d ac h es . H o m o se xu al ly e xp er ie n ce d h et er o se xu al m en w er e m o re l ik el y th an h et er o se xu al s to r ep o rt l iv er d is ea se , d ig es ti ve p ro b le m s, h ea d ac h es , h ea rt d is ea se , as th m a, a n d c h ro n ic f at ig u e. W an g, H au se rm an n , C o u n at so u , A gg le to n , & W ei ss ( 20 07 ) Sw it ze rl an d V en u e- b as ed p ro b ab ili ty w it h m at ch ed c o n tr o ls 47 7 h et er o se xu al m en 47 7 ga y m en G ay m en w er e m o re l ik el y to r ep o rt c o m m o n p h ys ic al sy m p to m s, m o d er at e/ se ve re p h ys ic al s ym p to m s, a n d a h ig h er n u m b er o f sy m p to m s th an w er e h et er o se xu al s. G ay m en w er e m o re l ik el y th an h et er o se xu al s to h av e b ee n tr ea te d f o r b ro n ch it is i n p as t 12 m o n th s; t o h av e cl in ic al ly el ev at ed l ev el s o f ch o le st er o l, b lo o d p re ss u re , o r gl u co se ; to h av e ac ti vi ty l im it at io n s d u e to a p h ys ic al c o n d it io n , co m m o n s ic k n es s sy m p to m s, a n d m o d er at e/ se ve re si ck n es s sy m p to m s in t h e p as t 4 w ee k s af te r co n tr o lli n g fo r d em o gr ap h ic f ac to rs . B ra n d en b u rg , M at th ew s, Jo h n so n , & H u gh es ( 20 07 ) U SA C o n ve n ie n ce 27 9 h et er o se xu al 55 0 le sb ia n Le sb ia n w o m en h ad h ei gh te n ed r is k f o r 5- ye ar a n d l if et im e b re as t ca n ce r, d es p it e n o d if fe re n ce s b et w ee n l es b ia n a n d h et er o se xu al w o m en i n c an ce r sc re en in g b eh av io rs . T ab le 1 . (c o n ti n u ed ) (c on ti n u ed ) by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 525 St u d y C o u n tr y Sa m p lin g M et h o d Sa m p le S iz e Fi n d in gs Sa n d fo rt , B ak k er , Sc h el le vi s, & V an w es en b ee ck (2 00 9) N et h er la n d s N at io n al p ro b ab ili ty 4, 14 0 h et er o se xu al m en 25 b is ex u al m en 64 g ay m en 5, 13 8 h et er o se xu al w o m en 65 b is ex u al w o m en 79 l es b ia n w o m en G ay m en r ep o rt ed m o re a cu te p h ys ic al c o m p la in ts d u ri n g p re vi o u s 14 d ay s an d m o re c h ro n ic c o n d it io n s th an d id h et er o se xu al m en . B is ex u al w o m en h ad m o re c h ro n ic co n d it io n s th an d id h et er o se xu al w o m en , b u t b is ex u al m en h ad f ew er c h ro n ic c o n d it io n s th an d id h et er o se xu al m en . St ee le , R o ss , D o b in so n , V el d h u lz en , & T in m o u th ( 20 09 ) C an ad a N at io n al p ro b ab ili ty 60 ,9 37 h et er o se xu al w o m en 42 4 b is ex u al w o m en 35 4 le sb ia n w o m en B is ex u al w o m en r ep o rt ed m o re r es p ir at o ry d is o rd er s, h ig h er ra te s o f p o o r/ fa ir p h ys ic al h ea lt h a n d h ig h er r at es o f h yp er te n si o n ( o n ce a d ju st ed f o r o th er v ar ia b le s) t h an d id h et er o se xu al s. D ill ey , Si m m o n s, B o ys u n , P iz ac an i, & S ta rk (2 01 0) U SA Lo ca l p ro b ab ili ty ( W A ) 30 ,1 12 h et er o se xu al m en 23 5 b is ex u al m en 49 8 ga y m en 47 ,5 05 h et er o se xu al w o m en 56 1 b is ex u al w o m en 58 9 le sb ia n w o m en Le sb ia n /b is ex u al w o m en r ep o rt ed p o o re r p h ys ic al h ea lt h an d m o re a st h m a th an d id h et er o se xu al s; b is ex u al w o m en re p o rt ed h ig h er r at es o f d ia b et es a n d i n cr ea se d o d d s fo r h yp er te n si o n t h an d id h et er o se xu al s. G ay /b is ex u al m en re p o rt ed m o re a ct iv it y lim it at io n s d u e to p o o r h ea lt h t h an d id h et er o se xu al s. C o n ro n , M im ia ga , & L an d er s (2 01 0) U SA Lo ca l p ro b ab ili ty ( M A ) 25 ,3 87 h et er o se xu al m en 19 4 b is ex u al m en 92 6 ga y m en 39 ,7 01 h et er o se xu al w o m en 43 2 b is ex u al w o m en 71 9 le sb ia n w o m en O ve ra ll, L G B p ar ti ci p an ts r ep o rt ed m o re a ct iv it y lim it at io n s an d a st h m a th an d id h et er o se xu al s. B is ex u al w o m en re p o rt ed h ig h er r at es o f fa ir /p o o r h ea lt h a n d a ct iv it y lim it at io n s th an d id h et er o se xu al s. L es b ia n /g ay p ar ti ci p an ts w er e m o re l ik el y th an h et er o se xu al s to r ep o rt a ct iv it y lim it at io n s. L es b ia n /b is ex u al p ar ti ci p an ts w er e m o re l ik el y th an h et er o se xu al s to h av e m u lt ip le C V D r is k s. La n d er s, M im ia ga , & C o n ro n ( 20 11 ) U SA Lo ca l p ro b ab ili ty ( M A ) 65 ,0 88 h et er o se xu al 2, 27 1 LG B LG B p ar ti ci p an ts h ad m o re l if et im e d ia gn o se s o f as th m a th an d id h et er o se xu al s, d es p it e b ei n g si gn if ic an tl y yo u n ge r. M cN ai r, S za la ch a, & H u gh es ( 20 11 ) A u st ra lia Lo n gi tu d in al p ro b ab ili ty 8, 08 3 ex cl u si ve ly h et er o se xu al w o m en 56 8 m ai n ly h et er o se xu al w o m en 10 0 b is ex u al w o m en 99 l es b ia n w o m en Le sb ia n s re p o rt ed m o re c an ce r d ia gn o se s th an d id h et er o se xu al w o m en . B is ex u al w o m en r ep o rt ed p o o re r p h ys ic al h ea lt h t h an d id h et er o se xu al a n d l es b ia n w o m en . B is ex u al a n d m ai n ly h et er o se xu al w o m en r ep o rt ed m o re as th m a th an d id h et er o se xu al w o m en a ft er c o n tr o lli n g fo r sm o k in g b eh av io r. W al la ce , C o ch ra n , D u ra zo , & F o rd (2 01 1) U SA Lo ca l p ro b ab ili ty ( C A ) U n re p o rt ed O ld er g ay /b is ex u al m en h ad h ig h er r at es o f h yp er te n si o n , d ia b et es , p h ys ic al d is ab ili ty , an d f ai r/ p o o r h ea lt h t h an d id h et er o se xu al s. O ld er l es b ia n /b is ex u al w o m en h ad h ig h er ra te s o f p h ys ic al d is ab ili ty a n d f ai r/ p o o r h ea lt h t h an d id h et er o se xu al s. T ab le 1 . (c o n ti n u ed ) (c on ti n u ed ) by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 526 St u d y C o u n tr y Sa m p lin g M et h o d Sa m p le S iz e Fi n d in gs Fr ed ri k se n - G o ld se n , K im , et a l. (2 01 2) U SA Lo ca l p ro b ab ili ty ( W A ) 31 ,5 09 h et er o se xu al m en 23 9 b is ex u al m en 52 9 ga y m en 49 ,0 92 h et er o se xu al w o m en 53 6 b is ex u al w o m en 62 6 le sb ia n w o m en LG B p ar ti ci p an ts r ep o rt ed a h ig h er p re va le n ce o f d is ab ili ty th an d id h et er o se xu al s, d es p it e b ei n g yo u n ge r an d m at ch ed f o r h ea lt h b eh av io rs . E ve n a ft er a d ju st in g fo r ag e d if fe re n ce s, l es b ia n /b is ex u al w o m en r ep o rt ed h ei gh te n ed ra te s o f ar th ri ti s an d b is ex u al w o m en r ep o rt ed h ei gh te n ed ra te s o f lif et im e as th m a an d f re q u en t p o o r h ea lt h i n co m p ar is o n w it h h et er o se xu al s. G ay /b is ex u al m en r ep o rt ed m o re f re q u en t p o o r p h ys ic al h ea lt h t h an d id h et er o se xu al s. K im & F re d ri k se n - G o ld se n ( 20 12 ) U SA Lo ca l p ro b ab ili ty ( W A ) 4, 50 6 h et er o se xu al 60 H is p an ic b is ex u al 41 H is p an ic l es b ia n 93 6 n o n -H is p an ic W h it e le sb ia n 79 5 n o n -H is p an ic W h it e b is ex u al H is p an ic l es b ia n /b is ex u al w o m en r ep o rt ed m o re a st h m a an d h ig h er r at es o f d is ab ili ty t h an d id H is p an ic h et er o se xu al s. H is p an ic b is ex u al w o m en a ls o r ep o rt ed m o re a rt h ri ti s an d p o o r ge n er al h ea lt h t h an d id H is p an ic h et er o se xu al s. N o te : T h is t ab le e xc lu d es s tu d ie s o f LG B h ea lt h w it h o u t a h et er o se xu al c o m p ar is o n g ro u p . T h e st u d ie s ar e p re se n te d i n c h ro n o lo gi ca l o rd er a n d a lp h ab et ic al ly w it h in e ac h y ea r. C V D = ca rd io va sc u la r d is ea se . T ab le 1 . (c o n ti n u ed ) by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 527 wheelchair; Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2012). Alongside these general indices of poor health, sexual minority individuals evidence heightened rates of specific health conditions. For example, people who identify as LGB (Conron et al., 2010; Landers, Mimiaga, & Conron, 2011) and those who report being in a same-sex relationship (Heck & Jacobson, 2006) report more asthma diagnoses than do people who identify as heterosexual or report being in a different-sex relationship. Self-identified LGB individuals also report more headaches (Cochran & Mays, 2007; Lock & Steiner, 1999), chronic diseases and aller- gies (Lock & Steiner, 1999), and osteoarthritis and serious gastro-intestinal problems (Sandfort et al., 2006) than do their heterosexual peers. Collectively, these findings reveal notable physical health problems among LGB adults in general. Whereas the above findings broadly demonstrate phys- ical health disparities related to sexual orientation, other studies reveal disparities in specific subpopulations of LGB individuals. For example, lesbian and bisexual women commonly report poorer overall physical health than do heterosexuals (Cochran & Mays, 2007; Kim & Fredriksen-Goldsen, 2012). Furthermore, sexual minority women—especially bisexual women—report heightened rates of asthma, urinary tract infections, and Hepatitis B and C (McNair, Szalacha, & Hughes, 2012; see also Kim & Fredriksen-Goldsen, 2011). In one early study, proxy measures of female sexual orientation (e.g., unmarried women with no history of male sex partners) were associ- ated with heightened risk of invasive breast cancer (Kavanaugh-Lynch, White, Daling, & Bowen, 2002); self- defined lesbian and bisexual women also report height- ened risk for (Brown & Tracy, 2008; Cochran et al., 2001; Rankow, 1995) and diagnosis of some cancers (McNair, Szalacha, & Hughes, 2011). One particularly compelling study revealed heightened breast cancer risk among lesbi- ans in comparison with their biological sisters (Dibble, Roberts, & Nussey, 2004). Finally, a smaller body of work revealed that sexual minority women exhibit more cardio- vascular disease risk factors (Case et al., 2004; Conron et al., 2010) and higher rates of cardiovascular disease diag- noses (Diamant & Wold, 2003) than do heterosexual women. Sexual minority men display similar patterns of health difficulties. In comparison with heterosexual men, gay men are at elevated risk for cardiovascular disease (Wang, Hausermann, Counatsou, Aggleton, & Weiss, 2007), and they report a higher total number of acute and chronic health conditions (Sandfort, Bakker, Schellevis, & Vanwesenbeeck, 2009), as well as more activity limita- tions due to debilitating physical conditions, greater risk for chronic disease (e.g., high blood pressure, high blood glucose), and more frequent reports of moderate/severe pain and fatigue (Wang et al., 2007). Gay men also report more headaches and urinary incontinence than do straight men (Sandfort et al., 2006). Moreover, gay men receive more cancer diagnoses (Koblin et al., 1996) and have lower cancer survival rates (Dean et al., 2000) rela- tive to heterosexuals. Thus, research over the past decade has revealed that LGB people in general, and subgroups of the LGB popu- lation in particular, suffer serious physical health dispari- ties in comparison with their heterosexual peers (for a detailed review, see Institute of Medicine, 2011; for details of each study described above, see Table 1). These find- ings span both community-based and population-based samples from diverse geographic locations, offering com- pelling evidence of physical health problems in LGB communities. Minority stress and LGB health Evidence of LGB physical health disparities has grown rapidly over the past decade, but theories about the causes and correlates of these disparities remains sparse. In line with recent reports (Institute of Medicine, 2011) and previ- ous theorizing in the domain of mental health (Meyer, 2003), we propose that LGB physical health disparities are related to minority stress processes that follow exposure to social stigma. Indeed, several recent studies have linked minority stress to physical health complaints. In one study, LGB young adults’ reports of headaches increased as a function of self-reported exposure to homophobic remarks (Woodford, Howell, Kulick, & Silverschanz, 2012). In another, LGB adults who experienced high rates of minor- ity stress (i.e., reports of discrimination, rejection, internal- ized homophobia, and identity concealment) reported more total physical health problems (e.g., chronic dis- eases) and poorer overall health than those who experi- enced less minority stress (Frost et al., 2011). In a large convenience sample, expectations of rejection, internal- ized homophobia, and recalled experiences with victim- ization predicted physical symptom severity among lesbians and gay men (Denton, 2012). Finally, a recent cross-sectional study found that reports of lifetime victim- ization and financial barriers to healthcare predicted poor physical health and disability among LGB older adults (Fredriksen-Goldsen, Kim, et al., 2012). Whereas these findings forged an association between social stigma and physical health complaints among LGB individuals, the mechanisms linking sexual orientation-related stigma to physical health outcomes remain poorly articulated. In the next section, we provide a brief overview of minority stress as it relates to LGB mental health and present a theo- retical model that extends these concepts to LGB physical health. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 528 Lick et al. Minority stress and LGB mental health. Previous research has documented epidemic rates of antigay stigma around the world. Upwards of 94% of LGB adults report experiencing verbal harassment related to their sexual orientation (Herek et al., 2002), with 17%–28% reporting physical assault and property damage (Berrill, 1992; Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2012). There have been more than 15,000 federally reported hate crimes against sexual minority individuals in the United States since 1998, mak- ing sexual orientation the second most frequent category of single-incident hate crimes after race (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2011). Moreover, reports of hate crimes against all racial, ethnic, and religious groups decreased from 2010 to 2011, but reports of hate crimes against LGB individuals increased, making sexual minorities the only group assessed by the U.S. Department of Justice to experience a recent upsurge in reported victimization (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2011). Thus, researchers have highlighted the existence of both health difficulties and frequent experiences with stigma among LGB individuals. These two observations may be causally related. Indeed, minority stress theory (Meyer, 2003, 2007) suggests that experiencing or even fearing antigay stigma arouses feelings of distress that can have profound consequences for personal well-being. More specifically, the theory proposes that LGB individuals face two types of stressors related to their sexual orienta- tion. Distal stressors are external events that are psycho- logically taxing, including discrete encounters with victimization and structural forms of stigma (e.g., marriage inequality; Meyer, 2003, 2007). Proximal stressors are conflicts internal to the LGB individual triggered by experi- ences with victimization. These conflicts include conceal- ment of one’s minority identity (Frable, Blackstone, & Scherbaum, 1990; Pachankis, 2007), anxiety about future experiences with prejudice (Burns, Kamen, Lehman, & Beach, 2012; Meyer, 2007; Pachankis & Goldfried, 2006), and negative feelings about one’s own sexual orientation (i.e., internalized homophobia; Meyer, 2003; M. E. Newcomb & Mustanski, 2010; Shidlo, 1994). Minority stress is the accrual of distal and proximal stressors over the life span that may eventually overwhelm coping resources and compromise well-being. Minority stress theory has enjoyed widespread empiri- cal support as a framework for understanding LGB men- tal health disparities. In a seminal study on this topic, gay men who reported high levels of minority stress were three times more likely to report elevated psychological symptoms (e.g., anxiety, hopelessness, poor self-esteem) in comparison with peers who reported lower levels of minority stress (Meyer, 1995). Subsequent studies have buttressed this negative association between minority stress and psychological well-being in LGB communities (DiPlacido, 1998; Hatzenbuehler, Nolen-Hoeksema, & Erickson, 2008; Kimmel & Mahalik, 2005; Kuyper & Fokkema, 2010, 2011; Lehavot & Simoni, 2011). Others have demonstrated that LGB people who live in stigma- tizing social environments report frequent experiences with distal stressors (Lick, Tornello, Riskind, Schmidt, & Patterson, 2012; Oswald, Cuthbertson, Lazarevic, & Goldberg, 2010) and that living in such negative environ- ments is associated with high rates of psychological dis- tress, depressive symptoms, and negative affect (Goldberg & Smith, 2011; Lick et al., 2012), as well as suicide attempts (Hatzenbuehler, 2011). Overall, these studies have dem- onstrated associations among antigay stigma, minority stress, and mental health outcomes within LGB communi- ties. Though less common, several studies have linked minority stress to differences in mental health between LGB and heterosexual communities (Hatzenbuehler, Corbin, & Fromme, 2008; Lewis, 2009). For example, in a nationally representative sample, LGB individuals reported more numerous and frequent victimization experiences than did heterosexuals, and experiences with victimiza- tion fully mediated the association between sexual orien- tation and psychological distress (Mays & Cochran, 2001). Collectively, these findings have provided robust empiri- cal support for minority stress as a way of understanding poor mental health outcomes among LGB individuals. Minority stress and LGB physical health. In light of strong evidence linking minority stress to LGB mental health disparities, it seems plausible that minority stress is also associated with LGB physical health disparities. Indeed, mental and physical health are intricately related to one another (Cohen & Herbert, 1996; Salovey, Roth- man, Detweiler, & Steward, 2000). For example, psycho- logical stress is associated with dysregulated immune functioning (Miller & Chen, 2010), poor antibody response following vaccine (Segerstrom & Miller, 2004), acute health problems (e.g., susceptibility to common cold, flu, headache; Cohen, Tyrrell, & Smith, 1991; DeLongis, Folkman, & Lazarus, 1988), and chronic dis- ease (e.g., cardiovascular disease, cancer; Cohen, Janicki- Deverts, & Miller, 2007) in the general population. Also, a growing body of evidence suggests that LGB physical health problems are correlated with experiences of minority stress (Denton, 2012; Frost et al., 2011; Wood- ford et al., 2012). In spite of these links, several alterna- tive explanations have also been proposed to account for physical health problems observed among LGB people. Before detailing our minority stress theory of LGB physi- cal health, it is important to consider these alternatives. First, many of the health disparities described in previ- ous research could be related to the high prevalence of HIV/AIDS among gay men, as those conditions compro- mise the immune system and lead to opportunistic infec- tions that generally hinder physical health. Consistent with by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 529 this possibility, one previous study found that controlling for HIV status nullified disparities in heart disease, liver disease, digestive problems, and urinary incontinence between gay and heterosexual men (Cochran & Mays, 2007). However, comorbid physical health conditions do not account for all of the observed disparities. Indeed, gay men were still more likely to report migraine headaches after controlling for HIV status in Cochran and Mays (2007). Moreover, evidence of physical health difficulties among sexual minority women, who are not at heightened risk for HIV/AIDS, suggests that immunodeficiency cannot fully explain the health issues facing LGB adults. Thus, HIV/AIDS diagnoses may explain some disparities, but they do not account for all of the variance in physical health outcomes related to sexual orientation. Second, any study examining links between social stigma and sexual minority health must contend with the fact that disparities could be due to either social causa- tion or social selection. Social causation is the explana- tion espoused by minority stress theory—namely, that difficult social experiences cause stress and result in poor health outcomes. Though numerous findings are consis- tent with this hypothesis, associations between antigay stigma and poor health may also be explained by social selection—the idea that well-adjusted LGB individuals voluntarily select more supportive environments, whereas poorly adjusted LGB individuals remain in more stigma- tizing environments. Systematic data on this issue are sparse, but there is some reason to believe that social selection does not fully explain LGB physical health dis- parities. First, migration patterns of LGB people do not differ markedly from those of heterosexual people (Gates, 2007), suggesting that health disparities linked to antigay stigma are not simply caused by well-adjusted individuals leaving stigmatizing environments and poorly adjusted individuals remaining in stigmatizing environments. Moreover, qualitative researchers have noted that many factors other than a desire to flee stigma may drive LGB migration, including pursuit of a spouse who moves for occupational reasons and relocation to be a family care- giver (Howe, 2007). Thus, although we cannot rule out social selection as a factor contributing to LGB health, it is not likely to provide a full explanation of the observed disparities. Finally, some researchers have suggested that LGB health disparities might be an artifact of the sampling tech- niques and self-report format characterizing most work in this field. Indeed, the vast majority of studies have relied on self-reports of both exposure to minority stress and health outcomes, resulting in potential same-source report- ing biases. Relying on self-report may yield other biases as well. For example, gay men who participate in surveys may exhibit high rates of neuroticism (e.g., Bailey, 1999; Van den Aardweg, 1985), which may lead to overreporting of the incidence and severity of health problems that do not actually exist. However, it remains unclear whether minority stress is a cause or a consequence of such poten- tially heightened rates of neuroticism among gay men. Moreover, only those LGB people who are open about their sexual orientation respond to surveys; individuals who are open about their sexuality may also be open about other aspects of their lives that are considered diffi- cult and personal (e.g., health problems), resulting in an overestimation of health problems among LGB individuals (Savin-Williams, 2008). This hypothesis is certainly impor- tant to consider, but it does not appear to account for the health disparities observed in the current literature, insofar as studies that control for socially desirable responding have still revealed notable physical and mental health dif- ficulties among LGB individuals (Rosario, Schrimshaw, & Hunter, 2009; Sandfort, Bos, Collier, & Metselaar, 2010). Finally, studies of the general population have revealed that negative affect confounds self-reports of both physical health and perceived stress (Watson & Pennebaker, 1989), suggesting that LGB physical health disparities may be related to heightened levels of negative affect at baseline among sexual minority individuals. It is important to note, however, that negative affect is associated with self-reported health outcomes but not with actual health outcomes (Watson & Pennebaker, 1989). As new popula- tion-level datasets that include measures of sexual orienta- tion and objective indices of physical health become available (e.g., National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, Add Health Wave IV), researchers can address these concerns directly. For now, we note that several studies have uncovered significant associations between sexual minority status, stressful social encounters, and physical health with objective outcome measures (e.g., medical records, Hatzenbuehler et al., 2012; biomarkers, Huebner & Davis, 2005), allaying some concerns about reporting bias. Thus, although they may have some influence on LGB health, comorbid disease, social selection, and sampling biases are each insufficient to account for the widespread disparities noted in the existing literature. We propose that minority stress provides an important additional explanation of LGB physical health disparities for several reasons. First, minority stress is strongly related to other measures of well-being—most notably to mental health (Meyer, 2003, 2007). Second, previous theorizing sug- gests an association between minority stress and LGB physical health (Institute of Medicine, 2011). Third, sev- eral recent studies provided evidence linking minority stress to physical health complaints including headaches, chronic diseases, poor general health, disability, and symptom severity among LGB individuals (Denton, 2012; Fredriksen-Goldsen, Kim, et al., 2012; Frost et al., 2011; Woodford et al., 2012). by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 530 Lick et al. Although recent research has forged a tenable associa- tion between minority stress and LGB physical health, the specific mechanisms linking antigay stigma, stress pro- cesses, and health remain unclear. Below, we highlight several ways in which social experiences set into motion a cascade of health-relevant events that may culminate in physical health disparities for LGB individuals (see Fig. 1).2 At the sociocultural level, LGB individuals face frequent stigma and discrimination related to their sexual orientation, which can result in high levels of minority stress. Furthermore, discriminatory social policies pre- clude LGB individuals from receiving adequate medical attention, limiting preventative care and exacerbating existing health conditions in the sexual minority commu- nity at large. At the individual psychological level, experi- ences with such sociocultural stressors arouse feelings of distress (e.g., anxiety, hopelessness), which may alter physical functioning by way of harmful cognitions (e.g., hypervigilance) and poor health behaviors (e.g., sub- stance use). Finally, at the microbiological level, stressful events alter the functioning of immune, neuroendocrine, and autonomic nervous systems (ANS), eventually lead- ing to wear and tear on the body that may be manifested in physical health difficulties. As shown in Figure 1, we conceptualize these factors as being systematically related, such that stressful events (i.e., sociocultural stressors) are linked to LGB health outcomes by way of appraisal processes, psychological and physiological stress responses, and health behaviors. Reviewing empirical evidence for each of these mechanisms will substantiate our and others’ claims that minority stress helps to explain physical health outcomes in LGB communities, thereby providing a more nuanced theoretical understanding of the social determinants of LGB health. Determinants of LGB physical health disparities Sociocultural stressors and LGB physical health. Sociocultural stressors are the first factors that we pro- pose help to explain LGB physical health disparities. Researchers have long recognized that stigma and health disparities are not equally distributed across social ecologies—that is, some areas are more stigmatizing than others, and stigma-rich environments may be especially stressful for minority inhabitants (Link & Phelan, 2001). In line with this observation, we define sociocultural stressors as social trends that vary as a function of the attitudes prevalent in a given geographic location and affect the well-being of LGB inhabitants. Previous research on this topic has pinpointed three levels of anal- ysis relevant to LGB physical health: (a) interpersonal stressors, (b) institutional stressors, and (c) broader struc- tural stressors. In the following sections, we review Sociocultural Stressors Appraisal and Cognitive Style Psychological Stress Responses Health Behaviors Health Status Physiological Stress Responses Fig. 1. Conceptual model illustrating proposed mechanisms underlying LGB physical health disparities. The model indicates that the associa- tion between sociocultural stressors and sexual minority health is mediated through appraisal processes, psychological and physiological stress responses, and health behaviors. This model is meant to be conceptual; some of the associations have not been tested empirically. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 531 findings at each of these levels of analysis to clarify the ways in which sociocultural factors are associated with LGB physical health. Interpersonal stressors: Discrete acts of prejudice and discrimination. The unequal distribution of stigma throughout society manifests in higher rates of victimiza- tion against some people and in some areas than others. Indeed, LGB individuals are among the most frequent targets of interpersonal stigma (Herek, 1992), and LGB people who live in stigma-rich environments face espe- cially high rates of victimization (Herek, Chopp, & Strohl, 2007; Lick et al., 2012). We propose that such frequent experiences with antigay stigma result in psychological distress that ultimately hinders the physical health of LGB individuals. In line with our proposal, LGB individuals frequently experience discrete acts of prejudice and discrimination (Katz-Wise & Hyde, 2012), and these experiences are associated with psychological distress (Mays & Cochran, 2001; Meyer, 1995, 2003, 2007). Furthermore, LGB adults who live in stigmatizing environments (e.g., states with discriminatory social policies and few pro-LGB organiza- tions) report facing higher rates of interpersonal stigma (Lick et al., 2012) and also report greater psychological distress (Hatzenbuehler, Keyes, & Hasin, 2009; Hatzenbuehler, McLaughlin, Keyes, & Hasin, 2010) than do those living in environments with more favorable cli- mates. The psychological distress associated with such frequent victimization likely helps to explain disparities in LGB physical health (Pascoe & Smart-Richman, 2009), as distress is associated with poor physical health out- comes in the general population (McEwen, 2006; McEwen & Stellar, 1993; Seeman, Singer, Rowe, Horwitz, & McEwen, 1997). We are not aware of evidence specifi- cally linking victimization to psychological distress and physical health in sexual minority communities, but exist- ing findings suggest that LGB individuals who live in stig- matizing environments are frequently exposed to interpersonal prejudice and discrimination, which are associated with psychological distress that in turn may hinder physical health. Aside from the more direct psychological and physio- logical impacts of discrete interpersonal stressors, LGB individuals who live in stigma-rich environments may also face health concerns because they conceal their sex- ual identity in order to prevent future victimization (Pachankis, 2007). Such concealment can serve as a posi- tive coping strategy in the short-term by helping LGB individuals to avoid victimization ( Jones et al., 1984), but it is associated with a host of psychological consequences in the long-term, including depressive symptoms (Frost & Bastone, 2008; Frost, Parsons, & Nanin, 2007), negative affect and anxiety (Frable, Platt, & Hoey, 1998), poor self-esteem and elevated psychiatric symptoms (Frable, Wortman, & Joseph, 1997), and psychological strain (Ragins, Singh, & Cornwell, 2007). As mentioned above, findings from the general population indicate that such heightened distress hinders physical functioning (McEwen, 2006; McEwen & Stellar, 1993; Seeman et al., 1997). In fact, several previous studies uncovered asso- ciations between sexual orientation concealment and physical health outcomes among HIV-positive gay men, linking concealment to increased diagnoses of cancer and infectious diseases (e.g., bronchitis, tuberculosis; Cole, Kemeny, Taylor, & Visscher, 1996), dysregulated immune function (i.e., decreased CD4 T lymphocytes; Cole, Kemeny, & Taylor, 1997; Cole, Kemeny, Taylor, Visscher, & Fahey, 1996), and even mortality (Cole et al., 1997). Collectively, these findings suggest that LGB indi- viduals who live in stigmatizing environments may face frequent victimization that leads them to conceal their sexual orientation, with negative implications for long- term health. Structural stressors: Discriminatory social poli- cies. Aside from interpersonal experiences with preju- dice and discrimination, structural factors may also act as stressors that impact LGB physical health. Much of the work on this topic has focused on marriage equal- ity within the United States, and current findings sug- gest three specific ways in which marriage rights (or lack thereof) may affect LGB health. First, public debates about marriage benefits are associated with heightened feelings of distress among LGB individuals (e.g., anxiety, mood, and substance use disorders; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2010; Riggle, Rostosky, & Horne, 2010; Riggle, Thomas, & Rostosky, 2005), perhaps because the rhetoric surround- ing marriage debates often characterizes sexual minor- ity individuals as immoral, sexually promiscuous, and noncommitted. These feelings of distress disrupt physi- ological functioning and ultimately compromise physical health (Cohen et al., 2007; McEwen, 2006; Seeman et al., 1997). Associations among same-sex marriage debates, psychological distress, and physical health have not been directly tested among LGB individuals, but two recent studies provide suggestive evidence linking marriage policy to physical health. In the first, Stotzer (2011) docu- mented a significant increase in hate crimes related to sex- ual orientation during years in which the public debated granting partner benefits to same-sex couples (e.g., dur- ing and after the Proposition 8 decision in California). Physical injuries sustained from these hate crimes may help to explain some LGB physical health complaints. In a second study, Hatzenbuehler et al. (2012) found that 12 months after marriage was legalized for same-sex couples in Massachusetts, gay and bisexual men showed a significant decrease in medical care visits, as indicated by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 532 Lick et al. by medical records. These effects were significant among both partnered and nonpartnered men, suggesting that supportive marriage policies carry notable benefits for the sexual minority community at large, including indi- viduals who are not in long-term partnerships. Marriage rights may also affect LGB physical health by conferring relational benefits. In particular, marriage offers increased social support and relationship satisfac- tion to LGB individuals who might otherwise be single or cohabiting (Hardie & Lucas, 2010; Liu, Wang, Keesler, & Schneider, 2011). These relational benefits are associated with physical health in the general population (Wilson & Oswald, 2005), insofar as married individuals have sig- nificantly lower mortality (Brockmann & Klein, 2004; Mete, 2005), fewer diagnoses of cardiovascular disease and lung cancer (Hibbard & Pope, 1993), lower rates of Alzheimer’s disease (Helmer et al., 1999), and better self- rated health ( Joung, Van De Mheen, Stronks, Van Poppel, & Mackenbach, 1998) relative to single or cohabiting individuals. Although these effects have not been repli- cated in LGB samples, the findings highlight a general pathway by which the benefits of marriage—or the con- sequences of marriage denial—may contribute to LGB physical health (Buffie, 2011; Herdt & Kertzner, 2006). Finally, marriage confers tangible benefits relevant for health—most notably, insurance coverage for wedded partners (Institute of Medicine, 2011; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2011). For example, 35 states currently do not offer legal recognition to same-sex couples, thereby limiting insurance coverage available to partners of sexual minority individuals (Ash & Badgett, 2006; Human Rights Campaign, 2013). Such benefit deni- als are important because more than 60% of insured Americans obtain healthcare coverage through their spouse or family members (Badgett, 2004). Indeed, one study estimated that same- and different-sex unmarried couples were 2 to 3 times more likely to be uninsured than were different-sex married couples (Ash & Badgett, 2006). LGB people may therefore have poorer health out- comes than heterosexuals because discriminatory social policies prohibit them from receiving adequate insurance to cover the costs of medical care. We discuss the impli- cations of limited insurance benefits for LGB individuals in greater detail in the next section. Aside from marriage rights, other social policies may also act as structural stressors that limit access to medical care and affect subsequent health outcomes among LGB individuals. For example, it is currently legal in 29 U.S. states to fire someone on the basis of their actual or per- ceived sexual orientation (Human Rights Campaign, 2013). Without employment nondiscrimination policies, LGB individuals have no legal recourse to cope with job loss. These considerations increase anxiety about sexual orientation disclosure in the workplace (Ragins et al., 2007) and therefore may heighten psychological distress (Pachankis, 2007) and health difficulties. Furthermore, LGB people experience frequent discrimination in hiring practices and compensation (Badgett, 2001; Badgett, Lau, Sears, & Ho, 2007; Tilcsik, 2011), which may lead to financial hardship. Financial hardship is a general stressor affecting many millions of people (Ahmed, Mohammed, & Williams, 2007; Haan, Kaplan, & Camacho, 1987; Leon & Walt, 2001), but it is especially common in sexual minority communities (Badgett, 2001), despite LGB indi- viduals’ generally high levels of education (Black, Sanders, & Taylor, 2007). Indeed, LGB adults— especially lesbian women—are more likely to fall below the pov- erty line and use government assistance programs than are their heterosexual counterparts (Albelda, Badgett, Schneebaum, & Gates, 2009). Thus, sexual minority indi- viduals may be especially likely to live in poverty, which is associated with serious health disparities in the popula- tion, generally (see Ahmed et al., 2007; Haan et al., 1987; Leon & Walt, 2001), and underutilization of medical care in LGB communities, specifically (Fredriksen-Goldsen, Emlet, et al., 2012). Institutional stressors: Limited access to and quality of healthcare. Finally, features of the medical institu- tion itself limit LGB individuals’ access to and receipt of quality care. The first important pathway here involves health insurance. As noted above, many LGB individu- als lack insurance coverage due to limited partner ben- efits (Cochran et al., 2001), and for some people this renders medical care prohibitively expensive (Badgett, 2004). Indeed, numerous studies have pinpointed a lack of insurance coverage as a barrier to receiving adequate medical care among LGB individuals (Cochran, 2001; Dia- mant, Wold, Spritzer, & Gelberg, 2000; Lauver et al., 1999; Marrazzo, 2004; A. K. Matthews, Brandenburg, Johnson, & Hughes, 2004; Trippet & Bain, 1992), which may result in untreated or poorly managed health conditions. Even among LGB individuals with adequate insurance benefits, prejudice among healthcare workers may com- promise the quality of care they receive. These concerns are so prevalent, in fact, that fears of discrimination are listed as a primary reason why LGB individuals avoid healthcare settings altogether (Petroll & Mosack, 2011) and/or conceal their sexual orientation from healthcare providers (Bergeron & Senn, 2003; Eliason & Schope, 2001; Stein & Bonuck, 2001). Concealment not only harms physical health by altering physiological function- ing among LGB individuals (Cole, Kemeny, et al., 1996; Cole et al., 1997), but it also disrupts physical health more indirectly by affecting the care provided by medical professionals. Indeed, LGB adults have special medical needs (e.g., anal pap smears among sexually active gay men) that likely go unmet when patients conceal their by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 533 sexual orientation from healthcare workers (Bergeron & Senn, 2003; Cochran et al., 2001; Diamant et al., 2000; Moran, 1996; Petroll & Mosack, 2011; Tjepkema, 2008; White & Dull, 1997). Thus, fears of discrimination stem- ming from previous experiences with antigay stigma may lead LGB adults to avoid healthcare settings or to conceal their sexual orientation from medical providers, resulting in a low standard of care that contributes to long-term physical health problems (Hutchinson, Thompson, & Cederbaum, 2006; Stevens, 1996; Stevens & Hall, 1988). Alongside negative health outcomes for LGB adults who conceal their sexual orientation from medical pro- viders, structural aspects of the medical institution itself limit the quality of care offered to LGB adults. In particu- lar, medical providers lack confidence in their knowledge of sexual minority health (McNair, Anderson, & Mitchell, 2001; Trippet & Bain, 1992), with nearly half of all medi- cal students reporting unease when treating LGB clients (Obedin-Maliver et al., 2011). One reason for such dis- comfort is that medical students receive an average of only 2.5 to 5 hours of training about LGB health (McGarry, Clarke, Cyr, & Landau, 2002). In fact, one recent study revealed that one third of medical schools provided zero hours of clinical training related to LGB health (Obedin- Maliver et al., 2011). Providers’ insecurities about treating LGB clients adversely affect the doctor–patient relation- ship and may limit quality of care, insofar as LGB patients who perceive their doctors to be unknowledgeable about sexual minority issues schedule fewer medical visits, are less compliant with treatment, and undergo fewer pre- ventative tests in comparison with those who perceive their doctors to be more culturally competent (Rankow & Tessaro, 1998; Stevens, 1996; Wang et al., 2007). Thus, even among LGB individuals who have insurance bene- fits and who disclose their sexual orientation to health- care providers, doctors’ limited training and lack of confidence regarding LGB health issues may result in poor healthcare for sexual minorities, compromising their overall health. Conclusions and research gaps. As reviewed here, sociocultural factors act as distal stressors that may play an important role in the health of LGB individuals. First, many social environments stigmatize homosexuality. LGB individuals who live in such negative environments face high rates of victimization, arousing psychological dis- tress that may compromise physiological functioning. Discriminatory social policies expose LGB individuals to additional stigma and block them from receiving ben- efits that are important for maintaining good health (e.g., relational satisfaction). Finally, institutional factors within the healthcare system, including a lack of appropriate training and limited insurance coverage for same-sex partners, affect the quality of healthcare available to LGB people, ultimately damaging their health. Collectively, these stressors may create new health problems or exac- erbate existing ones, and they must be addressed as we hone our knowledge of LGB physical health disparities. Overall, data linking sociocultural stressors to LGB physical health are fairly strong. Indeed, a growing num- ber of studies have explored objective measures of social climate (e.g., Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2010; Lick et al., 2012) and structural barriers to healthcare (e.g., Obedin-Maliver et al., 2011; Wang et al., 2007), allaying concerns about biased reporting. Furthermore, researchers in this area have begun to employ population-based methods to examine sociocul- tural stressors underlying LGB health (e.g., Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2012), resulting in large samples with few self-selection concerns. Despite increasingly rigorous studies linking sociocul- tural stressors to LGB physical health outcomes, several notable omissions deserve mention. One such omission is a lack of diversity in study samples. For example, many studies of healthcare utilization have explored outcomes among White lesbian and bisexual women. It is impor- tant for researchers to replicate these findings among sexual minority men and LGB people of color, especially in light of mounting evidence that individuals with mul- tiple minority identities (e.g., Black and gay) face espe- cially poor outcomes (Albelda et al., 2009; Balsam, Molina, Beadnell, Simoni, & Walters, 2011). Furthermore, investigations of insurance coverage among sexual minority adults have focused primarily on LGB couples. It is critical for future researchers to extend these findings to single LGB people, who may also face barriers to obtaining adequate insurance. Also, despite multiple studies demonstrating high rates of distress among LGB people who live in stigmatizing social environments (e.g., Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009), many fewer studies have explored the basic link between social climate and expe- riences of antigay victimization. Additional research on this topic will be important in the coming years. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, previous work in this area has linked sociocultural stressors to factors that are theo- retically related to LGB physical health (e.g., psychologi- cal distress) based on data from the general population. Few studies have directly linked sociocultural factors to feelings of stress and physical health outcomes among LGB individuals. Additional data on these topics will allow for even stronger conclusions about the role of sociocultural stressors in LGB physical health. Psychological stress processes and behavioral factors linking minority stress and LGB physical health. The second set of factors that we propose link social experiences to LGB physical health are psy- chological and behavioral in nature. These factors are by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 534 Lick et al. functionally related to the sociocultural stressors we described previously, as they are a primary means by which socially patterned stigma gets under the skin to affect individual health outcomes. In the language of minority stress theory, psychological and behavioral pro- cesses are the proximal stressors triggered by experi- ences with distal stressors. The extant literature has highlighted three such processes that may link social experiences to LGB physical health: (a) psychological distress, (b) cognitive appraisal style, and (c) health behaviors and beliefs. Psychological distress and physical health. Work on mind–body interaction suggests that psychological and physiological states are intricately connected (Cohen & Herbert, 1996; Salovey et al., 2000). Indeed, hundreds of studies in the general population have revealed nega- tive health implications of psychological stress (McEwen, 2006; McEwen & Stellar, 1993; Pascoe & Smart-Richman, 2009; Seeman et al., 1997). These studies have linked psychological stress to dysregulated immune function (Miller & Chen, 2010), poor antibody response following vaccine (Segerstrom & Miller, 2004), acute health prob- lems (e.g., susceptibility to the common cold, flu, sore throat, headache; Cohen et al., 1991; DeLongis et al., 1988), and chronic disease (e.g., cardiovascular disease, cancer; Cohen et al., 2007). In light of this evidence, we propose that psychologi- cal distress following experiences with stigma is a pri- mary pathway leading to LGB health deficits. In line with this hypothesis, several large studies have linked high rates of psychological distress to physical health out- comes among LGB individuals. For example, in a study of the U.S. population, sexual minority participants reported higher levels of psychological distress than did exclusively heterosexual participants; these differences in psychological distress fully explained most health dis- parities observed between lesbian and heterosexual women (e.g., digestive complaints, chronic fatigue syn- drome, arthritis), and some, but not all, disparities observed between gay and heterosexual men (e.g., heart disease, liver disease, back pain; Cochran & Mays, 2007). In the Netherlands, lesbian/gay participants reported more acute mental health problems and poorer psycho- logical well-being overall than did heterosexuals. Controlling for these markers of psychological distress eradicated associations between sexual orientation and the total number of both acute and chronic physical health conditions reported by LGB participants (e.g., respiratory problems, osteoarthritis, headache; Sandfort et al., 2006). These data do not permit causal claims, but they suggest that high levels of stress due to antigay stigma may help to explain physical health difficulties in sexual minority communities. Cognitive appraisal and appraisal style. Maladaptive cognitive styles may also arise from stigmatizing experi- ences and affect physical health among LGB individu- als. Previous research has pinpointed two such cognitive styles, both of which are related to fears of future vic- timization: perceptual vigilance and rejection sensitivity. With regard to perceptual vigilance, many research- ers have theorized that experiences with stigma make minority individuals hyperconscious of their social envi- ronment in order to anticipate and avoid stigmatizing encounters in the future (Allport, 1954; Crocker et al., 1998; Meyer, 2003). Such persistent alertness is associ- ated with negative health outcomes in diverse popula- tions (Schnittker & McLeod, 2005). For example, Williams and Neighbors (2001) reviewed evidence of perceptual vigilance among Black individuals, who are frequent tar- gets of prejudice. They argued that such constant vigi- lance alters physiological functioning—especially of the ANS—and that this helps to explain heightened rates of cardiovascular disease in Black communities. Studies in the general population have supported this link between perceptual vigilance and cardiovascular functioning, demonstrating heightened systolic and diastolic blood pressure among participants who were vigilant to nega- tive social messages (Gump & Matthews, 1998). Although similar associations have not been tested in LGB commu- nities, researchers have demonstrated that experiences with antigay victimization make LGB individuals vigilant to threats in their social environment (Pachankis, Gold- fried, & Ramrattan, 2008). Collectively, these data suggest that vigilance may be an important psychological factor affecting LGB cardiovascular health. Experiences with victimization may not only make tar- gets vigilant to potentially harmful social situations, but also sensitive to future rejection. Research in the general population has revealed that some individuals are highly anxious about social rejection (Downey & Feldman, 1996). Such heightened anxiety interferes with physio- logical functioning, as indicated by dysregulated inflam- matory (Slavich, Way, Eisenberger, & Taylor, 2010) and hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis responses (Tops, Riese, Oldehinkel, Rijsdijk, & Ormel, 2008), as well as by upregulated indicators of physical pain (Way, Taylor, & Eisenberger, 2009) among rejection-sensitive adults. Rejection sensitivity and concomitant physiologi- cal problems may be especially pronounced among sexual minority individuals. Indeed, two studies have uncovered higher rates of social anxiety among LGB adults relative to heterosexual adults (Pachankis & Goldfried, 2006; Safren & Pantalone, 2006). Other studies have linked such elevated rates of rejection sensitivity to physical health outcomes among gay men. For example, one early study demonstrated faster disease progression and greater rates of mortality among HIV-positive gay by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 535 men who were high in rejection sensitivity than in those who were lower in rejection sensitivity (Cole et al., 1997). A subsequent study argued that rejection-sensitive gay men become socially inhibited after experiencing social rejection in order to avoid future stigma, which has nega- tive implications for their health. In that study, HIV- positive gay men who were highest in social inhibition showed the poorest responses to antiretroviral treatment, even after controlling for demographics, duration of HIV infection, and relevant health behaviors (Cole, Kemeny, Fahey, Zack, & Naliboff, 2003). Thus, sexual minority individuals may be prone to rejection sensitivity due to previous experiences with stigma, and this sensitivity is associated with dysregulated physiological functioning and poorer health outcomes in the community at large. Health behaviors and beliefs. Social experiences may also affect LGB physical health by altering health behav- iors and beliefs. Specifically, LGB people may engage in unhealthy behaviors in order to reduce psychological discomfort following experiences with antigay stigma. If many LGB individuals experience victimization and engage in such risky behaviors to cope with psychological distress, their peers may come to view such behaviors as normative, leading to harmful behaviors and poor health outcomes even among those who do not personally face prejudice. Evidence for these links between social expe- riences and health behavior is quite robust, providing a solid foundation for this portion of our theory about the determinants of LGB physical health disparities. Many studies have indicated that LGB people fre- quently use substances that put their health at risk. For example, LGB individuals report high rates of tobacco, alcohol, and illicit drug use relative to heterosexuals (Beatty, Madl, & Bostwick, 2006; Cochran, Ackerman, Mays, & Ross, 2004; Hatzenbuehler, Corbin, et al., 2008; Hughes & Eliason, 2002; King et al., 2008; McCabe, Boyd, Hughes, & d’Arcy, 2003; McCabe, Hughes, & Boyd, 2004; Ortiz-Hernández, Gómez, & Valdés, 2009). In fact, one meta-analysis reported 190% greater odds of any sub- stance use for LGB youth than for heterosexual youth, with even higher odds for lesbian and bisexual individu- als (340% and 400%, respectively; Marshal et al., 2008). These heightened odds of substance use among sexual minorities were most pronounced for injection drugs (odds ratio = 7.23), followed by cigarettes (odds ratio = 4.23) and cocaine (odds ratio = 3.09). Other evidence suggests that such high rates of sub- stance abuse are associated with difficult social experi- ences among LGB people. In one large sample, LGB adults’ experiences with antigay victimization and inter- nalized homophobia were positively associated with alcohol and drug use (Weber, 2008). In a population- based study, LGB adults who reported multiple experiences with discrimination had nearly four times greater odds of experiencing a substance use disorder in the past year (McCabe, Bostwick, Hughes, West, & Boyd, 2010). In other studies, the amount of antigay rejection reported by LGB participants explained individual differ- ences in tobacco, alcohol, and illicit drug use, even after controlling for demographic factors and social desirabil- ity (Rosario et al., 2009). Finally, in a prospective study, self-reports of internalized homophobia, discrimination, and rejection sensitivity were positively associated with substance use among gay men (Hatzenbuehler, Nolen- Hoeksema, et al., 2008). Collectively, these findings reveal that experiences with minority stress predict substance use among LGB individuals, which has clear links to physical health problems (McBride, 1992; P. A. Newcomb & Carbone, 1992; Rehm et al., 2009; Ronksley, Brien, Turner, Mukamal, & Ghali, 2011). For example, LGB peo- ple who experience minority stress are at heightened risk for smoking tobacco (Hamilton & Mahalik, 2009). Smoking is unambiguously linked to asthma, some can- cers, and cardiovascular disease (McBride, 1992; P. A. Newcomb & Carbone, 1992), all of which are more prev- alent in LGB relative to heterosexual samples (see Diamant & Wold, 2003; Heck & Jacobson, 2006; Landers et al., 2011; McNair et al., 2011). Thus far, we have argued that experiences with minor- ity stress lead to poor health behaviors among LGB peo- ple, which directly harm their physical health. The link between minority stress and health behaviors may also affect LGB health outcomes more indirectly by altering perceptions of health norms. Specifically, LGB individuals who do not experience minority stress may witness unhealthy behaviors among their peers and come to view them as normative (i.e., pluralistic ignorance; Prentice & Miller, 1993), increasing the probability that they will engage in similar behaviors in the future (Hamilton & Mahalik, 2009). In line with this hypothesis, a prospective study found that lesbian women drank more alcohol than did straight women during high school and that gay men increased their alcohol consumption at a faster rate than did straight men during the transition from high school to college (Hatzenbuehler, Corbin, et al., 2008). The percep- tion that alcohol consumption was normative for their peer group drove such heightened drinking behavior among sexual minority youth; that is, perceptions of social norms mediated the association between sexual orienta- tion and substance abuse. Another study showed that indi- vidual health beliefs and peer group norms both predicted psychological distress, engagement in positive health behaviors (e.g., exercise), and risk for drug use among young men who have sex with men (Traube, Holloway, Schrager, & Kipke, 2012). Thus, minority stress may increase risky behaviors among LGB people by altering perceived norms in the LGB community. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 536 Lick et al. Conclusions and research gaps. Existing data suggest that stigmatizing social experiences affect psychological and behavioral processes that in turn hinder the health of sexual minority individuals. In particular, experi- ences with prejudice and discrimination are associated with psychological distress, which portends poor physi- cal health in both general and LGB populations. Minor- ity stress also involves maladaptive cognitive appraisals, such as vigilance to interpersonal threats and rejection sensitivity, which have negative health consequences. Finally, exposure to minority stress is associated with increased substance use among LGB people. Such risky health behaviors are so common that members of the LGB community view them as normative, increasing the likelihood that they will engage in similar behaviors in the future, thereby compromising the health status of the LGB community at large. Several notable gaps exist in this otherwise robust lit- erature. First, evidence linking individual psychological and behavioral responses to LGB physical health relies almost entirely on cross-sectional designs and self- reports. Studies that explore psychological and behav- ioral sequelae of minority stress with experimental manipulations and objective measures could rule out potentially confounding factors (e.g., social desirability) and clarify the causal directions of these effects. Furthermore, many of the health-compromising pro- cesses described here rely on data from non-LGB minor- ity groups or the general population (e.g., perceptual vigilance among African Americans). In the future, it will be important to replicate these effects with LGB samples. It is also worth noting that most work in this area con- cerns gay men; far fewer studies examine lesbian and bisexual individuals. To gain a more comprehensive understanding of population-level associations between psychological and behavioral stress responses and sexual minority health, researchers should aim to explore these underrepresented groups more fully. Finally, although researchers have paid a great deal of attention to LGB health behaviors, substance abuse has been the primary focus of this work. Other behaviors, such as binge eating and physical inactivity, are also associated with experiencing stigma (Durso, Latner, & Hayashi, 2012; Puhl & Heuer, 2010; Puhl, Moss-Racusin, & Schwartz, 2007). Indeed, internalized homophobia is associated with bulimic behavior among gay men (Reilly & Rudd, 2006), and lesbian women report restricted access to family plans at fitness centers as a reason for physical inactivity (Brittain, Baillargeon, McElroy, Aaron, & Gyurcsik, 2008). Future studies should extend these investigations to clarify the behavioral antecedents of LGB health disparities. Physiological factors linking minority stress and LGB physical health. Finally, physiological factors are critical for understanding LGB health disparities, because they describe how stressors “get under the skin” to affect physical functioning. Despite the importance of this topic, the ways in which psychological and behavioral processes affect physiological functioning among LGB people remain largely unclear. Based on several studies from LGB populations and many from the general popu- lation, we have identified three physiological pathways that may link minority stress to LGB physical health: (a) altered functioning of the HPA axis, (b) dysregulated immunity, and (c) exaggerated ANS reactivity. In the short term, these physiological responses help the body to meet demands of external stressors. Over time, how- ever, repeated activation may produce allostatic load, which ultimately takes a toll on physical functioning and produces health disparities (McEwen, 2006; McEwen & Stellar, 1993; Seeman et al., 1997). HPA axis. Minority stress may impact physiology via hormone regulation. Cortisol is a steroid hormone released by the HPA axis in response to stressors that are socially threatening (Dickerson & Kemeny, 2004). Over time, chronic social stress can lead to dysregulation of the HPA axis (i.e., high levels of circulating cortisol; exag- gerated or blunted cortisol responses to novel stressors), which is associated with a host of negative health out- comes (e.g., cardiovascular disease, diabetes; Lovallo & Thomas, 2000; Lundberg, 2005). A great deal of work in the general population has established links between social stress, HPA functioning, and downstream health (for a review, see Dickerson & Kemeny, 2004). Some preliminary evidence suggests that minority stress affects HPA functioning among LGB individuals. For example, one of the first studies to explore physio- logical correlates of minority stress compared salivary cortisol of gay and bisexual men who disclosed their sexual orientation at work with those who did not (Huebner & Davis, 2005). Disclosure was associated with significantly heightened cortisol during the workday after controlling for baseline levels at home. The authors argued that disclosing one’s sexual orientation at work elevates the risk of experiencing victimization related to one’s sexual orientation (see Pachankis, 2007; Waldo, 1999), arousing concerns about social rejection and therefore stimulating a cortisol response. Persistently high levels of circulating cortisol are associated with a host of poor health outcomes for which LGB individuals show elevated risk (e.g., cardiovascular disease; Lundberg, 2005). Results from Huebner and Davis (2005) suggest that disclosing one’s sexual orientation may arouse concerns about social evaluation, stimulating cortisol responses that accrue over time to damage health. At the same time, concealing one’s sexual orientation may damage health via dysregulated immune function (Cole, Kemeny, et al., by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 537 1996; Cole et al., 1997). Although researchers have yet to experimentally compare the physiological correlates of disclosure and concealment in a single study, these find- ings suggest that acts of disclosure and concealment both negatively affect LGB physical health but that each does so by different means. Thus, LGB individuals may be in a double bind: Disclosing their sexual orientation may put them at risk for social rejection and exaggerated cortisol responses, but concealing their sexual orientation may put them at risk for anxiety and dysregulated immunity. These possibilities highlight multiple routes by which sexual-orientation-related stressors may affect physical health in LGB communities. ANS reactivity. Social experiences may also impact physiology via ANS reactivity. Indeed, social stressors (e.g., giving a speech before unresponsive judges) are associated with exaggerated ANS responses measured via heart rate and blood pressure reactivity, as well as poor recovery from such activity, among healthy adults (e.g., Kirschbaum, Pirke, & Hellhammer, 1993; Uchino & Garvey, 1997). Furthermore, cardiovascular reactivity and poor recovery are well-known risk factors for health problems, insofar as people who show exaggerated cardiovascular responses to stressors are most likely to develop hypertension, atherosclerosis, and cardiovascu- lar disease (Bongard, al’Absi, & Lovallo, 2012; Lovallo & Wilson, 1992). Moreover, a large literature has linked discrimination to cardiovascular reactivity and health in other minority communities, especially Black communi- ties. Laboratory and epidemiological studies have dem- onstrated that Black individuals who report high rates of discrimination experience dysregulation in daily cardio- vascular functioning and cardiovascular health problems in the long term (for a review, see Williams & Moham- med, 2009). Both the general importance of ANS reactivity for phys- ical health and recent evidence from racial minority com- munities support the notion that minority stress may help to explain disparities in cardiovascular disease and disease risk documented among LGB individuals (e.g., Case et al., 2004; Diamant & Wold, 2003). Furthermore, Perez-Benitez, O’Brien, Carels, Gordon, and Chiros (2007) compared car- diovascular recovery of healthy gay men who disclosed their sexual orientation during a laboratory experiment with recovery of those who did not disclose their orienta- tion. They found greater recovery among gay men who disclosed their sexual orientation—a pattern that is at odds with previous observations of elevated cortisol levels fol- lowing disclosure (Huebner & Davis, 2005). However, the recovery trend was only prevalent among gay men who tended to conceal their sexual orientation in everyday life but disclosed it during the study. The authors argued that persistent concealment of one’s sexual orientation is stressful (see Frable et al., 1998; Pachankis, 2007), leading to chronic cardiovascular arousal. For individuals who reg- ularly concealed their sexual orientation, disclosure may have momentarily reduced this stress, as evidenced by the greater recovery for gay men who tended to conceal their sexual orientation before the study. This work adds to the small but growing literature demonstrating links between minority stress processes—especially sexual orientation disclosure—and physiological functioning among LGB individuals. Immune system. Immune functioning is a third route by which experiences of minority stress may impact physiology. Research in psychoneuroimmunology has consistently linked social stressors to increased inflam- mation, as indicated by circulating levels of proinflamma- tory cytokines (e.g., Cohen et al., 2012; Steptoe, Hamer, & Chida, 2007). Studies have also linked psychological stressors (e.g., job strain, caregiving) to poor antibody responses following immunization (Cohen, Miller, & Rabin, 2001). More generally, a meta-analysis of more than 300 empirical studies indicated robust associations between psychological stress and diverse indicators of immune function (Segerstrom & Miller, 2004). Collec- tively, these studies suggest that psychological stress affects the immune system, resulting in inflammatory processes and poor antibody responses that leave the body susceptible to disease (Segerstrom & Miller, 2004). Among LGB individuals in particular, concealing sex- ual orientation negatively impacts immune function—this is consistent with Perez-Benitez et al.’s (2007) findings. Specifically, HIV-positive gay men who concealed their sexual orientation in one study exhibited significantly higher incidences of cancer, infectious diseases, and mor- tality in a 5-year longitudinal study (Cole, Kemeny, et al., 1996). Demographic, behavioral, and psychological dif- ferences among participants did not account for these effects, but poor immune functioning and faster disease progression among gay men who concealed their sexual orientation did (see Cole et al., 1996). Thus, in much the same way that sexual orientation disclosure aids cardio- vascular recovery, concealment appears to hinder immune functioning, at least among HIV-positive gay men, leading to disease progression and poor health out- comes overall. Aside from established links between chronic sexual orientation concealment and immune dysregulation, other forms of minority stress may also affect immune functioning. Indeed, in the general population, acute social-evaluative threats such as those elicited by the Trier Social Stress Test (Kirschbaum et al., 1993) affect the number and function of immune cells in the body. Fleeting experiences with antigay stigma may have simi- lar effects on LGB individuals’ immune systems. Because by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 538 Lick et al. stigma is a common experience of social-evaluative threat for sexual minorities, LGB people may face constant immune dysregulation, which ultimately wears on the body and hinders physical health. However, researchers have yet to provide empirical support for such associa- tions between acute stressors and immune functioning among LGB individuals; this is an important goal for future work. Conclusions and research gaps. As reviewed here, several recent studies have linked experiences of minor- ity stress to dysregulation of the HPA axis, immune sys- tem, and ANS among LGB adults. It is important to note that dysregulation of these systems is associated with physical health problems in the general population (see Cacioppo, Tassinary, & Berntson, 2007), and specific dis- ease processes among gay men (Cole, Kemeny, et al., 1996). Thus, we propose that minority stress is likely to affect physiological functioning among LGB individuals. Although existing studies have revealed potential links between minority stress and physiological functioning for LGB people, the data are sparse, and methodological limi- tations of existing studies warrant comment. First, most research to date has relied on small convenience samples, compromising our ability to generalize beyond those samples. Second, most studies have focused exclusively on the physiological functioning of gay men, some of whom were HIV-positive, which raises questions about the applicability of the findings to broader sexual minority populations. Furthermore, most work on this topic has relied on cross-sectional designs and self-reports of minor- ity stress (e.g., sexual orientation disclosure), limiting our ability to draw causal inferences. Also, many of these studies examined a single biomarker, and this narrow focus may obscure interactions among diverse physiologi- cal systems following exposure to minority stress. Perhaps most important, the ways in which discrete instances of physiological dysregulation manifest in poor health for LGB individuals remain unclear. Allostatic load models suggest that repeated stress exposure leads to chronic dysregulation of multiple physiological systems; over time, such dysregulation wears on the body and compromises physical health (McEwen, 2006; McEwen & Stellar, 1993; Seeman et al., 1997). However, strikingly few studies have examined allostatic load among LGB individuals. In one study, Adams (2008) used data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey to compare allostatic load between LGB and heterosexual participants based on nine stress-related biomarkers: sys- tolic blood pressure, diastolic blood pressure, body mass index, resting heart rate, glycohemoglobin, C-reactive protein, albumin, HDL cholesterol, and total cholesterol. After equating LGB and heterosexual subgroups on demographic factors and health behaviors, there were no differences in allostatic load between groups. There are several potential reasons for the non-significant allostatic load effect in this study. First, allostatic load may not be the mechanism by which physiological dysregulation affects LGB physical health. However, this explanation seems improbable due to the data linking stress to allo- static load and poor physical health in the general popu- lation (e.g., Seeman et al., 1997). Second, we have argued that poor health behaviors help to explain physical health outcomes among LGB adults. In particular, increased substance abuse following minority stress may contribute to LGB health disparities. However, Adams (2008) con- trolled for health risk behaviors, which may have eradi- cated differences in allostatic load between the LGB and heterosexual subsamples. Indeed, if LGB people engage in riskier behaviors than heterosexual people due to dif- ferential exposure to minority stress, and if these behav- iors are linked to health disparities, then adjusting for differences in risk behavior between LGB and hetero- sexual participants may have occluded important physi- ological differences between the groups. Current data do not permit strong inferences about these possibilities, and the fact that so few studies have examined allostatic load in LGB communities suggests that this topic deserves a great deal more attention in the future. Future Directions for Research on LGB Physical Health Sexual minority health has become a pressing concern for scholars, policymakers, and medical professionals around the world. A number of recent studies have dem- onstrated poorer health outcomes among LGB individu- als relative to heterosexual individuals, but there is little theory about the causes and correlates of those dispari- ties. In this article, we endeavored to improve knowledge in this area by linking evidence of LGB health disparities to difficult social experiences that arouse stress. Although our review relied on empirical evidence from both LGB and general populations to pinpoint specific pathways by which social experiences may impact physical health in LGB communities, there is still much work to be done. We now outline five goals that future researchers must meet if we are to achieve a comprehensive knowledge of LGB physical health. This call-to-arms implores col- leagues in the allied fields of public health, epidemiol- ogy, psychology, sociology, and medicine to provide new insights about the social determinants of LGB physical health. Researchers must collect new epidemiological data on the existence, frequency, and correlates of LGB physical health disparities A growing number of studies have uncovered physical health disparities related to sexual orientation. Still, we by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 539 need additional epidemiological research on the form and frequency of these disparities. This is especially true because evidence supporting the most dramatic dispari- ties often comes from single studies (e.g., higher rates of cardiovascular disease among lesbian women; Diamant & Wold, 2003). New studies will help to clarify the preva- lence rates of such severe disparities. Furthermore, whereas some studies have uncovered increased disease diagnoses among LGB individuals (e.g., cancer: Koblin et al., 1996; asthma: Kim & Fredriksen-Goldsen, 2012), many existing studies have investigated disease risk fac- tors rather than diagnoses per se. This is partially due to a reliance on younger LGB samples (e.g., Adams, 2008; Landers et al., 2011), which may not yet exhibit signs of disease. As this area of research matures, studies of clini- cally significant diagnoses among aging LGB adults will be increasingly important (Wallace, Cochran, Durazo, & Ford, 2011). It is also worth noting that most epidemio- logical evidence of LGB physical health problems has relied on self-reports from sexual minority adults. In the future, studies that explore archival data, medical records, and physician observations are necessary to confirm pre- vious findings and obviate potential confounds in self- reports of physical health (e.g., malingering). Moreover, researchers have demonstrated a wide variety of physical health disparities between LGB and heterosexual adults, ranging from asthma to cancer and cardiovascular dis- ease. Because only a handful of studies have examined each outcome, it was necessary to combine them for the purposes of this review. Still, it is likely that some dispari- ties are more common than others and that minority stress is a better predictor of some disparities than others. In the future, it will be important to gauge the relative frequency of each of these health outcomes and to tease apart their common and unique predictors. As more pop- ulation-based surveys and medical records include ques- tions about sexual orientation, it will become increasingly feasible to address these issues. Aside from additional data on the form and frequency of LGB physical health disparities, we need more popu- lation-level data about correlates of such disparities. Indeed, most epidemiological work in this area has examined only sexual minority status and health out- comes, without testing potential mechanisms linking these variables. Based on existing literature, epidemiolo- gists should strive to include several additional measures in future studies. First, measures of both lifetime and recent exposure to antigay prejudice, as well as expecta- tions of future prejudice, are necessary to draw stronger links between distal stressors and health outcomes among LGB individuals. Furthermore, to help clarify conflicting findings about the health costs and benefits of sexual orientation disclosure, epidemiological studies should include measures of disclosure (e.g., time since sexual orientation disclosure, frequency of sexual orientation disclosure). Previous findings from convenience samples indicated that frequent exposure to antigay stigma leads to internalized homophobia, which may be associated with poor physical health; population-level data are nec- essary to buttress these claims. Finally, we have almost no information about factors that may buffer associations between sexual minority status and poor health. Population-level data about community connectedness, identity pride, and family acceptance would help us understand how and why some LGB individuals flourish and others do not. As epidemiological studies include more measures of perceived discrimination, sexual orien- tation disclosure, internalized homophobia, and stress- buffering factors, we will be able to reach stronger conclusions about potential mechanisms linking sexual minority status to physical health outcomes. Researchers must systematically rule out potential confounds of the minority stress account of LGB physical health Future work must also rule out competing theories that may account for LGB physical health disparities. Comorbid diagnoses of HIV/AIDS are especially impor- tant, as they may explain some health problems observed among gay men (see Cochran & Mays, 2007). Response biases and social desirability represent other important confounds, as most studies in this area rely on self-report. In the future, studies that control for comorbid disease and gather data from multiple sources would allay these methodological concerns. Several recent studies provide creative methods for achieving these goals. For example, future researchers might sample sibling pairs in which one individual identifies as LGB and the other identifies as heterosexual (see Balsam et al., 2005) to reduce poten- tial confounds related to rearing and early family experi- ences. Similarly, researchers might examine objective measures of health outcomes (e.g., medical records and biomarkers; see Hatzenbuehler et al., 2012; Huebner & Davis, 2005) to mitigate concerns about biased self- reports. Adopting these and other novel methods will greatly enhance the evidentiary basis for conclusions in this literature. Researchers must clarify the causal directions of physiological processes proposed to drive LGB physical health disparities Although results from cross-sectional studies have revealed associations between experiences with minority by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 540 Lick et al. stress, physiological functioning, and physical health out- comes for LGB individuals, the correlational nature of the data obfuscates causal inferences. For example, it remains unclear whether some negative psychological states observed among LGB individuals (e.g., neuroticism, neg- ative affect) are a cause or a consequence of minority stress and its related physical health problems. Controlled experiments that provide causal evidence are a crucial next step for this area of research. In particular, studies that experimentally manipulate minority stress and objec- tively measure physiological outcomes in a laboratory setting will help to clarify the direction of association between social experiences and LGB physical health. Researchers who investigate health difficulties in other minority communities have made great strides toward specifying causal directions, and these efforts can serve as a template for new work with LGB communities. Indeed, research with African American participants has consis- tently revealed that stigma leads to physiological changes that are associated with long-term health disparities (Blascovich, Spencer, Quinn, & Steele, 2001; Brondolo, Gallo, & Myers, 2008; Guyll, Matthews, & Bromberger, 2001; Krieger, 2012; K. A. Matthews, Salomon, Kenyon, & Zhou, 2005). Despite theoretical rationales for similar links between social experiences and physiological functioning in sexual minority communities, only a few studies have tested the effects of minority stress on physiology among LGB individuals. Furthermore, extant research has explored only a few physiological mechanisms in isolation (e.g., salivary cortisol, cardiac recovery, immune responses). In the future, researchers will gain from replicating these findings and exploring how multiple bodily systems inter- act following exposure to minority stressors. This work will help to clarify specific pathways by which minority stress gets under the skin, and it may reveal promising avenues for interventions that reduce morbidity in LGB communities. Aside from controlled experiments, other research designs will also be helpful in clarifying causal pathways linking stigma to physical health outcomes in LGB com- munities. Indeed, whereas laboratory studies are useful for examining interpersonal forms of minority stress, they are less useful for pinpointing broader sociocultural determinants of LGB physical health (e.g., discriminatory social policies). Longitudinal datasets with representative geographic variation, valid measures of sexual orienta- tion, and objective measures of physical health will be especially helpful in exploring these broader aspects of minority stress. Overall, a multimethod approach that incorporates controlled experiments, prospective and longitudinal studies, and quasi-experimental datasets will provide the most comprehensive knowledge of causal mechanisms underlying LGB health disparities. Researchers must carefully examine links between mental and physical health in LGB communities Psychological and physiological systems are intricately connected, such that dysregulation in one area may lead to dysregulation in the other (Irwin, 2008; McGregor & Antoni, 2009). For example, researchers have high- lighted complex interactions between depression and immune functioning in the general population, such that depressed individuals exhibit heightened inflamma- tion, which in turn may fuel further depression (Raison, Capuron, & Miller, 2006). Thus, to fully understand LGB physical health disparities, we must understand their associations with psychological health. Traditionally, however, LGB mental health and physical health are studied in isolation and by different disciplines. When researchers have assessed both domains of well- being, they have tended to treat one as a confound of the other (e.g., exploring physical health after control- ling for mental health status), thus obscuring meaning- ful interactive effects. Interdisciplinary research teams that integrate both domains of well-being will advance the field toward a more nuanced understanding of LGB health. Researchers must explore the developmental timeline of LGB physical health disparities Finally, most studies of sexual minority health have relied on reports at a single time point and often from a fairly young sample of adults. These studies provided useful information about LGB health disparities, but they have resulted in limited knowledge of those disparities across the life span. This is an especially important limitation in light of “critical periods,” or points during development in which people are highly susceptible to stress (Taylor, 2009), which have received increasing attention in health research. LGB individuals’ first experiences disclosing their sexual orientation may represent a critical period, wherein social rejection from family and friends acts as a potent stressor that predicts future health (Ryan, Huebner, Diaz, & Sanchez, 2009; Ryan, Russell, Huebner, Diaz, & Sanchez, 2010). As LGB individuals come out at earlier stages of development (Ryan, 2003), critical periods may become increasingly important for understanding their long-term health. Longitudinal studies that follow LGB individuals from the time they come out (or even before they come out) until later adulthood will help us to understand the time course of physical health problems in the LGB community. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 541 Conclusion In summary, a growing body of research reveals that LGB individuals suffer physical health disparities relative to their heterosexual peers, ranging from poor overall health to activity limitations, disability, disease risk factors, and specific diagnoses. In this article, we provided the first comprehensive overview of various pathways by which social factors may hinder LGB physical health, providing a starting point for more detailed theorizing about the social determinants of LGB health disparities. Still, there is much work to be done. In particular, it is critically important for future researchers to employ laboratory and longitudinal methods to understand the causal time course of LGB health disparities. Such new studies have the potential to inform multiple disciplines, highlighting not only important links between sexual orientation, minority stress, and physical health, but also correlates and confounds of these issues (e.g., single vs. coupled LGB individuals; exclusively lesbian/gay vs. bisexual individuals). We certainly have our work cut out for us, but these topics cannot be ignored, as they concern the morbidity of millions of sexual minority individuals and inform both local and federal policy decisions. If research on this topic continues with the vigor of the past 10 years, then by the time the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services releases their Healthy People guidelines for 2030, we are confident that scholars and policymakers will have a more complete knowledge of LGB physical health that will be useful in mitigating such serious concerns. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The authors declared that they had no conflicts of interest with respect to their authorship or the publication of this article. Notes 1. We focus specifically on the physical health of LGB individu- als, as they share a common stigma related to their sexual ori- entation (i.e., attraction to members of the same sex). Although transgender individuals are often included in discussions of sexual minority populations and may experience discrimina- tion based on their sexual orientation, they also face distinct stigmas and health issues related to discrepancies between their biological sex and gender identity. Therefore, it does not seem appropriate or feasible to review the literature on LGB and transgender health in the same article. We limit the current review to health disparities specifically related to sexual orien- tation, fully recognizing that a detailed review of transgender health warrants its own analysis. 2. Throughout our review, we rely primarily on research con- ducted with LGB samples. In cases in which there has been little or no research conducted with sexual minority participants, we extend our review to the health implications of stigma for other minority groups but only when necessary. Acknowledgments The authors gratefully acknowledge Ilan Meyer, Janet Tomiyama, Andrew Ward, and members of the DiSH Lab for feedback on earlier drafts of this article. Funding Preparation of this manuscript was supported by a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship and Cota- Robles Fellowship to David J. Lick. References Adams, J. P. (2008). Sexual identity and allostatic load. Master’s thesis. University of North Texas, Denton, TX. Ahmed, A. T., Mohammed, S. A., & Williams, D. R. (2007). Racial discrimination & health: Pathways & evidence. The Indian Journal of Medical Research, 126, 318–327. Albelda, R., Badgett, M. V. L., Schneebaum, A., & Gates, G. J. (2009). Poverty in the lesbian, gay, and bisexual com- munity. Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, University of California, Los Angeles School of Law. Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Ash, M. A., & Badgett, M. V. L. (2006). Separate and unequal: The effect of unequal access to employment-based health insurance on same-sex and unmarried different-sex cou- ples. Contemporary Economic Policy, 24, 582–599. Badgett, M. V. L. (2001). Money, myths, and change: The eco- nomic lives of lesbians and gay men. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Badgett, M. V. L. (2004). Will providing marriage rights to same- sex couples undermine heterosexual marriage? Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 1, 1–10. Badgett, M. V. L., Lau, H., Sears, B., & Ho, D. (2007). Bias in the workplace: Consistent evidence of sexual orientation and gender identity discrimination. Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, University of California, Los Angeles School of Law. Bailey, J. M. (1999). Homosexuality and mental illness. Archives of General Psychiatry, 56, 883–884. Balsam, K. F., Molina, Y., Beadnell, B., Simoni, J., & Walters, K. (2011). Measuring multiple minority stress: The LGBT People of Color Microaggressions Scale. Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology, 17, 163–174. Balsam, K. F., Rothblum, E. D., & Beauchaine, T. P. (2005). Victimization over the life span: A comparison of les- bian, gay, bisexual, and heterosexual siblings. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 73, 477–487. Beatty, R. L., Madl-Young, R., & Bostwick, W. B. (2006). Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender substance abuse. In M. D. Shankle (Ed.), Handbook of LGBT public health (pp. 201–220). Binghamton, NY: Haworth Press. Bergeron, S., & Senn, C. Y. (2003). Health care utilization in a sample of Canadian lesbian women: Predictors of risk and resilience. Women & Health, 37, 19–35. Berrill, K. T. (1992). Anti-gay violence and victimization in the United States: An overview. In G. M. Herek & K. T. Berrill (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men (pp. 19–45). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 542 Lick et al. Black, D. A., Sanders, S. G., & Taylor, L. J. (2007). The eco- nomics of lesbian and gay families. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 21, 53–70. Blascovich, S. J., Spencer, S. J., Quinn, D., & Steele, C. (2001). African Americans and high blood pressure: The role of stereotype threat. Psychological Science, 12, 225–229. Boehmer, U. (2002). Twenty years of public health research: Inclusion of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender populations. American Journal of Public Health, 92, 1125–1130. Bongard, S., al’Absi, M., & Lovallo, W. R. (2012). Cardiovascular reactivity and health. In G. H. E. Gendolla (Ed.), How moti- vation affects cardiovascular response: Mechanisms and applications (pp. 223–241). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Brandenburg, D. L., Matthews, A. K., Johnson, T. P., & Hughes, T. L. (2007). Breast cancer risk and screening: A compari- son of lesbian and heterosexual women. Women & Health, 45, 109–130. Brittain, D. R., Baillargeon, T., McElroy, M., Aaron, D. J., & Gyurcsik, N. C. (2008). Barriers to moderate physical activ- ity in adult lesbians. Women & Health, 43, 75–92. Brockmann, H., & Klein, T. (2004). Love and death in Germany: The marital biography and its effect on mortality. Journal of Marriage and Family, 66, 567–581. Brondolo, E., Gallo, L. C., & Myers, H. F. (2008). Race, rac- ism and health: Disparities, mechanisms, and interventions. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 32, 1–8. Brown, J. P., & Tracy, J. K. (2008). Lesbians and cancer: An overlooked health disparity. Cancer Causes & Control, 19, 1009–1020. Buffie, W. C. (2011). Public health implications of same-sex marriage. American Journal of Public Health, 101, 986–990. Burgard, S. A., Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (2005). Alcohol and tobacco use patterns among heterosexually and homo- sexually experienced women in California. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 77, 61–70. Burns, M. N., Kamen, C., Lehman, K. A., & Beach, S. R. H. (2012). Minority stress and attributions for discriminatory events predict social anxiety in gay men. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 36, 25–35. Cacioppo, J. T., Tassinary, L. G., & Berntson, G. (2007). Handbook of psychophysiology. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Case, P., Austin, B., Hunter, D. J., Manson, J. E., Malspeis, S., Willett, W. C., & Spiegelman, D. (2004). Sexual orientation, health risk factors, and physical functioning in the Nurse’s Health Study II. Journal of Women’s Health, 13, 1033–1047. Cochran, S. D. (2001). Emerging issues in research on lesbians’ and gay men’s mental health: Does sexual orientation really matter? American Psychologist, 56, 931–947. Cochran, S. D., Ackerman, D., Mays, V. M., & Ross, M. W. (2004). Prevalence of non-medical drug use and depen- dence among homosexually active men and women in the US population. Addiction, 99, 989–998. Cochran, S. D., Keenan, C., Schober, C., & Mays, V. M. (2000). Estimates of alcohol use and clinical treatment needs among homosexually active men and women in the U.S. population. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 68, 1062–1071. Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (2000). Lifetime prevalence of suicide symptoms and affective disorders among men reporting same-sex sexual partners: Results from NHANES III. American Journal of Public Health, 904, 573–578. Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (2007). Physical health com- plaints among lesbians, gay men, and bisexual and homo- sexually experienced heterosexual individuals: Results from the California Quality of Life Survey. American Journal of Public Health, 97, 2048–2055. Cochran, S. D., Mays, V. M., Bowen, D., Gage, S., Bybee, D., Roberts, S. J., . . . White, J. (2001). Cancer-related risk indi- cators and preventive screening behaviors among lesbians and bisexual women. American Journal of Public Health, 91, 591–597. Cochran, S. D., Sullivan, J. G., & Mays, V. M. (2003). Prevalence of mental disorders, psychological distress, and mental health services use among lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults in the United States. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 71, 52–61. Cohen, S., & Herbert, T. B. (1996). Health psychology: Psychological factors and physical disease from the per- spective of human psychoneuroimmunology. Annual Review of Psychology, 47, 113–142. Cohen, S., Janicki-Deverts, D., Doyle, W. J., Miller, G. E., Frank, E., Rabin, B. S., & Turner, R. B. (2012). Chronic stress, glu- cocorticoid receptor resistance, inflammation, and disease risk. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, USA, 109, 5995–5999. Cohen, S., Janicki-Deverts, D., & Miller, G. E. (2007). Psychological stress and disease. The Journal of the American Medical Association, 298, 1685–1687. Cohen, S., Miller, G. E., & Rabin, B. S. (2001). Psychological stress and antibody response to immunization: A critical review of the human literature. Psychosomatic Medicine, 63, 7–18. Cohen, S., Tyrrell, D. A., & Smith, A. P. (1991). Psychological stress and susceptibility to the common cold. New England Journal of Medicine, 325, 606–612. Cole, S. W., Kemeny, M. E., Fahey, J. L., Zack, J. A., & Naliboff, B. D. (2003). Psychological risk factors for HIV pathogene- sis: Mediation by the autonomic nervous system. Biological Psychiatry, 54, 1444–1456. Cole, S. W., Kemeny, M. E., & Taylor, S. E. (1997). Social iden- tity and physical health: Accelerated HIV progression in rejection-sensitive gay men. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72, 320–335. Cole, S. W., Kemeny, M. E., Taylor, S. E., & Visscher, B. R. (1996). Elevated physical health risk among gay men who conceal their homosexual identity. Health Psychology, 15, 243–251. Cole, S. W., Kemeny, M. E., Taylor, S. E., Visscher, B. R., & Fahey, J. L. (1996). Accelerated course of human immu- nodeficiency virus infection in gay men who conceal their homosexual identity. Psychosomatic Medicine, 58, 219–231. Conron, K. J., Mimiaga, M. J., & Landers, S. J. (2010). A popu- lation-based study of sexual orientation identity and gen- der differences in adult health. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 1953–1960. Crocker, J., Major, B., & Steele, C. (1998). Social stigma. In D. Gilbert, S. T. Fiske, & G. Lindzey (Eds.), The handbook of social psychology (pp. 504–553). Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 543 Dean, L., Meyer, I. H., Robinson, K., Sell, R. L., Sember, R., Silenzio, V. M. B., . . . Xavier, J. (2000). Lesbian, gay, bisex- ual, and transgender health: Findings and concerns. Journal of the Gay and Lesbian Medical Association, 4, 102–151. DeLongis, A., Folkman, S., & Lazarus, R. S. (1988). The impact of daily stress on health and mood: Psychological and social resources as mediators. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 486–495. Denton, F. N. (2012). Minority stress and physical health in les- bians, gays, and bisexuals: The mediating role of coping self-efficacy (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http:// uknowledge.uky.edu/edp_etds/2/ Diamant, A. L., & Wold, C. (2003). Sexual orientation and varia- tion in physical and mental health status among women. Journal of Women’s Health, 12, 41–49. Diamant, A. L., Wold, C., Spritzer, K., & Gelberg, L. (2000). Health behaviors, health status, and access to and use of health care: A population-based study of lesbian, bisexual, and heterosexual women. Archives of Family Medicine, 9, 1043–1051. Dibble, S. L., Roberts, S. A., & Nussey, B. (2004). Comparing breast cancer risk between lesbians and their heterosexual sisters. Women’s Health Issues, 14, 60–68. Dickerson, S. S., & Kemeny, M. E. (2004). Acute stressors and cortisol responses: A theoretical integration and synthe- sis of laboratory research. Psychological Bulletin, 130, 355–391. Dilley, J. A., Simmons, K. W., Boysun, M. J., Pizacani, B. A., & Stark, M. J. (2010). Demonstrating the importance and fea- sibility of including sexual orientation in public health sur- veys: Health disparities in the Pacific Northwest. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 460–467. DiPlacido, J. (1998). Minority stress among lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals: A consequence of heterosexism, homopho- bia, and stigmatization. In G. M. Herek (Ed.), Stigma and sexual orientation: Understanding prejudice against les- bians, gay men, and bisexuals (pp. 138–159). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Downey, G., & Feldman, S. I. (1996). Implications of rejection sensitivity for intimate relationships. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70, 1327–1343. Durso, L. E., Latner, J. D., & Hayashi, K. (2012). Perceived dis- crimination is associated with binge eating in a community sample of non-overweight, overweight, and obese adults. Obesity Facts, 5, 869–880. Eliason, M. J., & Schope, R. (2001). Does “don’t ask don’t tell” apply to health care? Lesbian, gay, and bisexual people’s disclosure to health care providers. Journal of the Gay and Lesbian Medical Association, 5, 125–134. Federal Bureau of Investigation. (2011). Hate crime statistics, 2011. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice. Frable, D. E. S., Blackstone, T., & Scherbaum, C. (1990). Marginal and mindful: Deviants in social interactions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 59, 140–149. Frable, D. E. S., Platt, L., & Hoey, S. (1998). Concealable stigmas and positive self-perceptions: Feeling better around similar others. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 909–922. Frable, D. E. S., Wortman, C., & Joseph, J. (1997). Predicting self-esteem, well-being, and distress in a cohort of gay men: The importance of cultural stigma, personal visibil- ity, community networks, and positive identity. Journal of Personality, 65, 599–624. Fredriksen-Goldsen, K. I., Emlet, C. A., Kim, H., Muraco, A., Erosheva, E., Goldsen, J., & Hoy-Ellis, C. P. (2012). The physical and mental health of lesbian, gay male, and bisex- ual (LGB) older adults: The role of key health indicators and risk and protective factors. The Gerontologist. Advance online publication. doi:10.1093/geront/gns123 Fredriksen-Goldsen, K. I., Kim, H., & Barkan, S. E. (2012). Disability among lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults: Disparities in prevalence and risk. American Journal of Public Health, 102, e16–e21. Frost, D. M., & Bastone, L. M. (2008). The role of stigma con- cealment in the retrospective high school experiences of gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals. Journal of LGBT Youth, 5, 27–36. Frost, D. M., Lehavot, K., & Meyer, I. H. (2011). Minority stress and physical health among sexual minorities. Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, University of California, Los Angeles School of Law. Frost, D. M., Parsons, J. T., & Nanin, J. E. (2007). Stigma, con- cealment and symptoms depression as explanations for sexually transmitted infections among gay men. Journal of Health Psychology, 12, 636–640. Garofalo, R., Wolf, R. C., Wissow, L. S., Woods, E. R., & Goodman, E. (1999). Sexual orientation and risk of suicide attempts among a representative sample of youth. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine, 153, 487–493. Gates, G. J. (2007). Geographic trends among same-sex couples in the US Census and the American Community Survey. Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, University of California, Los Angeles School of Law. Gilman, S. E., Cochran, S. D., Mays, V. M., Ostrow, D., & Kessler, R. C. (2001). Risk of psychiatric disorders among individuals reporting same-sex sexual partners in the National Comorbidity Survey. American Journal of Public Health, 91, 933–939. Goldberg, A. E., & Smith, J. Z. (2011). Stigma, social context, and mental health: Lesbian and gay couples across the transition to adoptive parenthood. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 58, 139–150. Gump, B. B., & Matthews, K. A. (1998). Vigilance and cardio- vascular reactivity to subsequent stressors in men: A pre- liminary study. Health Psychology, 17, 93–96. Guyll, M., Matthews, K. A., & Bromberger, J. T. (2001). Discrimination and unfair treatment: Relationship to cardio- vascular reactivity among African American and European American women. Health Psychology, 20, 315–325. Haan, M., Kaplan, G. A., & Camacho, T. (1987). Poverty and health: Prospective evidence from the Alameda County study. American Journal of Epidemiology, 125, 989–998. Hamilton, C. J., & Mahalik, J. R. (2009). Minority stress, mas- culinity, and social norms predicting gay men’s health risk behaviors. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 56, 132– 141. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 544 Lick et al. Harcourt, J. (2006). Current issues in lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) health. Journal of Homosexuality, 51, 1–11. Hardie, H. J., & Lucas, A. (2010). Economic factors and rela- tionship quality among young couples: Comparing cohabi- tation and marriage. Journal of Marriage and Family, 72, 1141–1154. Hatzenbuehler, M. L. (2009). How does sexual minority stigma “get under the skin?” A psychological mediation frame- work. Psychological Bulletin, 135, 707–730. Hatzenbuehler, M. L. (2011). The social environment and sui- cide attempts in lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth. Pediatrics, 127, 896–903. Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Corbin, W. R., & Fromme, K. (2008). Trajectories and determinants of alcohol use among LGB young adults and their heterosexual peers: Results from a prospective study. Development Psychology, 44, 81–90. Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Keyes, K. M., & Hasin, D. S. (2009). State- level policies and psychiatric morbidity in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations. American Journal of Public Health, 99, 2275–2281. Hatzenbuehler, M. L., McLaughlin, K. A., Keyes, K. M., & Hasin, D. S. (2010). The impact of institutional discrimination on psychiatric disorders in lesbian, gay, and bisexual popu- lations: A prospective study. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 452–459. Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Nolen-Hoeksema, S., & Erickson, S. J. (2008). Minority stress predictors of HIV risk behavior, sub- stance use, and depressive symptoms: Results from a pro- spective study of bereaved gay men. Health Psychology, 27, 455–462. Hatzenbuehler, M. L., O’Cleirigh, C., Grasso, C., Mayer, K., Safren, S., & Bradford, J. (2012). Effect of same-sex marriage laws on health care use and expenditures in sexual minor- ity men: A quasi-natural experiment. American Journal of Public Health, 102, 285–291. Heck, J. E., & Jacobson, J. S. (2006). Asthma diagnosis among individuals in same-sex relationships. Journal of Asthma, 43, 579–584. Helmer, C., Damon, D., Letenneur, L., Fabrigoule, C., Barberger- Gateau, P., Lafont, S., . . . Dartigues, J. F. (1999). Marital status and risk of Alzheimer’s disease: A French population- based cohort study. Neurology, 53, 1953–1958. Herdt, G., & Kertzner, R. (2006). I do, but I can’t: The impact of marriage denial on the mental health and sexual citizen- ship of lesbians and gay men in the United States. Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 3, 33–49. Herek, G. M. (1992). The social context of hate crimes: Notes on cultural heterosexism. In G. M. Herek & K. T. Berrill (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men (pp. 89–104). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Herek, G. M., Chopp, R., & Strohl, D. (2007). Sexual stigma: Putting sexual minority health issues in context. In I. H. Meyer & M. E. Northridge (Eds.), The health of sexual minorities (pp. 171–208). New York, NY: Springer. Herek, G. M., Cogan, J. C., & Gillis, J. R. (2002). Victim experi- ences in hate crimes based on sexual orientation. Journal of Social Issues, 58, 319–339. Hibbard, J. H., & Pope, C. R. (1993). The quality of social roles as predictors of morbidity and mortality. Social Science & Medicine, 36, 217–225. Howe, C. (2007). Sexual borderlands: Lesbian and gay migra- tion, human rights, and the Metropolitan Community Church. Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 4, 88–106. Huebner, D. M., & Davis, M. C. (2005). Gay and bisexual men who disclose their sexual orientations in the workplace have higher workday levels of salivary cortisol and nega- tive affect. Annals of Behavioral Medicine, 30, 260–267. Hughes, T. L., & Eliason, M. (2002). Substance use and abuse in lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender populations. The Journal of Primary Prevention, 22, 263–298. Human Rights Campaign. (2013). Marriage center. Retrieved from http://www.hrc.org/marriage-center Hutchinson, M. K., Thompson, A. C., & Cederbaum, J. A. (2006). Multisystem factors contributing to disparities in preventive health care among lesbian women. Journal of Obstetric, Gynecologic & Neonatal Nursing, 35, 393–402. Institute of Medicine. (2011). The health of lesbian, gay, bisex- ual, and transgender people: Building a foundation for better understanding. Washington, DC: Author. Irwin, M. R. (2008). Human psychoneuroimmunology: 20 years of discovery. Brain, Behavior, and Immunity, 22, 129– 139. Jones, E. E., Farina, A., Hastorf, A. H., Markus, H., Miller, D. T., & Scott, R. A. (1984). Social stigma: The psychology of marked relationships. New York, NY: W.H. Freeman. Joung, I., Van De Mheen, H. D., Stronks, K., Van Poppel, F. W., & Mackenbach, J. P. (1998). A longitudinal study of health selection in marital transitions. Social Science & Medicine, 46, 425–435. Katz-Wise, S. L., & Hyde, J. S. (2012). Victimization experiences of lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals: A meta-analysis. Journal of Sex Research, 49, 142–167. Kavanaugh-Lynch, M., White, E., Daling, J., & Bowen, D. J. (2002). Correlates of lesbian sexual orientation and the risk of breast cancer. Journal of the Gay and Lesbian Medical Association, 6, 91–96. Kim, H. J., & Fredriksen-Goldsen, K. I. (2012). Hispanic lesbians and bisexual women at heightened risk or health dispari- ties. American Journal of Public Health, 102, e9–e15. Kimmel, S. B., & Mahalik, J. R. (2005). Body image concerns of gay men: The roles of minority stress and conformity to masculine norms. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 73, 1185–1190. King, M., Semlyen, J., Tai, S. S., Killaspy, H., Osborn, D., Popelyuk, D., & Nazareth, I. (2008). A systematic review of mental disorder, suicide, and deliberate self harm in lesbian, gay and bisexual people. BMC Psychiatry, 8. doi:10.1186/1471-244X-8-70 Kirschbaum, C., Pirke, K. M., & Hellhammer, D. H. (1993). The “Trier Social Stress Test”—A tool for investigating psychobiological stress responses in a laboratory setting. Neuropsychobiology, 28, 76–81. Koblin, B. A., Hessol, N. A., Sauber, A. G., Taylor, P. E., Buchbinder, S. P., Katz, M. H., & Stevens, C. E. (1996). Increased incidence of cancer among homosexual men, by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 545 New York City and San Francisco, 1978-1990. American Journal of Epidemiology, 144, 916–923. Krieger, N. (1990). Racial and gender discrimination: Risk fac- tors for high blood pressure? Social Science & Medicine, 30, 1273–1281. Krieger, N. (2012). Methods for the scientific study of dis- crimination and health: An ecosocial approach. American Journal of Public Health, 102, 936–945. Kuyper, L., & Fokkema, T. (2010). Loneliness among older les- bian, gay, and bisexual adults: The role of minority stress. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 39, 1171–1180. Kuyper, L., & Fokkema, T. (2011). Minority stress and men- tal health among Dutch LGBs: Examination of differences between sex and sexual orientation. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 58, 222–233. Landers, S. J., Mimiaga, M. J., & Conron, K. J. (2011). Sexual orientation differences in asthma correlates in a population- based sample of adults. American Journal of Public Health, 101, 2238–2241. Lauver, D., Karon, S., Egan, J., Jacobson, M., Nugent, J., Settersten, L., & Shaw, V. (1999). Understanding lesbi- ans’ mammography utilization. Women’s Health Issues, 9, 264–274. Lehavot, K., & Simoni, J. M. (2011). The impact of minority stress on mental health and substance use among sex- ual minority women. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 79, 159–170. Leon, D. A., & Walt, G. (2001). Poverty, inequality, and health: An international perspective. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Lewis, N. M. (2009). Mental health in sexual minorities: Recent indicators, trends, and their relationships to place in North America and Europe. Health & Place, 15, 1029–1045. Lick, D. J., Tornello, S. L., Riskind, R. G., Schmidt, K. M., & Patterson, C. J. (2012). Social climate for sexual minorities predicts well-being among heterosexual offspring of les- bian and gay parents. Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 9, 99–112. Link, B. G., & Phelan, J. C. (2001). Conceptualizing stigma. Annual Review of Sociology, 27, 363–385. Liu, H., Wang, Q., Keesler, V., & Schneider, B. (2011). Non- standard work schedules, work-family conflict and paren- tal well-being: A comparison of married and cohabiting unions. Social Science Research, 40, 473–484. Lock, J., & Steiner, H. (1999). Gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth risks for emotional, physical, and social problems: Results from a community-based survey. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 38, 297– 304. Lovallo, W. R., & Thomas, T. L. (2000). Stress hormones in psychophysiological research: Emotional, behavioral, and cognitive implications. In J. T. Cacioppo, L. G. Tassinary, & G. G. Berntson (Eds.), Handbook of psychophysiology (pp. 342–367). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Lovallo, W. R., & Wilson, M. F. (1992). The role of cardiovas- cular reactivity in hypertension risk. In J. R. Turner, A. Sherwood, & K. C. Light (Eds.), Individual differences in cardiovascular response to stress: Perspectives on individual differences (pp. 165–186). New York, NY: Plenum Press. Lundberg, U. (2005). Stress hormones in health and illness: The roles of work and gender. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 30, 1017–1021. Marrazzo, J. (2004). Barriers to infectious disease care among lesbians. Emerging Infectious Diseases, 10, 1974–1978. Marshal, M. P., Friedman, M. S., Stall, R., King, K. M., Miles, J., Gold, M. A., . . . Morse, J. Q. (2008). Sexual orientation and adolescent substance use: A meta-analysis and meth- odological review. Addiction, 103, 546–566. Matthews, A. K., Brandenburg, D. L., Johnson, T. P., & Hughes, T. L. (2004). Correlates of underutilization of gynecological cancer screening among lesbian and heterosexual women. Preventive Medicine, 38, 105–113. Matthews, K. A., Salomon, K., Kenyon, K., & Zhou, F. (2005). Unfair treatment, discrimination, and ambulatory blood pressure in Black and White adolescents. Health Psychology, 24, 258–265. Mays, V. M., & Cochran, S. D. (2001). Mental health correlates of perceived discrimination among lesbian, gay, and bisex- ual adults in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 91, 1869–1876. McBride, P. E. (1992). The health consequences of smok- ing: Cardiovascular diseases. The Medical Clinics of North America, 76, 333–353. McCabe, S. E., Bostwick, W. B., Hughes, T. L., West, B. T., & Boyd, C. J. (2010). The relationship between discrimina- tion and substance use disorders among lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 1946–1952. McCabe, S. E., Boyd, C. J., Hughes, T. L., & d’Arcy, H. (2003). Sexual identity and substance use among undergraduate students. Substance Abuse, 24, 77–91. McCabe, S. E., Hughes, T. L., & Boyd, C. J. (2004). Substance use and misuse: Are bisexual women at greater risk? Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 36, 217–225. McEwen, B. S. (2006). Stress, adaptation, and disease: Allostasis and allostatic load. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 840, 33–44. McEwen, B. S., & Stellar, E. (1993). Stress and the individ- ual: Mechanisms leading to disease. Archives of Internal Medicine, 153, 2093–2101. McGarry, K. A., Clarke, J. G., Cyr, M. G., & Landau, C. (2002). Evaluating and lesbian and gay health care curriculum. Teaching and Learning in Medicine: An International Journal, 14, 244–248. McGregor, B. A., & Antoni, M. H. (2009). Psychological inter- vention and health outcomes among women treated for breast cancer: A review of stress pathways and biological mediators. Brain, Behavior, and Immunity, 23, 159–166. McNair, R., Anderson, S., & Mitchell, A. (2001). Addressing health inequalities in Victorian lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender communities. Health Promotion Journal of Australia, 11, 32–38. McNair, R., Szalacha, L. A., & Hughes, T. L. (2011). Health sta- tus, health service use, and satisfaction according to sex- ual identity of young Australian women. Women’s Health Issues, 21, 40–47. Meads, C., Carmona, C., & Kelly, M. (2012). Lesbian, gay and bisexual people’s health in the UK: A theoretical critique by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 546 Lick et al. and systematic review. Diversity and Equality in Health and Care, 9, 19–32. Mete, C. (2005). Predictors of early mortality: Health status, socioeconomic characteristics, and social determinants of health. Health Economics, 14, 135–148. Meyer, I. H. (1995). Minority stress and mental health in gay men. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 36, 38–56. Meyer, I. H. (2003). Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 674–697. Meyer, I. H. (2007). Prejudice and discrimination as social stress- ors. In I. H. Meyer & M. E. Northridge (Eds.), The health of sexual minorities (pp. 242–267). Washington, DC: APA. Miller, G. E., & Chen, E. (2010). Harsh family climate in early life presages the emergence of a proinflammatory pheno- type in adolescence. Psychological Science, 21, 848–856. Moran, N. (1996). Lesbian health care needs. Canadian Family Physicians, 42, 879–884. Newcomb, M. E., & Mustanski, B. (2010). Internalized homopho- bia and internalizing mental health problems: A meta- analytic review. Clinical Psychology Review, 30, 1019–1029. Newcomb, P. A., & Carbone, P. P. (1992). The health conse- quences of smoking: Cancer. The Medical Clinics of North America, 76, 305–331. Obedin-Maliver, J., Goldsmith, E. S., Stewart, L., White, W., Tran, E., Brenman, S., . . . Lunn, M. R. (2011). Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender-related content in undergraduate medical education. The Journal of the American Medical Association, 306, 971–977. Ortiz-Hernández, L., Gómez, B. L., & Valdés, J. (2009). The association of sexual orientation with self-rated health, and cigarette and alcohol use in Mexican adolescents and youths. Social Science & Medicine, 69, 85–93. Oswald, R. F., Cuthbertson, C., Lazarevic, V., & Goldberg, A. E. (2010). New developments in the field: Measuring commu- nity climate. Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 6, 214–228. Pachankis, J. E. (2007). The psychological implications of con- cealing a stigma: A cognitive-affective-behavioral model. Psychological Bulletin, 133, 328–345. Pachankis, J. E., & Goldfried, M. R. (2006). Social anxiety in young gay men. Journal of Anxiety Disorders, 20, 996– 1015. Pachankis, J. E., Goldfried, M. R., & Ramrattan, M. E. (2008). Extension of the rejection sensitivity construct to the inter- personal functioning of gay men. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 76, 306–317. Pascoe, E. A., & Smart-Richman, L. (2009). Perceived discrimi- nation and health: A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 135, 531–554. Perez-Benitez, C. I., O’Brien, W. H., Carels, R. A., Gordon, A. K., & Chiros, C. E. (2007). Cardiovascular correlates of disclosing homosexual orientation. Stress & Health, 23, 141–152. Petroll, A. E., & Mosack, K. E. (2011). Physician awareness of sexual orientation and preventive health recommendations to men who have sex with men. Sexually Transmitted Diseases, 38, 63–67. Prentice, D. A., & Miller, D. T. (1993). Pluralistic ignorance and alcohol use on campus: Some consequences of misper- ceiving the social norm. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 64, 243–256. Puhl, R. M., & Heuer, C. A. (2010). Obesity stigma: Important considerations for public health. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 1019–1028. Puhl, R. M., Moss-Racusin, C. A., & Schwartz, M. B. (2007). Internalization of weight bias: Implications for binge eating and emotional well-being. Obesity, 15, 19–23. Ragins, B. R., Singh, R., & Cornwell, J. M. (2007). Making the invisible visible: Fear and disclosure of sexual orientation at work. Journal of Applied Psychology, 92, 1103–1118. Raison, C. L., Capuron, L., & Miller, A. H. (2006). Cytokines sing the blues: Inflammation and the pathogenesis of depres- sion. Trends in Immunology, 27, 24–31. Rankow, E. J. (1995). Breast and cervical cancer among lesbi- ans. Women’s Health Issues, 5, 123–129. Rankow, E. J., & Tessaro, I. (1998). Mammography and risk factors for breast cancer in lesbian and bisexual women. American Journal of Health Behavior, 22, 403–410. Rehm, J., Mathers, C., Popova, S., Thavorncharoensap, M., Teerawattananon, Y., & Patra, J. (2009). Global burden of disease and injury and economic cost attributable to alcohol use and alcohol-use disorders. Lancet, 373, 2223– 2233. Reilly, A., & Rudd, N. A. (2006). Is internalized homonegativ- ity related to body image? Family & Consumer Sciences Research Journal, 35, 58–73. Richardson, J. (1995). The science and politics of gay teen sui- cide. Harvard Review of Psychiatry, 3, 107–110. Riggle, E. D. B., Rostosky, S. S., & Horne, S. G. (2010). Psychological distress, well-being, and legal recogni- tion in same-sex couple relationships. Journal of Family Psychology, 24, 82–86. Riggle, E. D. B., Thomas, J. D., & Rostosky, S. S. (2005). The marriage debate and minority stress. PS: Political Science & Politics, 38, 221–224. Roberts, S. A., Dibble, S. L., Nussey, B., & Casey, K. (2003). Cardiovascular disease risk in lesbian women. Women’s Health Issues, 13, 167–174. Ronksley, P. E., Brien, S. E., Turner, B. J., Mukamal, K. J., & Ghali, W. A. (2011). Association of alcohol consumption with selected cardiovascular outcomes: A systematic review and meta-analysis. British Medical Journal, 342, Article d671. Rosario, M., Schrimshaw, E. W., & Hunter, J. (2009). Disclosure of sexual orientation and subsequent substance use and abuse among lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths: Critical role of disclosure reactions. Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, 23, 175–184. Ryan, C. (2003). Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth: Health concerns, services, and care. Clinical Research and Regulatory Affairs, 20, 137–158. Ryan, C., Huebner, D., Diaz, R. M., & Sanchez, J. (2009). Family rejection as a predictor of negative health outcomes in White and Latino lesbian, gay, and bisexual young adults. Pediatrics, 123, 346–352. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from Sexual Minority Health 547 Ryan, C., Russell, S. T., Huebner, D., Diaz, R., & Sanchez, J. (2010). Family acceptance in adolescence and the health of LGBT young adults. Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Nursing, 23, 205–213. Safren, S. A., & Pantalone, D. W. (2006). Social anxiety and barriers to resilience among lesbian, gay, and bisexual ado- lescents. In A. M. Omoto & H. Kurtzman (Eds.), Sexual orientation and mental health: Examining identity and development in lesbian, gay, and bisexual people (pp. 55– 71). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Salovey, P., Rothman, A. J., Detweiler, J. B., & Steward, W. T. (2000). Emotional states and physical health. American Psychologist, 55, 110–121. Sandfort, T. G. M., Bakker, F., Schellevis, F. G., & Vanwesenbeeck, I. (2006). Sexual orientation and mental and physical health status: Findings from a Dutch population survey. American Journal of Public Health, 96, 1119–1125. Sandfort, T. G. M., Bakker, F., Schellevis, F. G., & Vanwesenbeeck, I. (2009). Coping styles as mediator of sexual orientation- related health disparities. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 38, 253–263. Sandfort, T. G. M., Bos, H. M. W., Collier, K. L., & Metselaar, M. (2010). School environment and the mental health of sex- ual minority youths: A study among Dutch young adoles- cents. American Journal of Public Health, 100, 1696–1700. Savage, D., & Miller, T. (2012). It gets better: Coming out, over- coming bullying, and creating a life worth living. New York, NY: Penguin. Savin-Williams, R. C. (2008). Then and now: Recruitment, defi- nition, diversity, and positive attributes of same-sex popu- lations. Developmental Psychology, 44, 135–138. Schnittker, J., & McLeod, J. D. (2005). The social psychology of health disparities. Annual Review of Sociology, 31, 75–103. Seeman, T. E., Singer, B. H., Rowe, J. W., Horwitz, R. I., & McEwen, B. S. (1997). Price of adaptation—Allostatic load and its health consequences. Archives of Internal Medicine, 157, 2259–2268. Segerstrom, S. C., & Miller, G. E. (2004). Psychological stress and the human immune system: A meta-analytic study of 30 years of inquiry. Psychological Bulletin, 130, 601–630. Shidlo, A. (1994). Internalized homophobia: Conceptual and empirical issues in measurement. In B. Greene & G. M. Herek (Eds.), Lesbian and gay psychology: Theory, research, and clinical applications (pp. 176–205). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Slavich, G. M., Way, B. M., Eisenberger, N. I., & Taylor, S. E. (2010). Neural sensitivity to social rejection is associated with inflammatory responses to social stress. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, USA, 107, 14817– 14822. Steele, L. S., Ross, L. E., Dobinson, C., Veldhulzen, S., & Tinmouth, J. M. (2009). Women’s sexual orientation and health: Results from a Canadian population-based survey. Women & Health, 49, 353–367. Stein, G. L., & Bonuck, K. A. (2001). Physician-patient relation- ships among the lesbian and gay community. Journal of the Gay and Lesbian Medical Association, 5, 87–93. Steptoe, A., Hamer, M., & Chida, Y. (2007). The effects of acute psychological stress on circulating inflammatory factors in humans: A review and meta-analysis. Brain, Behavior, and Immunity, 21, 901–912. Stevens, P. (1996). Lesbians and doctors: Experiences of soli- darity and domination in health care settings. Gender & Society, 10, 24–41. Stevens, P., & Hall, J. (1988). Stigma, health beliefs and experi- ences with health care in lesbian women. IMAGE: Journal of Nursing Scholarship, 20, 69–73. Stotzer, R. L. (2011, January). Same-sex marriage and sexual ori- entation based hate crimes: Violence as values expression. Paper presented at Society for Social Work and Research, Tampa, FL. Taylor, S. E. (2009). Health psychology (7th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Tilcsik, A. (2011). Pride and prejudice: Employment discrimina- tion against openly gay men in the United States. American Journal of Sociology, 117, 586–626. Tjepkema, M. (2008). Health care use among gay, lesbian and bisexual Canadians. Health Reports, 19, 53–64. Tops, M., Riese, H., Oldehinkel, A. J., Rijsdijk, F. V., & Ormel, J. (2008). Rejection sensitivity relates to hypo- cortisolism and depressed mood state in young women. Psychoneuroendocrinology, 33, 551–559. Traube, D. E., Holloway, I. W., Schrager, S. M., & Kipke, M. D. (2012). Utilizing social action theory as a framework to determine correlates of illicit drug use among young men who have sex with men. Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, 26, 78–88. Trippet, S. E., & Bain, J. (1992). Reasons American lesbians fail to seek health care. Health Care for Women International, 13, 145–153. Uchino, B. N., & Garvey, T. S. (1997). The availability of social support reduces cardiovascular reactivity to acute psychological stress. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 20, 15–27. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2010). Healthy people 2020. Retrieved from http://www.healthypeople .gov/2020/default.aspx U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2011). Women’s health USA. Rockville, MD: Author. Van den Aardweg, G. J. (1985). Male homosexuality and the neuroticism factor: An analysis of research outcome. Dynamic Psychotherapy, 3, 79–87. Waldo, C. R. (1999). Working in a majority context: A structural model of heterosexism as minority stress in the workplace. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 46, 218–232. Wallace, S. P., Cochran, S. D., Durazo, E. M., & Ford, C. L. (2011). The health of aging lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults in California. Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles Center for Health Policy Research. Wang, J., Hausermann, M., Counatsou, P., Aggleton, P., & Weiss, M. G. (2007). Health status, behavior, and care uti- lization in the Geneva Gay Men’s Health Study. Preventive Medicine, 44, 70–75. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from 548 Lick et al. Watson, D., & Pennebaker, J. W. (1989). Health complains, stress, and distress: Exploring the central role of negative affectivity. Psychological Review, 96, 234–254. Way, B. M., Taylor, S. E., & Eisenberger, N. I. (2009). Variation in the µ-opioid receptor gene (OPRM1) is associated with dispositional and neural sensitivity to social rejection. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, USA, 106, 15079–15084. Weber, G. N. (2008). Using to numb the pain: Substance use and abuse among lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 30, 31–48. White, J. C., & Dull, V. T. (1997). Health risk factors and health- seeking behavior in lesbians. Journal of Women’s Health, 6, 103–112. Williams, D. R., & Mohammed, S. A. (2009). Discrimination and racial disparities in health: Evidence and needed research. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 32, 20–47. Williams, D. R., & Neighbors, H. (2001). Racism, discrimination, and hypertension: Evidence and needed research. Ethnicity & Disease, 11, 800–816. Wilson, C., & Oswald, A. (2005). How does marriage affect physical and psychological health? A survey of the longitu- dinal data (IZA Discussion Paper 1619). Bonn, Germany: Institute for the Study of Labor. Woodford, M. R., Howell, M. L., Kulick, A., & Silverschanz, P. (2012). “That’s so gay!”: Examining the covariates of hear- ing this expression among gay, lesbian, and bisexual college students. Journal of American College Health, 60, 429–434. by Kerri Johnson on September 12, 2013pps.sagepub.comDownloaded from